i./S\. 


<^  PRINCETON,  N.  J.  *^ 


Presented    by\^o,\£  \J  \ivrvS  .Sc<AxAdovO\Ac[W 


Division 
Section 


IS54 
tf.i 


\ 


t 


AN 


INTRODUCTION  \% J,/ 


TO    THE 


CRITICAL   STUDY   AND  KNOWLEDGE 


OF    THE 


HOLY  SCRIPTURES. 


BY  y/ 

THOMAS  HART  WELL  HORNE,  B.D. 

of  saint  john's  college,  Cambridge  ; 

rector  of  the  united  parishes  of  saint  edmund  the  king  and  martyr  and  saint  nichola8  acons, 

lombard  street}  prebendary  of  saint  paul's. 


NEW  EDITION, 


FROM    THE     EIGHTH     LONDON    EDITION,     CORRECTED     AND     ENLARGED. 

ILLUSTRATED    WITH    ITUMEKOTJS    MAPS    AST)    FAC-SIMILES    OF    BIBLICAL    MANUSCRIPTS. 


VOLUME  I. 


NEW  YORK: 
ROBERT  CARTER  &  BROTHERS, 

2  8  5     BROADWAY. 

1854. 


•■ 


»•$• 


•  V 


TO 
THE  MOST  REVEREND  FATHER  IN  GOD, 

WILLIAM, 

BY   DIVJNE    PROVIDENCE 

LORD  ARCHBISHOP  OF  CANTERBURY, 

PRIMATE  OF  ALL  ENGLAND,  AND  METROPOLITAN. 


MY  LORD  ARCHBISHOP, 

In  offering  to  the  British  Public  a  new  edition  of  the  Introduction 
to  the  Critical  Study  and  Knowledge  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  to  whom  can  I 
dedicate  it  with  more  propriety  than  to  your  Grace  ? 

While  you,  my  Lord,  presided  over  the  Diocese  of  London,  when  I  was 
unknown,  except  by  the  publication  of  the  first  edition,  you  were  pleased  to 
consider  the  production  of  a  layman,  who,  by  the  death  of  his  parents,  had 
been  deprived  of  the  opportunity  of  prosecuting  his  studies  at  one  of  the  Uni- 
versities, sufficient  to  authorize  your  Grace  to  admit  me  to  Holy  Orders :  and 
I  was  thus  enabled  to  realize  the  long-cherished  wish  of  devoting  myself  to  the 
service  of  our  Reformed  Church,  in  attachment  to  whose  principles  I  had  been 
educated  at  the  Royal  and  Ancient  Foundation  of  Christ's  Hospital. 

Your  Grace  has  since  honoured  my  various  publications  with  your  approba- 
tion ;  and,  in  presenting  me  to  the  benefice  which  I  now  hold,  your  Grace  has 
enhanced  the  value  of  the  favour  conferred,  by  the  manner  in  which  it  was 
bestowed ;  kindly  and  promptly,  without  expectation,  without  solicitation. 

The  former  editions  of  this  introduction  were  inscribed  to  a  late  eminent 
nobleman  *  from  whom  I  had  received  many  favours,  the  grateful  remembrance 
of  which  I  hope  to  cherish  through  life.  But  1  could  not  suffer  the  work  again 
to  go  forth  to  the  public,  without  offering  some  memorial  of  my  gratitude  to 
your  Grace. 

The  very  kind  and  encouraging  reception  given  to  my  efforts  for  facilitating 
the  study  of  the  Sacred  Volume  has  animated  me  to  renewed  exertion ;  and 
in  dedicating  to  your  Grace  the  Introduction  to  the  Critical  Study  and  Know- 
ledge of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  with  the  latest  corrections  and  additions,  I  indulge 
the  hope  that  it  may  prove  not  unworthy  of  the  patronage  which  your  Grace 
has  been  pleased  to  extend  to  its  author. 

I  have  the  honour  to  subscribe  myself,  my  Lord, 

Your  Grace's  much  obliged  and  faithful  Servant, 

Thomas  Hartwell  Horne, 

JUtfE  IV.  MDCCCXXXIV. 

•  The  Rt.  Hon.  Charles,  Baron  Colchester 


ADVERTISEMENT 


THE  SEVENTH  LONDON  EDITION. 


*•  In  preparing  this  edition  for  the  press,  encouraged  by  the  very  favourable  reception  given  to  the 
former  impressions  of  this  work,  the  Author  has  carefully  revised  it  throughout;  and  has  availed 
himself  of  numerous  suggestions  for  simplifying  and  improving  the  arrangement  of  the  .several 
volumes,  which,  at  various  times,  have  been  communicated  to  him.  By  enlarging  the  pages,  and 
abridging  various  parts- which  would  admit  of  being  condensed,  as  well  as  by  transferring  to  the 
appendixes  certain  articles  which  had  before  been  incorporated  in  the  body  of  the  work,  the  Author 
has  been  enabled  to  introduce  a  considerable  quantity  of  new  and  important  matter,  without  materi- 
ally enlarging  its  size,  or  at  all  increasing  its  price.  These  various  alterations  and  additions,  he  trusts, 
will  be  found  to  render  his  labours  not  unworthy  of  a  continuance  of  that  patronage  with  which  they 
have  hitherto  been  honoured ;  and  also,  with  the  Divine  Blessing  upon  his  work,  will  contribute 
to  facilitate  the  devout  and  attentive  study  of  "  the  Holy  Scriptures,  which  alone  are  able  to  make 
us  wise  unto  salvation,  through  faith,  which  is  in  Christ  Jesus."  , 

London,  June  4,  1834. 

♦ 


ADVERTISEMENT 


NEW  AMERICAN  FROM  THE  SEVENTH  LONDON  EDITION. 


The  publishers,  on  presenting  this  extensive  and  valuable  work  to  the  public,  take  the  opportunity 
to  say,  that  they  have  spared  no  pains  to  secure  a  correct  arrangement  and  impression  of  the  work 
from  the  latest  London  edition,  and  to  have  it  appear  in  an  improved  form  and  style,  and  yet  at  a 
lower  price  than  the  former  edition.  By  referring  to  the  Author's  Advertisement  above,  it  will  also 
be  readily  seen  tl\at  this  edition  has  many  and  important  advantages  over  any  other.  It  comprises 
all  the  Author's  most  recent  improvements  and  additions ;  and  it  will  be  seen  that  he  has  revised  the 
whole  work,  simplified  its  arrangement,  and  added  much  new  and  important  matter 

Philadelphia.  October,  1835. 


LET    THE    SWEET    SAVOUR    OF    JEHOVAH     OUR    GOD    BE    CJPON    US, 
AND    THE    WORK    WE    TAKE   JN    HAND    DIRECT    FOR    US  J 
THE    WORK    WE    TAKE    IN    HfeAND    DO    THOU    DIRECT  ! 

PSAL.  XC.  17.    BI8HOP    HOHSLKY's    VERSIOW, 


IP    I    HAVE    DONE    WELL    AND    AS    IS    FITTING    THE     STORY,    IT    IS    THAT    WHICH    I    DESIRED;     BUT    IF 
SLENDERLY    AND    MEANLY,    IT    IS    THAT    WHICH    I    COULD    ATTAIN    UNTO. 

3    MACCABEES    IT.  38. 


PREFACE 


TO  THE  SECOND  EDITION .* 


The  Author  of  the  present  work  cannot  offer  a 
new  edition  of  it  to  the  Public,  without  expressing 
the  grateful  sense  he  entertains  of  the  very  favour- 
able manner  in  which  his  volumes  have  been 
received.  In  addition  to  the  extensive  circula- 
tion which  his  work  has  obtained  in  the  Universi- 
ties and  other  Theological  Seminaries  in  England, 
he  has  the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that  it  has  been 
adopted  as  a  text  book  in  various  Universities  and 
Theological  Seminaries  in  North  America. 

Thus  encouraged,  the  Author  has  sedulously- 
availed  himself  of  the  suggestions  which  have 
been  liberally  .communicated  to  him  for  correct- 
ing his  work,  and,  improving  its  arrangement. 
By  enlarging  the  pages,  as  well  as  employing  a 
small  but  clear  and  distinct  type  in  several  parts 
of  the  work,  he  has  been  enabled  to  introduced 
large  mass  of  new  and  important  matter. 

The  Introduction  to  the  Critical  Study 
and  Knowledge  of  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
once  more  offered  to  the  Public,  is  designed  as  a 
comprehensive  Manual  of  Sacred  Literature, 
selected  from  the  labours  of  the  most  eminent 
biblical  critics,  both  British  and  foreign.  It  ori- 
ginated in  the  Author's  own  wants  many  years 
since,  at  an  early  period  of  life  ;  when  he  stood 
in  need  of  a  guide  to  the  reading  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  which  would  not  only  furnish  him 
with  a  general  introduction  to  them,  but  would 
also  enable  him  to  solve  apparent  contradictions, 
and  to  study  the  Bible  with  that  attention  which 
its  supreme  importance  demands:  for  "every 
sentence  of  the  Bible  is  from  God,  and  every  man 
is  interested  in  the  meaning  of  it."t  At  this 
time  the  Author  had  no  friend  to  assist  his 
studies, — or  remove  his  doubts, — nor  any  means 
of  procuring  critical  works.  At  length  a  list  of 
the  more  eminent  foreign  biblical  critics  fell  into 
his   hands,  and  directed    him    to   some  of  those 

•  This  prelace  was  first  printed  in  the  year  1821 :  it  is  now 
reprinted  with  the  requisite  alterations,  to  adapt  it  to  the  present 
improved  arrangement  of  the  following  work. 

■J-  Bishop  Horsley. 


sources  of  information  which  he  was  seeking  ;  he 
then  resolved  to  procure  such  of  them  as  his  very 
limited  means  would  permit,  with  the  design, 
in  the  first  instance,  of  satisfying  his  own  mind  on 
those  topics  which  had  perplexed  him,  and  ulti 
mately  of  laying  before  the  Public  the  result  of 
his  inquiries,  should  no  treatise  appear  that  might 
supersede  such  a  publication. 

The  idea  thus  conceived  has  been  steadily  kept 
in  view  for  more  than  twenty  years;*  and  al 
though,  during  that  interval,  several  valuable  trea- 
tises have  appeared  on  the  study  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  to  which  he  gladly  acknowledges  him- 
self indebted  for  many  important  hints  and  illus- 
trations ;  yet,  since  no  one  has  been  published  in 
the  English  language,  embracing  all  those  im 
portant  subjects,  which  the  Author  apprehends  to 
be  essential  to  the  Critical  Study  of  the  sacred 
volume,  he  has*  been  induced  to  prosecute  his 
investigations,  the  result  of  which  he  tenders  foi 
the  assistance  of  others. 

The  two  Volumes,!  of  which  the  work  now 
consists,  will  be  found  to  comprise  the  followino 
topics  : 

Volume  I.  contains  a  Critical  Inquiry  ink 
the  Genuineness,  Authenticity,  uncorrupted  Pre 
servation  and  Inspiration  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  , 
including,  among  other  subjects,  a  copious  inves- 
tigation of  the  testimonies  from  profane  author! 
to  the  leading  facts  recorded  in  the  Scriptures, 
particularly  a  new  branch  of  evidence  for  their 
credibility,  which  is  furnished  by  coins,  medals, 
inscriptions,  and  ancient  structures. — This  is  fol- 
lowed by  a  full  view  of  the  arguments  afforded 
by  miracles  and  prophecy,  for  the  inspiration  of 
the  Scriptures,  and  by  a  discussion  of  the  internal 
evidence ^for  their  inspiration,  furnished  by  the 
sublimity  #nd  excellence  of  the  doctrines,  and  by 
the  purity  of  the  moral  precepts,  revealed  in  the 

*  Now  upwards  of  thirty  years.  [1834.] 

■\  This  work  being  originally  in  four  volumes,  the  Preface  hat 
been  slightly  altered  to  suit  the  present  arrangement  in  two 
volumes. 


PREFACE  TO  THE 

Bible; — the  harmony  subsisting  between  every 
part; — the  preservation  of  the  Scriptures  to  the 
present  time ;— *and  their  tendency  to  promote  the 
present  and  eternal  happiness  of  mankind,  as 
evinced  by  an  historical  review  of  the  beneficial 
effects  actually  produced  in  every  age  and  coun- 
try by  a  cordial  reception  of  the  Bible ;  together 
with  a  refutation  of  the  very  numerous  objections 
which  have  been  urged  against  the  Scriptures  in 
recent  delstical  publications. 

In  the  first  edition  of  this  work*  the  Author 
had  given  a  very  brief  outlipe  of  the  evidences 
for  the  genuineness  and  inspiration  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament, and  a  more  extended  view  of  the  genuine- 
ness, credibility,  and  inspiration  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament ;  and,  being  unwilling  to  augment,  unne- 
cessarily, the  number  of  treatises  extant  on  these 
subjects,  he  referred  his  readers  to  a  few  which 
are  justly  accounted  the  most  valuable.  In  pre- 
paring the  second  edition  for  the  press,  it  was  his 
intention  to  condense  these  remarks,  and  to  sub- 
join a  few  additional  considerations  :  but  he  was 
induced  to  deviate  from  this  design  by  the  exten- 
sive circulation  of  infidel  works  and  tracts,  whose 
avowed  object  was,  by  the  unblushing  reassertion 
of  old  and  often  refuted  objections,  or  by  specious 
insinuations,  to  undermine  and  to  subvert  the 
religion  of  Jesus  Christ — "  the  pillar  of  society, 
Lhe  safeguard  of  nations,  the  parent  of  social  order, 
which  alone  has  power  to  curb  the  fury  of  the 
passions,  and  secure  to  every  one  his  rights  ;  to 
the  laborious  the  reward  of  their  industry,  to  the 
rich  the  enjoyment  of  their  wealth,  to  nobles  the 
preservation  of  their  honours,  and  to  princes  the 
stability  of  their  thrones."  Called  upon  by 
name  from  the  press,  to  consider  these  objections 
to  Divine  Revelation,  the  author  felt  it  his  duty 
not  to  shrink  from  the  task ;  and  as  the  antasco- 
nists  of  the  Scriptures  have  in  some  degree  varied 
the  ground  of  their  attacks,  he  indulges  the  hope 
that  a  temperate  discussion  of  this  subject,  accom- 
modated to  the  present  times,  may  be  not  unac- 
ceptable to  the  biblical  student,  who  may,  perhaps, 
at  some  future  time,  be  exposed  to  meet  with  the 
enemies  of  the  Scriptures.  To  his  own  mind, 
ndeed,  the  result  of  the  laborious  inquiries,  in 
vhich  he  has  thus  been  necessarily  involved,  has 
jeen  highly  satisfactory  : — for,  not  having  access 
o  all  the  numerous  and  able  defences  of  Chris- 
ianity  against  the  infidels  of  former  ages,  he  has 
>een  obliged  to  consider  every  objection  for  him- 
lelf  ; — and  in  every  instance  he  has  found  that  the 

•  The  first  edition  was  published  June  4th,  1818. 


SECOND  EDITION. 

numerous — he  had  almost  said  innumerable — con- 
tradictions, alleged  to  exist  in  the  Sacred  Writ- 
ings, have  disappeared  before  an  attentive  and 
candid  examination.  It  may,  perhaps,  be  thought 
that  the  gross  and  illiberal  manner,  in  which 
some  of  the  productions  in  question  have  been 
executed,  renders  them  unworthy  of  notice  :  C3t 
nothing  surely  is  unworthy  of  notice  that  is  calcu- 
lated to  mislead  the  ignorant  or  the  unwary ;  and 
though  some  of  the  objections  raised  by  the 
modern  opposers  of  Divine  Revelation  are  so 
coarse  as  to  carry  with  them  their  own  refutation, 
yet  others  are  so  concisely  and  speciously  ex- 
pressed, as  to  demand  several  pages, — the  result 
of  many  days'  laborious  research,  in  order  to 
detect  their  sophistry  and  falsehood. 

When  the  Author  began  to  prepare  this  first 
volume  for  the  press,  he  had  it  in  contemplation 
to  publish  it  in  a  detached  form,  in  order  to  fur- 
nish a  ready  and  immediate  reply  to  the  objec- 
tions which  at  that  time  were  almost  daily  issued 
from  the  press.  In  such  a  form  it  had  even  been 
announced  to  the  Public :  but  as  the  objections 
continued  to  be  multiplied,  the  work  impercepti- 
bly accumulated  in  its  progress ;  and  when  the 
first  volume  was  completed,  the  Author  was 
obliged  reluctantly  to  abandon  the  idea  of  a  dis- 
tinct publication,  on  account  of  the  additional 
pecuniary  loss  which  he  would  inevitably  have 
incurred.  He  has  only  to  express  his  ardent 
hope,  that  this  part  of  his  labours  may,  through 
the  Divine  Blessing,  enable  his  readers  to  be 
ready  always  to  give  an  answer  to  every  man 
that  asketh  them  a  reason  of  the  hope  that  is  in 
them  ;  and  he  most  earnestly  requests  that  they 
will  examine  and  combine,  with  candour  and 
attention,  all  the  various  evidences  here  adduced 
for  the  genuineness,  authenticity,  credibility,  and 
divine  inspiration  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  ;  and 
then  solemnly  and  deliberately,  as  rational  and 
accountable  beings,  deduce  that  inference  from  the 
whole,  for  which  they  must  hereafter  answer  at 
the  tribunal  of  God. 

The  remainder  of  this  volume,  in  Two  Parts, 
treats,  first,  on  Sacred  Criticism  ;  including  an 
Historical  and  Critical  Account  of  the  Original 
Languages  of  Scripture,  and  of  the  Cognate  or 
Kindred  Dialects ; — a  Critical  History  of  the 
Text  of  the  Holy  Scriptures ; — a  Critical  Notice 
of  tin  Divisions  and  Marks  of  Distinction  occur- 
ring in  Manuscripts  and  Printed  Editions  of  the 
Scriptures,  and  of  the  Principal  Manuscripts  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments  ; — and  an  Account  of 
the  Ancient  Versions  of  the  Scriptures.      These 


PREFACE  TO  THE  SECOND  EDITION. 


liscuss\ons  are  followed  by  dissertations, — On  the 
Causes  and  Sources  of  the  Various  Readings 
occurring  in  the  Scriptures,  with  a  Digest  of  the 
chief  Critical  Canons  for  weighing  and  applying 
them  ;  on  the  Quotations  from  the  Old  Testament 
in  the  New,  with  New  Tables  of  the  Quotations 
at  length,*  in  Hebrew,  Greek,  and  English,  and  a 
Classirication  of  them  ;  showing,  first,  their  rela- 
tive agreement  with  the  Hebrew  and  with  the 
Septuagint ;  and,  secondly,  whether  they  are  pro- 
phecies cited  as  literally  fulfilled  ;  prophecies 
typically  or  spiritually  applied  ;  prophecies  cited 
in  the  way  of  illustration  ;  or  simple  allusions  to 
the  Old  Testament; — and  on  Harmonies  of  the 
Scriptures;  including  the  different  schemes  of 
Harmonizers,  and  observations  on  the  duration 
of  the  Public  Ministry  of  Jesus  Christ. 

The  Second  Part  of  the  First  Volume  is  ap- 
propriated to  the  Interpretation  of  the  Scrip- 
tures ;  comprehending  an  investigation  of  the 
Sense  of  Scripture,  and  of  the  Signification  of 
Words  ; — the  Subsidiary  Means  for  ascertain- 
ing the  Sense  of  Scripture  ;  viz.  the  Testi- 
mony of  Contemporary  Writers,  Ancient  Ver- 
sions, Scholiasts  and  Glossographers,  and  the 
Testimony  of  Foreigners  who  have  acquired  a 
Language  ;  the  Context  ;  Subject-Matter  ;  Scope ; 
Analogy  of  Languages  ;  Analogy  of  Faith;  the 
Assistance  to  be  derived  from  Jewish  Writings 
and  also  from  the  Greek  Fathers,  in  the  Interpre- 
tation of  the  Scriptures  ;  Historical  Circum- 
stances ;  and  Commentaries.  4 

These  discussions  are  followed  by  the  applica- 
tion of  the  preceding  principles,  for  ascertaining 
the  sense  of  Scripture,  to  the  Special  Interpre- 
tation of  the  Sacred  Writings,  including  the 
Interpretation  of  the  Figurative  Language  of 
Scripture,  comprehending  the  principles  of  Inter- 
pretation of  Tropes  and  Figures  ;  together  with 
an  examination  of  the  Metonymies,  Metaphors, 
Allegories,  Parables,  Proverbs,  and  other  figura- 
tive modes  of  speech  occurring  in  the  Bible ; — the 
Interpretation  of  the  Poetical  Parts  of  Scripture  ; 
the  Spiritual  Interpretation  of  Scripture,  including 
the  Interpretation  of  Types  ; — the  Interpretation 
of  Prophecy,  including  general  Rules  for  ascer- 
taining the  Sense  of  the  Prophetic  Writings,  with 


•  In  the  first  edition,  Tables  of  References  only  were  given 
to  the  Quotations  from  the  Old  Testament  in  the  New ;  but  as 
these  quotations  have  been  frequently  made  the  subject  of  cavil 
by  the  adversaries  of  the  Scriptures,  and  as  all  students  have  not 
the  time  »J  find  out  and  compare  several  hundred  references, 
the  Author  has  now  given  them  at  length,  accompanied  with 
the  be?t  critical  remarks  which  he  could  collect 


Observations  on  the  Accomplishment  of  Prophecy 
in  general,  and  especially  of  the  Predictions  rela 
tive  to  the  Messiah  ; — the  Interpretation  of  the 
Doctrinal  and  Moral  Parts  of  Scripture,  and  of  the 
Promises  and  Threatenings  therein  contained  ;— 
the  Interpretation  and  Means  of  harmonizing 
Passages  of  Scripture,  which  are  allegecMo  be  con 
tradictory  ; — and  the  Inferential  and  Practical 
Reading  of  the  Sacred  Writings. 

The  utmost  brevity,  consistent  with  perspicuity 
has  been  studied  in  this  portion  of  the  work  ;  and, 
therefore,  but  few  texts  of  Scripture,  compara- 
tively, have  been  illustrated  at  great  length.  Bui 
especial  care  has  been  taken,  by  repeated  colla- 
tions, that  the  very  numerous  references  which 
are  introduced  should  be  both  pertinent  and  cor- 
rect ;  so  that  those  readers,  who  may  be  disposed 
to  try  them  by  the  rules  laid  down,  may  be 
enabled  to  apply  them  with  facility. 

An  Appendix  to  this  volume  comprises  a  parti 
cular  examination  of  the  books  commonly  termed 
the  Apocrypha,  of  the  miracles  of  the  ascension 
of  Jesus  Christ,  and  the  descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit 
on  the  Apostles,  and  of  the  difficulties  attendant 
on  the  propagation  of  Christianity.  These  dis- 
cussions are  followed  by  a  table  of  the  chief  pro- 
phecies relative  to  the  Messiah,  both  in  the  Old 
and  New  Testament,  and  by  an  examination  of 
the  genuineness  of  Josephus's  testimony  concern- 
ing Jesus  Christ. 

In  Volume  II.  will  be  found  a  Sketch  or  Sum- 
mary of  Biblical  Geography  and  Antiqui 
ties,  in  four  parts  : — 

Part  I.  includes  an  outline  of  the  Histori- 
cal and  Physical  Geography  of  the  Holy 
Land. 

Part  II.  treats  on  the  Political  and  Milita- 
ry Affairs  of  the  Jews,  and  other  nations  inci- 
dentally mentioned  in  the  Scriptures. 

Part  III.  discusses  the  Sacred  Antiquities 
of  the  Jews,  arranged  under  the  heads  of  Sacred 
Places,  Sacred  Persons,  Sacred  Times  and  Sea- 
sons, and  the  Corruptions  of  Religion  among  the 
Jews,  their  Idolatry  and  various  Sects,  togethei 
with  a  description  of  their  Moral  and  Religious 
State  in  the  time  of  Jesus  Christ. 

Part  IV.  discusses  the  Domestic  Anti- 
quities, or  the  Private  Life,  Manners,  Cus- 
toms, Amusements,  &c.  of  the  Jews,  and  other 
nations  incidentally  mentioned  or  alluded  to  in 
the  Holy  Scriptures. 

This  volume  contains  (besides  chronological 
and  other  tables  of  money,  weights,  and  mea- 
sures)   a   Biographical,  Historical,  and    Geogra- 


phical  Index  of  the  most  distinguished  Persons, 
Nations,  Countries,  and  Places  mentioned  in  the 
Bible,  especially  in  the  New  Testament ;  includ- 
ing an  abstract  of  profane  oriental  history,  from 
the  time  of  Solomon  to  the  captivity,  illustrative 
of  the  History  of  the  Hebrews  as  referred  to  in 
the  Prophetic  Writings,  and  presenting  historical 
notices  of  the  Assyrian,  Chaldee,  Median,  and 
Persian  empires.  In  this  Index  are  incorporated 
References  to  the  Principal  Matters  contained  in 
this  Volume ;  so  as  to  render  it,  in  fact,  both  a 
concise  System  and  a  Dictionary  of  Biblical 
Antiquities. 

In  this  Volume  the  Author  has  attempted  only 
a  sketch  of  Biblical  Geography  and  Antiquities. 
To  have  written  a  complete  treatise  on  this  inte- 
resting subject, — as  he  conceives  such  a  treatise 
should  be  written, — would  have  required  a  work 
nearly  equal  in  extent  to  the  present :  but  though 
he  has  been  designedly  brief  in  this  part  of  his 
undertaking,  he  indulges  the  hope  that  few  really 
essential  points,  connected  with  sacred  antiquities, 
will  appear  to  have  been  omitted. 

The  remainder  of  this  volume  is  appropriated 
to  the  Analysis  of  Scripture.  It  contains 
copious  Critical  Prefaces  to  the  respective  Books, 
and  Synopses  of  their  several  contents.  In  draw- 
ing up  these  synopses,  the  utmost  attention  has 
been  given  in  order  to  present,  as  far  as  was  prac- 
ticable, at  one  glance,  a  comprehensive  view  of 
the  subjects  contained  in  each  book  of  Scripture. 
In  executing  this  part  of  his  work,  the  Author 
has  endeavoured  to  steer  between  the  extreme 
prolixity  of  some  analysts  of  the  Bible  and  the 
too  great  brevity  of  others  ;  and  he  ventures  to 
hope,  that  this  portion  of  his  labours  will  be  found 
particularly  useful  in   studying  the   doctrinal 

PARTS  OF  THE  SCRIPTURES. 

A  copious  Appendix  to  this  volume  comprises 
(among  other  articles)  bibliographical  and  critical 
notices,  methodically  arranged,  of  the  principal 
editions  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  Versions 
thereof,  both  ancient  and  modern,  including  a 
history  of  the  chief  modern  Versions  ;  together 
with  notices  of  the  principal  Philologers,  Critics, 
and  Commentators  who  have  elucidated  the  Text, 


PREFACE  TO  THE  SECOND  EDITION. 

History,  and  Antiquities  of  the  Bible.  These 
bibliographical  notices  have  been  derived  partly 
from  the  Author's  knowledge  of  their  works, 
partly  from  the  recorded  opinions  of  eminent 
biblical  critics,'  and  partly  from  the  best  critical 
journals  and  other  sources  :  the  preference  being 
invariably  given  to  those  which  are  distinguished 
by  the  acknowledged  talent  and  ability  with  which 
they  are  conducted.  The  facility  of  commercial 
intercourse  with  the  Continent,  and  the  sales  by 
auction  of  several  valuable  divinity  libraries,  have 
also  enabled  the  Author  to  procure  many  critical 
works  that  would  otherwise  h&ye  been  inacces- 
sible. 

Throughout  the  work  references  have  been  made 
to  such  approved  writers  as  have  best  illustrated 
particular  subjects  ;  and  care  has  been  taken  to 
specify  the  particular  editions  of  the  authorities 
cited  in  the  notes  to  the  following  pages.  They 
are  all  referred  to  for  the  statements  contained  in 
the  text ;  many  of  them  furnish  details  which 
the  limits  of  the  present  volumes  would  not 
admit ;  and  some  few  give  accounts  and  represen- 
tations which  the  Author  thought  he  had  reason 
to  reject.  All  these  references,  however,  are  in- 
duced for  the  convenience  of  those  readers,  who 
may  have  inclination  and  opportunity  for  pro- 
secuting more  minute  inquiries. 

Such  are  the  plan  and  object  of  the  work,  once 
more  submitted  to  the  candour  of  the  Public.  The 
Author  has  prosecuted  his  labours  under  a  deep 
sense  of  the  responsibility  attached  to  such  an  un 
dertaking  ;  and,  though  he  dares  not  hope  that 
he  can  altogether  have  avoided  mistake,  yet  he 
can  with  truth  declare  that  he  has  anxiously  en- 
deavoured not  to  mislead  any  one 

The  Author  cannot  conclude  this  preface  with- 
out tendering  his  grateful  acknowledgments  to  the 
Right  Reverend  the  Lord  Bishop  of  London 
(now  Archbishop  of  Canterbury),  for  his  libe- 
ral offer  of  access  to  the  Episcopal  Library  at 
Julham  ;— an  offer,  the  value  of  which  (though 
he  had  occasion  to  avail  himself  of  it  only  tc 
a  limited  extent)  was  greatly  enhanced  by  the 
kindness  and  promptitude  with  which  it  was 
made. 


CONTENTS 

OF 

THE    FIRST    VOLUME. 


ON  THE  GENUINENESS,  AUTHENTICITY,  INSPIRA- 
TION, ETC.  OF  THE  HOLY  SCRIPTURES. 


Chapter  I.  On   the  Possibility,    Probability,  and 
Necessity  of  a  Divine  Revelation,  page 

I.  Revelation  defined 15 

II.  Possibility  of  a  Revelation ib. 

III.  Probability  of  such  Revelation  shown: — 

1.  From  the  Credit  given,  in  all  Ages,  to  false 

Revelations 15, 16 

2.  From  the  Fact,  thai  the  wisest  Philosophers 

of  Antiquity  thought  a  Divine  Revelation 
probable,  and  also  expected  one  .        .  16 

IV.  Necessity  of  such  Revelation  proved: — 

1.  From  the  Inability  of  mere  human  Reason  to 

attain  to  any  certain  Knowledge  of  the  Will 

ofGod 16-19 

2.  From  the  utter  Want  of  Authority  which  at- 

tended the  purest  Precepts  of  the  ancient 

Philosophers 19,20 

3    From  the  actual  State  of  Religion  and  Morals 

among  the  modern  Heathen  Nations  .        .        21,  22 
Refutation  of  the  Objection,  that  Philosophy  and 
right  Reason  are  sufficient  to  instruct  Men  in 

their  Duty 22-26 

VI.  Possible  Means  of  affording  a  Divine  Revelation  .        86,  27 

Chapter  II.   On  the  Genuineness  and  Authenticity 
• if  the  Old  and  New  Testaments 

Kfct"^n  I.   On  tl^e  Genuine/less  and  Authenticity  of 

Kie  Old  Testament.        ......  28 

I.  The  Hebrew  Scriptures,  why  termed  the  Old  Tes- 

r.ient  ib. 

II  Grcit  Importance  ef  the  Question,  whether  the 
Books  contained  in  the  Old  Testament  are  genu- 
ine or  spurious? — Genuineness  and  Authenticity 
defined ib. 

III.  Genuineness  of  the  Canon  of  the  Old  Testament  .        28,  29 

1.  External  Proofs  of  the  Genuineness  and 

Authenticity  of  the  Canonical  Books  of  the 

Old  Testament 29 

(1.)  The  Manner  in  which  these  Books  have 

been  transmitted  to  us   .         .         .        .  ib. 

(2.)  The  Paucity  of  Books  extant,  when  they 

were  written ib. 

(3.)  The  Testimony  of  the  Jews      .         .        .  ib. 

(4.)  A  particular  Tribe  was  set  apart  to  pre- 
serve these  Writings      ....  ib. 
(5.)  Quotations  of  them  by  ancient  Jews        .         29,30 
(6.)  The  Evidence  of  ancient  Versions  .        .  31 

2.  Internal  Evidence: — 

(1.)  The    Language,   Style,   and    Manner  of 

Writing i'6. 

(2.)  The  minute  Circumstantiality  of  Time, 
Persons,  Places,  &c.  mentioned  in  tho 
Old  Testament 31,32 

IV.  Genuineness  and  Authenticity  of  the  Pentateuch,  in 

particular,  proved  : — 

1.  From  the  Language  itself       ....  32 

2.  From  the  Nature  of  the  Mosaic  Laws     .  ib. 
:t.   From  the  united  Historical  Testimony  of  Jews 

and  Gentiles 32-35 

4.  From  the  Contents  of  the  Pentateuch     .        .  35,  36 
V.  Particular  Objections   to   the  Authenticity  of  the 

Pentateuch,  considered  and  refuted     .        .  36-38 

■*ection  II.    On   the   Genuineness  and  Authenticity 
of  the  JVe~.o  Testament. 
I.  General  Title  of  the  New  Testament     .        .        .        38,  39 

II.  Account  of  its  Canon 39 

III.  Genuineness  of  the  Books  of  the  New  Testament        39,  40 

IV.  Their  Authenticity  proved  from, 

1   The  Impossibility  of  Forgery    ...  40 

2.  External  or  Historical  Evidence,  attend- 
ed by  ancient  Jewish.  Heathen,  and  Chris- 
Vol.  I.  B 


PAQI 

tian  Testimonies  in  their  Favour  and  also 
by  ancient  Versions  of  them  in  different 
Languages 40-48 

3.  Internal  Evidence : — 

(1.)  The  Character  of  the  Writers  .        .        .  48 

(2.)  The    Language   ami    Style  of  the    New 

\'<   lament 48,49 

(3.)  The  minute  Circumstantiality  of  the  Nar- 
ralives,  together  with  the  Coincidence 
of  the  Accounts  there  delivered,  with 
the  History  of  those  Times    .  .        49-52 

Section  III.  On  the  Uncorrupted  Preservation  of 
the  Books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments. 

I.  The  Uncorrupted  Preservation  of  the  Old  Testa- 

ment proved  from  the  absolute  Impossibility  of 
its  being  falsified  or  corrupted  : — 

1.  By  Jews 52,  53 

2.  By  Christians   .  ....  53 
.).  From  the  Agreement  of  all  the  ancient  Para- 
phrases and  Versions  extant         ...  ib 

4.  From  the  Agreement  of  all  the  Manuscripts 

extant 54 

II.  The  Uncorrupted  Preservation  of  the  Books  of  the 
New  Testament  proved  from, 

1.  Their  Contents  .  ....  ib 

2.  The  Impossibility  of  an  Universal  Corruption 

of  them  being  accomplished        ...        54,  55 
'■',.  The  Agreement  of  all  the  Manuscripts  extant  55 

4.  The  Agreement  of  ancient  Versions,  and  of 
the  Quotations  from  the  New  Testament  in 
the  Writings  of  the  early  Christians    .        .        55  56 

III.  General  Proofs  that  no  Canonical  Books  of  Scrip- 

ture either  are  or  ever  were  lost  ...  56 

IV.  Particular  Proofs  as  to  the  Integrity  of  the  Old  Tes- 

tament   ....  ....        56, 57 

V.  Particular  Proofs  as  to  the  New  Testament    .  57.  58 

Chapter  III.  On  the  Credibility  of  the  Old  and  New 

Testaments. 
Sf.ctiox  I.  Direct  Evidences  of  the  Credibility  of  the 
Old  and  Neiv  Testaments. 
Their  Credibility  shown, 
I.  From  the  Writers  having  a  perfect  Knowledge  ol 

the  Subjects  they  relate        .        .  59, 60 

II.  From  the  moral  Certainty  of  Falsehood  be:         »• 

tected,  if  there  had  been  any       .        .       •  60 

This  proved  at  large, 

1.  With  respect  to  the  Old  Testament  60-62 

•.'.  With  respect  to  the  New  Testament  62-66 

III.  From  the  Subsistence,  to  this  very  Day,  of  i 

Ordinances  or  Monuments,  instituted  to  pe 
ate  the  Memory  of  the  principal  Facts  and  E 
recorded  in  the  Scriptures    ....  66,  67 

IV.  From  the  Establishment  and  Propagation  of  C    . 

tianily 67, 68 

Section  II.  Testimonies  to  the  Credibility  of  the  L 
and  JVVw  Testaments  from  Natural  and  Ci 
History. 

§  1.  Testimonies  from  Natural  and  Civil  History  b 

the  Credibility  of  the  Old  Testament  78 

$  2.  Testimonies  of  Profane  Writers  to  the  Credi- 
bility of  the  New  Testament       ...  " 
V  3.  Collateral  Testimonies  to  the  Truth  of  the  Facts 
recorded   in  the  Scriptures,  from  ancient 
Coins,  Medals,  and  Marbles  ... 

Chapter  IV.  All  i/ie  Books  of  ilie  Old  and  New  Tes- 
taments are  of  Divine  Authority,  and  their  Authors 
are  divinely  inspired. 

Sectiox   I.  Preliminary  Observations. 

I.  Inspiration  defined 92 

II.  Its  Reasonableness  and  Necessity    .  *6. 
III.  Impossibility  of  the  Scriptures  being  a  Contrivance 

of  Man  ...  ib 

IV    Criteria  of  Inspiration  •         •  .93 


in 


CONTENTS. 


Section  II.  The  Miracles  related  in  the  Old  and 
J\"e~w  Testaments  are  Proofs  that  the  Scriptures 
■mere  given  by  Inspiration  of  God. 

I.  A  Miracle  defined 

II.  Nature  of  the  Evidence  arising  from  Miracles 

III.  Design  of  Miracles 

IV.  Credibility  of  Miracles  vindicated  and  proved 

V.  That  the  Credibility  of  Miracles  does  not  decrease 

with  the  Lapse  of  Years 

VI.  Criteria  of  Miracles 

VII.  Application  of  these  Criteria, 

1.  To  the  Miracles  wrought  by  Moses  and  Joshua 

2.  To  those  of  Jesus  Christ  and  his  Apostles      . 
VI11.  Examination  of  some  of  the  principal  Miracles  re- 
corded in  the  New  Testament     . 

IX.  Particularly  of  the  Resurrection  of  Jesus  Christ 

1.  Christ's  Prophetic  Declarations  concerning  his 

Death  and  Resurrection       .        .        .        . 

2.  Evidence   of  Adversaries   of  the   Christian 

Name  and  Faith  to  the  Reality  of  this  Fact 

3.  The  Character  of  the  Witnesses     . 

4.  The  Miracles  wrought  by  these  Witnesses    . 
Concluding  Observations   on  the  Resurrection  of 

Christ 

X.  General  Summary  of  the  Argument  furnished  by 

Miracles 

XI.  A  Comparison  of  the  Scripture  Miracles  and  pre- 
tended Pagan  and  Popish  Miracles 

i  kction  III.    On  Prophecy. 

I.  Prophecy  defined 

II.  Difference  between  the  pretended  Predictions  of 

Heathen  Oracles  and  the  Prophecies  contained 

in  the  Scriptures 

III.  Use  and  Intent  of  Prophecy 

[V.  Chain  of  Prophecy,  and  Classification  of  Scripture 

Prophecies 

Class  I.  Prophecies  relating  to  the  Jewish  Na- 
tion in  particular 

Class  II.  Prophecies  relating  to  the  Nations  or 

Empires  that  were  neighbouring  to  the  Jews 

Class  III.  Prophecies  directly  announcing  the 

Messiah  ;  their  Number,  Variety,  and  minute 

Circumstantiality 

Class  IV.  Prophecies  delivered  by  Jesus  Christ 

and  his  Apostles 

The  five  Causes  assigned  by  Mr.  Gibbon  for 
the  Diffusion  of  Christianity  shown  to  be 

inapplicable 

Objections  from  the  alleged  Non-universality 

of  the  Christian  Religion  refuted 
Predictions  of  the  Apostles  relative  to  the  Cor- 
ruptions of  Christianity  and  the  Spread  of 

Infidelity 

Objections  taken  from  the  alleged  Darkness 
and  Uncertainty  of  Prophecy  shown  to  be 
unfounded 

Chapter  V.  Internal  Evidences  of  the  Inspiration 

of  the  Scriptures. 

Section  I.  The  System  of  Doctrine  and  the  Moral 
Precepts  -which  are  delivered  in  the  Scriptures,  are 
so  excellent  and  so  perfectly  holy,  that  the  Persons 
■who  published  them  to  the  World  must  have  de- 
rived them  from  a  purer  and  more  exalted  Source 
than  their  ow?i  Meditations. 

§  1.  A  Concise  View  of  the  Religion  of  the  Patri- 
archal Times 

$  2.  A  Summary  View  of  the  Doctrines  and  Pre- 
cepts of  the  Mosaic  Dispensation  . 

$  3.  A  Summary  View  of  the  Doctrines  and  Pre- 
cepts of  the  Gospel  Dispensation  . 

$  4.  On  the  Objections  of  Unbelievers  to  the  Doc- 
trine and  Morality  of  the  Bible 

Section  II.  The  Harmony  and  Connection  subsist- 
ing bet-ween  all  the  Parts  of  Scripture,  are  a  fur- 
ther Proof  of  its  Jtuthority  and  Divine  Original  . 

Section  III.  The  Preservation  of  the  Scriptures  is 
a  Proof  of  their  Truth  and  Divine  Origin    . 

Section  IV.  The  Tendency  of  the  Scriptures  to  pro- 
mote the  present  and  eternal  Happiiiess  of  Man- 
kind, constitutes  another  unaiis-werable  Proof  of 
their  Divine  Inspiration        ..... 

I.  Appeals  of  Christian  Apologists  and  Testimonies  of 
Heathen  Adversaries  to  the  Effects  of  the  Gospel 
upon  the  first  Christians 

II.  Beneficial  Effects  of  Christianity  upon  Society  in 

general 

III.  On  the  Political  Slate  of  the  World 


93,94 

94 

94,95 

95-97 

97 
98-100 

100, 101 
101-103 

103-106 
106 

106, 107 

107-110 

110-114 

114 

114,115 

115, 116 

116-119 


119 

120-122 
122 

ib. 

122-124 

124-126 

126-129 
129-132 

132, 133 
134-140 

140. 141 

141. 142 


142, 143 
143-148 
148-158 
158-167 

167 
168 

169 


169. 170 

170. 171 

171. 172 


PAOfl 

IV.  On  Literature  and  the  Fine  Arts  .        .  172, 17S 
V.  Historical  Facts  further  attesting  the  Benefits  con- 
ferred by  the  Gospel  upon  the  World          .        .     173-175 

VI.  Effects  produced  by  Christianity  in  private  Life, 

compared  with  those  produced  by  Infidelity       .     175-177 

Section  V.   The  Advantages  possessed  by  the  Chris- 
tian lieligion  over  all  other  Religions,  a  demonstra- 
tive Evidence  of  its   divine  Origin  and  Authority  177 
Peculiar   Advantages  of  Christianity  over  all  other 
Religions,  in 

I.  Its  Perfection 177 

II.  Its  Openness 177, 178 

III.  Its  Adaptation  to  the  State  and  Capacities  of  all 

Men 178 

IV.  The  Spirituality  of  its  Worship        ....  ib 

V.  Its  Opposition  to  the  Spirit  of  the  World          .        .  179 
VI.  Its  Humiliation  of  Man,  and  Exalting  of  the  Deity  ib. 

VII.  Its  Restoration  of  Order  to  the  World      .  ib. 
VIII.  Its  Tendency  to  eradicate  all  evil  Passions  from  the 

Heart      .        .                ib. 

IX.  Its  Contrariety  to  the  Covetousness  and  Ambition 

of  Mankind ib 

X.  Its  restoring  the  Divine  Image  to  Man    .        .        .  ib. 

XI.  Its  mighty  Effects ib 

Section  VI.  friability  to  ans-wer  all  Objections,  no 
just  Cause  for  rejecting  the  Scriptures. —  Unbe- 
lievers in  Divine  Revelation,  more  credulous  than 
Christians 180-183 

Chapter  VI.  Recapitulation  of  the  Evidences  for  the 
Truth  and  Divine  Authority  of  the  Scriptures. — 
Moral  Qualifications  for  the  Study  of  the  Sacred 
Writings. 

Recapitulation 183-186 

The  Scriptures  a  perfect  Rule  of  Faith  and  Morals. — 
Moral  Qualifications  for  the  Study  of  the  Scriptures, 
and  in  what  Order  they  may  be  read  to  the  greatest 
Advantage 186,187 


PART  I. 

ON  SCRIPTURE-CRITICISM. 

Chapter  1.  On  the  Original  Languages  of  Scrip' 

ture. 
Section  I.  On  the  Hebre-w  Language. 

Introductory   Remarks  on  the  Oriental  or  Shemitish 

Languages 188, 189 

I.  Origin  of  the  Hebrew  Language     ....  182 

II.  Historical  Sketch  of  the  Hebrew  Language    .        .  190 

III.  Antiquity  of  the  Hebrew  Characters       .        .        .  ib. 

IV.  Antiquity  of  the  Hebrew  Vowel-Points  .        .        .  191,192 

Section  II.   On  the  Greek  Language. 

I.  Similarity  of  the  Greek  Language  of  the  Nevw  Tes- 
tament with  that  of  the  Alexandrian  or  Septua- 
gint  Greek  Version        ....  .  193 

II.  The  New  Testament,  why  written  in  Greek         .     193, 194 

III.  Examination  of  the  Style  of  the  New  Testament  .    194-196 

IV.  Its  Dialects 196 

Hebraisms         ....  196-198 

Rabbinisms 198 

Aramaeisms,  or  Syriasms  and  Chaldaisms  ib. 

Latinisms ib. 

Persisms  and  Cilicisms    ....  199 

Section  III.   Of  the  Cognate  or  Kindred  Languages. 
I.  Aramaean  with  its  two  Dialects:  1.  The  Chaldee; 

2.  The  Syriac 199 

II.  The  Arabic,  with  its  Derivative,  the  Ethiopic       .  tA 

III.  Use  and  Importance  of  the  Cognate  Languages  to 

Sacred  Criticism ib 

Chapter  II.  Critical  History  of  the  Text  of  the  Holy 

Scriptures. 
Section  I.  History  and  Condition  of  the  Text  of  the 

Old  Testament. 
§  1.  History  of  the  Hebre-w  Text. 

I.  From  the  Writing  of  the  Books  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment until  the  time  of  Jesus  Christ      .        .        .  20C 

1.  History  of  the  Pentateuch        ....  ib. 

2.  Ancient  History  of  the  remaining  B<-oks  of 

the  Old  Testament  tb. 
II.  From  the  time  of  Jesus  Christ  to  the  age  of  the 

Masorites jfi. 

1.  History  of  the  Text  in  the  first  century  .        .  16 

2.  From  the  second  to  the  fifth  century       .  201 

3.  Particularly  in  the  time  of  Jerome  ib 


CONTENTS. 


II 


III    From  the  age  of  the  Masorites  to  the  Invention  of 

the  Art  of  Printing 201 

1.  Origin  of  the  Masora. — Its  Object  and  Critical 

Value 201,202 

2.  Oriental  and  Occidental  Readings  .  202 

3.  Recensions  of  Aaron  ben   Asher  and  Jacob 

ben  Naphtali         .  ....  203 

•1.  Standard  Copiei  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  in 

the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries     .         .  ib. 

IV.  From  the  Invention  of  the  Art  of  Printing  to  our 

own  time ib. 

\  2.  History  and  Condition  of  the  Samaritan  Pen- 
tateuch. 
I.  Origin  of  the  Samaritans  .        .  .  203 

II.  Account  of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  .  ib. 

III.  Variations  of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  from  the 

Hebrew 204 

IV.  Versions  of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch    .        .        .  ib. 

SlCTIOH  II.  History  and    Condition  of  the  Text  of 
the  New  Testament. 
Account  of  the  different  Families,  Recensions,  or  Edi- 

tions  of  Manuscripts  of  the  New  Testament    .        .  204,205 

I.  The  System  of  Recensions  of  Bengel     .        .        .  205 

II.  Of  Griesbach 205,  206 

III.  Of  Michaelis 20C 

IV.  Of  Mattluci ib. 

V.  Of  Nolan 206-208 

VI.  Of  Hug 208,  209 

VII.  Of  Eichhorn     ...                         ...  209 

VIII.  Of  Scholz 209-212 

IX.  On  the  Foedus  cum  Grajcis,  or  Coincidence  between 

many  Greek  Manuscripts  and  the  Latin  Version  212 

Section  III.  On  the  Divisions  and  Marks  of  Dis- 
tinction occurring  in  Manuscripts  and  printed 
Editions  of  the  Scriptures. 

§  1.  On  the  Divisions  and  Marks  of  Distinction 
occurring  in  the  Old  Testament. 

I.  Different  Appellations  given  to  the  Scriptures 

II.  General  Divisions  of  the  Canonical  Books,  particu- 

larly of  the  Old  Testament   

1.  The  Law 

2.  The  Prophets  ...  .        . 

3.  The  Cetubim  or  Hagiographa 
III.  Modern  Divisions  of  the  Books  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment.— Chapters  and  Verses         .... 

§  2.  On  the  Divisions  and  Marks  of  Distinction 
occurring  in  the  New  Testament. 

I.  Ancient  Divisions  of  Tit>.o.  and  K;?*>.»ix 
Ammonian,  Eusebian,  and  Euthalian  Sections. — 

Modern  Division  of  Chapters       .... 
II.  Account  of  the  Ancient  and  Modern  Punctuation 

of  the  New  Testament 

Ancient  Et.jc:,  and  Modern  Verses 

III.  Of  the  Titles  to  each  Book  • 

IV.  Subscriptions  to  the  different  Books 

Chapter  III.  On  the  Criticism  of  the  Text  of  Scrip- 
ture. 

Necessity  of  the  Criticism  of  the  Text 

Section  I.  On  the  Hebrew  Manuscripts  of  the  Old 
Testament. 

I.  Different  Classes  of  Hebrew  Manuscripts 
II.  The  Rolled  Manuscripts  of  the  Synagogue    . 

HI.  The  Square  Manuscripts  used  by  the  Jews  in  pri- 
vate life 217 

IV.  Age  of  Hebrew  Manuscripts j'6. 

V.  Of  the  Order  in  which  the  Sacred  Books  are  ar- 
ranged in  Manuscripts 217,  218 

VI.  Modern  Families  or  Recensions  of  Hebrew  Manu- 
scripts      218 

VII.  Notice  of  the  most  ancient  Manuscripts           .         .  218,  219 

VIII.  Brief  Notice  of  the  Manuscripts  of  the  Indian  Jews  219-221 

IX.  Manuscripts  of  the  Samaritan  Pcntaceuch       .         .  221 

Section  II.    On  the  Manuscripts  of  the  Greek  Scrip- 
tures. 
§  1.   General  Observations  on  Greek  Manuscripts. 

I.  On  what  Materials  written       ...  .  221 

II.  Form  of  Letters .  ib. 

III.  Abbreviations  ...                ...  ib. 

IV.  Codices  Palimpsesti  or  Rescripti              .        .  .  222 

i  2.  .Account  of  Greek  Manuscripts  containing  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments. 

1.  The  Alexandrian  Manuscript  .  .         .     222-224 

II.  The  Vatican  Manuscript  224-226 


212 

ib. 

ib. 

213 

ib. 

ib. 


214 

ib. 


ib. 

214,215 

215 

ib. 


216 


216 
216,  217 


§  3.  Account  of  Manuscripts  {entire  or  in  part)  con- 
taining the  Septnagint  or  Greek  Version  of  the 
Old  Testament. 

I.  The  Codex  Cottonianus 

If.  III.  The  Codices  Sarravianus  and  ColbertinuB 

l\  The  Codex  Coesareus 

V.  The  Codex  Arnbrosianus 

VI.  The  Codex  Coislinianus 

VII.  The  Codex  Basil io-Valicanus 

VIII.  The  Codex  Turicensis 


226,227 

227 

227,228 

223 

if> 

ib 

229 


§  4.  Account  of  the  principal  Manuscripts  contain- 
ing the  New  Testament,  entire  or  in  part,  which 
have  been  used  in  Critical  Editions  of  the  New 
Testament. 

i.  Manuscripts  writien  in  Uncial  or  Capital  Letters  .  229-238 
ii.  Manuscript!  containing  the  New  Testament  or  the 
Four  Gospels,  written  in  cursive  or  ordinary  Greek 
characters,  which  have  been  collated  and  cited 
by  editors  of  the  Greek  Testament  (and  especially 
by  Wetstein  and  Griesbach),  who  preceded  Dr. 
Scholz,  by  whom  their  notation  has  been  retained, 
with  the  exception  of  Numbers  12.  87.  98.  100. 
107.  Ill,  112.  122.  and  172    ...  .    238-25* 

iii.  Manuscripts  containing  the  New  Testament  and 
the  Gospels,  which,  for  the  first  time,  were  col- 
lated by  Dr.  Scholz 250-256 

iv.  Evangelisleria  (or  Lessons  from  the  Gospels  ap- 
pointed to  be  read  in  Divine  Service),  which 
have  been  collated  by  editors  of  the  Greek  Tes- 
tament (especially  by  Wetstein  and  Griesbach), 
who  preceded  Dr.  Scholz,  by  whom  their  notation 

has  been  retained 256,  257 

v.  Evangelisleria,  first  collated  by  Dr.  Scholz,  for  his 

critical  edition  of  the  New  Testament  .        .    257- 26C 

§  5.  Account  of  Manuscripts,  containing  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles  and  the  Catholic  Epistles  ,■  which,  with 
the  exception  of  the  Manuscript  noted  by  the  letter 
H.,  and  of  those  numbered  56  and  58,  have  been  col- 
lated ana  cited  by  editors  of  the  Greek  Testament, 
who  preceded  Dr.  Scholz,  by  whom  their  notation  has 
been  retained. 
i.  Manuscripts  written  in  Uncial  or  Capital  Letters  260,261* 
ii.  Manuscripts  written  in  cursive  or  ordinary  Greek 

Characters 261*— 264* 

iii.  Manuscripts  first  collated  by  Dr.  Scholz,  for  his  cri- 
tical edition  of  the  New  Testament    .        .        265*— 268' 

§  6.  Manuscripts  containing  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul. 
i.  Manuscripts  written  in  Uncial  or  Capital  Letters, 

collated  by  Editors  who  preceded  Dr.  Scholz      .  268 

ii.  Manuscripts  written  in  small  Greek  Letters  268* — 271 

iii.  Manuscripts,  which  for  the  first  time  were  collated 

by  Dr.  Scholz 271*  273« 

§  7.  Manuscripts  containing  the  Apocalypse  or  Reve- 
lation of  Saint  John. 
i.  Manuscripts  written   in  Uncial  or  Capital  Letters, 

collated  by  Editors  who  preceded  Dr.  Scholz      .  273« 

ii.  Manuscripts  written  in  cursive  or  ordinary  Greek 

Characters 273*— 275* 

iii.  Manuscripts    collated   for   the   first    time   by  Dr. 

Scholz 275*— 276* 

§  8.  ManutcripU  containing  Lectionaries,  or  Lessons 
from  the  Acts  and  Epistles. 
i.  Manuscripts  cited  by  preceding  Editors  of  the  New 

Testament 276* 

ii.  Manuscripts  collated  for  the  first  time  by  Dr.  Scholz  276,*  277« 
§  9.  Notices  of  Manuscripts,  which  have  hitherto  been 
only  slightly  or  not  at  all  examined.  , 

I.  The  Codex  San-Gallensis       ....  277,*  278* 

Ii.  The  Codices  Manners-Suttoniani  .         .         .  278* 

III.  The  Codices  Burneiani 278* 

IV.  The  Codices  Butleiiani 278,*  261 

V.  Other  Manuscripts  existing  in  various  Libraries     . 

Section  III.  On  the  Ancient  Versions  of  the  Scrip- 
tures. 

§  1 .  On  the  Tar  gums  or  Chaldee  Paraphrases  of  the 
Old  Testament. 

Origin  of  the  Targums 

I.  Targum  of  Onkelos 

II.  Targum  of  the  Pseudo-Jonathan    . 

III.  The  Jerusalem  Targum 

IV.  The  Targum  of  Jonathan  Ben  Uzziel    . 
V.  The  Targum  of  the  Hagiographa 

VI.  The  Targum  on  the  Megilloth        .... 
VII.  VIII.  IX.  Three  Targums  on  the  Book  of  Esther 


261 


26^ 

ib. 
263 

16. 

ib. 

ib. 

ib. 

iU 


12 


CONTENTS. 


X.  A  Targum  on  tne  Books  of  Chronicles  . 
XI.  Real  value  of  the  different  Targums 
%  2.  On  the  Ancient  Greek  Versions  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. 
I.  The  Septuagint 

1.  History  of  it 

2.  A  critical  Account  of  its  Execution 

3.  What  manuscripts  were  used  by  its  Authors  . 

4.  Account  of  the  Biblical  Labours  of  Origen      . 

5.  Notice  of  the  Recensions  or  Editions  of  Euse- 

bius  and  Pamphilius,  of    Lucian  and    He- 
sychius        ...•••• 

6.  Importance  of  the  Septuagint  Version  in  the 

Criticism   and   interpretation   of    the  New 

Testament 

II.  Account  of  other  Greek  Versions  of  the  Old  Testa 
ment  

1.  Versions  of  Aquila  .... 

2.  Version  of  Theodotion         .     . 

3.  Version  of  Symmachus    .... 

4.  5,  6.  Anonymous  Versions 
HI.  References  in  Ancient  Manuscripts  to  other  Ver- 
sions.   

§  3.  On  the  Ancient  Oriental  Versions  of  the  Old  and 
New  Testaments. 
I.  Syriac  Versions  

1.  Peschito,  or  Literal  Version     . 

2.  Philoxenian  Version 

3.  Karkaphensian  Version  . 

4.  Syro-Estrangeloand  Palaestino-Syriac  Version 
II.  Egyptian  Versions  ...... 

Coptic  and  Sahidic  Versions  . 

Ammonian  and  Basmuric  Versions 

III.  Ethiopic  Version  

IV.  Arabic  Versions 

V.  Armenian  Version 

VI.  Persian  Versions  


PACE 

263 
263,  264 


264 

264,  265 

265,  266 
266 

267,  268 


§  4.  On  the  Ancient  Western  Versions  of  the  Scriptures. 
I.  Ancient  Latin  Versions  of  the  Scriptures 

1.  Old  Italic  or  Ante-Hieronymian  Version 

2.  Biblical  Labours  and  Latin  Version  of  Jerome 

3.  Vulgate  Versions  and  its  Revisions 

4.  Critical  Value  of  the  Latin  Vulgate  Version 

II.  The  Gothic  Version 

III.  Sclavonic  Version 

V.  Anglo-Saxon  Version 

Section  IV.   On  the  Authority  of  Ancient  Versions 
of  the  Scripture,  considered  as  a  Source  of  the 
Text  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments 
Section  V.  On  the  Quotations  from  the  New  Tes- 
tament in  the  Works  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Church 
and  other  Ecclesiastical  Writers 
Section  VI.   On  the  Various  Readings  occurring 

in  the  Old  and  New  Testament, 
(j  1.  On  the  Causes  of  Various  Readings. 

I.  The  Christian  Faith  not  affected  by  what  are  called 
Various  Readings         ...... 

II.  Nature  of  Various  Readings. — Difference  between 
them  and  mere  Errata 

III.  Notice  of  the  principal  Collations  and  Collections 

of  Various  Readings  

IV.  Causes  of  Various  Readings  .... 

1.  The  Negligence  or  Mistakes  of  Transcribers 

2.  Errors  or    Imperfections   in   the   Manuscript 

copied  ....... 

3.  Critical  Conjecture 

4.  Wilful  Corruptions  of  a  Manuscript  from  Party 

Motives 

$  2.  Sources  whence  the  True  Readings  are  to  be  deter- 
mined. 

I.  Manuscripts  

II.  The  most  ancient  and  the  best  Editions 

III.  Ancient  Versions  

IV.  The  Writings  of  Josephus  for  the  Old  Testament 
V.  Parallel  Passages 

VI.  Quotations  from  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  in 

the  Works  of  the  Fathers  .... 

VII.  The  Fragments  of  Heretical  Writings     . 

VIII.  Critical  Conjecture 

§  3.  General  Rules  for  Judging  of  Various  Readings  in 

the  Old  and  New  Testaments 

Chapter  IV.  On  the  Quotations  from  the  Old  Tes- 
lament  in  the  New. — Quotations  in  the  Arcw  Tes- 
tament from  the  Apocryphal  Writers,  arid  from 
°rofane  Authors 


268 


ib. 

ib. 

268,  269 

269 

ib. 

ib. 

270 


270 

270,  271 

271 

272 

ib. 

ib. 

272,  273 
273 

273,  274 
274 
275 

ib. 

275 
ib. 

275,  276 

276,  277 
277 

277-279 

279,  280 

280 


280 


280 


2S1, 

282 

282 

283 

ib. 
ib. 

284 

284 
ib. 

2S5 


285 

286 

286,  287 

288 

ib. 

288,  289 
289 

289,  290 

290-292 


293 


Section  I.  On  the  External  Form  of  the  Quotas 
tions  from  the  Old  Testament  in  the  New. 

§  1.  Tables  of  the  Quotations  from  the  Hebrew  Scripturct 
and  from  the  Septuagint  Version,  in  the  Order 
in  which  they  occur  in  the  New  Testament 

§  2.  Classification  of  the  Quotations  from  the  Hebrew 
Scriptures  in  the  Netv  Testament 

§  3.  Classification  of  the  Quotations  from  the  Septuagint 
Version  in  the  Nexu  Testament 

§  4.  Considerations  on  the  probable  Causes  of  the  seem- 
ing Discrepancies  in  the  Quotations  from  the 
Old  Testament  in  the  New  .... 

Section  II.   On  the  Internal  Form  of  Quotations, 
or  the  Mode  in  which  Citations  from  the  Old  Tes- 
taments are  applied  in  the  New. 
General    Observations    on    the   Rabbinical    and   other 
modes  of  Quoting  the  Old  Testament. — Classifi- 
cation of  the  Quotations  in  the  New  Testament 
I.  Quotations  from  the  Old  Testament  in  the  New,  in 
which  the  Predictions  are  literally  accomplished 
II.  Quotations  in  which  that  is  said  to  have  been  done, 
of  which  the  Scriptures   have  not  spoken  in  a 
literal,  but  in  a  spiritual  Sense     . 

III.  Quotations  made  by  the  Sacred  Writers  in  the  way 

of  Illustration  

IV.  Quotations  and  other  Passages  in  the  Old  Testa- 

ment, which  are  alluded  to  in  the  New 

Section  III.  Of  Apocryphal  Passages,  supposed  to 
be   quoted   in   the   New    Testament. — Quotations 
from  Profane  Authors        ..... 
Chapter  V.   On  Harmonies  of  Scripture. 

I.  Occasion  and  Design  of  Harmonies  of  Scripture 
II.  Harmonies  of  the  Four  Gospels 
III.  Observations  on  the  different  Schemes  of  Harmo- 
nizers,  and  on  the  Duration  of  the  Public  Minis- 
try of  Jesus  Christ 


293-310 
311,312 
312,  313 

313,314 


316 
316 

ib. 

316,317 

318 

318,  319 

319 

319,  320 

320,  32' 


PART  II. 

ON  THE  INTERPRETATION  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


BOOK    I . 

GENERAL  PRINCIPLES  OF  INTERPRETATION 

Chapter  I.  On  the  Sense  of  Scripture. 
Section  I.   On  the  Meaning  of  Words. 

I.  Nature  of  Words 323 

II.  Sense  of  Scripture  defined ib. 

1.  The  Literal  Sense 322,  323 

2.  The  Allegorical,  Typical,  and  Parabolic  Sense  323 

3.  The  Moral  Sense  of  Professor  Kant  shown  to 

be  without  Foundation         ....     323,  324 

4.  The  Declarations  of  Jesus  Christ  and  his  Apos- 

tles are  nut  an  Accommodation  to  Popular 

Opinion  and  Prejudice  ....  324 

Section  II.   General  Pules  for  investigating  the 

Meaning  of  Words.            .         .         .         .         .  324-326 

Section  III.   Of  Emphases. 

I.  Nature  of  Emphasis  :— its  different  kinds      .         .  326,  327 

II.  Verbal  Emphases            327 

1.  Emphases  of  the  Greek  Article      .        .        .  327,  328 

2.  Emphases  of  other  words       ....  328 

3.  Emphatic  Adverbs ib. 

III.  Real  Emphases •  ib. 

IV.  General  Rules  for  the  Investigation  of  Emphases        328   329 
Chapter  II.   On  the  Subsidiary  Means  for  ascer- 
taining the  Usus  Loquendi. 

Section  I.  Direct  Testimonies  for  ascertaining  the 
Usus  Loquendi. 
§  1.  The  testimony  of  Cotemporary  Writers. — Sources 

of  this  Testimony: — 329 

I.  Definition  of  Words i'h 

II.  Examples,  and  the  Nature  of  the  Subject  .  ib. 

III.  Comparison  of  Similar  or  Parallel  Passages        .     330-338 
§  2.  Ancient  Versions  : — 

Importance   of  Ancient  Versions  as  an  Herme- 

neutical  Aid  333 

Observations  on    the   respective  Merits   of    the 

several  Ancient  Versions         ....     333,  334 
Rules  for  consulting  them  to  the  best  Advantage    334,  335 


CONTENTS. 


13 


§  3.  Scholiasts  and  Ghsographers  : — 

I.  Nature  of  Scholia 

II.  And  of  Glossaries 

III.  Rules  for  consulting  them  to  advantage  in  the 
Interpretation  of  the  Scripture! 
§  4.   On    the  Testimony   of  Foreigners  who  have   ac- 
quired a  Language  : — 
I.  Importance  of  this  Testimony    .        .        .        . 
II.  Rules  for  applying  it  to  the  interpretation  of  the 

Scriptures 

Section  II.  Indirect  Testimonies  for  ascertaining 
the  Usus  Loquendi. 

$  1.  Of  the  Context:—         .... 
I.  The  Context  defined  and  illustrated    . 
II.  Rules  for  ascertaining  the  Context 
$  2.  Of  the  Subject-Matter 

§  3.  Of  the  Scope         

I.  The  Scope  defined. — Importance  of  investigate 

the  Scope  of  a  Book  or  Passage  of  Scripture 
II.  Rules  for  investigating  it    . 
§  4.  Analogy  of  Languages        .... 
I.  Analogy  of    Languages   defined. — Its   different 
Kinds 

II.  Use  of  Grammatical  Analogy 

III.  Analogy  of  Kindred  Languages  . 

IV.  Hints  for  consulting  this  Analogy  in  the  Inter 

pretation  of  Scripture 
V.  Foundation  of  Analogy  in  all  Languages 
§  5.  Of  the  Analogy  of  Faith 

I.  Analogy  of  Faith  defined  and  illustrated 
II.  Its  Importance  in  studying  the  Sacred  Writings 

III.  Rules  for  investigating  the  Analogy  of  Faith 
§  6.  On  the  Assistance  to  be  derived  from  Jewish  Writ 

ings  in  the  Interpretation  of  the  Scriptures : — 
I.  The  Apocryphal  Books  of  the  Old  Testament 
II.  The  Talmud 

1.  The  Misna 

2.  The  Gemara  or  Commentary 

3.  Jerusalem  and  Babylonish  Talmuds  . 
III.  The  Writings  of  Philo  and  Josephus 

1.  Account  of  Philo       .... 

2.  Account  of  Josephus 
§  7.  On  the  Assistance  to  be  derived  from  the  Writings 

of  the  Greek  Fathers  in  the  interpretation  of  the 

Scriptures 

§  8.  On  Historical  Circumstances  : — 

I.  Order  of  the  Different  Books  of  Scripture 
II.  Their  Titles 

III.  Their  Authors 

IV.  Their  Dates 

V.  The  Place  where  written    . 
VI.  Occasion  on  which  they  were  written 

VII.  Ancient  Sacred  and  Profane  History 

VIII.  Chronology 

IX.  Biblical  Antiquities,  including 

1.  The  Political  and  Ecclesiastical  State  of  the 

Jews  and  other  Nations  mentioned  in  the 
Scriptures 

2.  Coins,  Medals,  and  other  ancient  Remains 
Cautions   in   the   Investigation  of  Biblical 

Antiquities 

3.  Geography 

4.  Genealogy  

5.  Natural  History 

6.  Philosophical  Sects  and  Learning 
§  9.  On  Commentaries  : — 

I.  Different  Classes  of  f"mmentators 
II.  Nature  of  Scholia 

III.  Commentaries  

IV.  Modern  Versions  and  Paraphrases 

V.  Homilies  

VI.  Collections  of  Observations  on  Holy  Writ  . 
VII.  The  Utility  and  Advantage  of  Commentaries 
VIII.  Design  to  be  kept  in  View  when  consulting  them 
IX.  Rules   for  consulting  Commentators  to  the  best 
Advantage 


335 

t'6. 


ib. 


:ar> 

335,  336 


336 

336,  337 

337,  338 

338,  339 
339 

ib. 

339,  340 
340 

341 
ib. 

ib. 

311,342 
342 

ib. 

ib. 

342,  343 

343,  344 


344 

ib. 
345 

ib. 

ib. 

ib. 

ib. 
346 


346-349 

348 

ib. 

ib. 

ib. 

348,  349 

349 

ib. 

ib. 


350 
350,  351 

351 
ib. 
ib. 

352 
ib. 

ib. 
ib. 
ib. 

352,  353 
353 

ib. 
ib. 

353,  354 

354 


BOOK   II 

ON  THE  SPECIAL  INTERPRETATION  OF  SCRIPTURE. 

Chapter  I.   On  the  Interpretation  of  the  Figurative 

Language  of  Scripture      .....  3^5 

Section  I.   General  Observations  on  the  Interpreta- 


tion of  Tropes  and  Figures 


355-358 


Section  II.   On  the  Interpretation  of  the  Metmy* 
mies  occurring  in  the  Scriptures. 

Nature  of  a  Metonymy              ....  356 

I.  Metonymy  of  the  Cause 359,  360 

II.  Metonymy  of  the  Effect 360 

III.  Met  .ii yrny  of  the  Subject ib. 

IV.  Metonymy  of  the  Adjunct,  in  which  the  Adjunct 

is  put  for  the  Subject 360,  361 

Section  III.  On  the   Interpretation  of    Scripture 
Metaphors. 
Nature  of  a  Metaphor. — Sources  of  Scripture  Meta- 
phors            361 

I.  The  Works  of  Nature 361,  362 

1.  Anthropopathy 362 

2.  Prosopopoeia           ......  362,  363 

II.  The  Occupations,  Customs,  and  Arts  of  Life        .  363 

III.  Sacred  Topics,  or  Religion  and  Things  connected 

with  it ib. 

IV.  Sacred  History ib. 

Section  IV.     On   the  Interpretation  of  Scripture 
Allegories. 
The  Allegory  defined. — Different  Species  of  Allegory  364 

Rules  for  the  Interpretation  of  Scripture  Allegories  .     364-366 

Section  V.    On    the   Interpretation    of   Scripture 
Parables. 

I.  Nature  of  a  Parable              366 

II.  Antiquity  of  this  Mode  of  Instruction           .         .  ib. 

III.  Rules  for  the  Interpretation  of  Parables       .        .  366-368 

IV.  Parables,  why  used  by  Jesus  Christ      .        .        .  368,  369 

V.  Remarks   on   the  distinguishing  Excellencies   of 

Christ's  Parables,  compared  with  the  most  cele- 
brated Fables  of  Antiquity        ....    369,  370 

Section  VI.  On  Scripture  Proverbs. 

I.  Nature  of  Proverbs. — Prevalence  of  this  Mode  of 

Instruction  .        .        .  370, 371 

II.  Different  Kinds  of  Proverbs  .        .  371 

III.  The  Proverbs  occurring  in  the  New  Testament, 

how  to  be  interpreted to. 

Section  VII.  Concluding  Observations  on  the  Figu- 
rative Language  of  Scripture. 

I.  Synecdoche 371,372 

II.  Irony                     372 

III.  Hyperbole              to. 

IV.  Paronomasia ib. 

Chapter  II.  On  the  Interpretation  of  the  Poetical 
Parts  of  Scripture. 
I.  A  large  Portion  of  the  Old  Testament  proved  to  be 
Poetical. — Cultivation  of  Poetry  by  the  Hebrews 
II.  The  Sententious  Parallelism,  the  Grand  Character- 
istic of  Hebrew  Poetry. — Its  Origin  and  Varieties 

1.  Parallel  Lines  gradational      .... 

2.  Parallel  Lines  antithetic        .... 

3.  Parallel  Lines  constructive    .... 

4.  Parallel  Lines  introverted      .... 

III.  The  Poetical  Dialect  not  confined  to  the  Old  Tes- 

tament.— Reasons  for  expecting  to  find  it  in  the 

New  Testament 

Proofs  of  the  Existence  of  the  Poetical  Dialect 
there: — 

!■  From  simple  and  Direct  Quotations  of  single 
Passages  from  the  Poetical  Parts  of  the  Old 
Testament 377 

2.  From  Quotations  of  different  Passages  com- 

bined into  one  connected  whole  .         .  t'6. 

3.  From  Quotations  mingled  with  original  matter  378 

IV.  Original  Parallelisms  occurring  in  the  New  Testa- 

ment:— 

1.  Parallel  Couplets                    ....  t'6. 

2.  Parallel  Triplets                     ....  t'6. 

3.  Quatrains      .         .                 ....  t'6. 

4.  5.  Stanzas  of  Five  and  Six  Lines          .        .    378,  379 
6.  Stanzas  of  more  than  Six  Parallel  Lines       .  379 

V.  Other  Examples  of  the  Poetical  Parallelism  in  the 

New  Testament : — 

1.  Parallel  Lines  gradational     ....  t6. 

2.  The  Epanodos  ....    379,  380 
VI.  Different  Kinds  of  Hebrew  Poetry:  — 

1.  Prophetic  Poetry  ....  380 

2.  Elegiac  Poetry  .        .        •  ib. 

3.  Didactic  Poetry  .        .  ib. 

4.  Lyric  Poetry  -                 •  3S1 

5.  The  Idyl  .        .        •  ib. 

6.  Dramatic  Poetry  .            ...  ib, 

7.  Acrostic  or  Alphabetical  Poetry    .  ib. 
VII.  General  Observations  for  better  understanding  the 

Poetical  Compositions  of  the  Sacred  Poets  .    381,  383 


373 

374 

375 

ib. 

375,  376 

376 


376,  377 


14  CONTENTS. 


Chapter  111.  On  the  Spiritual  Interpretation  of 

the  Scriptures. 
Section  I.   General  Observations  on  the  Spiritual 

Interpretation  of  the  Scriptures 
Section  II.   Canons  for  the  Spiritual  Interpretation 

of  Scripture      ...•••• 

Section  III.  On  the  Interpretation  of  Types. 

I.  Nature  of  a  Type 

II.  Different  Species  of  Types  : — 

1.  Legal  Types 

2.  Prophetical  Types 

3.  Historical  Types 

III.  Rules  for  the  Interpretation  of  Types  . 

IV.  Remarks  on  the  Interpretation  of  Symbols  . 
Chapter  IV.  On  the  Interpretation  of  the  Scrip- 
ture Prophecies. 

Section  I.  General  Rules  for  ascertaining  the  Sense 

of  the  Prophetic  Writings  .... 

Section  II.  Observations  on  the  Accomplishment  of 

Prophecy  in  general  ..... 

Section  III.  Observations  on  the  Accomplishment  of 

Prophecies  Concerning  the  Messiah  in  particular 
Chapter   V.   On  the  Doctrinal   Interpretation  of 

Scripture  ...•••• 

Chapter  VI.  Moral  Interpretation  of  Scripture. 
Section  I.  On  the  Interpretation  of  the  Moral  Parts 

of  Scripture     ....... 

Section  II.  On  the  Interpretation  of  the  Promises 

and  Threatenings  of  Scripture  .         . 

Chapter  VII.  On  the  Interpretation,  and  Means  of 

harmonizing  Passages  of  Scripture  which  are  al- 
leged to  be  contradictory. 
Section  I.  Seeming   Contradictions  in  Historical 

Passages. 

§  I.  Seeming  Contradictions  in  the  different  Circum- 
stances related  400-402 


382,  383 
383-385 

385 

ib. 

ib. 

3S5,  3S6 

386,  387 

387 


388-390 

390,  391 

391,  392 
393-395 

395-398 
398, 399 


§  2.  Apparent  Contradictions  from  things  lieing  related 
in  a  different  Order  by  the  Sacred  Writers 

§  3.  Apparent  Contradictions,  arising  from  Differences 
in  Numbers        ........ 

§  4.  Apparent  Contradictions  in  the  relation  of  Events 
in  one  Passage,  and  References  to  them  in  another  . 

Section  II.  Apparent  Contradictions  in  Chronology 
Section  III.  Apparent  Contradictions  between  Pro- 
phecies and  their  Fulfilment 
Section  IV.  Apparent  Contradictions  in  Doctrine. 
§  1.  Seeming  Contradictions  from  a  M  ode  of  speaking, 
which,  to  our  apprehension,  is  not  -oifficiently  clear 
§  2.  Apparent  Contradictions    from    llie   same   Terms 
being  used  in  different  and  even  contradictory  Senses 
§  3.  Apparent  Contradictions,   in  Points  of  Doctrine, 
arising  from   the  different  Designs  of  the  Sacred 

Writers 

§  4.  Apparent  Contradictions  arising  from  the  different 
Ages  in  which  the  Sacred  Writers  lived,  and  the  dif- 
ferent Degrees  of  Knowledge  which  they  possessed 

Section  V.  Seeming  Contradictions  to  Morality    . 

Section  VI.  Apparent  Contradictions  between  the 
Sacred  Writers         ...... 

Section  VII.  Seeming  Inconsistencies  between  Sa- 
cred and  Profane  Writers  .... 

Section  VIII.  Alleged  Contradictions  to  Philosophy 
and  the  Nature  of  Things         .... 

Chapter  VIII.  On  the  Inferential  and  Practical 
Reading  of  Scripture. 

Section 
I.  Gene 

II.  Observations  for  ascertaining  the  Sources  of  Inter- 
nal Inferences 

III.  Observations  for  ascertaining  the  Sources  of  Exter- 
nal Inferences 

Section  II.   On  the  Practical  Reading  of  Scripture 

Bibliographical  Index  : — 

Index  of  Manuscripts  described  in  Volume  I.  Part  I.    , 
Index  of  Additional  Manuscripts  . 


I.  On  the  Inferential  Reading  of  the  Bible. 
Jial  Rules  for  the  Deduction  of  Inferences 


PAGE 

402,  403 

403,  404 

404 
104-400 

40ti 

406,  407 
407 

408 

408 
408-414 

414-418 

418-420 

420-429 

423,  424 

424 

424,  425 
425-427 

429-431 
431,432 


The  following  FAC-SIMILES  and  VIGNETTES  are  inserted  in  the  different  Volumes. 


1.  A  Coin,  representing  the  Temple  of  the  Ephesian  Diana,  &c. 
elucidating  Acts  xix.  35.  .        .        inserted  in  Vol.  I.  page  91. 

2.  A  Coin,  struck  by  order  of  Titus  to  commemorate  the  Destruc- 
tion of  Jerusalem,  .        .        .         inserted  in  Vol.  I.  page  91. 

3.  Form  of  a  Synagogue  Roll  of  the  Pentateuch, 

inserted  in  Vol.  I.  Part  I.  p.  216.  r  also  in  Vol.  II.  p.  103. 

4.  Fac-simile  of  a  Hebrew  Manuscript  brought  from  India, 

inserted  in  Vol.  I.  Part  I.  page  220. 

5.  Fac-simile  of  the  Codex  Alexandrinus, 

inserted  in  Vol.  I.  page  224. 

6.  Fac-simile  of  the  Codex  Vaticanus,  inserted  in  Vol.  I.  page  225. 

7.  Fac-simile  of  the  Codex  Cottonianus  of  the  Book  of  Genesis, 

inserted  in  Vol.  I.  page  226. 

8.  Fac-simile  of  the  Codex  Cassareus,  inserted  in  Vol.  I.  page  228. 

9.  Fac-simile  of -the  Codex  Bezas,     inserted  in  Vol.  I.  page  230. 

10.  Fac-simile  of  the  Codex  Laudianus, 

inserted  in  Vol.  I.  page  232. 

11.  Fac-simile  of  the  Codex  Cottonianus  of  the  Four  Gospels, 

inserted  in  Vol.  I.  page  234. 

12.  Fac-simile  of  the  Codex  Cyprius,  inserted  in  Vol.  I.  page  235. 

13.  Fac-simile  of  the  Codex  Rescriptus  of  Saint  Matthew's  Gospel, 

inserted  in  Vol.  I.  page  236. 

14.  Fac-simile  of  the  Codex  Harleianus,  No.  5598. 

inserted  in  Vol.  I.  page  237. 

15.  Fac-simile  of  the  Codex-Uffenbachianus, 

inserted  in  Vol.  I.  page  237. 

16.  Fac-simile  of  the  Codex  Montfortianus, 

inserted  in  Vol.  I.  page  241. ;  also  in  Vol.  II.  p;  367. 


17.  Fac-simile  of  the  Codex  Ebnerianus, 

inserted  in  Vol.  I.  page  244. 

18.  Fac-simile  of  the  Codex  Ottobonianus, 

inserted  in  Vol.  I.  page  267*. ;  also  in  Vol.  II.  p.  367 

19.  Fac-simile  of  the  Codex  Argenteus, 

inserted  in  Vol.  I.  page  27S. 

20.  Fac-simile  of  a  CodtX  Rescriptus  of  the  Gothic  Version, 

inserted  in  Vol.  I.  page  27S. 

21.  Fac-simile  of  the  Vulgate  Latin  Version  of  the  Compluten- 
sian  Polyglott       .        .        .         '.        inserted  in  Vol.  II.  page  368. 

22 — 43.  Twenty-two  Fac-simile  Specimens  of  Oriental  Versions 
of  the  Scriptures,     inserted  in  Bibliog.  App.  Vol.  II.  pages  68—71. 

44.  Plan  of  Jerusalem  in  the  time  of  the  Romans, 

inserted  in  Vol.  II.  page  20 

45.  Vignette  of  Mount  Tabor  as  seen  from  the  Plain  of  Esdraelon, 

inserted  in  Vol.  II.  page  23. 

46.  Plan  of  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem, 

inserted  in  Vol.  II.  page  98. 

47.  Vignette,  representing  the  Golden   Candlestick  used  in  the 
second  Temple,  from  the  Triumphal  Arch  of  Titus  at  Rome, 

inserted  in  Vol.  II.  page  100. 

48.  Vignette,  representing  the  Table  of  Show  Bread,  from  the 
Triumphal  Arch  of  Titus,     .        .        inseited  in  Vol.  II.  page  100. 

49.  Vignette,  representing  the  form  of  an  ancient  British  Writing 
Tablet,  oil  Wood,  .        .        .        inserted  in  Vol.  II.  page  1S2. 

50.  Vignette,  representing  the  Grotto  at  Nazareth,  which  is  said 
to  have  been  the  House  of  Joseph  and  Mary, 

inserted  in  Vol.  II.  Index  I.  page  1S3 


I.  The   Fac-simile  of  the  Biblia  Pauperum  to  face  the  Biblio- 
graphical Appendix  to  Volume  II.  page  29. 
The  Table  of  the  Dates,  kc.  of  the  Principal  Modern  Versions 
of  the  Scriptures,  to  face  the  Bibliographical  Appendix  to 
Volume  II.  page  32. 

II.  Map  of  Palestine,  with  the  Divisions  into  Tribes  to  face  the 
Title-page  of  Volume  II. 


DIRECTIONS  TO  THE  BINDER. 

LIST  OF  ENGRAVINGS. 

III.  Map  of  Judtea  adapted  to  the  Gospel  History,  to  face  Vol.  Ii 
page  17. 

IV.  Map  of  the  Countries  south  of  the  Dead  Sea  and  Palestine, 
together  with  the  Peninsula  of  Mount  final,  to  illustrate  the 
Journeying  of  the  Israelites  in  the  Desert,  to  face  Vol.  II. 
page  210. 

V.  Map  of  the  Travels  of  the  Apostles   to  face  Vol.  II.  page  320 


INTRODUCTION 

TO   THE 

CRITICAL   STUDY   AND   KNOWLEDGE 

OK 

THE    HOLY    SCRIPTURES. 


ON     THE    GENUINENESS,    AUTHENTICITY,    INSPIRATION,    ETC.    OF    THE 

HOLY    SCRIPTURES. 


CHAPTER  I. 

ON   THE    POSSIBILITY,    PROBABILITY,    AND    NECESSITY    OF    A    DIVINE    REVELATION. 

t  Revelation  def.ied. — II.  Possibility  of  a  Divine  Revelation. — III.  Probability  of  such  Revelation  shown,  I.  From  tht 
Credit  given,  in  all  ages,  to  false  Revelations  ;  2.  From  the  fact  that  the  wisest  philosophers  of  antiquity  thought  a 
Divine  Revelation  probable,  and  also  expected  one. — IV.  J\fecessity  of  such  Revelation  proved,  1.  From  the  inability  of 
nere  human  reason  to  attain  to  any  certain  knowledge  of  the  will  of  God ; — 2.  From  the  utter  want  of  authority,  which 
Mended  the  purest  precepts  of  the  ancient  philosophers  ;  3.  From  the  actual  state  of  religion  and  tnorals,  among  the 
modern  heathen  nations. — V.  Refutation  of  the  objection,  that  Philosophy  and  right  Reason  are  sufficient  to  in 
nen  in  their  Duty. — VI.  Possible  means  of  affording  a  Divine  Revelation. 


That  there  now  is,  and  that  for  more  than  three  thousand 
r  «rs  there  has  been,  in  the  world,  a  separate  people  called 
Ui9  Jews,  who  are  distinguished  by  peculiar  customs,  and 
profess  a  peculiar  religion  : — Further,  that  there  now  is,  and 
that  for  eighteen  centuries  there  has  existed,  in  the  world,  a 
religion  called  the  Christian  ;  and  that  its  professors,  as 
well  as  the  Jews,  appeal  to  certain  books,  by  them  accounted 
sacred,  as  the  basis  on  which  their  religion  is  founded : — 
These  are  facts  which  no  one  can  controvert. 

I.  The  volume,  to  which  Jews  and  Christians  thus  respec- 
tively appeal,  is  termed  the  Bible,  that  is,  the  book,  by  way 
(  i  eminence.  It  comprises  a  great  number  of  different 
narratives  and  compositions,  written  by  several  persons,  at 
distant  periods,  in  different  languages,  and  on  various  sub- 
jects.  Vet  all  of  these,  collectively,  claim  to  be  a  divine 
revelation,  that  is,  a  discovery  afforded  by  God  to  man  of 
Himself  or  of  His  will,  over  and  above  what  He  has  made 
known  by  the  light  of  nature,  or  reason. 

Tin-  objects  01  our  knowledge  are  of  three  kinds: — Thus, 
some  things  are  discernible  by  the  light  of  nature,  without 
revelation;  of  this  kind  is  the  knowledge  of  God  from  the 
Creation  of  the  world,  "for  his  invisible  things,  even  his 
eternal  power  and  godhead,  since  the  creation  of  the  world, 
are  clearly  seen,  being  understood  by  the  tilings  that  are 
made."  Other  things  are  of  pure  and  simple  revelation, 
which  cannot  be  known  by  the  light  of  n  ituie  :  such  is  the 
doctrine  of  the  salvation"  of  the  world  by  Jesus  Christ. 
Others,  again,  are  discoverable  by  the  light  of  nature  but 
imperfectly,  and  therefore  stand  in  need  of  a  revelation  to 
give  them  further  proof  and  evidence  ;  of  this  sort  are  a  fu- 
ture state  and  eternal  rewards  and  punishments.  13ut  of 
what  degree  soever  the  revelation  may  be,  whether  partial 
oi  entire,  whether  a  total  discovery  of  some  unknown  truths, 
or  only  a  fuller  and  clearer  manifestation  of  them,  it  must 
be  supernatural,  and  proceed  from  God. 

II.  Possibility  of  a  Divine  Revelation. 

No  one,  who  believes  that  there  is  a  God,  and  that  He  is 
a  Being  of  infinite  power,  wisdom,  and  knowledge,  can  rea- 
sonably deny,  that  He  can,  if  lie  thinks  tit,  make  a  revela- 
tion of  himself  and  of  his  will  to  men,  in  an  extraordinary 
way,  different  from  the  discoveries  made'  by  men  themselves, 
in  the  mere  natural  and  ordinary  use  of  their  own  rational 
faculties  and  powers.  For.  if  the  power  of  God  be  almighty. 
it  must  extend  to  whatever  does  not  imply  a  contradiction, 
which  cannot  be  pretended  in  this  case.  We  cannot  dis- 
tinctly explain  the  origin  of  our  ideas,  or  the  way  in  which 


they  are  excited  or  impressed  upon  the  human  mind ;  but 
we  know  that  these  ways  are  very  various.  And  can  it  be 
supposed  that  the  author  of  our  being  has  it  not  in  his  powei 
to  communicate  ideas  to  our  minds  for  informing  and  in- 
structing us  in  those  things,  which  we  are  deeply  concerned 
to  know?  Our  inability  clearly  to  explain  the  manner  in 
which  this  is  done,  is  no  just  objection  against  it.1 

And  as  it  cannot  be  reasonably  denied  that  Gvd  can,  if  he 
sees  fit,  communicate  his  will  to  men  in  a  way  of  extraordi- 
nary revelation,  so  he  can  do  it  in  such  a  manner  as  to  give 
those,  to  whom  this  revelation  is  originally  and  immediately 
made,  a  full  and  certain  assurance  that  it  is  a  true  divine 
revelation.  This  is  a  natural  consequence;  for.  to  suppose 
that  God  can  communicate  his  will  in  a  way  of  extraordi- 
nary revelation,  and  yet  that  he  is  not  able  to  give  a  suffi- 
cient assurance  to  the  person  or  persons  to  whom  he  thus 
reveals  his  will,  is  evidently  absurd  and  contradictory.  It 
is,  in  effect,  to  say,  that  he  can  reveal  his  will,  but  has  no 
way  of  making  men  know  that  he  does  so  ;  which  is  a  most 
unreasonable  limitation  of  the  divine  power  and  wisdom. 
He,  who  pretends  to  pronounce  that  this  is  impossible,  is 
bound  to  pronounce  where  the  impossibility  of  it  lies.  If 
men  can  communicate  their  thoughts  by  speech  or  language 
in  such  a  way  as  that  we  may  certainly  know  who  it  is  that 
speaks  to  us,  it  would  be  a  strange  thing  to  affirm  that  God, 
on  supposition  of  his  communicating  his  mind  and  will  to 
any  person  or  persons  in  a  way  of  extraordinary  revelation, 
has  no  way  of  causing  his  rational  creatures  to  know  that  i' 
is  He,  and  no  other,  who  makes  this  discovery  to  them.  To 
admit  the  existence  of  a  God,  and  to  deny  him  such  a  power. 
is  a  glaring  contradiction.2 

III.  Since  then  it  cannot  reasonably  be  denied,  that  it  is 
possible  for  God  to  reveal  his  will  to  mankind,  let  us  in  the 
next  place  consider  the  probability  of  such  a  revelation. 

1.  If  any  credit  be  due  to  the  n-eneral  sense  of  mankind 
in  every  age,  we  shall  scarcely  find  one  that  believed  the 
existence  of  a  God,  who  did  not  likewise  believe  that  some 
kind  of  commerce  and  communication  subsisted  between 
God  and  man.     This  was  the  foundation  of  all  the  religious 

*  This  has  been  acknowledged  by  a  late  distinguished  antagonist  of  reve 
Iation  ;  who  observes,  that  "an  extraordinary  action  of  God  upon  the  hu- 
man mind,  which  the  word  inspiration  is  now  used  to  denote,  is  not  more 
inconceivable  than  the  ordinary  action  of  mind  on  body,  or  body  on  mind  ,'• 
and  "thai  it  is  impertinent  to  deny  the  existence  of  any  phenomenon, 
merely  because  we  cannot  account  for  it."  Lord  Bolingbroke's  Works, 
vol.  ii.  p.  468.  4to.  edit. 

•  Leland's  Advantage  and  Necessity  of  the  Christian  Revelation  vol.1 
pp.  13—15.  fflro.  edit. "Glasgow,  1819.) 


16 


ON  THE  NECESSITY,  &c.  OF  A 


[Chap.  I. 


rites  and  ceremonies,  which  every  nation  pretended  to  receive 
from  their  deities.  Hence  also  the  most  celebrated  legisla- 
tors of  antiquity, — as  Zoroaster,  Minos,  Pythagoras,  Solon, 
Lycurgus,  Numa,  &c.  &c.  all  thought  it  necessary  to  pro- 
fess some  intercourse  with  heaven,  in  order  to  give  the  greater 
sanction  to  their  laws  and  institutions,  notwithstanding  many 
of  1hem  were  armed  with  secular  power.1  And  what  gave 
birth  and  so  much  importance  to  the  oracles,  divinations, 
and  auguries,  in  ancient  times,  was  the  conscious  sense  en- 
tertained by  mankind  of  their  own  ignorance,  and  of  their 
need  of  a  supernatural  illumination;  as  well  as  the  persua- 
sion, that  their  gods  held  a  perpetual  intercourse  with  men, 
and  by  various  means  gave  them  intelligence  of  future 
things. 

2.  The  probability  of  a  divine  revelation  further  appears 
from  this  circumstance,  that  some  of  the  wisest  philoso- 
phers, particularly  Socrates  and  Plato,  confessed  that  they 
stood  in  need  of  such  a  revelation  to  instruct  them  in  mat- 
ters which  were  of  the  utmost  consequence.  With  regard 
to  the  state  of  morals,  they  acknowledged  that,  as  the  state 
of  the  world  then  was,  there  was  no  human  means  of  re- 
forming it.  But  they  not  only  saw  and  acknowledged  their 
great  want  of  a  divine  revelation,  to  instruct  them  in  their 
conduct  towards  God  and  towards  man ;  they  likewise  ex- 
pressed a  strong  hope  or  expectation,  that  God  would,  at 
some  future  time,  make  such  a  discovery  as  should  dispel 
(he  cloud  of  darkness  in  which  they  were  involved. - 

IV.  From  the  preceding  remarks  and  considerations,  we 
are  authorized  to  infer,  that  a  divine  revelation  is  not  only 
probable,  but  also  absolutely  necessary. 

1.  In  fact,  without  such  revelation,  the  history  of  past 
ages  has  shown,  that  mere  human  reason  cannot  attain  to 
any  certain  knowledge  of  the  will  or  law  of  God,  of  the 
true  happiness  of  man,  or  of  a  future  state.  To  a  reflecting 
and  observant  mind,  the  harmony,  beauty,  and  wisdom  of 
all  the  varied  works  of  creation  are  demonstrative  evidence 
of  a  First  Great  Cause;  and  the  continued  preservation  of 
all  things  in  their  order,  attests  a  divine  and  superintending 
Providence.  But  the  ultimate  design  of  God  in  all  his  works 
cannot  be  perfectly  known  by  the  mere  light  of  nature,  and 
consequently  our  knowledge  of  his  preceptive  will  or  law  is 
equally  uncertain,  so  far  as  his  works  disclose  it  or  philoso- 
phy has  discovered  it.3  Indeed,  if  we  examine  the  writings 
of  the  most  celebrated  ancient  philosophers,  we  shall  find 
that  they  were  not  only  ignorant  of  many  important  points 
in  religion  which  revelation  has  discovered  to  us,  but  also 
that  endless  differences  and  inconsistencies  prevailed  among 
them  in  points  of  the  greatest  moment ;  while  some  of  them 
taught  doctrines  which  directly  tend  to  promote  vice  and 
wickedness  in  the  world  ;  and  the  influence  of  all,  in  recti- 
fying the  notions  and  reforming  the  lives  of  mankind,  was 
inconsiderable.  A  concise  statement  of  facts  will  confirm 
and  illustrate  this  observation  : 

(1.)  The  ideas  of  the  ancients  respecting  the  nature  and 
worship  of  God  were  dark,  confused,  and  imperfect. 

While  some  philosophers  asserted  the  being  of  a  God,  others 
openly  denied  it :  others,  again,  embraced,  or  pretended  to  etn- 

i  This  fact  is  remarkably  confirmed  by  the  celebrated  heathen  geo- 
grapher Strabo,  whose  observation  on  the  supposed  intercourse  between 
mankind  and  the  Deity  is  too  striking  to  be  omitted :  "  Whatever,"  says 
he,  "becomes  of  the  real  truth  of  these  relations,  this  however  is  certain, 
that  men  did  believe  and  think  them  true :  and,  for  this  reason,  prophets 
were  held  in  such  honour,  as  to  be  thought  worthy  sometimes  of  royal 
dignity,  as  being  persons  who  delivered  precepts  and  admonitions  from  the 
gods,  both  while  they  lived,  and  also  after  their  death.  Such  were  Tiresias, 
Amphiaraus,  <fcc.  &c.  Such  were  Moses  and  his  successois."  Strab. 
Geogr.  lib.  xvi.  pp.  1084,  10S5.  ed.  Oxon. 

■»  Plato,  de  Rep.  lib.  iv.  &  vi.  and  Alcibiad.  ii.  Dr.  Samuel  Clarke  has 
exhibited  these  and  other  testimonies  at  length  in  his  Discourse  on  the 
Evidence  of  Natural  and  Revealed  Religion,  proposition  vi.  (Boyle  Lec- 
tures, vol.  ii.  pp.  130—135.  folio  edit.) 

s  On  this  subject  Ihe  reader  may  peruse,  with  equal  pleasure  and  in- 
struction, Dr.  Ellis's  elaborate  treatise  on  the  "Knowledge  of  Divine 
Things  from  Revelation,  not  from  Reason  or  Nature,"  published  many 
years  since  at  Dublin,  and  reprinted  at  London  in  1811.  8vo.  Dr.  E.  also 
threw  the  substance  of  this  treatise  into  a  single  discourse,  which  may  be 
substituted  for  the  preceding  by  those  who  may  not  be  able  to  command 
the  requisite  leisure  for  reading  a  large  volume.  The  discourse  in  ques- 
tion is  printed  >n  Ihe  first  volume  of  the  well-known  and  excellent  collec- 
tion of  tracts  entitled  "The  Scholar  armed  against  the  Errors  of  the 
Time  ;"  and  is  entitled  "An  Inquiry,  whence  cometh  Wisdom  and  Under- 
standing to  Manl"  It  shows  satisfactorily,  that  Religion  and  language 
entered  the  world  by  divine  revelation,  without  the  aid  of  which  man  had 
not  been  a  rational  or  religious  creature  ;  that  nothing  can  oblige  the  con- 
science but  the  revealed  will  of  God  ;  and  that  such  a  thing  as  the  law  of 
nature  never  existed  but  in  the  human  imagination.  The  same  argument 
is  also  discussed  in  an  able  but  anonymous  tract,  (now  of  rare  occurrence, 
and  known  to  be  written  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  James  Paton,  a  divine  of  the 
Scottish  church,)  entitled  "An  Attempt  to  show  that  the  knowledge  of  God 
has,  in  all  Ages,  been  derived  from  Revelation  or  Tradition,  not  from  Na- 
ture."   Glasgow,  1773.  Svo. 


brace,  the  notion  of  a  multiplicity  of  gods,  celestial,  a  rial,  terres- 
trial, and  infernal ;  while  others  represented  the  Deity  as  a  cor- 
poreal being  united  to  matter  by  a  necessary  connexion,  and 
subject  to  an  immutable  fate.  As  every  country  had  its  peculiar 
deities,  the  philosophers  (whatever  might  be  their  private  senti- 
ments) sanctioned  and  defended  the  religion  of  the  state ;  and 
urged  a  conformity  to  it  to  be  the  duty  of  every  citizen.  They 
"  diligently  practised  the  ceremonies  of  their  fathers ;  devoutly 
frequented  the  temples  of  the  gods  ;  and  sometimes,  condescend- 
ing to  act  a  part  on  the  theatre  of  superstition,  they  concealed 
the  sentiments  of  an  atheist  under  the  sacerdotal  robes." '  It  is 
true  that  insulated  passages  may  be  found  in  the  writings  of 
some  of  the  philosophers,  which  apparently  indicate  the  most 
exalted  conceptions  of  the  divine  attributes  and  perfections 
These  and  similar  passages  are  sometimes  regarded  with  a  Chris- 
tian eye,  and  thence  acquire  a  borrowed  sanctity  :  but,  in  ordei 
to  discover  their  real  value,  they  must  be  brought  to  their  own 
standard,  and  must  be  interpreted  upon  principles  strictly  pagan, 
in  which  case  the  context  will  be  found,  either  to  claim  such 
perfections  for  the  deified  mortals  and  heroes  of  the  popular  the- 
ology, or  to  connect  them  with  some  of  those  physiological  prin- 
ciples which  were  held  by  the  different  philosophical  sects,  and 
effectually  subverted  the  great  and  fundamental  doctrine  of  one 
supreme  Creator.5  The  religion  of  the  ancient  Persians  is  said 
to  have  been  originally  founded  on  their  belief  in  one  supreme 
God,  wrho  made  and  governs  the  world.6  But  a  devotion  founded 
on  a  principle  so  pure  as  this,  if  it  survived  the  first  ages  after 
the  flood,  which  cannot  be  proved,  is  known  with  certainty  to 
have  been  early  exchanged  for  the  Sabian  idolatry  ;  the  blind 
and  superstitions  worship  of  the  host  of  heaven,  of  the  sun,  the 
planets,  and  the  fire,7  the  water,  the  earth,  and  the  winds. 

In  consequence  of  these  discordant  sentiments,  the  grossest 
polytheism  and  idolatry  prevailed  among  the  ancient  heathen 
nations.  They  believed  in  the  existence  of  many  co-ordinate 
deities,  and  the  number  of  inferior  deities  was  infinite  :8  they 
deified  dead,  and  sometimes  living  persons ;  the  former  often  out 
of  injudicious  gratitude,  the  latter  usually  out  of  base  and  sordid 
flattery.  According  to  the  vulgar  estimation,  there  were  deities 
that  presided  over  every  distinct  nation,  every  distinct  city,  every 
inconsiderable  town,  every  grove,  every  river,  every  fountain. 
Athens  was  full  of  statues  dedicated  to  different  deities.  Imperial 
Rome,  from  political  principles,  adopted  all  the  gods  which  were 
adored  by  the  nations  who  had  yielded  to  her  victorious  arms, 
and  thought  to  eternise  her  empire  by  crowding  them  all  into 
the  capital.  Temples  and  fanes  were  erected  to  all  the  passions, 
diseases,  fears,  and  evils,  to  which  mankind  are  subject.  Suited 
to  the  various  characters  of  the  divinities  were  the  rites  of  their 
worship.  Some  were  vindictive  and  sanguinary  ;  others  were 
jealous,  wrathful,  or  deceivers ;  and  all  of  them  were  unchaste, 
adulterous,  or  incestuous.  Not  a  few  of  them  were  monsters  of 
the  grossest  vice  and  wickedness  :  and  their  rites  were  absurd, 
licentious,  and  cruel,  and  often  consisted  of  mere  unmixed  crime, 
shameless  dissipation,  and  debauchery.  Prostitution,  in  all  its 
deformity,  was  systematically  annexed  to  various  pagan  temples, 
was  often  a  principal  source  of  their  revenues,  and  was,  in  some 

♦  Gibbon's  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  vol.  I.  p.  50. 

J  Dr.  Ireland,  Paganism  and  Christianity  compared,  pp.  46,  47.  Frank's 
Essay  on  the  Use  and  Necessity  of  Revelation,  p.  44.  "These  ideas  o> 
the  philosophers  of  Europe,"  says  Dr.  Robertson,  "were  precisely  the 
same  which  the  Brahmins  had  adopted  in  India,  and  according  to  which 
they  regulated  their  conduct  with  respect  to  the  great  body  of  the  people. 
Wherever  the  dominion  of  false  religion  is  completely  established,  the 
body  of  the  people  gain  nothing  by  the  greatest  improvements  in  know- 
ledge. Their  philosophers  conceal  from  them,  with  the  utmost  solicitude, 
the  truths  which  they  have  discovered,  and  labour  to  support  that  fabric 
of  superstition  which  it  was  their  duty  to  have  overturned."  Historical 
Disquisition  concerning  Ancient  India,  pp.  283,  264. 

•  Asiat.  Researches,  vol.  ii.  p.  58. 

i  Leland's  Advant.  and  Necessity  of  the  Christ.  Rev.  vol.  i.  pp.  59.  79. 

8  Thus,  the  Chaldeans  had  twelve  principal  deities,  according  to  the 
number  of  months  in  the  year  ;  and  Zoroaster,  the  great  Persian  reformer 
taught  the  Medians  and  Persians  that  there  were  two  spirits  or  beings  sub- 
ordinate to  one  supreme,  eternal,  and  self-existent  being,  viz.  Oromasdes, 
the  angel  of  light  and  promoter  of  happiness  and  virtue,  and  Arimanes,  the 
angel  of  darkness  and  author  of  misery  and  vice.— Varro  makes  three  sorts 
of  ktathen  theology  ;— the  fabulous,  invented  by  the  poets ;  the  physical, 
or  that  of  the  philosophers';  and  civil  or  popular,  which  last  was  instituted 
in  the  several  cities  and  countries.— The  Greek  theology  was  thus  distin- 
guished :— 1.  God,  who  rules  over  all  things  ;— 2.  The  gods,  who  were  sup- 
posed  to  govern  above  the  moon  ;— 3.  The  demons,  whose  jurisdiction  was  in 
the  air  below  it ;— and,  4.  The  heroes,  or  souls  of  dead  men,  who  were  ima- 
gined to  preside  over  terrestrial  affairs.  And,  besides  all  these,  the  evil 
demons  were  worshipped,  from  fear  of  the  mischief  they  might  commit. 
These  facts  will  account  for  the  prodigious  multitudi  :'  heathen  deities, 
of  which  Hesiod  computes  thirty  thousand  to  be  how  ring  about  the  earth 
in  the  air,  unless  he  is  to  be  understood  as  mean'  _w  indefinite  number. 
Orpheus  reckoned  Dnly  three  hundred  and aiXty-jmt ;  Varro  enumerated 
three  hundred  Jupiters ;  although  he  himself]  together  with  Cicero,  Seneca, 
and  some  other  eminent  philosophers,  were  ashamed  of  the  heathen  dei- 
ties, and  believed  that  there  is  but  one  God. 


IAF.  I.] 


DIVINE  REVELATION. 


17 


countries,  even  compulsory  upon  the  female  population.  Other 
impurities  were  solemnly  practised  l>y  them  in  their  templet,  and 
in  public,  from  the  very  thought  of  which  our  minds  revolt. 
Besides  the  numbers  of  men  who  were  killeil  in  the  bloody  sports 
ind  spectacles  instituted  in  honour  of  their  deities,  human  sacri- 
fices were  offered  to  propitiate  them.1  Boys  were  whipped  on 
the  ult.tr  of  Diana,  sometimes  till  they  died.  How  many  lovely 
infants  did  tin'  Carthaginians  sacrifice  to  their  implacable  god 
Moloeh  !  What  numbers  of  human  victims,  in  times  of  public 
danger,  did  they  immolate,  to  appease  the  resentment  of  the 
offended  deities  ! 

It  has  been  said  that  the  mysteries  were  designed  to  instruct 
the  people  in  the  principles  of  true  religion  and  of  true  morality; 

and  ingenious  and  learned  men  have  laboured  to  represent  them 
in  this  light,  and  also  to  show  how  well  calculated  they  are  for 
this  end.  "  They  have  said,  that  the  errors  of  polytheism  were 
detected  and  exposed,  and  the  doctrines  of  the  divine  unity2  and 
supreme  government  taught  and  explained  in  them  ;  that  the 
initiated  became  bound  by  solemn  engagements  to  reform  their 
lives,  and  to  devote  themselves  strictly  to  the  practice  and  culti- 
vation of  purity  and  virtue  ;  and  that  the  celebration  of  the  mys- 
teriea  was  extensive,  and  their  influence  great : — '  initiantur,, 
s.i\s  Cicero,  ' gentes  orarum  ultima' 

"  It  is  true,  that  the  priests  of  the  mysteries  were  highly  osten- 
tatious of  their  own  morality,  and  zealous  in  their  professions  to 
regenerate  the  people.  But  the  means  which  they  employed 
were  neither  suitable  nor  adequate  to  that  end;  nor  did  they 
answer  it.  The  mysteries,  which  it  has  been  pretended  were 
calculated  to  produce  it,  served  only,  in  fact,  to  explain  some  of 
the  subjects  of  mythology,  and  to  promote  the  designs  of  human 
policy — to  inspire  heroism,  and  to  secure  civil  subordination  and 
obedience.  In  proof  of  this  we  may  ask,  if  they  contributed  at 
all  to  change  the  people's  polytheistical  opinions,  or  to  improve 
their  morals  T  Did  they  not,  in  place  of  becoming  better  by 
them,  degenerate  daily  ?  were  they  not  oppressed  more  and 
more  by  superstition,  and  dissolved  in  vice  1  Did  not  some  of 
the  best  and  wisest  philosophers  disapprove  of  the  mysteries  ? — 
Aleibiadcs  mocked  the  gods — Anaxagoras  was  expelled  by  the 
Athenians  for  the  neglect  of  them.  Socrates  certainly  had  no 
good  opinion  of  the  mysteries — he  was  not  initiated  into  them ; 
and  circumstances  attending  them  have  been  suggested  which 
ought  to  render  their  moral  tendency  more  than  suspicious. 

••  They  were  celebrated  in  the  silence  and  darkness  of  the 
night,  with  the  utmost  secrecy.  They  were  frequently  conducted 
under  the  patronage  of  the  most  licentious  and  sensual  deities. 
The  most  indecent  objects  were  exhibited,  and  carried  in  pro- 
cession. '  It  is  a  shame,'  saith  the  Apostle,  '  even  to  speak  of 
those  things  which  were  done  of  them  in  secret.'     At  last  they 

>  Tin-"  chief  oracles  anion?  the  heathens  appointed  human  sacrifices :  as 
that  at  Delphi,  that  of  Dodona,  and  that  of  Jupiter  Saotes.  It  was  a  custom 
among  t  lie  Phoenicians  anil  Canaanites,  in  limes  of  great  calamity,  for  their 
knurs  i.i  sacrifice  one  of  ihpir  sons,  whom  they  loved  best;  and  it  was 
common  both  with  them,  as  well  as  with  the  MoabKes  and  Ammonites,  to 
sacrifice  their  children.  Further,  the  Egyptians,  the  Athenians,  and  Lace- 
demonians, and,  generally  speaking,  all  the  Greeks; — the  Romans,  Cartha- 
ginians, Germans,  Gauls,  and  Unions; — in  short,  all  the  heathen  nations 
throughout  the  world  offered  human  sacrifices  upon  their  altars  ;  and  this, 
not  0:1  certain  emergencies  and  imminent  dangers  only,  but  constantly,  and 
in  some  places  every  day.  Upon  extraordinary  accidents,  multitudes  were 
sacrificed  at  once  to  their  sanguinary  deities.  Thus,  during  the  battle 
between  the  Sicilian  army  under  (ielon  and  the  Carthaginians  under  Amil- 
car,  in  Sicily,  the  latter  remained  in  his  camp,  offering  sacrifices  to  the 
deities  of  his  country,  and  consuming  upon  one  large  pile  the  bodies  of 
numerous  victims.  (Herod,  lib.  vii.  c.  167.)  When  Agathocles  was  about 
:  1  besiege  Carthage,  its  inhabitants,  seeing  the  extremity  to  which  they 
were  reduced,  imputed  all  their  misfortunes  to  the  anger  of  Saturn;  be- 
cause,  instead  of  offering  up  children  of  no  I  ile  descent  (who  were  usually 
sacrificed)  there  had  been  fraudulently  substituted  for  them  the  children 
Of  slaves  and  foreigners.  Two  hundred  children  of  the  best  families  in 
Carthage  were  therefore  immolated,  to  propitiate  the  offended  divinity;  to 
whom  upwards  of  three  hundred  citizens  voluntarily  sacrificed  them- 
selves,  from  a  sense  of  their  guilt  of  this  pretended  crime.  (Diod.  Sic.  lib. 
xx  c.  11.)  On  another  occasion,  the  Carthaginians  having  obtained  a  vic- 
tory, immolated  the  handsomest  of  their  captives,  the  flame  of  whose  fune- 
ral pile  was  so  great  as  to  6et  their  camp  on  fire.  (lb.  lib.  xx.  c.  65.)  Lac- 
initios  (I)ivin.  Instit.  lib.  i.  c.  21.)  has  recorded  DUmi  inns  similar  horrid 
sacrifices  of  human  victims.  Besides  the  preceding  authorities,  the  reader 
will  find  numerous  additional  testimonies,  drawn  from  classic  authors,  in 
Dr.  Harwood's  Introduction  to  the  New  Testament,  vol.  i- pp.  HI — 116.; 
Mr.  Bryant's  Analysis  of  Ancient  Mythology,  vol.  ii.  pp.  224.266.  312. ;  and 
■»Uo  in  Dr.  Leland's  Advantage  and  Necessity  of  the  Christian  Revelation, 
vol.  i.  ch.  7.  pp.  1*1- -157. 

»  Dr.  Hill  (Essays  on  the  Institutions,  &c.  of  Ancient  Greece,  p.  52)  is 
of  opinion,  after  many  eminent  writers,  that  the  doctrine  of  the  unity  of 
t5od  was  taught  in  the  mysteries.  See  also  Bp.  Warburton's  Divine  Lega- 
tion of  Moses,  book  ii.  sect.  4.  But  Dr.  Leland  has  long  since  examined  the 
various  proofs  adduced  in  support  of  this  sentiment ;  and  has  shown  that 
there  is  great  reason  to  thin*  that  the  notion  of  the  Deity  taught  in  the  mys- 
teries was  not  a  right  and  just  one  ;  and  even  if  it  were  so,  that  it  would 
have  been  of  littie  use,  as  it  was  communicated  only  to  a  few,  and  under 
».1ip  strictest  seal  of  secrecy.  Advant.  and  Necessity  of  the  Christmn  Re- 
iition,  vol.  1.  pp.  158-196 

Vol.  I.  C 


became  so  infamous,  in  respect  both  of  morality  and  gool  order, 
that  it  was  found  necessary  to  prohibit  them. 

••  II  is  hard  to  conceive  iiow  the  mysteries  could  have  any 
good  effect  on  the  morale  of  the  people.  It  might  excite  the  am- 
bition of  a  few,  to  be  told  that  the  gods  were  nothing  more  than 
eminent  men  ;  but  it  was  more  likely  to  disgust  the  greater  part 
of  them,  and  to  render  tin  in  completely  unbelieving  and  irreli- 
gious. Besides,  considering  how  few  were  initiated,  the  inllu- 
ence  of  the  mysteries,  even  supposing  them  to  have  had  a  bene- 
ficial influence,  must  have  been  very  small  on  the  mass  of  the 
people.  Farther,  the  initiated  were  prohibited,  under  a  solemn 
oath,  ever  to  reveal  the  mvsteries.  Whatever  benefit,  therefore, 
they  might  themselves  derive  from  them,  they  could  communi- 
cate none  to  others  ;  nor  could  the  impression,  however  strong 
during  the  initiation,  be  always  retained  with  equal  strength 
during  life.  On  the  v.  hole,  taking  the  account  even  of  those 
who  favour  them,  the  mysteries  neither  diminished  the  influ- 
ence of  polytheism  nor  promoted  the  belief  of  the  divine  unity  ; 
they  contributed  rather  to  the  increase  of  superstition,  and  to  the 
prevalence  of  licentiousness  and  vice.  If  they  were  designed, 
as  has  been  affirmed,  to  show  that  the  public  religion  had  no 
foundation  in  truth — to  hold  it  up  to  contempt — what  could  have 
a  worse  effect  on  the  mind  of  the  people  ?  what  more  injurious 
to  religious  and  moral  principles  and  practice,  than  to  exhibit 
the  whole  civil  and  ecclesiastical  constitution  as  a  trick  and  im- 
position   -as  reared  by  falsehood  and  maintained  by  hypocrisy."1 

But  whatever  motives  may  have  induced  the  first  inventors  of 
mysteries  to  introduce  them,  the  fact  is,  that  they  neither  did  nor 
could  correct  the  polytheistic  notions  or  the  morals  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  in  the  course  of  time  they  became  greatly  corrupted ; 
consequently,  they  could  not  but  have  a  bad  effect  on  the  people, 
and  tend  to  confirm  them  in  their  idolatrous  practices.  All  men, 
indeed,  under  pain  of  displeasing  the  gods,  frequented  the  tem- 
ples and  offeted  sacrifices  ;  but  the  priests  made  it  not  their  busi- 
ness to  teach  them  virtue.  So  long  as  the  people  were  punc- 
tual in  their  attendance  on  the  religious  ceremonies  of  their 
country,  the  priests  assured  them  that  the  gods  were  propitious, 
and  they  looked  no  further.  "  Lustrations  and  processions  were 
much  easier  than  a  steady  course  of  virtue ;  and  an  expiatory 
sacrifice,  which  atoned  for  the  want  of  it,  was  much  more  con- 
venient than  a  holy  life."  Those  who  were  diligent  in  the  ob- 
servance of  the  sacred  customary  rites,  were  considered  as  hav- 
ing fulfilled  the  duties  of  religion  ;  but  no  farther  regard  was  had 
to  their  morals,  than  as  the  state  was  concerned.  It  cannot 
therefore  excite  surprise,  that  the  polytheistic  religion  was  every 
where  preferred  to  virtue  ;  and  that  a  contrary  course  of  thinking 
and  acting  proved  fatal  to  the  individual  who  professed  it. 

(2.)  They  were  ignorant  of  the  true  account  of  the  crea- 
tion of  the  world. 

The  notion  of  a  Creative  Power,  that  could  produce  things 
out  of  nothing,  was  above  the  reach  of  their  natural  conceptions. 
Hence  one  sect  of  philosophers2  held  that  the  world  was  eternal ; 
another,3  that  it  was  formed  in  its  present  admirable  order  by  a 
fortuitous  concourse  of  innumerable  atoms  ;  and  another,1  thai 
it  was  made  by  chance  ;  while  those  who  believed  it  to  have  had 
a  beginning  in  time,  knew  not  by  what  gradations,  nor  in  what 
manner,  the  universe  was  raised  into  its  present  beauty  and 
order. 

(3.)  They  were  also  ignoran*  of  the  origin  of  evil,  and  the 
cause  of  the  depravity  and  misery  which  actually  exist  among 
mankind. 

The  more  judicious  heathens  saw  and  lamented  the  universal 
tendency  of  men  to  commit  wickedness ;  but  they  were  ignorant 
of  its  true  source.  They  acknowledged,  generally,  that  the  chief 
good  of  man  consisted  in  the  practice  of  virtue ;  but  they  com- 
plair.ed  of  an  irregular  sway  in  the  wills  of  men,  which  rendered 
their  precepts  of  little  use  :  and  they  could  not  assign  any  reason 
why  mankind,  who  have  the  noblest  faculties  of  any  beings  upon 
earth,  should  yet  generally  pursue  their  destruction  with  as 
much  industry  as  the  beasts  avoid  it. 

(1.)  Equally  ignorant  were  the  heathens  of  any  means,  or- 
dained and  established  by  the  Almighty,  by  which  a  recon- 
ciliation could  be  effected  between  God  and  man,  and  His 
mercy  exercised,  without  the  violation  of  His  justice  ;  and 
by  which  the  pardon  of  sinners  might  not  only  be  made  con- 
sistent with  the  wisdom  of  His  government,  and  the  honour 
of  His  laws,  but  also  the  strongest  assurances  might  be 
given  them  of  pardon,  and  restoration  to  the  divine  favour. 

»  Dr.  Ranken's  Institutes  of  Theology,  pp.  180,  181.    Glasgow,  1622.  8vo 
»  The  Peripatetics.     »  Democritus  and  his  followers     '  P)*  EpirtStos. 


(8 


U\  THE  NECESSITY,  <S%c.  OF  A 


[Chap.  1 


"  Man  is  not  only  a  subject  of  the  divine  government,  and 
therefore  in  the  highest  degree  concerned  to  know  the  divine 
law,  that  he  may  obey  it;  but  he  is  also  a  rebel  subject,  and 
therefore  in  the  highest  degree  concerned  to  discover  the  means 
of  restoration  to  the  favour  of  God.  Man  has  violated  such  pre- 
cepts of  the  divine  law  as  arc  discovered  and  acknowledged 
either  by  reason  or  revelation ; — such  precepts,  for  instance,  as 
require  him  to  be  thankful  to  his  Maker,  and  sincere,  just,  and 
kind  to  his  fellow-men.  These  things  may  be  considered  here 
as  known  to  be  parts  of  the  law  of  God ;  because  those  philoso- 
phers who  acknowledge  God,  generally  agree  that  these  are, 
plainly,  duties  of  man.  But  all  men  have  violated  the  precepts 
which  require  these  things.  'The  first  interest  of  all  men  is, 
therefore,  to  obtain  a  knowledge  of  the  means,  if  there  be  any, 
of  reconciliation  to  God,  and  reinstatement  in  the  character  and 
privileges  of  faithful  subjects.  To  be  thus  reconciled  and  rein- 
stated, men  must  be  pardoned  ;  and  pardon  is  an  act  of  mere 
mercy.  But  of  the  mercy  of  God  there  are  no  proofs  in  his  Pro- 
vidence."' The  light  of  nature,  indeed,  showed  their  guilt  to 
the  most  reflecting  of  the  ancient  philosophers  ;  but  it  could  not 
show  them  a  remedy.  From  the  consideration  of  the  divine 
goodness,  as  displayed  in  the  works  of  creation,  some  of  them 
indulged  the  hope  that  the  Almighty  might,  in  some  way  or 
other  (though  to  them  inscrutable),  be  reconciled ;  but,  in  what 
manner,  revelation  only  could  inform  them.  That  God  will  re- 
ceive returning  sinners,  and  accept  repentance  instead  of  perfect 
obedience  ;  and  that  He  will  not  require  something  further  for 
the  vindication  of  his  justice,  and  of  the  honour  and  dignity  of 
his  laws  and  government,  and  for  more  effectually  expressing  his 
indignation  against  sin,  before  He  will  restore  men  to  their  for- 
feited privileges, — they  could  not  be  assured.  For  it  cannot  be 
positively  proved  from  any  of  the  divine  attributes,  that  God  is 
absolutely  obliged  to  pardon  all  creatures  all  their  sins,  at  all 
times,  barely  and  immediately  upon  their  repenting.  There 
arises,  therelore,  from  nature,  no  sufficient  comfort  to  sinners, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  anxious  and  endless  solicitude  about  the 
means  of  appeasing  the  Deity.  Hence  the  various  ways  of  sacri- 
ficing, and  numberless  superstitions,  which  overspread  the  hea- 
then world,  were  so  little  satisfactory  to  the  wiser  part  of  man- 
kind, even  in  those  times  of  darkness,  that  the  more  reflecting 
philosophers  could  not  forbear  frequently  declaring2  that  they 
thought  those  rites  could  avail  little  or  nothing  towards  appeas- 
ing the  wrath  of  a  provoked  God,  but  that  something  was  want- 
ing, though  they  knew  not  what. 

(5.)  They  were  ignorant,  at  least  they  taught  nothing-,  of 
divine  grace  and  assistance  towards  our  attainment  of  virtue, 
and  perseverance  in  it. 

Some  of  their  philosophers  forbad  men  to  pray  to  the  gods  to 
make  thpm  good,3  which,  they  said,  they  ought  to  do  themselves  ; 
while  others  equalled  themselves  to  the  gods ; '  for  these,  they 
affirmed,  "  are  what  they  are  by  nature  ;  the  wise  man  is  what 
le  is  by  his  own  industry."' — "  The  gods  excel  not  a  wise  man 
n  happiness,  though  they  excel  him  in  the  duration  of  happi- 
iess."ci 

(G.)  They  had  only  dark  and  confused  notions  of  the  gum- 
mum  bonum  or  supreme  felicity  of  man. 

On  this  topic,  indeed,  Cicero  informs  us,  that  there  was  so 
great  a  dissension  among  the  philosophers,  that  it  was  almost 
impossible  to  enumerate  their  different  sentiments.  At  the  same 
time  he  states  the  opinions  of  more  than  twenty  philosophers,  all 
of  which  are  equally  extravagant  and  absurd."  Not  to  to  enter 
into  unnecessary  details,  we  may  remark  that,  while  one  sect8 
affirmed  that  virtue  was  the  sole  good,  and  its  own  reward,  an- 
other9 rejected  that  notion  in  the  case  of  virtue  in  distress,  and 
made  the  good  things  of  this  life  a  necessary  ingredient  of  hap- 
piness ;  and  a  third10  set  up  pleasure,  or  at  least  indolence  and 
freedom  from  pain,  as  the  final  good  which  men  ought  to  propose 
to  themselves.  On  these  discordant  opinions,  Cicero  very  justly 
remarks,  that  they  who  do  not  agree  in  stating  what  is  the  chief 
end  or  good,  must  of  course  differ  in  the  whole  system  of  pre- 
cepts for  the  conduct  of  life." 

(7.)  They  had  weak  and  imperfect  notions  of  the  immor- 
tality of  the  soul,  which  was  absolutely  denied  by  many 

•  Dr.  Dwight's  Two  Discourses  on  the  Nature  and  Danger  of  Infidel  Phi- 
losophy, p.  16. 

*  See  particularly  Plato's  Alcibiades,  ii.  throughout 

a  The  Stoics.     See  Seneca,  epist.  31.  (op.  torn.  lii.  p.  99.  ed.  Bipont.) 

*  Ibid.  ep.  92.  (torn.  iii.  p.  386.)  »  Ibid.  ep.  68.  (torn.  iii.  p.  155.) 

•  Ibid.  ep.  73.  (torn.  iii.  p.  242.) 

1  According  toVarro,  there  were  nearly  three  hundred  opinions  con- 
cerning the  chief  good.  Augustin.  de  Civit.  Dei.  lib.  xix.  c.  1. 
»  The  Stoics.  *  The  Peripatetics. 

10  The  Epicureans.  »  Cicero,  Acad.  Quest,  lib.  i.  in  fina 


philosophers  as  a  vulgar  error,  while  others  represented  it  as 
altogether  uncertain,  and  as  having  no  solid  foundation  for 
its  support. 

Concerning  the  nature  of  the  human  soul,  various  and  most 
contradictory  sentiments  prevailed  :  its  existence  after  death  was 
denied  by  many  of  the  Peripatetics,  or  followers  of  Aristotle,  and 
this  seems  to  have  been  that  philosopher's  own  opinion.  On 
this  important  topic  the  Stoics  had  no  settled  or  consistent 
scheme  ;  the  doctrine  of  the  immortality  of  the  soul  was  not  a 
professed  tenet  of  their  school,  nor  was  it  ever  reckoned  among 
the  avowed  principles  of  the  Stoic  sect.  And  even  among  those 
philosophers  who  expressly  taught  this  doctrine,  considerable 
doubt  and  uncertainty  appear  to  have  prevailed.  Thus  Socrates, 
shortly  before  his  death,  tells  his  friends,  "  I  hope  I  am  now  go- 
ing to  good  men,  though  this  I  would  not  take  upon  me  per- 
emptorily to  assert ;  but,  that  I  shall  go  to  the  gods,  lords  that 
are  absolutely  good,  this,  if  I  can  affirm  any  thing  of  this  kind,  I 
would  certainly  affirm.  And  for  this  reason  I  do  not  take  it  ill  that 
I  am  to  die,  as  otherwise  I  should  do  ;  but  I  am  in  good  hope 
that  there  is  something  remaining  for  those  who  are  dead,  and 
that  it  will  then  be  much  better  for  good  than  forbad  men."12 
The  same  philosopher  afterwards  expressed  himself  still  more 
doubtfully,  and  said,  that  though  he  should  be  mistaken,  he  did 
at  least  gain  thus  much,  that  the  expectation  of  it  made  him  less 
uneasy  while  he  lived,  and  his  error  would  die  with  him  ;  and 
he  concludes  in  the  following  terms  : — "  I  am  going  out  of  the 
world,  and  you  are  to  continue  in  it ;  but  which  of  us  has  the 
better  part,  is  a  secret  to  every  one  but  God."13 

What  has  been  said  of  Socrates  may  in  a  great  measure  be  ap 
plied  to  Plato,  the  most  eminent  of  his  disciples ;  but  they  greatly 
weakened  and  obscured  their  doctrine  relative  to  the  immortality 
of  the  soul,  by  blending  with  it  that  of  the  transmigration  of 
souls  and  other  fictions,  as  well  as  by  sometimes  expressing  them 
selves  in  a  very  wavering  and  uncertain  manner  concerning  it. 
And  it  is  remarkable  that,  though  there  were  several  sects  of 
philosophers,  who  professed  to  derive  their  original  from  Socrates, 
scarcely  any  of  them  taught  the  immortality  of  the  soul  as  the 
doctrine  of  their  schools,  except  Plato  and  his  disc^les ;  and 
many  of  these  treated  it  as  absolutely  uncertain. 

Cicero  is  justly  considered  as  among  the  most  eminent  of 
those  philosophers  who  argued  for  the  immortality  of  the  soul ; 
yet,  he  laboured  under  the  same  uncertainty  that  distressed  their 
minds.  Though  he  has  treated  the  subject  at  considerable  length, 
and  has  brought  forward  a  variety  of  cogent  arguments  in  behalf 
of  this  doctrine  ;  yet,  after  he  has  spoken  of  the  several  opinions 
concerning  the  nature  and  duration  of  the  soul,  he  says,  "  Which 
of  these  is  true,  God  alone  knows ;  and  which  is  most  probable, 
a  very  great  question."14  And  he  introduces  one  complaining, 
that,  while  he  was  reading  the  arguments  for  the  immortality  of 
the  soul,  he  thought  himself  convinced  ;  but  as  soon  as  he  laid 
aside  the  book  and  began  to  reason  with  himself,  his  conviction 
was  gone.  All  which  gave  Seneca  just  occasion  to  say,  that 
"  Immortality,  however  desirable,  was  rather  promised  than 
proved  by  those  greatmen."15  While  the  followers  of  these  great 
philosophers  were  thus  perplexed  with  doubts,  others  of  the  hea- 
then entertained  the  most  gloomy  notions, — imagining  cither 
that  they  should  be  removed  from  one  body  to  another,  atid  be 
perpetual  wanderers,  or  contemplating  the  grave  as  their  eternal 
habitation,16  and  sadly  complaining  that  the  sun  and  stars  could 
set  again,  but  that  man,  when  his  day  was  set,  must  lie  down  in 
darkness,  and  sleep  a  perpetual  sleep.1" 

'»  Plato,  Phaedon.  (op.  torn.  i.  p.  143.  ed.  Bipont.) 
'3  Apol.  Socratis,  in  fine.  (op.  torn.  i.  p.  96.) 

>«  Cicero,  Tusc.  Qusst.  lib.  i.  "  Seneca,  ep.  102.   See  also  ep.  117. 

>6  It  is  called  Domus  Aeterna  in  many  inscriptions.    Gruter,  p.  dcelx.  5 
deexc.  5.  dccccxiii.  6,  &c. 

"  Soles  occidere  etredire  possunt : 
Nobis,  quum  semel  occidit  brevis  lux, 
Nox  est  perpetua  una  dormienda.  Catullus,  V. 

A"    XI    HI   flZhxXXt   l*SV   17TXV   XXTXXJ.tTOV    0\co|.7mi, 

H  tx  %Kui(x  o-sMvse,  to  t'  tuix\if  ouXov  mkjjoov. 
'Trsp-jv  xv  {oiOvh,  XXI  £lf  sto;  <th\0  <pvO</U- 
A/;.«i;  5'  oiVsyaXoi  xxi  xxphpoi  «<ro9oi  xvSfi;, 
'OtVot£  -afSiTic  Jxv.'jU.'v,  xvxxoci  <v  ^5on  xni)  a, 
EuSope;  <.i  fix*.*  nxxpsv  artffvx  myp»7on  uwvuv. 

Alas !  the  tender  herbs,  and  flow'ry  tribes, 
Though  crushed  by  winter's  unrelenting  hantl, 
Revive  and  rise  when  vernal  zephyrs  call. 
But  we,  the  brave,  the  mighty,  and  tl      wise, 
Bloom,  flourish,  fade,  and  fall,— and  I  ben  succeeds 
Along,  long,  silent,  dark,  oblivious      ■■  p; 
A  sleep,  which  no  propitious  Pow'r  dispels, 
Nor  changing  seasons,  nor  revolving  years. 

MoschuB,  Epitaph.  Bion. 

Jortin's  Discourses  concerning  the  Christian  Religion,  p.  299 


l-j 


DIVINE  REVELATION. 


19 


{8.)  [f  the  philosophers  were  thus  uncertain  concerning  I  children  in  particular  i  ■'  Aristotle,  also,  of  abortion.5 

the  immortality  of  the  Boul,  their  ideas  were  equalh  T  i    exposure  of  infants,  and  trie  putting  to  death  of  chil- 

fuscd  respecting  the  certainty  of  the  eternal  rewards  and  pun- [dren  who  were  weak  or  imperfecl  in  form,  was  allowed  ai 
ishmcnts  of  a  future  state,  and  of  the  resurrection  of  the 
body. 

For,  though  the  poets  have  prettilj  fancied,  and  have  por- 
trayed, in  beautiful  and  glowing  verse,  the  joys  ofelysium,  or  a 
place  and  .state  of  bliss,  and  the  miseries  oftartarus,  or  hell  ;  and 
though  the  ancient  philosopher!  and  legislators  were  sen  ible  of 
the  importance,  to  society  and  also  of  the  necessity  of  the  doctrine 
of  future  punishments,  yel  they  generally  discarded  them  us  vain 
and  superstitious  terrors;  and  rejected  the  very  ideaoftha  resur- 
rection of  the  body  as  a  childish  and  senseless  fable.'  Hence, 
in  progress  of  time  they  were  disregarded  and  ridiculed  even 
among  the  vulgar,  who  consequently  had  no  notion  whatever 
concerning  the  resurrection  of  the  body.  Their  poets,  it  is  true, 
made  frequent  mention  of  the  ghosts  of  departed  men  appearing 
in  a  visible  form,  and  retaining  their  former  shape  in  the  shades 
below;  yet  by  these  representations  (if  they  mean  any  thing) 
they  mean  no  more,  than  that  the  soul,  after  this  life,  passes  into 
another  state,  and  is  then  invested  with  a  body  composed  of 
light  a  rial  particles,  altogether  different  from  those  of  which  it 
had  previously  been  composed  ;  but  that,  the  gross  matter,  which 
they  saw  laid  in  the  grave  and  turn  to  corruption,  or  which  had 
been  reduced  to  ashes  on  the  funeral  pile,  and  had  been  scat- 
tered in  the  air,  should  ever  be  again  collected  together,  raised 
from  the  dead,  and  revivified  ; — of  this  the  most  speculative 
philosophers  never  entertained  the  slightest  conception. 

This  uncertainty  concerning  those  great  and  fundamental 
trutho  was  attended  with  fatal  effects,  both  in  principle  and  prac- 
tice. In  principle,  it  naturally  led  mankind  to  call  in  question 
the  providence,  justice,  and  goodness  of  God,  when  they  observed 
the  prosperity  of  the  wicked,  and  the  calamities  of  the  righteous, 
without  being  sure  that  either  of  them  should  suffer  or  be  re- 
warded In  another  state  ;  or  else  to  doubt  whether  there  really 
was  any  essential  difference  between  Virtue  and  Vice,  and  whe- 
ther it  did  not  wholly  depend  upon  the.  institution  of  men.  In 
practice,  hope  and  fear  are  the  two  things  which  chiefly  govern 
mankind,  and  influence  them  in  their  actions ;  and  they  must, 
of  course,  govern  and  influence,  more  or  less,  in  proportion  to 
the  certainty  there  is,  that  the  things  feared  and  hoped  for  are 
real,  and  the  rewards  and  punishments  assuredly  to  be  expected. 
And  as  the  corrupt  inclinations  of  human  nature  will  overcome 
any  I  ar,  the  foundation  of  which  is  but  doubtful;  so  these,  be- 
ing  let  loose  and  freed  from  the  apprehension  of  a  future  account, 
will  of  course  carry  men  into  all  manner  of  wickedness.  Nor  is  it 
sufficient  to  say,  that,  they  arc  under  the  restraint  of  human  laws  ; 
since  it  is  certain,  that  very  great  degrees  of  wickedness  may  be 
both  harboured  in  the  heart,  and  carried  into  execution,  notwith- 
standing the  utmost  that  human  authority  can  do  to  prevent  it.'- 

•2.  From  the  ignorance  and  uncertainty,  which  (we  have 
seen)  prevailed  among  some  of  the  greatest  teachers  of  an- 
tiquity, concerning  those  fundamental  truths,  which  are  the 
greatest  barriers  of  virtue  and  religion,  it  is  evident  that  the 
heathens  had  no  perfect  scheme  of  moral  rules  for  piety  and 
good  manners.  Thus,  with  the  exception  of  two  or  "three 
philosophers,  they  never  inculcated  the  duty  of  loving  our 
snemies  and  of  forgiving  injuries;  but,  on  the  contrary,  they 
accounted  revenge  to  be  not  only  lawful,  but  commendable. 
Pride  and  the  love  of  popular  applause  (the  subduing  of 
which  is  the  first  principle  of  true  virtue)  were  esteemed  the 
best  and  greatest  incentives  to  virtue  and  noble  actions; 
suicide  was  regarded  as  the  strongest  mark  of  heroism  :  and 
the  perpetrators  of  it,  instead  of  being  branded  with  infamy, 
were  commended  and  celebrated  as  men  of  noble  minds. 
But  the  interior  acts  of  the  soul, — the  adultery  of  the  eye 
and  the  murder  of  the  heart — wen1  little  regarded.  On  the 
contrary,  the  philosophers  countenanced,  both  by  arguments 
and  example,  the  most  flagitious  practices.  Tims  theft,  as 
is  well  known,  was  permitted  in  Egypt  and  in  Sparta:' 
Plato1  taught   the  expediency  and  lawfulness  of  exposing 

>  Omnibus  a  supremo  die  eadem,  quaB  ante  primum  :  Dec  magis  . 

sensas  ullus  aut  corpori,  aut  anims,  quam  ante  natalem. ....  l*u   ri- 

juin  ista  delirarneiHoi  uin.  avidffique  Dunquam  desinere  mortalitatis  com- 
oienta  sunt.  Similis  et  do  asservandis  corporibus  hominum  ac  revivi- 
■oendi  promissa  Democrito  vanitas. . . .  Plin.  Nat.  Hist.  lib.  vii.  c.  55. 

Neque  enim  assentior  iis,  qui  hav  nuper  disserere  cceperunt,  cum  cor- 
Ctoribus  simul  animosinterirc,  atque  omnia  morte  dcleri.    Cicero. 
Jtia.  e.  3. 

»  Bp.  Gibson's  Pastoral  Letters.  Letter  ii.  (vol.  iv.  p.  105.  of  Dp.  Ran- 
dolph's Enchiridion  Theologicum,  Oxford,  179v>.) 

>  Diod.  Sic.  fib.  i.     Plutarch,  in  Lycurgo. 
4  Plato  de  Republica,  lib.  v.     At  Koine,  infanticide  was  regulated  by  the 

laws  of  Romulus ;  and  this  horrid  practice  was  approved  both  by  Plutarch 
<ndSeneca.  See  Jenkin's  R  iss  of  Christianity,  vol.  ii.  v 


t    \'!i>  riS,  the  ureal  seat  and  n 

oi  phi!  of  as 

.   and  it  was  i  nacted  thai  "  inf  i  ppeared  to 

imed,  should  either  be  killed  or  exni    cd;  <  and  that 

"  the  Athenians  might  law  fully  invade  and  i  uslave  any  peo- 
ple, who.  in  their  opinion,  were  (it  to  be  made  slaves."9 
The  infamous  traffic  in  human  blood  was  -permitted  to  its 
utmost  extent:  and,  on  certain  occa  ions,  the  owners  of 
had  full  permission  to  kill  them.  Ami  ng  the  Romans, 
masters  had  an  absolute  power  over  their  slaves,  whom 
theymighl  ■  put  to  death  at  pleasure;10  and  this 

right  was  exercised  with  such  cruelty,  especially  in  the  cof 
nipt  ages  of  the  republic,  that  laws  were  made,  at  different 
times,  in  order  to  restrain  it.  Death  was  the  common  pun- 
ishment; but,  for  certain  crimes,  slaves  were  branded  on  the 
forehead,  and  sometimes  were  compelled  to  carry  a  piece  of 
wood  (called  furca)  round  their  necks  wherever  they  went. 
When  punished  capitally,  they  were  commonly  crucified.  •' 
By  the  Roman  laws,  a  slave  could  not  bear  testimony  with 
out  undergoing  the  rack;  and  if  the  master  of  a  family  were 
slain  in  his  own  house,  all  his  domestic  slaves  were  liable  to 
be  put  to  death,  though  their  innocence  was  i  ver  bo  mani 
For  the  relief  of  tin  poorand  destitute,  especially  of  si 
no  provision  whatever  was  made.  By  the  Romans,  who 
kept  them  in  great  numbers,  they  were  most  inhumanly  ne- 
glected, their  masters  turned  them  out  of  doors  when  sick, 
and  sent  them  to  an  island  in  the  river  Tiber,  where  they  left 
them  to  be  cured  by  the  fabled  god  yEsculapius,  who  had  a 
temple  there.  Some  musters,  indeed,  were  so  cruel  that  they 
killed  them  when  they  were  sick;  hut  this  barbarity  was 
cheeked  by  the  Emperor  Claudius,  who  decreed  that  those 
who  put  their  slaves  to  death  should  he  punished  as  mur- 
derers; and  also  that  such  sick  slaves  as  were  turned  out  by 
their  masters}  should  have  their  liberty  if  they  recovered.1-1 
Customary  swearing  was  commended,  if  not  by  the  precepts, 
yet  by  the  example  of  the  best  moralists  among  the  heathen 
philosophers,  particularly  Socrates,  Plato,  Seneca,  and  the 
Emperor  Julian,  in  whose  works  numerous  oaths  by  Je 
Hercules,  the  Sun,  and  other  deities,  are  very  frequent.  The 
gratification  of  the  sensual  appetites,  and  of  the  most  unna- 
tural lusts,  was  openly  taught  -and  allowed.  Aristippus 
maintained,  that  it  was  lawful  for  a  wise  man  to  steal, 
mit  adultery,  and  sacrilege,  when  opportunity  offered  :  fortha' 
none  of  these  actions  were  naturally  evil,  setting  aside  the 
vulgar  which  was  introduced  by  silly  and  illi 

people;  '.  nd  that  a  wise  man  might  publicly  gratify  ma  ribi 
dinou:  ties." 

Con  with  such  principles  was  the  moral  condue 

of  the  ancients — the  most  distinguished  philosophers  and 
heroes  not  excepted,  whose  lives  are  recorded  by  Plutarch  in  f 
manner  the  most  favourable  to  their  reputation.    Many  of  them 

Rome  a  new-born  infanl  was  not  held  legitimate,  unless  the  lather,  or  in  hi* 
abseno   .  m  for  him,  lifted  it  up  r>-"in  the  ground  (terra  fera««e{), 

and  placed  it  on  his  bosom.    Hence  the  phrase  tollere  Jitium,  to  ed 
non  /,,//.  Bui  i  ven  when  bis  children  were  frown  U] 

mprison,  scourge,  send  them  bound  to  work  in  the  country, 
lem  to  death  by  any  punishment  be  pleased,  if  they  deserved 
i's  Roman  Antiquities,  p.  47.  Oth  edit 
s  Aristot  Polit.  lib.  vii.  c.  17.  '  Terent  Ilecyra 

i  In  republ  can  Athens,  man  was  every  thine,  and  women  nothing. 
"Women  were  literally  the  serfs  of  the  family  inheritance,  whether  thai 
inherit  i  .■  ed  in  land  or  money  j  theywere  made,  with  other  pro- 

perty, the  Bubjecl  nf  testamentary  bequest  (Deinosth.  I.  Orat  contra Apbo> 
bum.  Id.  coiii!  ifi  *  hat.  I.);  and,  whatever  delights  heirship  might 

convey  to  an    '■  ly,  freedom  of  person  or  inclination  was  not 

die  number:  single  or  wedded,  she  became,  h  cquisi- 

lion  oT  property,  al  the  mercy  of  the  nearest  male  relation  in  succ 

. .  it   from  the  dull  solitude  of  the  gyneceum,  to  becoim 
an  unwi  or  she  could  be  torn  from  I 

n  to  IJ»rm  new  ties  with  perhaps  the  most  i  of  mankind. 

And  if.  circumstances,  nature  became  more  powerful 

than  virtue.  Iif>:  was  the  penalty  paid  for  the  trai  '    (Quarterly 

.   vol.  xxix.  i).  327.) 

a  A/lstol    P  ■   17.  9  Aristol   Pi   it  lib.  a 

ic  Tie-  censor,   CatO.Wafl  a  bad  master  to  his  unfortunate 

stives,  whom  he  never  failed  to  correct  with  leathern  thongs,  if  they  were 

peiuiss  in  their  attendance  al  any  entertainments  which  he  gave  to  his  friends, 

or  had  suffered  any  thing  to  be  spoiled.     He  contrived  means  to  raise 

quarrels  among  them,  and  to  keep  them  at  variance,  ever  suspecting  and 

some  bad  consequence  from  their  unanimity;  and  when  any  of 

them  were  guilty  of  a  capital  crime,  he  gave  them  a  formal  trial,  and  in  the 

■•■  of  their  fellow  slaves  put  them  to  death.     Plutarch  in  Catone. 

356.  Ed  Briani.) 

ii  Juvenal.  Sat.  vi.  210,  220. 

ii  Digest,  lib.  xxix.    Tit.  v.  lib.  xx.vv.    T  T      tus  informs  us,  that 

when  PedanhM  Secundus,  prefect  of  the  city  of  Rome,  was  assassinated 
bv  a  slave,  all  the  slaves  in  his  family  (four  hundred  in  number)  were  pu' 
to  death.  A, mat  lib  *iv.  c.  i2— 44.  vol.  ii.  pp.  140—142.  edit  Bipont.  See 
also  Pliny,  Tpist.  lib.  viii.  ep  14.  ..  .. 

is  Sueionius  in  Claudio,  c  25.  "  Diogenes  Laert.  lib  n.  6.  8.  §  4. 


21) 

i  is  hue,  entertained  a  high  sense  of  honour,  and  possessed  a 
large  portion  of  patriotism.  But  these  were  not  morality,  if 
!  it  term  we  are  to  understand  such  dispositions  of  the 
nind  as  are  right,  fit,  and  amiable.  Their  sense  of  honour 
was  not  of  that  kind  which  made  them  scorn  to  do  evil; 
l>ut,  like  the  false  honour  of  modern  duellists,  consisted  mere- 
ly in  a  dread  of  disgrace.  Hence  many  of  them  not  only 
pleaded  for  self-murder  (as  Cicero.  Seneca,1  and  others,) 
but  carried  about  with  them  the  means  of  destruction,  of 
which  they  made  use  rather  than  fall  into  the  hands  of  their 
adversaries,  as  Demosthenes,  Cato,  Brutus,  Cassius,  and 
others  did.  And  their  patriotism,  generally  speaking,  ope- 
rated not  merely  in  the  preservation  of  their  country,  but  in 
endeavours  to  extend  and  aggrandize  it  at  the  expense  of 
other  nations:  it  was  a  patriotism  inconsistent  with  justice 
ind  orood-will  to  mankind..  Truth  was  but  of  small  account 
imong  many,  even  of  the  best  heathens;  for  they  taught 
Jiat  on  many  occasions,  a  lie  was  to  be  preferred  to  the  truth 
itself!-  To  which  we  may  add,  that  the  unlimited  gratifica- 
tion of  their  sensual  appetites,  and  the  commission  of  unna- 
tural crimes,  was  common  even  among  the  most  distinguished 
teachers  of  philosophy,  and  was  practised  even  by  Socrates 
himself,  ••  whose  morals"  (a  living  opposer  of  revelation  has 
the  effrontery*  to  assert)  "  exceed  any  thing  in  the  Bible,  for 
they  were  free  from  vice  !" — "  The  most  notorious  vices," 
says  Quinctilian,  speaking  of  the  philosophers  of  his  time, 
■•  are  screened  under  that  name  ;  and  they  do  not  labour  to 
maintain  the  character  of  philosophers  by  virtue  and  study* 
but  conceal  the  most  vicious  lives  under  an  austere  look  and 
singularity  of  dress."-' 

There  were  indeed  some  few  philosophers,  who  cherished 
better  principles,  and  inculcated,  comparatively,  purer  tenets ; 
but  their  instructions  were  very  defective,  and  they  were 
never  able  to  reform  the  world,  or  to  keep  any  number  of 
men  in  the  practice  of  virtue.  Their  precepts  were  delivered 
to  their  own  immediate  pupils,  and  not  to  the  lower  orders 
of  people,  who  constitute  the  great  mass  of  society.  Con- 
senting these,  indeed,  the  Stoics  gave  themselves  no  trouble, 
but  seem  to  have  considered  them  as  little  better  than  beasts. 
Further,  the  ethical  systems  of  the  philosophers  were  too  re- 
fined for  the  common  people ;  their  discourses  on  subjects 
of  morality  being  rather  nice  and  subtle  disputations  than 
u.seful  instructions ;  and  even  those  things,  of  which  the 
philosophers  were  not  only  certain  themselves,  but  which 
they  were  also  able  to  prove  and  explain  to  others  with  suffi- 
cient clearness  and  plainness  (such  as  are  the  most  obvious 
and  necessary  duties  of  life),  they  had  not  sufficient  autho- 
rity to  enforce  in  practice.  The  truths,  which  they  proved 
by  speculative  reason,  wanted  some  still  more  sensible  au- 
thority to  support  them,  and  render  them  of  more  force  and 
efficacy  in  practice  ;  and  the  precepts  which  they  delivered, 
however  reasonable  and  fit  to  be  obeyed,  were  destitute  of 
weight,  and  were  only  the  precepts  of  men.1  They  could 
press  their  precepts  only  by  temporal  motives.  They  could 
not  invigorate  the  patience,  excite  the  industry,  stimulate 
the  hopes,  or  touch  the  consciences  of  their  hearers,  by  dis- 

•  Seneca  pleads  for  suicide  in  the  following  terms:  "If  thy  mind  be 
melancholy,  and  in  misery,  thou  mayest  put  a  period  to  this  wretched  con- 
.11. on.  Wherever  thou  lookest,  there  is  an  end  to  it.  See  that  precipice  ; 
there  thou  mayest  have  liberty.  Seest  thou  that  sea,  that  liver,  that  well? 
Liberty  is  at  the  bottom  of  it.  That  liule  tree?  Freedom  hangs  upon  it. 
Thy  own  neck,  thy  own  throat,  maybe  a  refuge  to  thee  from  such  servi- 
tuue ;  yea,  evry  vein  of  thy  body."    De  Iri,  lib.  iii.  c.  15. 

»  Dr.  Whitby  lias  collected  many  maxims  of  the  most  eminent  heathen 
■ages,  in  corroboration  of  the  fact  above  stated.  The  following  examples 
are  taken  from  his  note  on  Eph.  iv.  25. : — 

KpsiTTo*  St  ihtr$a>  -^ivJo;  *  uK>iiif  xxxiv.— A  lie  is  better  than  a  hurtful 
truth. — Menander. 

To  yxf  ayxiiv  xP(.ttok,-i  t»{  «m Js.*?.— Good  j's  better  than  truth  — 
Proclns. 

Ever*  yxp  ti  in  xx.  -ItuSos  Xiyia-Sxi  >.i-yiir$».—  Whe.n  telling  a  lie  will 
''«  profitable,  let  it  be  told. — Darius  in  Herodotus,  lib.  iii.  c.  62. 

He  may  lie,  who  knows  how  to  do  it,  tv  Siavn  xx.p-u,  in  a  suitable  time 
Plato  apud  Stobseum.  Serin.  12. 

There  is  nothing  decorous  in  truth,  but  when  it  is  profitable:  Yea,  some- 
times xx.  4,. vfo«  .ninr  »» jp  ..jrouj  xx.  r<  ■*.«>•«  iZK*i,tv.— Truth  is  hurt- 
ful, and  lying  is  profitable  to  men.    Maximus  Tyrius,  Diss.  3.  p.  29. 

To  countenance  this  practice,  Dr.  Whitby  remarks,  that  both  Plato  (de 
Rep.  lib.  ii.  p.  007.  and  lib.  iii.  p.  Oil.)  and  the  Stoics  (Stobseus  de  Stoicis, 
iiom.  i.  lib.  ii.  tit.  iv.  §  4.  and  Ecloga?.  p.  1ST).)  seemed  to  have  framed  a  Jesuit- 
ical distinction  between  lying  in  words,  and  with  an  assent  to  an  untruth, 
which  they  called  lying  in  the  soul.  The  first  they  allowed  to  an  enemy  in 
vrospect  0/  advantage,  and  fur  many  other  dispensations  in  this  life. 
That  is,  their  wise  man  may  tell  a  lie,  craftily  and  for  gain  ;  but  he  must 
not  embrace  a  falsehood  through  ignorance,  or  assent  to  an  untruth. 

1  Quinctilian,  Inst.  Orat.  Proem. 

4  Quid  ergo?  nihilne  illi  [philosophi]  simile  pra?cipiunt?  Imo  permulta 
et  ad  verum  frequenter  accedunt.  Sed  nihil  ponderis  habent  ilia  prae- 
eepta ;  quia  sunt  humana,  et  auctoritate  majori,  id  est,  divina  ilia  carent. 
Nemo  igitur  credit ;  quia  tam  se  hominem  putat  esse  qui  audit,  quam  est 
>rie  qui  pnecioit.     Lactantii  Institutiones>.  lib.  iii.  c.  27. 


ON  THE  NECESSITY,  &c.  OF  A 


[Chap.  I 


playing  the  awful  prospects  of  eten  ity.  And  if  now,  even 
arguments,  founded  upon  the  sublime  views  of  a  future 
state,  are  often  found  insufficient  to  recommend  religion  and 
morality,  what  hopes  could  they  have  of  raising  the  atten- 
tion of  the  multitude  1 

Hence,  the  wisest  instructions  of  the  philosophers  were 
unable  to  effect  any  remarkable  change  in  the  minds  and 
lives  of  any  considerable  number  of  men ;  or  to  make  them 
willing  to  lay  down  their  lives  for  the  sake  of  virtue,  as  the 
disciples  and  followers  of  Christ  are  known  to  have  done. 
In  speculation,  indeed,  it  may  perhaps  seem  possible,  that 
the  precepts  of  the  philosophers  might  at  least  be  sufficient 
to  reform  men's  lives  for  the  future  ,•  but,  in  experience  ana 
practice,  it  has  appeared  impossible  for  philosophy  to  reform 
mankind  effectually,  without  the  assistance  of  some  highei 
principle.  In  fact,  the  philosophers  never  did  or  could  effect 
any  remarkable  change  in  the  minds  and  lives  of  men,  such 
as  the  preaching  of  Christ  and  his  apostles  undeniably  did 
produce.  The  wisest  and  most  sensible  of  the  philosophers 
themselves  have  not  been  backward  to  complain,  that  they 
found  the  understandings  of  men  so  dark  and  beclouded, 
their  wills  so  biassed  and  inclined  to  evil,  their  passions  so 
outrageous  and  rebellious  against  reason,  that  they  considered 
the  rules  and  laws  of  right  reason  as  very  difficult  to  be 
practised,  and  they  entertained  very  little  hope  of  ever  being 
able  to  persuade  the  world  to  submit  to  them.  In  short, 
they  confessed,  that  human  nature  was  strangely  corrupted ; 
and  they  acknowledged  this  corruption  to  be  a  disease,  of 
the  true  cause  of  which  they  were  ignorant,  and  for  which 
they  could  not  find  out  a  sufficient  remedy  :  so  that  the  great 
duties  of  religion  were  laid  down  by  them  as  matters  of 
speculation  and  dispute,  rather  than  as  rules  of  action  ;  and 
they  were  not  so  much  urged  upon  the  hearts  and  lives  of 
men,  as  proposed  to  their  admiration.  In  short,  the  heathen 
philosophy  was  every  way  defective  and  erroneous :  and , 
if  there  were  any  thing  really  commendable  in  it,  it  was  owing 
to  traces  and  scattered  portions  of  the  revelations  contained 
in  the  Scriptures,  with  which  the  philosophers  had  become 
acquainted  through  various  channels. 

Further,  if  from  the  principles  and  practices  that  obtained 
in  private  life,  we  ascend  to  those  which  influenced  the  go- 
vernments of  the  ancient  heathen  nations,  we  shall  find  that 
the  national  spirit,  which  was  cherished  by  their  different 
states,  was  every  where  of  an  exceptionable  character.  Thus 
"  the  eastern  sovereigns  aimed,  with  unbounded  ambition,  at 
the  establishment  ana  extension  of  despotic  power ;  ruling, 
excepting  in  a  few  instances,  with  capricious  tyranny  and 
licentious  indulgence,  while  their  prostrate  subjects  were 
degraded  and  trampled  down  like  the  mire  in  the  streets,  and 
rendered  base,  superstitious,  and  vile  in  manners  and  con- 
duct. The  Grecian  states  cherished  a  love  of  freedom,  and 
a  generous  ardour  for  noble  actions ;  but  they  rarely  mani- 
fested a  respect  for  justice  in  their  contests  with  other  na- 
tions, and  little  regard  to  the  rights  of  humanity ;  while,  in 
the  internal  regulations  of  their  governments,  they  seldom 
adhered  to  the  principles  of  moderation  and  equity.  Then 
distinguished  men  excited  jealousy  and  commotions  by  am- 
bition ;  and  the  general  classes  of  the  community  exhibited 
a  spirit  of  base  ingratitude  towards  their  benefactors,  an  un- 
generous suspicion  of  their  most  virtuous  rulers,  and  a  hatred 
of  all  who  were  raised  to  distinction  by  pre-eminent  quali- 
ties. They  calumniated  those  who  were  most  entitled  to 
praise,  and  banished  men  whose  talents  did  honour  to  the 
periods  in  which  they  lived,  and  who  have  transmitted  the 
fame  of  their  several  countries  to  distant  times,  persecuting 
to  expulsion  and  death  those  whose  justice  and  wisdom 
have  excited  the  admiration  of  all  succeeding  ages.  The 
Romans  professed  to  oppose  tyranny,  and  to  spare  those  sub 
jected  to  their  power ;  but  their  object  was  universal  domi 
nion.  They  displayed  the  virtues  of  a  stern  and  military  peo- 
ple in  rising  to  eminence,  and  particularly  a  noble  patriotisn> 
and  devotion  to  the  public  interest ;  but  their  lusts  engen- 
dered unceasing  wars,  and  their  internal  state  was  disturbed 
and  agitated  with  contests  for  an  agrarian  equality  which 
never  could  exist,  and  with  tumults  of  factious  men  clamour- 
ing for  freedom,  while  they  promoted  sedition,  and  aimed  at 
exorbitant  power.  Dissension  and  civil  wars  at  length  suo- 
jected  them  to  imperial  authority,  which  snnn  degenerated 
into  the  despotism  of  men,  raised  by  military  caprice  to  a 
short-lived  and  precarious  power,  or  brought  forward  by  the 
chance  of  revolutions ;  while  the  empire  was  shaken  by  in- 
ternal enemies,  or  sunk,  in  its  decline,  into  feebleness  and 
decay.     The  laws  of  nations  were  not  established  upon  anv 


Chap    I.] 


DIVINE  REVELATION 


Z\ 


foundation  commensurate  with  the  importance  of  their  ob- 
jects; they  were  ill  defined  and  little  respected.  War,  par- 
ticularly in  its  earliest  periods,  was  little  lietter  than  pillage 

and  piracy.1     A  r<  spect  for  heralds  and  ambassadors, 
for  the  claims  of  the  vanquished,  was  often  violated.*" 
3.  Lastly,  if  we  advert  to  the  pagan  nations  of  the  p 
age,  we  learn  from  the  unanimous  testimony  of  voyagers  and 

travellers,  as  well  as  from  those  who   have  resided    tor  any 

considerable  time  among  them,  that  they  are  immersed  in 
the  grossest  ignorance  and  idolatry,  and  that  their  religious 

doctrine  and  practices  are  equally  corrupt. 

Thus,  in  Tartary,  the  Philippine  islands,  ami  among  the 
savage  nations  of  Africa,  the  objects  of  worship  are  tin' sun, 

moon,  and  stars,  the  four  elements,  and  serpents;  at  Ton- 
iiuin,  the  several  quarters  of  the  earth  ;  in  Guinea,  birds, 
fishes,  and  even  mountains;  and  almost  every  where,  evil 
spirits.  Together  with  idolatrous  worship,  sorcery,  divina- 
tion, and  magic,  almost  universally  prevail.  Among  their 
religious  tenets,  we  may  notice  that,  in  Tartary,  they  believe 
in  two  gods,  one  of  heaven,  the  other  of  the  earth ;  in  Japan, 
they  hold  that  there  are  two  sorts  of  gods,  and  that  demons 
are  to  be  feared ;  in  Formosa,  that  several  gods  preside  over 
the  several  quarters  of  the  earth,  one  of  whom  is  paramount 
above  the  rest,  attaining  his  supremacy  by  passing  through 
a  multitude  of  bodies ;  the  Tartars  and  American  Indians 
believe  in  the  transmigration  of  human  souls  into  the  bodies 
of  beasts,  and  (as  many  African  tribes  also  believe)  that  the 
souls  of  men  after  death  require  meat,  drink,  and  other  ac- 
commodations of  this  life.  Corresponding  with  such  prin- 
ciples, are  the  moral  conduct  of  these,  andindeed  of  almost 
all  pagan  nations.  Polygamy,  divorce  at  the  caprice  of  the 
husband,  and  infanticide,  are  nearly  universal.  Among  many 
of  the  African  tribes,  as  well  as  in  America,  cannibalism 
prevails ;  and  almost  every  where,  human  lives  are  sacri- 
ficed at  the  caprice  of  a  tyrannical  sovereign.1  Many  of 
these  nations  are  yet  in  the  deepest  barbarism ;  but  it  we 
advert  to  the  actual  state  of  Hindostan  and  of  China,  which 
countries  have  been  highly  celebrated  for  their  progress  in 
the  useful  arts,  we  shall  find  that  they  are  equally  ignorant 
of  the  true  object  of  worship,  and  equally  immoral  in  pri- 
vate life. 

The  religion  of  the  Hindoos,  like  that  of  the  ancient  Per- 
sians, is  affirmed  to  have  originally  recognised  but  one 
supreme  God.s  But  whatever  may  be  found  in  the  Vedas, 
or  books  by  them  accounted  sacred,  implying  the  unity  of 
God,  is  completely  disfigured  and  lost  in  the  multitude  of 
deities  or  idols  associated  with  him ;  and  in  the  endless  su- 
perstitions into  which  the  Hindoo  worship  has  degenerated, 
from  the  earliest  periods  of  authentic  history.  In  Hindo- 
stan, indeed,  the  polytheism  is  of  the  grossest  kind,  not  fewer 
than  three  hundred  and  thirty  millions  of  deities  claiming  the 
adoration  of  their  worshippers  : — rites  the  most  impure, — 
penances  the  most  toilsome, — almost  innumerable  modes  of 
self-torture,  as  various  and  extraordinary  in  kind  as  a  dis- 
torted fancy  can  suggest,  and  as  exquisite  in  degree  as  human 
nature  can  sustain, — the  burning  or  burying  of  widows,  in- 
fanticide, the  immersion  of  the  sick  or  dying  in  the  Granges, 
and  self-devotement  to  destruction  by  the  idol  Juggernaut. 
are  among  the  horrid  practices  that  flow  from  the  system  of 
idolatry  established  among  them,  and  which  are  exceeded  in 
folly  or  ferocity  by  none  to  which  paganism  has  given  birth. 
The  manifest  effects  of  this  system  are.  an  immersion  into 
the  grossest  moral  darkness,  and  a  universal  corruption  of 
manners.  The  Hindoo  is  taught  that  the  image  which  he 
beholds  is  really  God,  and  the  heaviest  judgments  are  de- 
nounced against  him,  if  he  dare  to  suspect  that  it  is  nothing 
more  than  the  elements  of  which  it  is  composed.  In  the 
apprehensions  of  the  people  in  general,  the  idols  are  real 
deities  :  they  occupy  the  place  01  God,  ami  receive  that  ho- 
mage, fear,  service,  and  honour  which  the  Almighty  Crea- 
tor so  justly  claims.  The  government  of  God  is  subverted, 
together  with  all  the  moral  effects  arising  from  the  knowledge 
of  nis  perfections  and  his  claims  upon  his  rational  creatures. 

>  Homer  and  Thucydides,  lib.  i.  and  Justin,  lib.  iv.  c  3. 
»  Herod,  lib.  vii.  c.  133. 

'  Bp.  Gray  on  the  Connection  between  the  Sacred  Writings  and  the 
Literature  of  Jewish  and  Heathen  Authors,  &c.  vol.  i.  pp.  217,  ta  -   - 

•  See  Millar's  History  of  the  Propagation  of  Christianity,  vol.  ii.  cli.  vii. 
pp.  197—337. 

»  See  Asiatic  Researches,  vol.  iv  p.  17  J.,  where  the  same  thing  is  asserted 
of  the  faith  of  the  Arabs  and  Tartars.  See  also  Sir  John  .Malcolm's  Sketch 
of  the  Sikhs,  p.  147..  where  the  Hindoos  are  said  to  have  degenerated  from 
a  worship,  originally  pure,  into  idolatry  ;  though  it  is.  at  the  same  time,  ad- 
mitted in  a  note,  "  that  the  most  ancient  Hindoos,  though  they  adored  God, 
worshipped  the  sun  and  elements." 

*  Asia:.  Resouiohes  vol   viii.  pp.  297.  ! 


There  are,  it  is  trup,  eastern  maxims  of  morality,  whlcn  pei- 
haps  i  rii  r  to  the  purest  doctrines  of  the  Greeks 

and  Romans;  and  it  will  oot  he  denied  by  those  who  nave 
examined  them,  that  they  have  many  points  of  resemblance 

even  t,i  Christian  morality.  Hut,  in  consequence  of  the 
total  want  of  authority  (common  to  them  with  all  oilier  hea- 
then nations),  either  to  enforce  what  is  pure  in  their  morality, 
or  to  emancipate  the  people  from  the  most  inveterate  and 
detestable  usages,  the  Hindoos  present  to  us  all  the 
inherent  defects  which  characterize  the  morality  of  the  an- 
cient western  heathens.  Institutions  of  a  most  malignant 
nature  exist  among  them,  by  which  the  superior  and  privi- 
leged orders  are  enabled  to  keep  the  peoph  in  p<  rpetual  ioim 
ranee  and  slavery;  and  to  exclude  them  for  ever  from 
comforts,  the  duties,  and  even  the  society  of  their  fellows. 
Hence  the  universal  characteristics  of  the  Hindoos  are,  ha- 
hitual  disregard  of  truth,  pride,  tyranny,  theft,  falsehood, 
deceit,  conjugal  infidelity,  filial  disobedience,  ingratitude 
(the  Hindoos  have  no  word  expressive  of  thanks),  a  litigious 
spirit,  perjury,-  treachery,  covetousness,  gaming,  servility, 
hatred,  revenge,'  cruelty,  private  murder,  the  destruction  of 
illegitimate  children,  particularly  by  procuring  abortion  (not 
fewer  than  /'/<  thousand  children  an;  computed  to  he  thus 
murdered  in  the  single  province  of  Bengal  ev<  ry  month;. 
and  want  of  tenderness  and  compassion  to  the  poor,  tin 
and  the  dying.1 ' 

The  religious  and  moral  state  of  China,  though  lee 
graded  than  tin.  t  of  the  Hindoos,  is  deplorable,  not  with - 
ing  its  boasted  superiority  in  arts  and  sciences,  and  in  the 
wisdom  of  its  institutions.     Religion,  as  a  system  of  divint 
worship,  as  piety  towards  God,  and  as  holding  forth  future 
rewards  and  punishments,  can  hardly  be  said  to  exis1  among 
the  Chinese.     They  have  no  sabbatical  institution,  no  con- 
gregational worship,  no  external  forms  of  devotion,  petition, 
or  thanksgiving  to  the  Supreme  Being:  the  emperor,  and  he 
alone. — being  high-priest,  and  the  only  individual  who  stands 
between  heaven  and  the  people,  having  the  same  relation  t< 
the  former  that  the  latter  are  supposed  to  bear  to  him. —     - 
forms  the  s.icred  duties  according  to  the  ancient  ritual,  ana 
at  certain  fixed  periods;  but  the  people  have  no  concern  with 
thein.     All  ranks,  from  the  emperor  downwards,  are  full  of 
absurd  superstitions,  and  worship  a  multitude  of  imaginary 
deities.     Most  of  the  forms  of  mythology,  which  m  te  any 
figure  in  the  page  of  history,  now  exist  in  China.    '1  he  Chi 
nese  have  gods  celestial,  terrestrial,  and  subterraneous — 
of  the  hills,  of  the  valleys,  of  the  woods,  of  the  districts, 
of  the  families,  of  the  shop,  and  of   the  kitchen  ! — 
that  are  supposed  to  preside  over  the  thunder,  the  rai 
fire;  over  the  grain,  over  diseases,  births,  and  deaths;  then 
idols  are  silver  and  gold,  wood  and  stone,  and  clay,  carved 
or  molten.   Altars  are  erected  on  the  high  hills,  in  the  g 
and  under  the  green  trees;  and  idols  are  set  up  at  U 
ners  of  the  streets,  on  the  sides  of  tin-  highways,  on  the 
banks  of  canals,  in  boats  and  in  ships.     Astrologv,  divina- 
tion, geomancy,  and  necromancy  every  where  prevail :  charms 
and  spells  every  one  possesses.      Tne  absurd  notion  of  the 
transmigration  of  souls  into  other  bodies  is  universal;  and 
other  articles  of  faith  prevail  among  them,  as  various  as  the 
modes  of  worship  ;  in  all  which  the  people  appear  to  be 
rather  actuated  by  the  dread  of  evil  in  this  life,  than  by  the 
fear  of  punishment  in  another.     The  duties  which  they  per- 
form are  more  with  a  view  to  appease  an  angry  deity,  and 
avert  impending  calamities,  than  from  any  hope  of  obtaining 
a  positive  good.   They  rather  consult  or  inquire  of  their  gods 
what  may  happen,  than  petition  them  to  grant  it,  for  a  Chi 
nese  can  scarcely  be  said  to  pray.     He  is  grateful  when  the 
event  proves  favourable  to  his  wishes,  pi  tuhffit  and  peevish 

Asiat.  Researches,  vol.  iv.  pp.  lOG.  167. 

■  "False  witnesses  may  m  every  place,  on  the  slightes. 

notice,  and  for  a  mere  trifle.  Their  price  var  es  in  different  zillahs:  in 
some  sixteen  may  be  bad  for  a  rupee,  in  others  ten;  but  four  annas  each 
is  what  no  true  son  of  the  trade  was  ever  known  to  refuse  in  the  interior; 
and  at  this  rate  any  number  may  !">  collected,  i"  testify  to  facts  they  never 
wiiii--  ;        ,s  relative  to  the  habits,  &c.  of  the  Hindoos,  pp.310 

317.    London,  1823, 

»  Where  Other  revenge  for  a  supposed  injury  is  not  in  their  power,  the) 
are  known  to  destroy  themselves,  expressly  in  order  that  the  guilt  of  their 
death  may  rest  upon  their  enemies;  and  in  the  hop.-,  that,  in  the  process 
of  the  metempsychosis  (to  which  they  give  implicit  credit),  they  may  have 

re  speedy  opportunity  of  wreaking  their  full  vengeance  on  the  offender. 

This  custom  is  called Dhurn  vol.  iv.  p.  337. 

i«  See  Ward's  History,  Literature,  and  Mythology  of  the  Hindoos,  4  vols 
Bvo.  where  the  facts  above  noticed  are  fully  detailed  See  also  Dr.  Bucha 
nan's  Christian  Researches  in  Asia,   .- n  Mr.  Charles  Grant's 

"Observations  on  the  State  of  Society  among  the  Asiatic  Subjec^  of  Great 
Britain,  particularly  with  respect  in  morals,  and  on  the  means  of  improving 
it,"  in  vol.  x.  of  the"  Reports  of  V.-  House  of  i'..,  imons  (1812— 1813).  Tit 
East  India  Company,  Fourth  Par: 


Vi 


ON  THE  NECESSITY,  &c.  OF  A 


[Chap. 


ivith  his  gods  when  it  is  adverse.  Though  some  individual 
instances  of  integrity  have  occurred  in  the  intercourse  of  the 
Chinese  with  Europeans,  yet  their  general  character  is  that 
of  fraud,  lying,  and  hypocrisy-  Polygamy  universally  pre- 
vails, as  also  the  cruel  practice  of  exposing  ii  |  rish, 
not  fewer  than  nine  thousand  of  whom  are  computed  to  I  e 
annually  destroyed  al  Pekin,  and  the  same  number  in  the 
rest  of  the  empire.1 

Nor  is  the  case  materially  different  with  the  Mohamme- 
dans. Though  their  religion  includes  tLe  acknowledgment 
of  one  living  and  true  God;  yet,  rejecting  the  Messiah,  and 
attaching  themselves  to  a  sanguinary  and  lascivious  im- 
postor, it  produces  no  good  effect  upon  their  morals,  but 
leaves  them  under  the  dominion  of  barbarity  and  voluptu- 
ousness. These  and  similar  instances  of  corruption  in  wor- 
ship, doctrine,  and  practice,  which  have  prevailed  and  still 
exist  in  the  heathen  world,  fully  prove  the  utter  insufficiency 
of  natural  reason  to  be  a  guide  in  religion ;  and  also  show 
into  what  monstrous  opinions  and  practices  whole  nations 
may  be  led,  where  that  is  their  guide,  without  any  help  from 
revelation.  Nor  will  it  diminish  the  force  of  this  argument, 
to  say,  that  these  instances  of  corruption  are  owing  to  an 
undue  use  of  their  reason,  or  that  the  measure  of  reason, 
possessed  by  the  heathen  nations,  is  low  and  imperfect; 
since  they  are  sufficiently  skilful  in  whatever  concerns  their 
political  or  personal  interests,  in  the  arts  of  annoying  their 
neighbours,  ami  defending  themselves  against  incursions,  in 
formincr  alliances  for  their  defence,  and  conducting  the  or- 
dinary affairs  of  life  according  to  the  manners  and  customs 
of  their  several  countries.  Nor  are  the  absurdities  in  re- 
union, which  are  found  among  the  modern  heathen  nations, 
greater  than  those  which  (we  have  already  seen)2  existed 
v  the  polished  nations  of  antiquity  before  the  publica- 
tion oT  the  Gospel:  which  are  a  joint  proof  that  no  age  or 
country,  whether  rude  or  civilized,  instructed  or  uninstruct- 
e  1,  infected  or  uninfected  with  plenty  or  luxury,  is  or  can 
be  secured  by  mere  natural  reason  against  falling  into  the 
grossest  errors  and  corruptions  in  religion ;  and,  consequently, 
that  all  mankind  stand  in  need  of  a  divine  revelation  to  make 
known  to  them  the  will  of  God,  and  the  duties  and  obliga- 
tions which  they  owe  to  their  Creator. 

V.  Notwithstanding  these  important  facts,  and  regardless 
of  the  confessions  of  the  most  distinguished  ancient  philo- 
sophers of  their  need  of  a  revelation,  it  is  objected  by  many 
in  our  own  times,  that  there  is  no  necessity  for  one ;  that 
the  book  of  nature  is  the  only  book  to  be  studied  ;  and  that 
philosophy  and  right  reason  are  sufficient  to  instruct  and  to 
preserve  men  in  their  duty. 

Answer  1.  It  is  an  undeniable  fact,  that  the  doctrines  of 
Christianity  (without  considering  at  present  what  evidence 
and  authority  they  possess)  have  had  a  more  powerful  in- 
fluence upon  men,  than  all  the  reasonings  of  the  philoso- 
phers :  and  though  modern  opposers  of  revelation  ascribe 
the  ignorance  and  corruption  of  the  heathen,  not  to  the  in- 
sufficiency of  the  light  of  reason,  but  to  their  non-improve- 
ment of  that  light;  yet,  if  this  were  true,  it  would  not  prove 
that  there  i  ■■  ■  >  need  of  a  revelation,  because  it  is  certain  that 
the  philosophers  wanted  some  higher  assistance  than  that 
of  reason. 

Answer  2.  With  regard  to  the  pretences  of  modern  deists, 
.t  is  bo  '1  -  rved  thai  almost  all  men,  where  the  Scriptures 
nave  been  unknown,  have  in  every  age  been  gross  idola- 
ters;  the  few  exceptions  that  have  existed,  being  in  general 
a  kind  of  atheistical  philosophers.  Deists,  properly  so  called, 
are  chiefly  found  in  Christian  countries,  in  the  later  ages, 
since  Christianity  has  extensively  prevailed  over  idolatry,'1 

i  Supplement  to  the  Encyclopedia  Briianuica,  vol.  iii.  part  i.  article 
China.  Barrow's  Travels  in  China,  pp.  418— 487.  Milne's  Retrospect  of 
the  Proti  Btanl  Mis  ;ion  to  China,  pp.  29,  30. 

s  See  pp.  16,  17.  supra. 

•  The  name  of  Deists,  as  applied  to  those  who  are  no  friends  to  revealed 
ion,  is  said  to  have  been  first  assumed,  about  the  middle  of  the  six- 
es ith  '  entury,  by  some  gentlemen  in  France  and  Italy,  who  were  willing 
ro  cover  their  opposition  to  the  ( 'hristian  revelation  by  a  more  honourable 
name  than  that  of  Atheists.  The  earliest  author,  who  mentions  them,  is 
Viret,  a  divine  of  great  eminence  among  the  first  reformers  ;  who,  in  the 
epistle  dedicatory  prefixed  to  the  first  tome  of  his  u  Jn.3truct.iun  Chre- 
rienne'"  (Which  was  published  in  1563),  speaks  of  sonTe  persons  at  that 
lime  who  called  themselves  by  a  new  name,  that  of  Deists.  These,  he 
ells  us,  p  v.fes.ied  to  believe  a  God,  bul  showed  no  regard  to  Jesus  Christ, 
ln,i  considered  the  dqctrine  of  the  apostles  and  evangelists  as  fables 
and  dreams.  He  adds  thai  they  laughed  at  all  religion ;  notwithstanding 
they  conformed  themselves,  externally,  to  the  religion  of  those  with  whom 
they  were  obliged  to  live,  or  whom  they  were  desirous  of  pleasing,  or 
whom  they  feared.  Some  of  them,  he  observes,  professed  to  believe 
the  immortality  of  the  soul;  others  were  of  the  Epicurean  opinion  in  this 
point,  as  well  as  about  the  providence  of  God  with  respect  to  mankind,  as 
if  he  did  not  concern  himself  in  the  government  of  human  affairs,  lie 
adds,  that  many  among  them  set  up  for  learning  and  philosophy,  and  were 


and  in  the  countries  where  gross  pagan  idolatry  could  no 
longer  be  practised  with  credit  and  security.  In  these  cir- 
cumstances, deists  acquire,  as  it  were  at  second-hand,  their 
glimmering  light  from  the  book  to  which  they  oppose  it; 
and  it  is  a  fact  that  almost  all  the  things,  which  have  been 
said  wisely  and  truly  by  them,  ark  MANIFESTLY  BORROWED 

FROM  THAT  REVELATION  WHICH  THEY  REFUSE  TO  EMBRACE, 
AND    WITHOUT     WHICH     THEY     NEVER     COULD     HAVE     BEEN 

able  to  have  delivered  such  truths.  Now,  indeed,  that 
our  whole  duty  is  clearly  revealed,  we  not  only  see  its  agree- 
ment with  reason,  but  are  also  enabled  to  deduce  its  obliga- 
tion from  reason  :  but,  if  we  had  been  destitute  of  all  re- 
vealed religion,  it  would  have  been  a  work  of  extreme  dif- 
ficulty to  nave  discovered  our  duty  in  all  points.  What 
ground  indeed  have  the  modern  contemners  of  revelation  to 
imagine,  that,  if  they  had  lived  without  the  light  of  the  gos- 
pel, they  would  have  been  wiser  than  Socrates,  Plato,  and 
Cicero1?  How  are  they  certain  that  they  would  have  made 
such  a  right  use  of  their  reason,  as  to  have  discovered 
truth  1  If  their  lot  had  been  among  the  vulgar,  are  they 
sure  that  they  would  not  have  been  idolaters  1  if  they  had 
joined  themselves  to  the  philosophers,  what  sect  would  they 
have  followed  1  Or,  if  they  had  set  up  for  themselves,  how 
are  they  certain  that  they  would  have  Deen  skilful  enough  to 
have  deduced  the  several  branches  of  their  duty,  or  to  have 
applied  them  to  the  several  cases  of  life,  by  argumentation 
and  force  of  reason  1  It  is  one  thing  to  perceive  that  the 
rules  of  life,  which  are  laid  before  us,  are  agreeable  to  rea- 
son, and  another  thing  to  find  out  those  rules  by  the  mere 
light  of  reason.  We  see  that  many,  who  profess  to  govern 
themselves  by  the  written  rules  of  revealed  religion,  are 
nevertheless  ignorant  of  their  duty ;  and  how  can  any  man 
be  sure  that  he  should  have  made  such  a  good  use  of  his 
reason,  as  to  have  perfectly  understood  his  duty  without 
help  ]  We  see  that  many  of  those, — who  profess  firmly  to 
believe  in  that  great  and  everlasting  happiness  which  Christ 
has  promised  to  obedience,  and  that  great  and  eternal  misery 
which  he  has  threatened  against  disobedience, — are  yet  hur- 
ried away  by  their  lusts  and  passions  to  transgress  the  con- 
ditions of  that  covenant  to  which  these  promises  and  threat- 
enings  are  annexed ;  and  how  can  any  man  be  sure,  that  he 
should  be  able  to  overcome  these  temptations,  if  these  mo- 
tives were  less  known,  or  less  powerfully  enforced  ]  But, 
suppose  that  he  could  by  strength  of  reason  demonstrate  all 
these  things  to  himself  with  the  utmost  possible  clearness 
and  distinctness,  yet  all  men  are  not  equally  capable  of  be- 
ing philosophers,  though  all  men  are  obliged  to  be  equally 
religious.  At  least,  thus  much  is  certain,  that  the  rewards 
and  punishments  of  another  world  cannot  be  so  powerfully 
enforced,  in  order  to  influence  the  lives  of  men,  by  a  de- 
monstration of  their  reality  from  abstract  reasoning,  as  by 
one  who  assures  them,  by  sufficient  credentials,  that  he  has 
actually  been  in  that  other  state. 

Answer  3.  Besides,  the  contradictory  and  discordant  spe- 
culations of  the  modern  opposers  of  revelation,  who  boast 
that  reason  is  their  God  (even  if  they  had  not  long  since  been 
fully  answered),  are  so  great  and  so  glaring,  and  the  pre- 
cepts delivered  by  them  tor  a  rule  of  life  are  so  utterly  sub- 
versive of  every  principle  of  morality,  as  to  demonstrate  the 
absolute  necessity  of  a  divine  revelation  now  (supposing  one 
had  never  been  given),  in  order  to  lead  men  to  the  worship 
and  knowledge  of  the  true  God,  and  also  to  impart  to  them 
the  knowledge  of  their  duties  to  him,  and  towards  one 
another.  A  brief  statement  of  the  recorded  opinions  of  the 
principal  opposers  of  revelation  in  modern  times,  will  prove 
and  justify  this  remark. 

1.  Concerning  religion,  the  worship  of  God,  and  the  expecta- 
tions of  mankind  respecting  a  future  state  .- 

Lord  Herbert,  of  Cherbury  (who  wrote  in  the  former 
part  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  was  the  first,  as  he  was 
the  greatest  and  best  of  the  modern  deistical  philosophers), 
has  laid  down  the  following  positions,  viz.  that  Christianity 
is  the  best  religion ;  that  his  own  universal  religion  of  na 

considered  as  persons  of  an  acute  and  subtile  genius;  and  that,  not  con 
tent  to  perish  alone  in  their  error,  they  took  pains  to  spread  the  poison, 
audio  infect  and  corrupt  others  by  their  impious  discourses,  and  their 
bad  examples.  Bayle's  Dictionary,  article  Viret,  cited  in  Dr.  Leland  s 
View  of  the  Deistical  Writers,  vol.  i.  p.  2. 

Modern  infidelity,  though  it  may  assume  the  title  of  Deism,  is  in  fact  little 
better  than  disguised  atheism.  A  man  seldom  n  tins  for  any  length  i  f 
time  his  first  deistical  opinions  ;  his  errors  gradually  multiply,  till  he  sinks 
to  the  last  gradation  of  impiety.  The  testimony  of  an  infidel  writer  sub- 
stantiates  this  point.  "Deism,"  says  he,  "  is  but  the  first  step  of  reason 
out  of  superstition.  No  person  remains  a  Deist,  but  through  want  of  re- 
flection, timidity,  passion,  or  obstinacy.''— Brittan's  Modem  Infidelity 
Portrayed,  p.  9. 


l/HAP.   I.] 


DIVINE  REVELATION. 


23 


agrees  wholly  with  Christianity,  and  contributes 
establishment;  that  all  revealed  religion  (meaning  Chris- 
tianity) is  absolutely  uncertain,  and  or  Little  01  no  use;  that 
there  is  one  supreme  Cod,  who  is  chiefly  to  be  worshipped; 
that  piety  and  virtue  are  the  principal  part  of  hi 
that  we  must  repent  of  out  sins,  and  if  we  do  so,  God  will 
pardon  them;   that  there  are  rewards  foi  good  men, 
punishments  for  wicked  men  in  a  future  state;  that  these 
principles  of  his  univi  real  religion  are  clearly  known  to  -.ill 
men,  and  that  they  were  principally  unknot  n  to  the  (.'(utiles 
(who  comprised  almost  ail  men).     Yet,  notwithstanding  his 
declaration  in  favour  of  Christianity,  he   accuses  all  pre- 
tences to  revelation  of  folly  and  unreasonableness,  and  con- 
temptuously rejects  its  capital  doctrin 

Mb.  Hobbes,  who  was  partly  contemporary  with  Lord  Her- 
bert, affirms  thai  the  Scriptures  are  the  voice  of  <  tod,  and  yet 
that  the)  have  no  authority  but  what  they  derive  from  the 
prince  01  the  civil  power;  he  acknowledges,  that  inspira- 
tion is  a  .supernatural  gift,  and  the  immediate  hand  of  Cod, 

and  vet    the  pretence  to  it  is  a  sign  id'  madness  ;   that  a  sub- 

ject  maj  hold  firmly  tin.'  faith  of  Christ  in  his  heart,  and 
vet  may"  [awfully  deny  him  before  the  magistrate,  and  that 
in  such  a  case  it  is  not  he  that  denies  ( 'hrist  before  men,  but 
his  governor  and  the  laws  of  his  country;  that  God  exists, 
and  yet  that  that  which  is  not  matter  is  nothing ;  that  honour, 
worship,  prayer,  and  praise  are  due  to  God,  and  yet  that  all 
religion  is  ridiculous. 

Mr.  Blount,  who  lived  during  the  latter  part  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  maintained  that  there  is  an  infinite  and  eter- 
nal God,  the  creator  of  all  things,  ami  yet  he  insinuates  that 
ihe  world  was  eternal;  that  the  worship  we  owe  to  God 
consists  in  prayer  to  llim,  and  in  praise  of  Him,  and  yet  he 
objects  to  prayer  as  a  duty;  that  we  are  to  expect  rewards 
and  punishments  hereafter,  according  to  our  actions  in  this 
life,  which  includes  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  and  yet 
that  the  soul  of  man  is  probably  material  (and  of  course 
mortal). 

The  Earl  of  Shaftesbury  lived  during  the  close  of  the 
seventeenth  and  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
He  affirms  that  nothing  can  be  more  fatal  to  virtue  than  the 
weak  and  uncertain  belief  of  future  rewards  and  punish- 
ments; and  that  this  belief  takes  away  all  motives  to  vir- 
tue; that  the  hope  of  rewards  and  the  fear  of  punishments 
make  virtue  mercenary ;  that  it  is  disingenuous  and  servile 
to  be  influenced  by  rewards ;  and  that  the  hope  of  rewards 
cannot  consist  with  virtue  ;  and  yet  that  the  hope  of  rewards 
is  so  far  from  being  derogatory  to  virtue,  that  it  is  a  proof  we 
love  virtue;  that  However  mercenary  the  hope  of  rewards 
and  the  fear  of  punishments  may  be  accounted,  it  is  in  many 
instances  a  great  advantage,  security,  and  support  of  virtue; 
that  all  obligation  to  be  virtuous  arises  from  the  advantages 
(that  is,  the  rewards)  of  virtue,  and  from  the  disadvantages 
(that  is,  the  punishments)  of  vice;  that  those  are  to  be  cen- 
sured who  represent  the  Gospel  as  a  fraud;  that  he  hopes 
the  Select  Sermons  of  Dr.  Whichcot  (to  which  Lord  Shaftes- 
bury had  written  an  elegant  preface)  will  induce  the  enemies 
of  Christianity  to  like  it  better,  and  make  Christians  prize  it 
the  more;  and  that  he  hopes  Christians  will  be  secured 
against  the  temper  of  the  irreconcileable  enemies  of  the 
faith  of  the  Gospel ;  and  yet  he  represents  salvation  as  a 
ridiculous  thing;  and  insinuates  that  Christ  was  influenced 
and  directed  by  deep  designs  of  ambition,  and  cherished  a 

Savage  zeal  and  persecuting  spirit;  and  that  the  Scriptures 
were  a  mere  artful  invention,  to  secure  a  profitable  monopoly 
(that  is,  of  sinister  advantages  to  the  inventors)  ;  that  man  is 
born  to  religion,  piety,  and  adoration,  as  well  as  to  honour 
and  friendship;  that  virtue  is  not  complete  without  piety; 
yet  he  labours  to  make  virtue  wholly  independent  of  piety  : 
that  all  the  warrant  for  the  authority  of  religious  symbols 
(that  is,  the  institution  of  Christianity)  is  the  authority  of 
the  magistrate;  that  the  magistrate  is  the  sole  judge  of  re- 
ligious truth,  and  of  revelation  ;  that  miracles  are  ridiculous; 
and  that,  if  true,  they  would  be  no  proof  of  the  truth  of  reve- 
lation ;  that  ridicule  is  the  test  of  truth  ;  and  yet,  that  ridicule 
itself  must  be  brought  to  the  test  of  reason  ;  that  the  Chris- 
tian religion  ought  to  he  received  when  established  by  the 
magistrate ;  yet  he  grossly  ridicules  it  where  it  was  thus 
established;  that  religion  and  virtue  appear  to  be  so  nearly- 
connected,  that  they  are  presumed  to  be  inseparable  com- 
panions ;  and  yet  that  atheists  often  conduct  themselves  so 
well,  as  to  seem  to  force  us  to  confess  them  virtuous ;  that 
ne,  who  denies  a  God,  sets  up  an  opinion  against  the  very 
well-being  of  society ;  and  yet  that  atheism  has  no  direct 


the  prophet,  were  mere  lortunc-teners,  ana  aiscove 
lost  goods; — that  Christianity  stands  wholly  on  a  fait 
dation;  yet  he  jp<  aks  respectfully  of  Christianity ;  a 

of  the  Epicureans,  whom  he  at  the  same  time  consi( 


natural  tendency  to  take  away  a  just  sense  of  right  ami 

wrong. 

.Mr.  Coi.uns  also  wrote  in  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth 

century,  and  published  ;i  variety  of  objections  against  revela- 

H(    affirms  that  man  is  a  mere  machine; — that  the 

i     material  and   mortal; — that  Christ  and  his  apostles 

l.uilt  on  the  predictions  of  fortune-tellers  and  divines; — that 

the  prophets  were   mere  fortune-tellers,  and  discoverers  of 

■  false  foun- 
and  also 
iders  as 

!s. 

Contemporary  with  Collins  was  Mb.  Woolstow;  who,  in 
his  Discourses  on  the  Miracles  of  our  Saviour,  under  the  pre- 
tence  of  vindicating  the  allegorical  sense  of  Scripture,  en- 
deavours absolutely  to  destroy  the  truth  of  the  facts  recorded 
in  the  Gospi  Is.  This  writer  asserts,  that  he  is  the  farthest 
of  any  man  from  being  engaged  in  the  cause  of  infidelity ; — 

that  Infidelity  has  no  place  in  his  heart; — that  he  writes  for 
the  honour  01  Jesus  ami  in  defence  of  Christianity ; — and 
that  his  design  in  writing  is  to  advance  the  Mi  Bsiahship  and 

truth  of  the  holy  Jesus;  *■  to  whom,*'  he  Bays,  "be  glory  for 
ever,  Amen;"  and  yet,  that  the  Gospels  are  full  of  incredi- 
bilities, impossibilities,  ami  absurdities  ; — that  they  resemble 
Gulliverian  tales  of  persons  and  things,  w  hich  out  of  romance 
never  had  a  being; — that  the  miracles,  recorded  in  the  Gos- 
pels, taken  literally,  will  not  abide  the  test  of  reason  and 
common  sense,  but  must  he  rejected,  and  the  authority  of 
Jesus  along  with  them  ;  and  at  the  same  time,  he  casts  the 
most  scurrilous  reflections  on  Christ. 

With  the  two  preceding  writers  Dbs.  Timdai  ami  Morgak 
were  contemporary.  The  former  declares  that  Christianity, 
stripped  of  the  additions  which  mistake,  policy,  and  circum- 
stances have  made  to  it,  is  a  most  holy  religion;  and  yet, 
that  the  Scriptures  a*re  obscure,  and  fit  only  to  perplex  men, 
and  that  the  two  great  parts  of  them  are  contradictory ; — 
that  all  the  doctrines  of  Christianity  plainly  speak  them- 
selves to  be  the  will  of  an  infinitely  wise  and  holy  God 
and  yet,  that  the  precepts  of  Christianity  are  loose,  un- 
determined, incapable  of  being  understood  by  mankind 
at  large,  give  wrong  and  unworthy  apprehensions  of  God, 
and  are  generally  false  and  pernicious  ; — that  natural  re- 
ligion is  so  plain  to  all,  even  the  most  ignoranl  men,  that 
God  could  not  make  it  plainer,  even  if  he  were  to  convey, 
miraculously,  the  very  same  ideas  to  all  men ;  and  yet,  that 
almost  all  mankind  have  had  very  unworthy  notions  of  God, 
and  very  wrong  apprehensions  01  natural  religion; — that  the 
principles  of  natural  religion  are  so  clear,  that  men  cannot 
possibly  mistake  them;  and  yet,  that  almost  all  men  have 
grossly  mistaken  them,  and  imbibed  a  superstition  worse 
than  atheism.  Dr.  Morgan  asserts  that  God  may  communi- 
cate his  will  by  immediate  inspiration,  and  yet  that  it  can 
never  be  proved  that  he  has  thus  communicated  his  will,  and 
that  we  are  not  to  receive  any  thing  on  tin  authority  of  reve- 
lation. 

Nearly  at  the  same  time  were  published  numerous  tracts 
by  Mi;.  CHUBB,  in  some  of  which  he  assumed  the  garb  of 
Christianity,  though  it  is  not  difficult  to  perceive  that  his 
true  intention  was  to  betray  it.  He  declares  that  he  hopes 
to  share  with  his  friends  in  the  favour  of  God,  in  that  peace- 
ful and  happy  state  which  God  has  prepared  for  the  virtuous 
and  faithful,  in  some  other  future  world;  and  yet,  that  God 
does  not  interpose  in  the  affairs  of  this  world  at  all,  and  has 
nothing  to  do  with  the  good  orevil  done  by  men  here; — that 
prayer  may  he  useful,  as  a  positive  institution,  by  introduc- 
ing propel  thoughts,  affections,  and  actions;  and  yet  he  inti- 
mates that  it  must  be  displeasing  to  God,  and  directly  impro- 
per ; — that  a  state  of  rewards  and  punishments  hereafter  is 
one  of  tin  truths  which  are  of  the  highest  concern  to  men; 
and  yet,  that  the  arguments  for  the  immortality  of  the  soul 
are  wholly  unsatisfactory  ;  am!  that  the  soul  is  probably  mat- 
ter;— that"  men  are  accountable  to  God  for  all  their  conduct, 
and  will  certainly  he  judged  and  dealt  with  according  to  the 
truth  and  reality  of  their  respective  cases;  and  yet,  that  men 
will  not  be  judged  for  their  impiety  or  ingratitude  to  God, 
nor  for  their  injustice  and  unkindness  to  each  other;  but  only 
for  voluntary  injuries  to  the  public ;  and  that  even  this  is  un- 
jsafy  and  useless; — that  God  may  kindly  reveal  to  the 
world,  when  greatly  vitiated  by  error  and  ignorance,  truths 
necessarv  to  be  known,  and  precepts  necessary  to  be  obey- 
<  d  :  and  yet,  that  such  a  revelation  would  be,  of  course,  un- 
certain and  usi  ■<  >>  ; — that  Christ's  mission  is,  at  least  in  his 
view,  probably  divine:  and  yet.  that  Christ,  in  his  opinion, 


u 


ON  THE  NECESSITY,  <fcc.  OF  A 


[Chap.  I 


10  higher  character  than  the  founder  of  the  Christum 
at  is,  another  Sadoc,  Cerinthus,  or  Herbert)  ; — that 


WnS  of  II 

sect  (that 

the  New  Testament,  particularly  the  writings  of  the  apps 
ties,  contain  excellent  cautions  and  instructions  for  our  right 
conduct ;  and  that  the  New  Testament  yields  much  clearer 
light  than  any  other  traditionary  revelation ;  and  yet  that  the 
New  Testament  has  contributed  to  the  perplexity  and  confu- 
sion of  mankind,  and  exhibits  doctrines  heretical,  dishonour- 
able to  God,  and  injurious  to  men ;  and  that  the  apostles  were 
impostors ;  and  that  the  Gospels  and  Acts  of  the  Apostles 
resemble  Jewish  fables  and  popish  legends  rather  than  ac- 
counts of  facts ; — that  as,  on  the  Christian  scheme,  Christ 
will  be  the  judge  of  the  quick  and  the  dead,  he  has  not  on 
this  account  (that  is,  admitting  this  to  be  true)  any  disagree- 
able apprehension  on  account  of  what  he  has  written  ;  and 
vet  he  ridicules  the  birth  and  resurrection  of  Christ,  repre- 
sents his  instructions  as  inferior  to  those  of  the  heathen  phi- 
losophers and  lawgivers,  asserts  his  doctrines  to  be  disho- 
nourable to  God  and  injurious  to  mankind,  and  allows  him 
not  to  be  sinless,  but  merely  not  a  gross  sinner.  He  further 
declares,  that  the  resurrection  of  Christ,  if  true,  proves  not 
the  immortality  of  the  soul ; — that  the  belief  of  a  future  state 
is  of  no  advantage  to  society  ; — that  all  religions  are  alike ; 
that  it  is  of  no  consequence  what  religion  a  man  embraces ; 
and  he  allows  not  any  room  for  dependence  on  God's  provi- 
dence, trust  in  him,  and  resignation  to  his  will,  as  parts  of 
duty  or  religion. 

Lord  Bolingbroke  declares  that  power  and  wisdom  are 
the  only  attributes  of  God,  which  can  be  discovered  by  man- 
kind ;  and  yet  that  he  is  as  far  from  denying  the  justice  as 
the  power  of  God  ;  that  his  goodness  is  manifest;  at  the  same 
time  he  ascribes  every  other  perfection  to  God,  as  well  as 
wisdom  and  power,  and  says,  this  is  rational ; — that  the  wis- 
dom of  God  is  merely  a  natural  attribute,  and  in  no  sense 
moral ;  and  yet,  that  the  wisdom  of  God-operates  in  choosing 
what  is  fittest  to  be  done  (of  course,  it  is  a  moral  attribute, 
involving  perfect  moral  rectitude,  as  well  as  perfect  know- 
lodge) ; — that  God  is  gracious  and  beneficent ; — that  what- 
ever God  has  done  is  just  and  good  ; — that  such  moral  per- 
fections are  in  God  as  Christians  ascribe  to  him ;  yet  he 
censures  divines  for  ascribing  these  perfections  to  God ; — 
that  we  learn  from  our  own  power  and  wisdom,  the  power 
and  wisdom  of  God ;  and  yet,  that  it  is  profane  to  ascribe  the 
excellencies  of  our  nature  to  God,  although  without  limit  or 
imperfection.  He  undertakes  to  defend  the  righteousness  of 
God  against  divines ;  and  yet  asserts  that  holiness  and  right- 
eousness in  God  are  like  nothing  in  men ;  that  they  cannot 
be  conceived  of  by  men,  nor  argued  about  with  any  certainty ; 
and  that  to  talk  of  imitating  God  in  his  moral  attributes  is 
blasphemy ; — that  God  made  all  things ;  and  yet,  that  he  did 
not  determine  the  existence  of  particular  men  (of  course  he 
did  not  determine  the  existence  of  any  man,  all  men  being 
particular  men) ; — that  he  will  not  presume  to  deny,  that 
there  have  been  particular  providences ;  and  yet,  that  there 
is  no  foundation  for  the  belief  of  any  such  providences,  and 
that  it  is  absurd  and  profane  to  assert  or  believe  them ; — 
that  God  is  just,  and  that  justice  requires  that  rewards  or 
punishments  be  measured  to  particular  cases,  according  to 
their  circumstances,  in  proportion  to  the  merit  or  demerit  of 
every  individual,  and  yet,  that  God  does  not  so  measure  out 
rewards  or  punishments ;  and  that,  if  he  did,  he  would  sub- 
vert human  affairs ;  that  he  concerns  not  himself  with  the 
affairs  of  men  at  all ;  or,  if  he  does,  that  he  regards  only  col- 
lective bodies  of  men,  not  individuals;  that  he  punishes 
none,  except  through  the  magistrate  ;  and  that  there  will  be 
no  state  of  future  rewards  or  punishments ; — that  divines 
are  deserving  of  censure  for  saying  that  God  made  man  to  be 
nappy ;  and  yet  he  asserts  that  God  made  man  to  be  happy 
here,  and  that  the  end  of  the  human  state  is  happiness ; — 
that  the  religion  of  nature  is  clear  and  obvious  to  all  man- 
kind ;  and  yet  that  it  has  been  unknown  to  the  greatest  part 
of  mankind  ; — that  we  know  material  substance,  and  are  as- 
sured of  it ;  and  yet,  that  we  know  nothing  of  either  matter 
ox  spirit; — that  there  is,  undeniably,  something  in  our  con- 
stitution, beyond  the  known  properties  of  matter ;  and  yet, 
that  the  soul  is  material  and  mortal ;  and  that  to  say  the  soul 
is  immaterial,  is  the  same  thing  as  to  say  that  two  and  two 
are  five; — that  self-love  is  the  great  law  of  our  nature;  and 
yet,  that  universal  benevolence  is  the  great  law  of  our  na- 
ture ; — that  Christianity  is  a  republication  of  the  religion  of 
nature,  and  a  benevolent  system;  that  its  morals  are  pure  ; 
and  that  he  is  determined  to  seek  for  genuine  Christianity 
with  the  simplicity  of  spirit  with  which  Christ  himself 


taught  it  in  the  Gospel ;  and  yet  a  great  part  of  his  works, 
particularly  of  his  philosophical  works,  was  written  for  no 
other  end  but  to  destroy  Christianity.  He  also  declares, 
that  there  is  no  conscience  in  man,  except  artificially ; — that 
it  is  more  natural  to  believe  many  gods  than  to  believe  one. 

During  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century  flourished 
David  Hume,  whose  acuteness  of  observation,  and  elegant 
style,  have  secured  for  his  writings  an  extensive  circulation. 
He  asserts  that  there  is  no  perceptible  connection  between 
cause  and  effect ; — that  the  belief  of  such  connection  is  merely 
a  matter  of  custom ; — that  experience  can  show  us  no  sucn 
connection ; — that  we  cannot  with  any  reason  conclude  that, 
because  an  effect  has  taken  place  once,  it  will  take  place 
again ; — that  it  is  uncertain  and  useless  to  argue  from  the 
course  of  nature,  and  infer  an  intelligent  cause ; — that  we 
cannot,  from  any  analogy  of  nature,  argue  the  existence  of 
an  intelligent  cause  of  all  things ; — that  there  is  no  reason  to 
believe  that  the  universe  proceeded  from  a  cause; — thai 
there  are  no  solid  arguments  to  prove  the  existence  of  a  God; 
— that  experience  can  furnish  no  argument  concerning  mat- 
ters of  fact,  is  in  this  case  useless,  and  can  give  rise  to  no 
inference  or  conclusion ;  and  yet,  that  experience  is  our  only 
guide  in  matters  of  fact,  and  the  existence  of  objects ; — that 
it  is  universally  allowed,  that  nothing  exists  without  a  cause ; 
— that  every  effect  is  so  precisely  determined,  that  no  other 
effect  could,  in  such  circumstances,  have  possibly  resulted 
from  the  operation  of  its  cause ; — that  the  relation  of  cause 
is  absolutely  necessary  to  the  propagation  of  our  species,  and 
the  regulation  of  our  conduct ; — that  voluntary  actions  are 
necessary,  and  determined  by  a  fixed  connection  between 
cause  and  effect ; — that  motives  are  causes  operating  neces- 
sarily on  the  will ; — that  man  is  a  mere  machine  (that  is,  an 
object  operated  on  necessarily  by  external  causes) ; — that 
there  is  no  contingency  (that  is,  nothing  happening  without 
a  settled  cause)  in  the  universe ;  and  that  matter  and  motion 
may  be  regarded  as  the  cause  of  thought  (that  is,  the  soul  is 
a  material  cause,  and  thought  its  effect)  ; — that  God  dis- 
covers to  us  only  faint  traces  of  his  character ;  and  that  it 
would  be  flattery  or  presumption  to  ascribe  to  him  any  per- 
fection which  is  not  discovered  to  the  full  in  his  works  (and 
of  course,  that  it  would  be  flattery  or  presumption  to  ascribe 
any  perfection  to  God)  ; — that  it  is  unreasonable  to  believe 
God  to  be  wise  and  good ; — that  Avhat  we  believe  to  be  a  per- 
fection in  God  may  be  a  defect  (that  is  holiness,  justice,  wis- 
dom, goodness,  mercy,  and  truth  may  be  defects  in  God) ; 
— consequently  injustice,  folly,  malice,  and  falsehood  may 
be  excellencies  in  his  character; — that  no  reward  or  punish 
ment  can  be  rationally  expected  beyond  what  is  already 
known  by  experience  ajjd  observation. 

While  Hume  and  Bolingbroke  were  propagating  these 
sentiments  in  England,  Voltaire,  Diderot,  D'Alembert, 
Frederick  II.  King  of  Prussia,  and  other  distinguished  wri- 
ters had  confederated  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  annihilating 
the  Christian  religion.  The  printed  works  of  the  three  first- 
named  writers  are  too  voluminous  to  admit  of  extracts  :  but 
it  may  be  stated  generally,  that  their  private  correspondence, 
which  has  been  published,  exhibits  a  total  disregard  of  truth 
and  honour,  together  with  such  a  disgusting  compound  of 
falsehood,  envy,  malignity,  hatred,  contempt  of  one  another 
and  of  all  the  world,  as  cannot  but  convey  a  horrible  impres- 
sion of  the  spirit  and  tendency  of  infidelity.  It  is  howevei 
principally  in  the  posthumous  works  of  the  King  of  Prussia 
that  we  see  a  faithful  delineation  of  the  real  tenets  and  opi- 
nions of  the  most  celebrated  philosophers  of  the  Continent,  of 
the  founders  and  legislators  of  the  great  empire  of  infidelity, 
with  the  philosophic  monarch  himself  at  their  head.  E  very  se- 
cret of  their  hearts  is  there  laid  open  in  their  familiar  and  con- 
fidential correspondence  with  each  other ;  and  there  we  see 
that  they  were  pretended  deists,  but  real  atheists ;  that,  al- 
though the  name,  of  a  Supreme  Being  was  sometimes  men- 
tione'd,  yet  it  was  seldom  mentioned  but  with  ridicule  and 
contempt;  and  that  they  never  conceived  him  to  beany  thing 
more  than  the  intelligent  principle  that  animates  all  nature, 
the  source  of  life  and  motion,  the  sensorium  of  the  universe  ■ 
but  in  other  respects  totally  unconnected  with  the  earth  and 
its  inhabitants.  "  In  consequence  of  this  doctrine  these  phi- 
losophers rejected  all  idea  of  a  providence  and  a  moral  go- 
vernor of  the  world.  They  ascribed  every  effect  to  fate  or 
fortune,  to  necessity  or  chance;  they  denied  tb«  existence  of 
a  soul  distinct  from  the  body;  they  conceit' 4  man  to  be  no- 
thing more  than  an  organized  lump  of  maUer5  a  mere  machine, 
an  ingenious  piece  of  clock-work,  which,  when  the  wheels 
refuse  to  act,  stands  still,  and  loses  all  power  and  motion  foi 


Chap.  I.] 


DIVINE  REVELATION. 


25 


ever.  They  acknowledged  nothing  beyond  the  grave,  no 
resurrection,  no  future  existence,  no  future  retribution ;  they 
considered  death  as  an  eternal  sleep,  as  the  total  extinction 
of  our  being;  and  they  Stigmatized  all  opinions  different  from 
these  with  the  names  of  superstition,  bigotry,  priestcraft, 
fanaticism,  and  idolatry."1 

Such  are  the  various,  contradictory,  and  impious  tenets 
promulgated  by  the  most  eminent  champions  of  what  is  call- 
ed deism2  (ana  which  have  been  repeated  in  different  ways 
by  the  opposers  of  revelation  in  our  age),  concerning  reli- 
gion, the  worship  of  God,  and  the  expectations  of  mankind 
■  ting  a  future  state.  We  shall  only  add,  that  though 
the  infidels  of  the  present  day  profess  to  be  the  disciples  of 
nature,  and  to  receive  her  unerring  instructions,  yet  they  dif- 
fer from  each  other  with  an  almost  endless  variety.  Having 
gradually  receded  from  true  Christianity  to  false,  some  are 
unbelievers  in  the  nature,  some  in  the  providence,  and  others 
even  in  the  existence  of  a  God  ;  but  all  of  them  are  unani- 
mous in  rejecting  the  divine  testimony,  and  in  renouncing 
the  God  of  the  Bible.     Let  us  now  take  a  brief  view, 

•_'.  Of  their  precepts  concerning  morals. 

Lord  Herbekt  declared,  that  men  are  not  hastily,  or  on 
small  grounds,  to  be  condemned,  who  are  led  to  sin  by  bodily 
constitution  ;  that  the  indulgence  of  lust  and  of  anger  is  no 
more  to  be  blamed  than  the  thirst  occasioned  by  the  dropsy, 
or  the  drowsiness  produced  by  lethargy. 

Mit.  Hobbes  asserted  that  the  civil  or  municipal  law  is  the 
only  foundation  of  right  and  wrong  ;  that  where  there  is  no 
civil  law,  every  man^  judgment  is  the  only  standard  of  right 
and  wrong  ;  that  the  sovereign  is  not  bound  by  any  obligation 
of  truth  or  justice,  and  can  do  no  wrong  to  his  subjects  ;  that 
every  man  has  aright  to  all  things,  and  may  lawfully  get 
them  if  he  can  ! 

Lord  Bolingbroke  resolved  all  morality  into  self-love  as 
its  principle,  and  taught  that  ambition,  the  lust  of  power, 
sensuality,  and  avarice  may  be  lawfully  gratified,  if  they 
can  be  safely  gratified  ;  that  the  sole  foundation  of  modesty 
is  vanity,  or  a  wish  to  show  ourselves  superior  to  mere  ani- 
mals ;  than  man  lives  only  in  the  present  world,  and  is  only 
a  superbr  animal ;  that  the  chief  end  of  man  is  to  gratify  the 
appetites  and  inclinations  of  the  flesh ;  that  modesty  is  in- 
spired by  mere  prejudice  ;  and  that  polygamy  is  a  part  of  the 
law  or  religion  of  nature.  He  also  intimates  that  adultery  is 
no  violation  of  the  law  of  nature  ;  and  that  there  is  no  wrong, 
except  in  the  highest  lewdness. 

Mb.  Hume  (the  immorality  of  whose  principles  is  dis- 
played in  his  Private  Correspondence  recently  published)3 
maintained,  that  self-denial,  self-mortification,  and  humility 
are  not  virtues,  but  are  useless  and  mischievous  ;  that  they 
stupify  the  understanding,  sour  the  temper,  and  harden  the 
heart ;  that  pride,  self  valuation,  ingenuity,  eloquence,  quick- 
aess  of  thought,  easiness  of  expression,  delicacy  of  taste, 
strength  of  body,  and  cleanliness,  are  virtues ;  and,  conse- 
quently, that  to  want  honesty,  to  want  understanding,  and  to 
want  strength  of  body,  are  equally  the  subjects  of  moral  dis- 
approbation ;  that  adultery  must  be  practised,  if  men  wouJH 
obtain  all  the  advantages  of  life  ;  that,  if  generally  practised, 
it  would  in  time  cease  to  be  scandalous ;  and  that  if  prac- 
tised secretly  and  frequently,  it  would  by  degrees  come  to  be 
thought  no  crime  at  all ! ! ! 

Mr.  Gibbon,  one  of  the  most  decent  of  modern  infidels,  has 
given  a  biographical  account  of  himself,  and  what  is  the  re- 
sult of  the  moral  portrait  there  exhibited  1  Amid  all  the  po- 
lish and  splendour  of  literary  culture,  not  a  single  line  of  mo- 
ral beauty  is  perceptible.  There  is  "  no  fear  of  God,  no 
reverence  for  sacred  things,  no  regard  for  the  welfare  of  the 
human  race  ;  but  the  most  heartless  and  sordid  selfishness, 
vain  glory,  a  desire  of  admiration,  adulation  of  the  great  and 
wealthy,  contempt  of  the  poor,  and  supreme  devotedness  to 
his  own  gratification." 

Both  Voltaire  and  Helvetus  advocated  the  unlimited 
gratification  of  the  sensual  appetites,  and  the  latter  held  that 
it  is  not  agreeable  to  policy  to  regard  gallantry  (that  is,  un- 
lawful intercourse  with  married  women)  as  a  vice  in  a  moral 
sense  ;  and  that,  if  men  will  call  it  a  vice,  it  must  be  acknow- 
ledged that  there  are  vices  which  are  useful  in  certain  ages 
and  countries  !     In  other  words,  that  in  those  countries  such 

•  Bp.  Porteus's  Charge  in  1794.  (Tract?,  pp.  266,  067.) 

•  Dr.  Dvrighl's  Nature.  &c  ol  Infidel  Philosophy,  pp.  20 — 12  Most  of  the 
"/seeding  statements  ot"  the  opposers  ol"  revelation,  as  well  as  of  those 
which  follow  concerning  morals,  are  selected  from  Dr.  Leland's  View  of 
the  Deistical  Writers,  where  their  identical  expressions  are  given,  and  their 
fallacies  are  exposed  with  great  depth  of  argument  and  learning. 

»  "Correspondence  of  David  Hume  with  several  distinguished  Per- 
»opv"    London,  1820.  4to 

D 


vices  are  virtues.  Rousseau,  a  thief,  a  liar,  and  a  de- 
bauched profligate,  according  to  his  own  printed  "  Confes- 
sions ;"  also  had  recourse  to  feelings  as  his  standard  of  mo- 
rality. "  I  have  only  to  consult  myself,''  said  he,  "  concern- 
ing what  I  do.  All  that  I  feel  to  be  right,  is  right.  What- 
ever I  feel  to  be  wrong,  is  wrong.  All  the  morality  of  our 
actions  lies  in  the  judgment  we  ourselves  form  of  them  "6 
And  just  before  the  French  revolution  broke  out,  it  is  a  known 
met  that  the  idea  of  moral  obligation  was  exploded  among 
the  infidel  clubs  that  existed  in  every  part  of  1-  ranee. 

Such  is  the  morality  taught  by  some  of  those  who  in  the 
last  century  claimed  to  be  received  as  the  masters  of  reason. 
It  were  no  difficult  task  to  add  to  their  precepts  many  simi- 
lar ones  from  the  opponents  of  revelation  in  our  own  times; 
but  a3  they  only  re-assert  the  atheistical  and  immoral  tenets 
of  their  predecessors  with  increased  malignity  and  grossness, 
we  shall  spare  the  reader  the  pain  of  perusing  passages  that 
cannot  but  shock  the  mind  of  every  one  who  cherishes  the 
least  regard  for  decency  or  social  order.  Let  us  advert,  how- 
ever, for  a  moment,  to  the  effects  produced  by  these  princi- 
ples on  an  entire  people,  and  also  on  individuals. 

The  only  instance  in  which  the  avowed  rejectors  of  revela- 
tion have  possessed  the  supreme  power  and  government  of  a 
country,  and  have  attempted  to  dispose  of  human  happiness 
according  to  their  own  doctrines  and  wishes,  is  that  of 
France  during  the  greater  part  of  the  revolution,  which,  it  is 
now  well  known,  was  effected  by  the  abettors  of  infidelity. 
The  great  majority  of  the  nation  had  become  infidels.  The 
name  and  profession  of  Christianity  was  renounced  by  the  le- 
gislature ;  and  the  abolition  of  the  Christian  acrawas  proclaim- 
ed. Death  was  declared  by  an  act  of  the  republican  govern- 
ment to  be  an  eternal  sleep.  The  existence  of  the  Deity,  and 
the  immortality  of  the  soul,  were  formally  disavowed  by  the 
National  Convention;  and  the  doctrine  of  the  resurrection 
from  the  dead  was  declared  to  have  been  only  preached  by 
superstition  for  the  torment  of  the  living.  All  the  religions 
in  the  world  were  proclaimed  to  be  the  daughters  of  igno- 
rance and  pride ;  and  it  was  decreed  to  be  the  duty  or  the 
convention  to  assume  the  honourable  office  of  disseminating 
atheism  (which  was  blasphemously  affirmed  to  be  truth)  over 
all  the  world.  As  a  part  of  this  duty,  the  convention  further 
decreed,  that  its  express  renunciation  of  all  religious  worship 
should,  like  its  invitations  to  rebellion,  be  translated  into  all 
foreign  languages  ;  and  it  was  asserted  and  received  in  the 
convention,  that  the  adversaries  of  religion  had  deserved  well 
of  their  country  !  Correspondent  with  these  professions  and 
declarations  were  the  effects  actually  produced.  Public  wor- 
ship was  utterly  abolished.  The  churches  were  converted 
into  "  temples  of  reason,"  in  which  atheistical  and  licentious 
homilies  were  substituted  for  the  proscribed  service ;  and  an 
absurd  and  ludicrous  imitation  of  the  pagan  mythology  was 
exhibited  under  the  title  of  the  "  religion  of  reason."  In  the 
principal  church  of  ever}'  town  a  tutelary  goddess  was  in- 
stalled with  a  ceremony  equally  pedantic,  frivolous,  and  pro- 
fane ;  and  the  females,  selected  to  personify  this  new  divi- 
nity, were  mostly  prostitutes,  who  received  the  adorations  of 
the  attendant  municipal  officers,  and  of  the  multitudes,  whom 
fear,  or  force,  or  motive  of  gain,  had  collected  together  on 
the  occasion.  Contempt  for  religion  or  decency  became  the 
test  of  attachment  to  the  government ;  and  the  gross  infrac- 
tion of  any  moral  or  social  duty  was  deemed  a  proof  of  civism, 
and  a  victory  over  prejudice.  All  distinctions  of  right  and 
wrong  were  confounded.  The  grossest  debauchery  triumphed. 
The  reign  of  atheism  and  of  reason  was  the  reign  of  terror. 
"  Then  proscription  followed  upon  proscription  ;  tragedy  fol- 
lowed after  tragedy,  in  almost  breathless  succession,  on  the 
theatre  of  France.  Almost  the  whole  nation  was  converted 
into  a  horde  of  assassins.  Democracy  and  atheism,  hand  in 
hand,  desolated  the  country,  and  converted  it  into  one  vast 
field  of  rapine  and  of  blood."  In  one  part  of  France,  the 
course  of  a  river  (the  Loire')  was  impeded  by  the  drowned 
bodies  of  the  ministers  of  religion,  several  hundreds  of  whom 
were  destroyed  in  its  waters  ;  children  were  sentenced  to 
death  for  the  faith  and  loyalty  of  their  parents ;  and  they, 
whose  infancy  had  sheltered  them  from  the  fire  of  the  soldiery, 
were  bayoneted  as  they  clung  about  the  knees  of  their  de- 
stroyers. The  moral  and  social  ties  were  unloosed,  or  rather 
torn  asunder.  For  a  man  to  accuse  his  own  father  was  de- 
clared to  be  an  act  of  civism,  worthy  of  a  true  republican; 
and  to  neglect  it,  was  pronounced  a  crime  that  should  be 
punished  with  death.     Accordingly,  women  denounced  their 

•  Helvetius,  De  l'Esprit,  torn,  i  disc.  2.  eh.  15.  p.  176,  eteeq 

*  Emilius,  lorn.  i.  pc   166 — 168. 


86 


ON  THE  NECESSITY,  &c.  OF  A 


[Chap.  I. 


husbands,  and  mothers  their  sons,  as  bad  citizens  and  trai- 
tors ;  while  many  women,  not  of  the  dress  of  the  common 
people  nor  of  infamous  reputation,  but  respectable  in  cha- 
racter and  appearance,  seized  with  savage  ferocity  between 
their  teeth  the  mangled  limbs  of  their  murdered  countrymen. 
"  France  during  this  period  was  a  theatre  of  crimes,  which, 
after  all  preceding  perpetrations,  have  excited  in  the  mind  of 
every  spectator  amazement  and  horror.  The  miseries  suf- 
fered by  that  single  nation  have  changed  all  the  histories  of 
the  preceding  sufferings  of  mankind  into  idle  tales,  and  have 
been  enhanced  and  multiplied  without  a  precedent,  without 
a  number,  and  without  a  name.  The  kingdom  appeared  to 
be  changed  into  one  great  prison;  the  inhabitants  converted  into 
felons ;  and  the  common  doom  of  man  commuted  for  the  vio- 
lence of  the  sword  and  bayonet,  the  sucking  boat  and  the 
guillotine.  To  contemplative  men  it  seemed  for  a  season  as 
if  the  knell  of  the  whole  nation  was  tolled,  and  the  world 
summoned  to  its  execution  and  its  funeral."  Within  the  short 
period  of  ten  years,  not  less  than  three  millions  of  human  be- 
ings are  supposed  to  have  perished,  in  that  single  country, 
by  the  influence  of  atheism.  Were  the  world  to  adopt  and 
be  governed  by  the  doctrines  of  revolutionary  France,  what 
crimes  would  not  mankind  perpetrate  1  What  agonies  would 
they  not  suffer?1  Yet  republican  France  is  held  up  in  the 
present  day  as  an  example  worthy  to  be  followed  in  this 
country  ! 

With  regard  to  the  influence  of  deism  on  individuals,  we 
may  remark  that  the  effects  which  it  produces  are  perfectly 
in  unison  with  the  principles  which  its  advocates  have  main- 
tained. In  order  to  accomplish  their  designs,  there  is  no 
baseness  in  hypocrisy  to  which  they  have  not  submitted. 
Almost  all  of  them  have  worn  a  mask  of  friendship,  that  they 
might  stab  Christianity  to  the  heart ;  they  have  professed  a 
reverence  for  it,  while  they  were  aiming  to  destroy  it.  Lord 
Herbert,  Hobbes,  Lord  Shaftesbury,  Woolston,  Tindal, 
Chubb,  and  Lord  Bolingbroke,  were  all  guilty  of  the  vile  hy- 
pocrisy of  lying,  while  they  were  employed  in  no  other  de- 
sign than  to  destroy  it.  Collins,  though  he  had  no  belief  in 
Christianity,  yet  qualified  himself  for  civil  office  by  partaking 
of  the  Lord's  Supper ;  and  Shaftesbury  and  others  were  guilty 
of  the  same  base  hypocrisy.  "  Such  faithless  professions, 
such  gross  violations  of  truth  in  Christians,  would  have  been 
proclaimed  to  the  universe  by  these  very  writers  as  infamous 
desertions  of  principle  and  decency.  Is  it  less  infamous  in 
themselves  1  All  hypocrisy  is  detestable  ;  but  none  is  so  de- 
testable as  that  which  is  coolly  written  with  full  premedita- 
tion, by  a  man  of  talents,  assuming  the  character  of  a  moral 
and  religious  instructor,  a  minister,  a  prophet  of  the  truth  of 
the  infinite  God.  Truth  is  a  virtue  perfectly  defined,  mathe- 
matically clear,  and  completely  understood  by  all  men  of 
common  sense.  There  can  be  no  haltings  between  uttering 
truth  and  falsehood,  no  doubts,  no  mistakes ;  as  between 
piety  and  enthusiasm,  frugality  and  parsimony,  generosity 
and  profusion.  Transgression,  therefore,  is  always  a  known, 
definitive,  deliberate  villany.  In  the  sudden  moment  of 
strong  temptation,  in  the  hour  of  unguarded  attack,  in  the 
flutter  and  trepidation  of  unexpected  alarm,  the  best  man  may, 
perhaps,  be  surprised  into  any  sin ;  but  he,  who  can  coolly, 
of  steady  design,  and  with  no  unusual  impulse,  utter  false- 
hood, and  vent  hypocrisy,  is  not  far  from  finished  depravity. 
"  The  morals  of  Rochester  and  Wharton  need  no  com- 
ment. Woolston  was  a  gross  blasphemer.  Blount  solicited 
his  sister-in-law  to  marry  him,  and  being  refused  shot  him- 
self. Tindal  was  originally  a  protestant,  then  turned  papist, 
then  protestant  again,  merely  to  suit  the  times,  and  was  at 
the  same  time  infamous  for  vice  in  general,  <wid  the  total 
want  of  principle.  He  is  said  to  have  died  with  this  prayer 
in  his  mouth  :  '  If  there  is  a  God,  1  desire  that  he  may  have 
raercy  on  me.'  Hobbes  wrote  his  Leviathan  to  serve  the 
cause  of  Charles  I.,  but  finding  him  fail  of  success,  he 
turned  it  to  the  defence  of  Cromwell,  and  made  a  merit  of  this 
fact  to  the  usurper ;  as  Hobbes  himself  unblushingly  declared 
to  lord  Clarendon.  Morgan  had  no  regard  to  truth ;  as  is 
evident  from  his  numerous  falsifications  of  Scripture,  as  well 
as  from  the  vile  hypocrisy  of  professing  himself  a  Christian 
in  those  very  writings  in  which  he  labours  to  destroy  Chris- 
tianity. Voltaire,  in  a  letter  now  remaining,  requested  his 
friend  D'Alembert  to  tell  for  him  a  direct  and  palpable  lie, 
by  denying  that  he  was  the  author  of  the  Philosophical  Dic- 
tionary.    D'Alembert  in  his  answer  informed  him,  that  he 

i  The  details,  on  which  the  above  representation  is  founded,  may  be  seen 
at  length  in  the  Abbe  Barruel's  Memoirs  of  Jacobinism  ;  Gilford's  Resi- 
dence in  Fra-vje  during  the  Years  1792 — 1795,  vol.  ii.  and  Adolphus's  His- 
tory of  Fraiti?.  vol.  ii.    Dwight's  System  of  Theology,  vol.  i.  p.  02. 


had  told  the  lie.  Voltaire  has  indeed  expressed  his  own 
moral  character  perfectly  in  the  following  words  :  '  Monsieur 
Abbe,  I  must  be  read,  no  matter  whether  1  am  believed  or 
not.'  "2  He  also  solemnly  professed  to  believe  the  religious 
tenets  of  the  Romish  church,  although  at  the  same  time  he 
doubted  the  existence  of  a  God,  ana  at  the  very  moment  in 
which  he  was  plotting  the  destruction  of  Christianity,  and 
introducing  the  awful  watch-word  of  his  party,  "  Ecrasez 
Plnfame"3 — at  that  very  moment,  with  bended  knee,  and 
uplifted  eye,  he  adored  the  cross  of  Christ,  and  received 
the  host  in  the  communion  of  the  church  of  Rome.  This 
man  was  also  a  shameless  adulterer,  who,  with  his  abandoned 
mistress,  violated  the  confidence  of  his  visitors,  by  opening 
their  letters ; '  and  his  total  want  of  all  principle,  moral  or 
religious,  his  impudent  audacity,  his  filthy  sensuality,  his 
persecuting  envy,  his  base  adulation,  his  unwearied  treach- 
ery, his  tyranny,  his  cruelty,  his  profligacy,  and  his  hypo- 
crisy, will  render  him  for  ever  the  scorn,  as  his  unbounded 
powers  will  the  wonder,  of  mankind. 

The  dishonesty,  perjury,  and  gross  profligacy  of  Rousseau, 
who  alternately  professed  and  abjured  the  Roman  catholic  and 
protestant  religions,  without  believing  either,  and  who  died 
in  the  very  act  of  uttering  a  notorious  falsehood  to  his  Crea- 
tor,— as  well  as  of  Paine  and  other  advocates  of  infidelity, — 
are  too  notorious  to  render  it  necessary  to  pollute  these  pages 
with  the  details  of  them. 

VI.  Since  then  the  history  and  actual  condition  of  man- 
kind, in  all  ages,  concur  to  show  that  a  divine  revelation  is 
not  only  possible  and  probable,  but  also  absolutely  necessary 
to  recover  them  out  of  their  universal  corruption  and  de- 
generacy, and  to  make  known  to  them  the  proper  object 
of  their  belief  and  worship,  as  well  as  their  present  duties 
and  future  expectations ;  it  remains  that  we  consider  the 

POSSIBLE  MEANS  OF  COMMUNICATING  SUCH  REVELATION  TO  THE 
WORLD. 

There  appear  to  be  only  two  methods  by  which  an  ex- 
traordinary discovery  of  the  will  of  God  may  be  made  to 
man:  viz.  1.  An  immediate  revelation,  by  inspiration  or 
otherwise,  to  every  individual  of  the  human  race  ;  or  else, 
2.  A  commission,  accompanied  with  indisputable  credentials, 
bestowed  on  some  to  convince  others  that  they  were  actually 
delegated  by  God,  in  order  to  instruct  them  in  those  things 
which  he  has  revealed. 

1.  But  it  cannot  seem  requisite  that  the  Almighty  should 
immediately  inspire,  or  make  a  direct  revelation  to,  every  par- 
ticular person  in  the  world:  for  either  he  must  so  powerfully 
influence  the  minds  and  affections  of  men,  as  to  take  away 
their  choice  and  freedom  of  acting  (which  would  be  to  offer 
violence  to  human  nature) ;  or  else  men  would,  for  the  most 
part,  have  continued  in  their  evil  courses  and  practices, 
and  have  denied  God  in  their  lives  ;  though  their  under- 
standings were  ever  so  clearly  and  fully  convinced  of  his 
will  and  commandments,  as  well  as  of  his  eternal  power  and 
godhead. 

But  even  if  God  were  willing  to  vouchsafe  some  immediate 
revelation  of  himself  to  vicious  and  immoral  persons,  how  can 
we  be  assured  that  they  would  be  converted  1  Would  they  not 
rather  find  out  some  pretence  to  persuade  themselves  that  it 
was  no  real  revelation,  but  the  effect  of  natural  agents,  or  of 
melancholy  and  a  disturbed  imagination  ?  They  might,  perhaps, 
be  terrified  for  the  present ;  but  there  is  every  reason  to  appre- 
hend, from  the  known  infirmity  and  depravity  of  mankind,  that 
such  persons  would  soon  stifle  their  terrors  with  their  accus- 
tomed arguments  for  atheism  and  infidelity. 

Independently,  however,  of  the  inejficacy  of  immediate  re- 
velation to  every  man  in  particular,  supposing  it  to  be  thus 
made — great  and  universal  confusion  would  be  the  result.  "  It 
would  unhinge  our  minds ;  it  would  break  the  main-spring  of  the 
mental  world,  and  throw  it  back  into  the  state  of  moral  chaos. 
It  would  render  uncertain  every  criterion  of  right  and  wrong,  of 
truth  and  error.  It  would  set  aside  all  those  rules  by  which 
we  learn,  and  reason,  and  judge.  It  would  break  down  every 
barrier  of  reason,  and  let  the  fancy  loose  to  play  her  wild- 
est freaks,  and  indulge  her  most  delirious  dreams.  It  would 
destroy  the  freedom  as  well  as  the  regularity  of  our  minds,  and 
compel  an  involuntary  assent  to  whatever  God  might  be  sup- 
posed to  dictate :"  and,  in  short,  it  would  fill  the  world  with  con- 
tinual impostures  and  delusions ;  for,  if  ev«y  one  had  a  revela- 
tion  to   himself,   every  one    might  protend  to  others  what  ho 

»  Dwight  on  Infidelity,  pp.  47,  48. 
3  Crush  the  Wretch!  meaning  .Tesus  Christ. 

«  See  the  publication  intituled  Vie  Privee.  de  Voltaire  et  de  Madame  du. 
Chatelet,  Paris,  1820.  Svo. 


CllU'.    I.] 


DIVINE  REVELATION. 


27 


pleased ;  and  one  man  might  be  deluded  by  the  pretence  of  a 
revelation  made  to  another,  against  an  expreM  revelation  made 
to  himself.  And  this,  we  may  conclude,  would  often  happen 
from  what  we  experience  every  day  :  for  if  men  can  be  perverted 
by  the  arte  and  insinuations  of  others,  against  their  own  i 
and  judgment,  they  might  as  will  he  prevailed  upon  to  act 
tgainst  a  revelation  made  to  them  ;  though  revi  [ationa  should 
be  things  as  common  and  familiar  among  men  as  reason  i> 

Immediate  revelations,  therefore,  to  every  particular  in- 
dividual, would  have  been  needless  and  superfluous  ;  they 
would  have  been  unsuitable  to  the  majesty  and  honour  of 
God  :  they  would  have  been  Ineffectual  to  the  ends  for 
which  they  were  designed  ;  and  would  have  afforded  oc- 
casion for  many  more  pretences  to  impostures  than  there 
are  now  in  the  world. 

■J.  'The  only  other  way  by  which'  the  divine  will  can  be 
revealed  to  mankind,  is  that  which  the  Scriptures  affirm  to 
hive  actually  been  employed;  viz.  the  qualifying  of  cer- 
tain persons  to  declare  that  will  to  others,  by  infallible  signs 
and  evidences  that  they  are  authorized  and  commissioneefby 
t;od.  What  those  evidences  are,  will  be  discussed  in  a 
subsequent  page.  It  is,  however,  but  reasonable  to  suppose, 
that  divine  revelations  should  be  committed  to  writing,  in 
order  that  they  might  be  preserved  for  the  benefit  of  man- 
kind, and  delivereadown  genuine  and  uncorrupted  to  pos- 
terity :  for, 

(I.)  Oral  Tradition  is  so  uncertain  and  so  insecure  a 
guide,  that  if  a  revelation  claiming  to  be  divine  be  not  trans- 
mitted by  writing,  it  cannot  possibly  be  preserved  in  its 
purity,  or  serve  mankind  as  a  certain  rule  of  faith  and  of 
life. 

In  illustration  of  this  remark,  wc  may  observe,  that  writing 
is  a  more  secure  method  of  conveyance  than  tradition,  being 
neither  so  liable  to  involuntary  mistakes,  through  weakness  of 
memory  or  understanding,  nor  so  subject  to  voluntary  falsifica- 
tions, suppressions,  or  additions,  cither  out  of  malice  or  design, 
"  It  is  also  a  method  of  conveyance  more  natural  and  human. 
It  is  nothing  extraordinary  for  a  book  to  be  transmitted  pure  and 
entire  from  generation  to  generation  :  but  a  traditionary  doctrine, 
especially  if  it  be  of  any  considerable  length,  cannot  really  be 
preserved  without  a  miracle,  without  the  occasional  interposi- 
tion of  Almighty  God  to  renew  the  memory  of  it  at  particular 
intervals,  or  his  continual  assistance  and  inspiration  to  keep  it 
always  alive  and  vigorous.  It  is  likewise  a  method  of  convey- 
ance more  complete  and  uniform,  presenting  itself  to  all  at  once, 
and  to  all  alike,  to  be  compared  together ;  whereas  a  traditionary 
doctrine  must  be  communicated  by  little  and  little,  and  without 
doubt  communicated  differently  at  different  times  by  different 
persons.  It  is,  moreover,  a  method  of  conveyance  more  general 
and  diffusive.  A  man's  writings  reach  further  than  his  words ; 
and  surely  we  need  not  observe,  that  it  is  the  practice  of  mankind, 
whenever  they  would  publish  any  thing,  to  have  it  written  or 
printed  in  a  hook."' 

(0.)  Further,  experience  shews  that  writing  is  a  method 
of  conveyance  more  lasting  than  tradition. 

It  is  an  old  and  trite  observation,  that  a  word  heard  perishes, 
but  a  letter  written  remains.-  Jesus  Christ  is  said  to  have  per- 
formed many  other  miracles,  and  to  have  done  many  other  me- 
morable things,  besides  those  which  have  been  committed  to 
writing  ;3  but,  observe,  how  much  more  faithful  record  is  than 
mere  report;  the  few,  comparatively  speaking,  which  were  writ- 
ten, are  preserved  and  credited,  while  the  many,  which  were 
not  recorded  in  writing,  have  long  since  been  utterly  lost  and 
forgotten.  "  Every  thing,  of  any  consequence,  we  desire  to  have 
in  writing.  By  this,  laws  are  promulgated;  by  this,  arts  and 
sciences  are  propagated ;  by  this,  titles  and  estates  are  secured. 
And  what  do  wc  know  of  ancient  history,  but  the  little  that 
cometh  down  to  us  in  books  and  writings  1  Tradition  passeth 
away  like  the  morning  cloud  ;  but  books  may  live  as  long  as 
the  sun  and  moon  endureth."1 

(3.)  To  the  preceding  arguments  for  the  usefulness  and 
expediency  of  written  revelation,  arising  from  the  uncer- 
tainty of  oral  traditic  l,  and  the  greater  security  and  advan- 
tages of  writing,  we  may  add,  that  it  is  certainly  more  fair 
and  open,  more  free  from  suspicion  of  any  fraud  or  con- 

i  Up.  Newton's  Works,  vol.  iv.  dissert.  '2.  pp.  19—35.  Svo.  edit.  The  same 
line  of  argument,  and  nearly  in  similar  terms,  is  stated  and  illustrated  by 
fcrchbishop  Tillotson.  Works.  voL  vi.  pp.  233.  et  seq.     London.  1800 

a  Vox  audita  peril,  littera  SClipta  manet.  »  John  xx.  30.  xxi.  25 

«  lip.  Newton's  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  91 


trivance,  to  have  a  religion  preserved  in  writing,  there  to  be 
read  and  examined  by  all,  than  to  have  it  left  only  with  a 
few,  to  he  by  them  eoininutiicated  in  discourse  to  others;  as 
no  two  persons  express  the  same  thing  exactly  in  the  same 
manner,  nor  even  the  same  person  at  different  times. 

The  heathen  philosophers  had  their  exoteric  and  esoteric 
doctrine;,  as  they  distinguished  them  ;  that  is,  some  which  they 
generally  delivered,  and  (tthers  which  they  communicated  only 
to  a  tew  select  auditors:  but  the  first  propagators  of  Christianity, 
knowing  no  such  distinction,  delivered  the  whole  doctrine  which 
they  professed  to  have  received  from  God.  The  heathen  priests 
had  their  mysteries,  which  were  to  be  concealed  from  the  pro- 
fane vulgar  ;  but  Christianity  can  never  be  made  too  public. 
Most  other  religions  also  arc  committed  to  writing  for  the  use 
of  their  particular  professors;  and  it  would  be  a  prejudice  to 
the  Christian  religion  if  it  did  not  enjoy  the  same  advantage. 
"  The  Jews  had  what  they  called  an  oral  law,  as  well  as  a  writ- 
ten one  ;  and  the  one  as  well  as  the  other  they  asserted  to  have 
been  given  by  God  on  Mount  Sinai — the  oral  to  serve  as  a  com- 
ment or  explanation  of  the  written  law.  But,  in  process  of  time, 
these  traditions  multiplied  so  fast,  that  the  Jews  found  it  neces- 
sary to  keep  their  traditions  no  longer  as  traditions,  but  com- 
mitted them  to  writing  ;  and  they  are  now  preserved  in  the  books 
called  the  Talmuds.  So  fallible  is  tradition,  so  much  more  se- 
cure is  writing,  even  in  the  opinion  of  the  greatest  tradition i.-ts  : 
and  if  the  doctrines  of  religion  must,  one  time  or  other,  be 
written,  it  is  better  surely  to  have  them  written  by  inspired  au- 
thors at  first,  than  by  others  afterwards." 

(1.)  Lastly,  the  importance  of  the  matter,  the  variety  of 
the  subjects,  and  the  design  of  the  institutions,  contained  in 
those  books,  which  Jews  and  Christians  account  to  be  sa- 
cred, are  additional  reasons  why  they  should  be  committed 
to  writing.  "  The  matter  is  of  no  less  importance  than  the 
whole  will  of  God  and  the  salvation  of  mankind,  our  duty 
here  and  our  happiness  hereafter ;  and  if  any  thing  deserves 
to  be  written,  do  not  these  things  [deserve  to  be  recorded] 
in  the  most  lasting  characters  ]  The  subjects  likewise  are 
very  various  histories  of  times  past  and  prophecies  of  things 
to  come,  orations  and  epistles,  sublime  points  of  faith  and 
plain   rules  of  practice,  hymns    and  prayers   and  thanks- 

fivings,  all  too  excellent  to  be  forgotten,  but  too  many  all  to 
e  remembered.  The  law  was  for  a  single  nation ;  but  the 
Gospel  is  for  the  whole  world.  For  a  single  nation  it  was 
requisite  that  their  laws  should  be  written,  or  to  what  can 
they  appeal,  and  by  what  can  they  regulate  their  practice  ' 
And  if  it  was  necessary  for  the  law  to  be  written,  it  was 
certainly  much  more  necessary  for  the  Gospel,  which  wa 
designed  to  he  both  of  perpetual  and  universal  obligation,  t 
religion  for  all  ages  ana  for  all  nations. "' 


The  necessity  of  a  divine  revelation  having  been  proved 
and  the  probability  that  such  a  revelation  would  be  given  k 
mankind  having  been  shown,  it  remains  that  we  examin* 
the  pretensions  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  to  be  thai 
revelation.  Among  the  numerous  attacks  which  have  beeu 
made  on  the  truth  of  Christianity,  one  of  the  most  formida- 
ble is  that  which  is  directed  against  the  authenticity  of  the 
Scriptures.  It  has  been  asserted,  that  we  derive  a  set  of 
rules  and  opinions  from  a  series  of  books,  which  were  not 
written  by  the  authors  to  whom  we  ascribe  them ;  and  that 
the  volume  to  which  we  give  the  title  of  divine,  and  which 
is  the  basis  of  our  faith  and  manners,  is  a  forgery  of  latei 
ages.  It  is  therefore  of  importance  to  ascertain,  first,  the 
genuineness,  authenticity,  and  incorruptness  of  the  several 
books  contained  in  the  Bible,  considered  simply  as  compo- 
sitions :  the  credibility  of  their  respective  authors  wall  next 
be  investigated ;  and  their  claims  to  be  received  as  divinely 
inspired  will  then  be  examined.  In  discussing  these  mo- 
mentous topics,  it  would,  perhaps,  be  the  shorter  way,  to 
prove  first,  the  genuineness,  authenticity,  incorruptness,  and 
inspiration  of  the  New  Testament  :6  for,  if  its  claims  to  be 
received  as  a  divinely  inspired  book  be  admitted,  no  rea- 
sonable doubt  can  be  entertained  of  the  divine  inspiration, 
&c.  of  the  Old  Testament ;  because  the  writers  of  the  New 
Testament  incessantly  appeal  to  it,  and  make  ample  quo- 
tations from  it.  As,  however,  the  modern  impugners  of 
revelation   have   directed  their   arguments    chiefly  against 

»  Bp.  Newton's  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  28. 

•This  is  the  method  pursued  bv  Bishop  Marsh,  in  nis  Course  of  Lee 
tares  on  the  several  Branches  of  Divinity.  Part  VII  Lectures  xxxi.— 
XA.wii.     Cambridge.  1?23.  Svo. 


28 


ON  THE  GENUINENESS  AND  AUTHENTICITY 


ICua*.  II 


the  Old  Testament,  in  order  that,  by  impeaching  its  credi- 
bility, they  may  with  greater  probability  of  success  under- 
mine and  invalidate  the  dispensation  revealed  in  the  New 
Testament,  we  shall  commence  with  the  Old  Testament ;' 
because  if  that  be  true  (the  dispersation  it  contains  being 
introductory  to  that  contained  in  the  New  Testament)  the 


the  latter,  being  founded  on  and  perfective  (f  the  former, 
must  of  necessity  be  true  also.  By  adopting  this  arrange- 
ment, it  is  possible  that  some  few  arguments  may  be  repeated  ; 
but  the  importance  of  the  subjects  discussed  will  (it  is  noped) 
be  deemed  a  satisfactory  apology  for  such  unavoidable  re 
petitions. 


CHAPTER  II. 

ON   THE    GENUINENESS    AND    AUTHENTICITY    OF    THE    OLD    AND    NEW 

TESTAMENTS. 


SECTION  I. 

ON  THE  GENUINENESS  AND  AUTHENTICITY  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

The  Hebrew  Scriptures  why  termed  the  Old  Testament. — II.  Great  importance  of  the  question,  -whether  the  Books  con- 
tained in  the  Old  Testament  are  genuine  or  spurious. — Genuineness  and  Authenticity  defined. — III.  Genuineness  of  the 
Canonical  Hooks  of  the  Old  Testament. — 1.  External  Phoofs  of  the  Genuineness  of  the  Old  Testament. — (1.)  The 
Manner  in  -which  these  Books  have  been  transmitted  to  us.  (2.)  The  Paucity  of  Books  extant  -when  they  -were  -written. 
(3.)  The  Testimony  of  the  Je-ws.  (4.)  A  particular  Tribe  was  set  apart  to  preserve  these  Writings.  (5.)  Quotations  of 
them  by  ancient  Je-ws.  (6.)  The  evidence  of  ancient  Versions. — 2.  Internal  Evidence. — (1.)  Language,  style,  and  man- 
ner of  -writing.  (2.)  Circumstantiality  of  the  Narratives  contained  in  the  Old  Testament. — TV.  Proofs  of  the  genuineness 
and  authenticity  of^the  Pentateuch  in  particular. — 1.  From  the  language  in  -which  it  is  -written. — 2.  From  the  nature  of 
the  Mosaic  la-w. — 3.  From  the  united  historical  testimony  of  Jews  and  Gentiles. — 4.  From  the  contents  of  the  Pentateuch. 
— V.   Objections  to  the  authenticity  of  the  Pentateuch  considered  and  refuted. 


I.  The  Hebrew  Scriptures  why  termed  the  Old  Tes- 
tament. 

The  books,  which  the  Hebrews,  Israelites,  or  Jews  have 
long  venerated  as  divine,  are  usually  called  "  The  Old  Tes- 
tament," in  order  to  distinguish  them  from  those  sacred 
books,  which  contain  the  doctrines,  precepts,  and  promises 
of  the  Christian  religion,  and  which  are  distinguished  by  the 
appellation  of  "  The  New  Testament."  The  appellation 
oi  "  Testament"  is  derived  from  2  Cor.  iii.  6.  14. ;  in  which 
place  the  words  »  n*x*<:t  AtstSwoi  and  »  YLcuvm  AihS-hkh  are  by  the 
old  Latin  translators  rendered  antiquum  testamentum  and 
novum  testamentum,  old  and  new  testament,  instead  of  anti- 
quum foedus  and  novum  foedus,  the  old  and  new  covenant  ,■  for 
although  the  Greek  word  Si-jSmui  signifies  both  testament  and 
covenant,  yet  it  uniformly  corresponds  with  the  Hebrew 
word  Benin,  which  constantly  signifies  a  covenant.2  The 
term  "  old  covenant,"  used  by  St.  Paul  in  2  Cor.  iii.  14., 
does  not  denote  the  entire  collection  of  writings  which  we 
term  the  Bible,  but  those  ancient  institutions,  promises, 
threatenings,  and,  in  short,  the  whole  of  the  Mosaic  dispen- 
sation, related  in  the  Pentateuch,  and  in  the  writings  of  the 
prophets ;  and  which  in  process  of  time  were,  by  a  metonymy, 
transferred  to  the  books  themselves.  Thus  we  find  mention 
made  of  the  book  of  the  covenant  in  Exodus  (xxiv.  7.),  and  in 
the  apocryphal  book  of  Maccabees  (1  Mace.  i.  57.)  :  and 
after  the  example  of  the  Apostle,  the  same  mode  of  desig- 
nating the  sacred  writings  obtained  among  the  first  Chris- 
tians, from  whom  it  has  been  transmitted  to  modern  times.3 

II.  Great  Importance  of  the  Question,  whether  the 
Books  contained  in  the  Old  Testament  are  genuine  or 
spurious. 

If  the  books  contained  in  the  Old  Testament  were  not 
written  by  those  authors  to  whom  they  are  ascribed,  or  nearly 
in  those  ages  to  which  they  are  supposed  to  belong,  but,  on 
the  contrary,  were  written  by  authors  who  lived  at  a  much 
later  period — that  is,  if  they  were  supposititious  or  spurious, 
the  history  which  is  related  in  them  would  by  no  means  be 
worthy  of  the  great  credit  that  is  given  to  it ;  the  design 
which  pervades  these  books  would  have  been  an  imposi- 

*  Besides  the  authorities  above  cited,  the  author  has  been  largely  in- 
debted for  the  materials  of  this  Chapter  to  the  Collection  of  Boyle  Lectures, 
in 3  vols,  folio,  (London,  1739);  particularly  to  the  Lectures  of  Bishops 
Williams  and  Leng,  and  of  Dr.  Samuel  Clarke  ;  to  Dr.  Leland's  "Advan- 
tage and  Necessity  of  the  Christian  Revelation  shown  from  the  State  of 
Religion  in  the  ancient  Heathen  World,"  3d  edition,  in  2  vols.  Rvo.  (Glas- 
gow and  London,  1819);  and  to  the  same  author's  masterly  "View  of  the 
Deistical  Writers."  The  reader,  who  may  not  be  able  to  consult  these 
valuable  works,  will  find  a  well  written  "  Comparative  View  of  Natural  and 
Revealed  Religion,"  in  the  second  volume  of  "Christian  Essays,"  by  the 
Rev.  S.  C.  Wilks.    London,  1817,  8vo. 

»  Jerome,  Comment,  in  Malachij  ii.  2.     Op.  torn.  iii.  p.  1S1G. 

*  Dr.  Lardner  has  collected  seveial  passages  from  early  Christian 
writers  who  thus  rnetonymically  use  the  word  "Testament."  Works, 
Bvo  vol.  vi.  p.  9.  4to.  vol.  iii.  p.  14( 


tion  upon  a  later  age,  and  the  accomplishment  of  that  design 
in  the  New  Testament  would  be  altogether  an  extraordinary 
and  singular  occurrence ;  the  miracles  therein  recorded  to 
have  been  anciently  performed  would  have  been  the  inven 
tion  of  a  later  age,  or  natural  events  would  have  been  meta- 
morphosed into  miracles ;  the  prophecies,  asserted  to  be  con- 
tained in  those  books,  would  have  been  invented  after  the 
historical  facts  which  are  narrated  in  them ;  and,  lastly,  Jesus 
Christ  and  his  apostles  would  have  approved  and  recom- 
mended the  works  of  impostors.  Hence  it  is  evident  of 
what  great  importance  the  question  is,  whether  these  books 
are  genuine,  that  is,  whether  they  were  written  by  the  persons 
whose  names  they  bear,  and  (especially  if  the  authors  be  un- 
known) about  that  time  which  is  assigned  to  them,  or  at  which 
they  profess  to  have  been  written  ,•  and  also,  whether  they  are 
authentic  ;  that  is,  whether  they  relate  matters  of  fact  us  tin:, 
really  happened,  and  in  consequence  possess  authority.  For,  a 
book  may  be  genuine  that  is  not  authentic ;  a  book  may  be 
authentic  that  is  not  genuine  ;  and  many  are  both  genuine 
and  authentic,  which  are  not  inspired.  The  first  epistle  of 
Clement,  Bishop  of  Rome,  is  genuine,  having  been  written 
by  the  author  whose  name  it  bears;  but  it  possesses  no 
authority  on  which  we  can  found  any  doctrines.  "  The  his- 
tory of  Sir  Charles  Grandison  is  genuine,  being  indeed  writ- 
ten by  Richardson,  the  author  whose  name  it  bears ;  but  it 
is  not  authentic,  being  a  mere  effort  of  that  ingenious  writer's 
invention  in  the  production  of  fictions.  Again,  the  Account 
of  Lord  Anson's  Voyages  is  an  authentic  book,  the  informa- 
tion being  supplied  by  Lord  Anson  himself  to  the  author ; 
but  it  is  not  genuine,  for  the  real  author  was  Benjamin  Rob- 
bins,  the  mathematician,  and  not  Walters,  whose  name  is 
appended  to  it.  Hayley's  Memoirs  of  the  Life  of  C  owner 
are  both  genuine  and  authentic;  they  were  written  by  Mr. 
Hayley,  and  the  information  they  contain  was  deduced  from 
the  best  authority."4  But  the  poems,  which  bear  the  name 
of  Rowley,  are  neither  genuine  nor  authentic,  not  having 
been  written  by  him,  nor  by  any  one  who  lived  in  the 
fifteenth  century,  but  being  wholly  the  productions  of  the 
unhappy  youth  Chatterton,  who  lived  three  hundred  years 
afterwards. 

III.  Genuineness  of  the  Canonic  ax  Books  of  thr 
Old  Testament. 

The  word  Canon  (from* the  Greek  KANP.n)  signifies  nut 
only  a  catalogue  or  list,  but  also  a  law  or  rule.  This  term 
has  been  appropriated  ever  since  the  fourth  century  to  the 
catalogue  of  writings  which  are  admit'  a  by  Jews  and 
Christians  as  a  divine  rule  of  faith  and  manners.5 

In  what  age  and  by  what  author  any  book  is  written  is  a 

«  Dr.  O.  Gregory's  Letters  on  the  Evidences,  &c.  cf  the  Christian  Re!i 
gion,  vol.  i.  p.  84.  2d  edit. 
»  Suiceri  Thesaurus,  torn,  ii  p.  40.  voce  X»t». 


Sect.  I.] 


OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 


29 


question  of  fact,  which  can  only  be  answered  by  historical 
proofs.    These  historical  proofs  are, 

1.  Unexceptionable  witnesses,  who  possessed  both  the 
means  of  knowing,  ami  who  were  also  willing  to  communi- 
cate the  truth  ;  and, 

2.  Certain  marks  which  may  lie  discerned  in  the  sub- 
ject-matter, diction,  genius,  and  style  "t  tin'  books,  and 
which  show  that  they  were  written  by  the  authors  to 
whom  they  are  ascribed,  or  about  the  age  to  whirli  they  are 
referred. 

The  former  are  termed  external  arguments,  and  the  latter, 
internal ;  and  as  these  two  species  of  testimony  are  univer- 
sally admitted  to  be  sufficient  for  proving  the  <_renuineness  of 
the  writings  of  Thucydides,  Plutarch,  or  Livy,  or  of  any 
other  ancient  profane  authors,  no  further  testimony  ought  to 
be  required  in  the  present  question. 

1.  External  Proofs  of  the  Genuineness  and  Authen- 
ticity of  the  Canonical  Books  of  the  Old  Testament. 

(1.)  As  those  who  were  coeval  with  each  Hebrew  writer, 
ana  transcribed  the  book  which  they  received  from  his  own 
hands,  and  also  delivered  their  copies  to  others  to  be  tran- 
scribed, certainly  knew  by  whom  and  at  what  time  such 
book  was  published  ;  and  as  these,  having  a  certain  know- 
ledge of  the  author  and  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived,  de- 
livered such  book  to  their  immediate  descendants,  and  these 
again  to  their  posterity,  and  so  from  one  generation  to  another 
through  all  succeeding  ages, — all  these  persons  jointly  testify 
that  such  book  is  the  genuine  production  of  the  author  whose 
name  it  bears,  and  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived. 

(2.)  The  books,  thus  transmitted  from  one  generation  to 
another  (especially  in  that  very  remote  age  when  the  first  books 
of  the  Old  Testament  were  written),  could  not  but  remain, 
both  more  easily,  as  well  as  more  certainly,  uncorrupted,  and 
be  propagated  with  fidelity,  because  at  that  time  there  were 
but  few  books,  and  also  because  the  tradition  relative  to  their 
origin  was  most  easily  recollected.  And  as  this  tradition 
(which  was  not  communicated  in  the  schools  to  their  pupils 
by  learned  men,  whose  various  conjectures  sometimes  ob- 
scure truth,  but  in  private  houses  by  fathers  to  their  children).1 
was  approved,  many  of  the  authors  therefore  did  not  sub- 
scribe to  their  works,  either  their  names,  or  the  age  in  which 
they  lived  ;  but,  where  any  of  them  did  annex  their  names 
to  their  writings,  nothing  further  was  requisite  than  faith- 
fully to  transcribe  such  notification, — a  task  which  could  be 
performed  with  the  utmost  facility. 

(3.)  In  fact  there  wras  no  motive  to  induce  the  Hebrews 
to  corrupt  this  very  simple  tradition:  on  the  contrary,  as 
these  books  were  held  in  the  highest  reverence  and  estima- 
tion by  much  the  greater  part  of  that  people,  they  had  the 
most  powerful  motives  for  transmitting  the  origin  of  these 
documents  faithfully  to  their  posterity.  If,  indeed,  the  He- 
brew nation  had  been  disposed  to  betray  the  trust  confided 
to  them,  a  motive  would  not  have  been  wanting  to  them  for 
propagating  falsehoods  respecting  their  books,  because  these 
contain  such  repeated — we  may  almost  add,  such  incessant — 
reproofs  and  censures  of  them,  as  an  unteachable,  intracta- 
ble, and  headstrong  people,  as  place  their  character  in  an 
unfavourable  point  of  view.  But,  notwithstanding,  if  that 
people  testify  that  these  books  are  genuine,  they  become 
witnesses  against  themselves,  and  consequently  their  testi- 
mony is  unexceptionable.  This  argument  also  tends  to  ex- 
clude the  hypothesis,  that  the  histories  have  been  inserted  in 
a  later  age. 

In  illustration  of  this  remark,  we  may  observe  that  the 
character  of  the  Jews  is  a  strong  proof  that  they  have  not 
forged  the  Old  Testament.  Were  a  person  brought  before  a 
court  of  justice  on  a  suspicion  of  forgery,  and  yet  no  pre- 
sumptive or  positive  evidence  of  his  guilt  could  be  produced, 
it  would  be  allowed  by  all  that  he  ought  to  be  acquitted. 
But,  if  the  forgery  alleged  wore  inconsistent  with  the  cha- 
racter of  the  accused;  if  it  tended  to  expose  to  disgrace  his 
general  principles  and  conduct ;  or,  if  we  were  assured  that 
he  considered  forgery  as  an  impious  and  abominable  crime, 
it  would  require  very  strong  testimony  to  establish  his  guilt. 
This  case  corresponds  exactly  with  the  situation  of  the  Jews. 
If  a  Jew  had  forged  any  book  of  the  Old  Testament,  he  must 
have  been  impelled  to  so  bold  and  dangerous  an  enterprise 
by  some  very  powerful  motive.  It  could  not  be  national 
pride,  for  there  is  scarcely  one  of  these  books  which  does 
not  severely  censure  the  national  manners.  It  could  not  be 
the  love  of  fame,  for  that  passion  would  have  taught  him  to 
flatter  and  extol  the  national  character ;  and  the  punishment, 

Compare  Deut.  xxxii.  7,  8.  and  Psal.  lxxviii.  3—7 


if  detected,  would  have  been  infamy  and  death.  The  love 
of  wealth  could  not  produce  such  a  forgery,  for  no  wealth 
was  to  be  gained  by  it.2 

(4.)  The  true  knowledge  of  the  origin  of  these  books 
could  not  be  easily  corrupted  or  lost,  because  a  particular 
tribe  among  the  Hebrews  was  set  apart  from  the  rest,  and 
consecrated,  among  other  things,  for  the  express  purpose  ot 
watching  over  the  preservation  of  these  historical  docu- 
ments ;  and  further,  there  were  never  wanting  men,  belong- 
ing to  the  other  tribes,  both  at  that  time  and  also  during  the 
Mabylonian  captivity — (for  instance,  those  who  in  more  an- 
cient times  were  the  governors  of  the  Hebrew  republic,  and 
were  called,  first,  judges,  and  afterwards  prophets) — by  whom 
these  books  were  held  in  the  highest  reverence,  because  they 
were  themselves  descended  from  that  very  age,  and  from 
these  very  authors.  Although  the  names  of  some  of  these 
authors,  and  also  the  age  in  which  they  lived,  are  lost  in 
oblivion,  yet  as  the  Jews  confess  their  ignorance,  such  con- 
fession is  an  evidence  that  they  would  not  have  testified  it, 
if  they  had  not  received  it  as  certain  from  their  ancestors. 
In  the  mean  time,  the  age  at  least  of  these  anonymous  books 
has  not  so  entirely  been  neglected,  but  that  we  have  the 
clearest  evidence  that  not  one  of  them  was  written  later  than 
the  fifth  century  hefwe  the  Christian  aera. 

(5.)  The  Old.  Testament,  according  to  our  Bibles,  com- 
prises thirty-nine  books,  viz.  the  Pentateuch,  or  five  books  of 
Moses,  called  Genesis,  Exodus,  Leviticus,  Numbers,  and 
Deuteronomy,  the  books  of  Joshua,  Judges,  Ruth,  1  and  2 
Samuel,  1  and  2  Kings,  1  and  2  Chronicles,  Ezra,  Nehc- 
miah,  Esther,  Job,  Psalms,  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  the  Song 
of  Solomon,  the  Prophecies  of  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  with  his 
Lamentations,  Ezekiel,  Daniel,  Hosea,  Joel,  Amos,  Obadiah, 
Jonah,  Micah,  Nahum,  Habakkuk,  Zephaniah,  Hagfrai, 
Zechariah,  and  Malachi.  But,  among  the  ancient  Jews,  they 
formed  only  twenty-two  books,3  according  to  the  letters  of 
their  alphabet,  which  were  twenty-two  in  number ;  reckon- 
ing Judges  and  Ruth,  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  Jeremiah  and 
his  Lamentations,  and  the  twelve  minor  prophets  (so  called 
from  the  comparative  brevity  of  their  compositions),  respec- 
tively as  one  book.  It  is  not  necessary  here  to  enter  into  a 
minute  inquiry  concerning  the  authors  of  these  books  :*  but 
we  may  state  generally,  that  the  Pentateuch  consists  of  the 
writings  of  Moses,  collected  by  Samuel,  with  a  very  few 
additions;  that  the  books  of  Joshua  and  Judges,  together 
with  that  of  Ruth  and  the  first  part  of  the  book  of  Samuel, 
were  collected  by  the  same  prophet ;  that  the  latter  part  of 
the  first  book  of  Samuel,  and  the  whole  of  the  second  book, 
were  written  by  the- prophets  who  succeeded  Samuel,  proba- 
bly Nathan  and  Gad  ;  that  the  books  of  Kings  and  Chroni- 
cles are  extracts  from  the  records  of  succeeding  prophets 
concerning  their  own  times,  and  also  from  the  public  genea- 
logical tables  made  by  Ezra;  that  the  books  of  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah  are  collections  of  similar  records,  some  written 
by  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  and  some  by  their  predecessors ; 
that  the  book  of  Esther  was  written  by  some  eminent  Jew, 
who  lived  in  or  near  the  times  of  the  transactions  therein 
recorded,  most  probably  by  Ezra,  though  some  think  Morde- 
cai  to  have  been  it?  author ;  the  book  of  Job,  by  a  Jew,  most 
probably  Moses ;  Ihe  Psalms,  by  David,  Asaph,  and  other 
pious  persons;  the  books  of  Proverbs,  the  Canticles,  and 
Ecclesiastes,  by  Solomon ;  and  the  prophetical  books,  by  the 
prophets  whose  names  they  bear. 

Let  us  now  consider  the  evidence  of  testimony  for  the 
authenticity  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament.  As  the 
Jews  were  a  more  ancient  people  than  the  Greeks  or  Romans, 
and  were  for  many  ages  totally  unconnected  with  them,  it  is 
not  to  be  expected  that  we  should  derive  much  evidence 
from  the  historians  of  those  nations  :  it  is  to  the  Jews  prin- 
cipally that  we  must  look  for  information.5  The  uniform 
belief,  indeed,  of  all  Christians,  from  the  very  commence- 
ment of  Christianity  to  the  present  time,  has  considered  the 
books  above  enumerated  to  have  constituted  the  whole  of  the 
Old  Testament:  and  the  catalogues  of  them,  which  were  formed 
by  the  author  of  the  synopsis  attributed  to  Athanasius,6  by 

»  Ency.  Brit.  vol.  xvii.  p.  107.  art.  Scripture,  3d  edit. 
»  Josephus  contr.  Apion.  lib.  i.  §  8.    Origen's  Philocalia,  cited  in  Euse- 
bius's  Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  vi.  c.  25. 

•  This  subject  is  discussed  infra,  vol.  ii.  in  the  critical  prefaces  to  each 
book. 

•  The  Emperor  Julian,  inveterate  as  was  his  enmity  to  Christianity,  hai 
borne  explicit  and  important  testimony  to  the  authenticity  and  integrity  of 
the  Old  Testament.  See  Herwerden,  de  Juliano  Imperatore,  pp.  100,  101. 
103—108.   Lug.  Bat.  1827.  8vo. 

•  Athanasii  Opera,  torn.  ii.  pp.  126—204.  Dr.  Lardner  has  given  the  most 
material  extracts  from  this  synopsis,  respecting  the  canon  of  Scrioture 
Works,  8vo.  vol.  iv.  pp.  290,  291. ;  4to.  vol.  ii.  d.  404 


*0 


ON  THE  GENUINENESS  AND  AUTHENTICITY 


[Ci 


Epiphamus,1  and  Jerome2  (towards  the  close  of  the  fourth 
century),  by  Origen3  (in  the  middle  of  the  third  century), 
and  Melito  Bishop  of  Sardis4  (towards  the  close  of  the  se- 
cond century),  all  agree  with  the  above  enumeration.  To 
these  we  may  add  the  testimonies  of  the  Greek  translators 
of  the  Old  Testament,  Aquila,  Theodotion,  and  Syramachus, 
who  lived  towards  the  close  of  the  second  century  ;  and  that 
of  the  Peschito  or  old  Syriac  version,  executed  very  early  in 
the  second,  if  not  at  the  close  of  the  first  century  of  the 
Christian  aera.  Here  the  Jewish  testimonies  join  us.  Not 
to  enter  into  any  minute  details  concerning  the  several  Tar- 
gums  or  Chaldee  paraphrases5  on  various  parts  of  the  Old 
Testament,  which  were  compiled  between  the  third  and  ninth 
centuries  of  the  Christian  asra,  nor  the  Jerusalem  and  Babylo- 
nish Talmuds  or  Commentaries  upon  the  Misna  or  Traditions 
of  the  Jews  : — Philo,  an  Egyptian  Jew6  (who  lived  in  the 
fust  century  of  the  Christian  aera),  quoted  as  having  canoni- 
cal authority,  no  other  books  than  those  which  are  contained 
in  the  Hebrew  Bible,  and  which  alone  were  acknowledged 
by  the  Jews  of  Palestine. 

Philo,  it  is  true,  in  none  of  his  writings,  gives  an  express 
notice  of  the  canon  of  the  Old  Testament ;  but  in  very  nume- 
rous scattered  passages  he  has  indicated  his  own  opinion, 
and  probably  also  the  opinion  of  his  contemporaries  concern- 
ing the  merit  and  importance  of  each  of  the  books  which 
formed  part  of  that  canon.  M.  Hornemann,7  who  carefully, 
read  and  examined  all  Philo's  works,  for  the  sole  purpose  of 
ascertaining  his  opinion  on  the  canon  of  the  Old  Testament, 
divides  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  according  to  Philo's 
expressions,  into  three  classes,  viz.  Books  cited  with  the  ex- 
press remark  that  they  are  of  divine  origin  :  in  this  class  are 
found  the  Pentateuch,  the  book  of  Joshua,  the  first  book  of 
Samuel,  Ezra,  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Hosea,  Zechariah,  the 
Psalms,  and  the  Proverbs.  2.  Books  of  which  Philo  makes 
only  casual  mention,  without  any  notice  of  their  divine  origin  : 
this  class  contains  the  book  of  Judges,  Job,  the  first  book  of 
Kjtngs,  and  several  detached  Psalms.  3.  Books  not  mentioned 
by  Philo,  viz.  Nehemiah,  Ruth,  Esther,  the  two  books  of 
Chronicles,  Daniel,  the  Lamentations  of  Jeremiah,  Ecclesi- 
astes,  and  the  Song  of  Solomon. 

To  the  books,  to  which  Philo  expressly  ascribes  a  divine 
origin,  we  must  probably  add  the  second  hook  of  Samuel  and 
the  two  books  ot  Kings,  these  three  books  forming  only  one 
with  the  first  book  of  Samuel,  which  Philo  calls  divine.  Of 
the  twelve  minor  prophets,  he  cites  only  two  as  inspired  : 
and  it  is  certain  that  the  twelve  formed  only  one  book.  As 
he  never  quotes  the  apocryphal  books,  we  may  therefore 
place  all  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  which  he  expressly 
quotes,  into  one  class,  viz.  that  of  the  books  which  he  ac- 
counted sacred  ;  and  this  class,  according  to  the  preceding 
observations,  is  composed  of  the  five  books  of  Moses,  Joshua, 
Judges, 1  and  2  Samuel,  1  and  2  Kings,Ezra,  Isaiah,  Jeremiah, 
the  twelve  minor  prophets,  the  Psalms,  Proverbs,  and  Job. 
The  other  books  may  have  formed  part  of  the  canon  of  the 
Egyptian  Jews,  liuth  was  an  appendix  to  the  book  of 
Judges  ;  Nehemiah  to  the  second  part  of  Ezra;  and  the  La- 
mentations of  Jeremiah  might  he  joined  to  his  prophecies. 
But  the  silence  of  Philo  concerning  any  book  proves  nothing 
against  its  canonical  authority,  if  it  be  not  contradicted  or 
overturned  by  other  positive  proofs.8 

We  now  proceed  to  a  testimony,  which,  though  concise, 
is  more  important  than  any  of  the  preceding,  the  testimony 
of  Josephus,  who  was  himself  a  Jewish  priest,  and  also  con- 
temporary with  the  apostles.'-'     Following  the  enumeration 
'  Uteres,  xxix.    Op.  torn.  i.  pp.  122,  et  seq. 
»  In  his  i'rulogus  Galeatus  and  Ernst,  ad  Paulinum. 
»  Op.  torn.  ii.  p.  529.,  and  in  Eusebius,  Hist.  Ecel.  lib.  vi.  c.  25. 
«  Apud  Eusebium,  Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  vi.  c.  20. 

»  The  Targums  here  alluded  to  are  those  called  the  Jerusalem  Targum, 
iuid  the  Targum  of  the  Pseudo-Jonathan,  on  the  Pentateuch:  that,  on  the 
Cetubitn,  or  Holy  writings  (comprising  the  books  of  Psalms,  Proverbs 
Daniel,  Ezra,  Nehemiah,  Chronicles,  the  Song  of  Solomon,  Ruth,  Lamen- 
tations, Ecclesiastes,  and  Esther),  the  Targum  on  the  Megilloth  (comprising 
the  five  last-mentioned  books),  three  on  the  book  of  Esther,  and  one  on  the 
books  of  Chronicles.  Sec  an  account  of  these  Targums,  infra,  part  i.  chap, 
iii.  sect.  iii. 

«  De  Vita  Mosis,  lib.  ii.  The  passages  of  Philo  here  referred  to,  and  also 
the  other  testimonies  above  cited,  are  given  at  full  length  (with  some  addi- 
tional evidences  from  Christian  writers)  by  Schmidius,  in  his  elaborate 
Historia  Antiqua  et  Vindicatio  Canonis  Sacri  Veteris  ct  Novi  Testament!, 
pp.  129-189.  8vo.  Lipsias.  1775. 

i  C.  F.  Hornemann,  Observationes  adlllustrationen  Doctrinal  de  Canonc 
Veteris  Testament!  ex  Philone.  Hauniae,  1778,  8vo. 
8  Melanges  de  Religion,  &c.  torn.  ix.  pp.  188—191.  Nismes,  1824.  8vo. 
»  Of  the  writings  and  character  cf  Josephus,  a  particular  account  will 
be  found  in  part  ii.  of  this  volum*.  "  Josephus  was  born  about  the 
v-ar  37  of  the  Christian  era:  aud  therefore,  though  much  younger  than 
he  apostles,  must  still  have  been  contemporary  with  many  of  them,  espe- 
tially  with  St.  Paul,  St.  Peter,  and  St.  John." — Bp.  Marsh's  Comparative 
View  of  the  Churches  o '  England  and  Rome,  p.  107. 


above  accounted  for,  he  says,  in  his  treatise  against  Apion,10 
"  We  have  not  thousands  of  books,  discordant,  and  contra- 
dicting each  other ;  but  we  have  only  twenty-two,  which  com- 
prehend the  history  of  all  former  ages,  and  »re  justly  re- 
garded as  divine.  Five  of  them  proceed  from  Moses ;  they 
include  as  well  the  Laws,  as  an  account  of  the  creation  of 
man,  extending  to  the  time  of  his  (Moses's)  death.  This  pe- 
riod comprehends  nearly  three  thousand  years.  From  the 
death  of  Moses  to  that  of  Artaxerxes,  who  was  king  of  Per- 
sia after  Xerxes,  the  Prophets,  who  succeeded  Moses,  com- 
mitted to  writing,  in  thirteen  hooks,  what  was  done  in  theii 
days.  The  remaining  four  books  contain  Hymns  to  God  (the 
Psalms)  and  instructions  of  life  for  man."11 

The  threefold  division  of  the  Old  Testament  into  the  Law, 
the  Prophets,  and  the  Psalms,  mentioned  by  Josephus,  was 
expressly  recognised  before  his  time  by  Jesus  Christ,  as 
well  as  by  the  subsequent  writers  of  the  New  Testament.12 
We  have  therefore  sufficient  evidence  that  the  Old  Testament 
existed  at  that  time ;  and  if  it  be  only  allowed  that  Jesus 
Christ  was  a  person  of  a  virtuous  and  irreproachable  charac- 
ter, it  must  be  acknowledged  that  we  draw  a' fair  conclusion, 
when  we  assert  that  the  Scriptures  were  not  corrupted  in  his 
time :  for,  when  he  accused  the  Pharisees  of  making  the  law 
of  no  effect  by  their  traditions,  and  when  he  enjoined  his 
hearers  to  search  the  Scriptures,  he  could  not  have  failed  to 
mention  the  corruptions  or  forgeries  of  Scripture,  if  any  had 
existed  in  that  age.  About  fifty  years  before  the  time  of 
Christ  were  written  the  Targums  of  Onkelos  on  the  Penta- 
teuch, and  of  Jonathan  Ben-Uzziel  on  the  Prophets  (accord 
ing  to  the  Jewish  classification  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament); which  are  evidence  of  the  genuineness  of  those 
books  at  that  time. 

We  have,  however,  unquestionable  testimony  of  the  genu- 
ineness of  the  Old  Testament,  in  the/</c/,  that  its  canon  was 
fixed  some  centuries  before  the  birth  of  Jesus  Christ.  Jesus 
the  son  of  Sirach,  author  of  the  hook  of  Ecclesiasticus,  makes 
evident  references  to  the  prophecies  of  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  and 
Ezekiel,  and  mentions  these  prophets  by  name  ;  he  speaks 
also  of  the  twelve  minor  prophets.  It  likewise  appears  from 
the  prologue  to  that  book,  that  the  law  and  the  prophets,  and 
other  ancient  books,  were  extant  at  the  same  period.  The 
book  of  Ecclesiasticus,  according  to  the  best  chronologers, 
was  written  in  the  Syro-Chaldaic  dialect,  about  a.  m.  3772, 
that  is,  two  hundred  and  thirty-two  years  before  the  Christian 
aera,  and  was  translated  by  the  grandson  of  Jesus  into  Greek, 
for  the  use  of  the  Alexandrian  Jews.  The  prologue  was  added 
by  the  translator,  but  this  circumstance,  does  not  diminish  th< 
evidence  for  the  antiquity  of  the  Old  Testament:  for  he  in- 
forms us,  that  the  Law  and  the  Prophets,  and  the  other  books 
of  their  fathers,  were  studied  by  his  grandfather  ;  a  sufficient 
proof  that  they  were  extant  in  his  time. 

(6.)  Fifty  years,  indeed,  before  the  age  of  the  author  of 
Ecclesiasticus,  or  two  hundred  and  eighty-two  years  before 
the  Christian  aera,  the  Greek  version  of  the  Old  Testament, 
usually  called  the  Septuagint,  was  executed  at  Alexandria, 
the  books  of  which  are  the  same  as  in  our  Bibles  :  whence  it 
is  evident  that  we  still  have  those  identical  books,  which  the 
most  ancient  Jews  attested  to  be  genuine, — a  benefit  this 
Avhich  has  not  happened  to  any  ancient  profane  books  what- 
ever. Indeed,  as  no  authentic  books  of  a  more  ancient  date, 
except  those  of  the  Old  Testament,  are  extant,  it  is  impossi- 
ble to  ascend  higher  in  search  of  testimony.  The  evidence, 
indeed,  which  we  have  adduced,  is  not  merely  that  of  the 
more  modern  Jews : — it  is  also  that  of  the  most  ancient,  as 
is  manifest  from  this  circumstance,  that  the  latter  of  these 
books  always  recognise  others  as  known  to  be  more  ancient, 
and  almost  every  where  cite  them  by  name :  whence  it  is 
evident  that  those  ancient  authors  long  since  received  testi- 
mony from  their  ancestors,  that  those  more  ancient  books 
were  the  genuine  works  of  the  authors  whose  names  they 
bear. 

Strong — we  may  add  indisputable — as  this  external  evi- 
dence of  the  genuineness  of  the  Old  Testament  unquestiona- 
bly is, 

»°  Mb.  i.  §8.  torn.  ii.  p.  411.  ed.  Havercamp. 

»  On  the  canon  of  Jewish  Scripture  according  to  the  testimonies  of  Philo 
and  Josephus,  see  further,  Bp.  Marsh's  Divinity  Lect.,  partvii.  Lectures 
xxxiii.  and  xxxiv.  pp.  17—50. 

"Among  very  many  passages  that  might,  be  ad  '  '  see  Matt.  xi.  13 
andxxii.  40.  Luke  xvi.  16.  xx~42.  xxiv.  25.  41.  Acts  ..20.  iii.  22.  vii.  35— 37 
xxvi.  22.  ami  xxviii.  23.  Rom.  x.  5.  2  Cor.  iii  ■  i5.  2  Tim.  ni.  14—17 
Heb.  vii.  11.  and  x.  28.  An  inspection  of  the  chapter  on  the  Quotations 
from  the  Old  Testament  in  the  New  (see  infra,  part  i.  chap,  iv.)  will  furnisr 
abundant  proofs  that  the  Jewish  canon,  in  the  time  of  Jesus  Christ  and  hi* 
aposdes,  contained  the  same  books  which  now  constitute  our  Old  Testa 
meat. 


Hect.  I.] 


OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 


31 


2.  The  Internal  Evidence  arising  prom  thb  Conside- 
ration of  the  Language,  Style,  Manner  of  Writing,  and 

ALSO  FROM  THE  CIRCUMSTANTIALITY  OF  THE  NARRATIVES 
CONTAINED    IN   THE    Hooks   OF   THE    OLD  TESTAMENT,    is    an 

equally  decisive  and  incontestable  argument  foi  their  genu- 
ineness, and  also  to  show  that  they  were  no1  and  could  not 
lie  invented  by  one  impostor,  or  by  several  conti  mporary  Im- 
postors, or  by  several  successive  impostors. 

(1.)  The  Language,  Style,  and  Manner  of  Writings  used 
in  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  tart  internal  arguments  of 
their  genuineness  ,•  and  prove  not  only  thai  they  must  have  been 
written  by  different  persons,  but  also  enable  us  with  precisian  to 
ascertain  a  time,  at  or  Injure,  which  they  must  have  been  com- 
posed. ' 

The  Hebrew  language,  ill  which  the  Old  Testament  was  writ- 
ten, being  the  language  of  an  ancient  people,  that  had  little  in- 
tercourse with  their  neighbours,  and  whose  neighbours  also  spoke 
a  language  which  had  great  affinity  with  their  own,  would  not 
change  so  rapidly  as  modern  languages  have  done,  since  nations 
have  been  variously  intermingled,  and  since  arts,  sciences,  and 
commerce  have  been  so  greatly  extended.  Yet,  since  no  lan- 
guage continues  stationary,  there  must  necessarily  be  some 
changes  in  the  period  of  time  that  elapsed  between  Moses  and 
Malachi.2  If,  therefore,  on  comparing  the  different  parts  of  the 
Hebrew  Bible,  the  character  and  style  of  the  language  are  found 
to  differ'  (which  critical  Hebrew  scholars  have  proved  to  be  the 
case),  we  have  strong  internal  criteria  that  the  different  books  of 
the  ( )ld  Testament  were  composed  at  different  and  distant 
periods ;  and  consequently  a  considerable  argument  may  thence 
!>r  deduced  in  favour  of  their  genuineness.  Further,  the  books 
of  the  Old  Testament  have  too  considerable  a  diversity  of  style 
to  be  the  work  either  of  one  Jew  (for  a  Jew  he  must  have  been 
on  account  of  the  language) ,  or  of  any  set  of  contemporary  Jews. 
If,  therefore,  they  be  all  forgeries,  there  must  have  been  a  succes- 
sion of  impostors  in  different  ages,  who  have  concurred  to  impose 
upon  posterity,  which  is  inconceivable.  To  suppose  part  to  be 
forged,  and  part  to  be  genuine,  is  very  harsh  ;  neither  would  this 
supposition,  if  admitted,  be  satisfactory. 

Again,  the.  Hebrew  language  ceased  to  be  spoken  as  a  living 
language  soon  after  the  Babylonish  captivity  ;  but  it  would  be 
dilhcult  or  impossible  to  forge  any  thing  in  it,  after  it  was  be- 
come a  dead  language.  All  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament 
must,  therefore,  be  nearly  as  ancient  as  the  Babylonish  captivity  ; 
and  since  they  could  not  all  be  written  in  the  same  age,  some 
must  be  considerably  more  ancient,  which  would  bring  us  back 
again  to  a  succession  of  conspiring  impostors.  Lastly,  the  sim- 
plicity of  style  and  unaffected  manner  of  writing,  which  pervade 
all  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament  (with  the  exception  of  such 
parts  as  are  poetical  ami  prophetical),  are  a  very  strong  evidence 
of  their  genuineni  .clusively  of  the  suitableness  of  this 

circumstance  to  the  times  of  the  supposed  authors.  Not  one  of 
these  criteria  is  applicable  to  the  books  which  in  some  editions  are 
attached  to  the  Old  Testament  under  the  title  of  the  Apocrypha: 
for  they  never  were  extant  in  Hebrew,  neither  arc  they  quoted 
in  the  New  Testament,  or  by  the  Jewish  writers,  Philo  and  Josc- 
phus  ;  OU  the  contrary,  they  contain  many  things  which  are  fabu- 
lous, false,  and  contradictory  to  the  canonical  Scriptures.1 

(•2.)  The  very  great  number  of  particular  Circumstances  of 
rime.  Place,  Persons,  &c.  mentioned  in  the  boohs  of  the  Out 
Testament,  i.s  another  argument  both  of  their  genuineness  and 
authenticity, 

A  statement  of  the  principal  heads,  under  which  these  par- 
ticular circumstances  may  be  classed,  will  enable  the  reader 
fully  to  apprehend  the  force  of  this  internal  evidence. 

There  are,  then,  mentioned  in  the  hook  of  Genesis,  the  rivers  of 
Paradise,  the  generations  of  the  antediluvian  patriarchs,  the  de- 
luge with  its  circumstances,  the  place  where  the  ark  rested,  the 

i  Tor  this  view  of  the  internal  evidence  of  the  genuineness  of  die  Old 
Testament,  the  author  is  •hiefly  indebted  to  the  observations  of  the  pro- 
found and  ingenious  philosopher  David  Hartley  (on  Man,  voL  ii.  pp.  97 — 
i04.),  and  of  the  learned  and  accurate  professor  Jahn  (Introduclio  in  Li- 
bros  Sacros  Veteris  Foederis,  pp.  18—28.) 

»  The  departure  of  the  Israelites  from  Egypt,  under  the-  direction  of  Mo- 
ses, took  place  in  the  year  of  the  world  2513,  or  before  Christ  1491.  Mala- 
chi delivered  his  predictions  under  Nehemiah's  see. 'nd  government  of  Ju- 
dea,  between  the  years  136  and  420  before  the  Christian  a>ra.  The  interval 
of  time,  therefore,  that  elapsed  between  ilicm  is  between  1071  and  1065 
years  :  or.  if  we  reckon  from  the  death  of  Moses  (a.  m.  2555)  b.  c.  1451,  it  is 
"from  1015  to  1031  years. 

»  An  account  of  the  various  changes  in  the  Hebrew  language  is  given, 
infra,  Part  I.  Chap.  I.  Sect.  I.  «  II. 

4  The  arguments  against  the  genuineness  of  theapocryphal  books,  which 
ore  here  necessarily  touched  with  brevity,  will  he  found  discussed  at  lensrth 
••iTra,  in  the  Appendix  to  this  Volume.  No.  I.  Sect.  I. 


building  of  the  tower  of  Babel,  the  confusion  of  tongues,  the  dis- 
persion of  mankind,  or  the  division  of  the  earth  amongst  the  pos- 
terity of  Shem,  Ham,  and  Japhct,  the  generations  of  the  post- 
diluvian patriarchs,  with  the  gradual  shortening  of  human  life 
alter  the  flood,  the  sojournings  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob, 
with  many  particulars  of  the  state  of  Canaan  and  the  neighbour- 
ing countries  in  their  times,  the  destruction  of  Sodom  and  Go- 
morrah, the  state  of  the  land  of  Edom,  both  before  and  after 
time,  and  the  descent  of  Jacob  into  Egypt,  with  the  state 
of  Egypt  before  Moses's  time. — In  fine,  we  have  in  this  book  the 
infancy  and  youth  of  the  human  race,  together  with  the  gradual 
antl  successive  progress  of  civilization  and  society,  delineated 
with  singular  minuteness  and  accuracy. 

In  the  book  of  Exodus  are  recorded  the  plagues  of  Egypt,  the, 
institution  of  the  passovcr,  the  passage  through  the  Red  Sea, 
with  the  destruction  of  Pharaoh  and  his  host  there,  the  miracle 
of  manna,  the  victory  over  the  Amalekitcs,  the  solemn  delivery 
of  the  law  from  Mount  Sinai,  many  particular  laws  both  moral 
and  ceremonial,  the  worship  of  the  golden  calf,  and  a  very  minute 
description  of  the  tabernacle,  priests'  garments,  ark,  <Scc. — In 
Leviticus  we  have  a  collection  of  ceremonial  laws,  with  all  their 
particularities,  and  an  account  of  the  deaths  of  Nadab  and 
Abihu. — The  book  of  Numbers  contains  the  first  and  second 
numberings  of  the  several  tribes,  with  their  gcncalogjos,  the  pe- 
culiar offices  of  the  three  several  families  of  the  Eevites,  many 
ceremonial  laws,  the  journcyings  and  encampments  of  the  peo- 
ple in  the  wilderness  during  forty  years,  with  the  relation  of 
some  remarkable  events  which  happened  in  this  period  ;  as  tht 
searching  of  the  land,  the  rebellion  of  Korah,  the  victories  over 
Arad,  Sihon,  and  Og,  with  the  division  of  the  kingdoms  of  the 
two  last  among  the  Gadites,  Reubenites,  and  Manassites,  the 
history  of  Balak  and  Balaam,  and  the  victory  over  the  Midian- 
ites  ;  all  of  which  arc  described  with  the  several  particularities  of 
time,  place,  and  persons. — The  book  of  Deuteronomy  contains 
a  recapitulation  of  many  things  comprised  in  the  three  last  books, 
with  the  second  delivery  of  the  law,  chiefly  the  moral  ono,  by 
Moses,  upon  the  borders  of  Canaan,  just  before  his  death. 

In  the  book  of  Joshua,  we  have  the  passage  over  Jordan,  the 
conquest  of  the  land  of  Canaan  in  detail,  and  the  division  of  it 
among  the  tribes,  including  a  minute  geographical  description. — 
The  book  of  Judges  recites  a  great  variety  of  public  transactions, 
with  the  private  origin  of  some.  In  all,  the  names  of  times, 
places,  and  persons,  both  among  the  Israelites,  and  the  neigh- 
bouring nations,  are  noted  with  particularity  and  simplicity. — 
In  the  book  of  Ruth  is  a  very  particular  account  of  the  gene- 
alogy of  David,  with  several  incidental  circumstances. — The 
books  of  Samuel,  A'ings,  Chronicles,  Ezra,  and  J\'ehemi<ih.  con- 
tain the  transactions  of  the  kings  before  the  captivity,  and  go- 
vernors afterwards,  all  delivered  in  the  same  circumstantial 
manner.  And  here  the  particular  account  of  the  regulations, 
sacred  and  civil,  established  by  David,  and  of  the  building  of  the 
temple  by  Solomon,  the  genealogies  given  in  the  beginning  of 
the  first  book  of  Chronicles,  and  the  lists  of  the  persons  who  re- 
turned, sealed,  &c.  after  the  captivity,  in  the  books  of  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah,  deserve  especial  notice,  in  the  light  in  which  we  are 
now  considering  things. — The  book  of  Esther  contains  a  like 
account  of  a  very  remarkable  event,  with  the  institution  of  a  fes- 
tival in  memory  of  it. 

The  book  of  Psalms  mentions  many  historical  facts  in  an  in- 
cidental way  ;  and  this,  with  the  books  of  Job,  Proverbs,  Eccle- 
.  and  Canticles,  alludes  to  the  manners  and  customs  of  an- 
cient times  in  various  ways.  In  the  Projiln'cics  there  arc  some 
historical  relations  ;  and  in  the  other  parts  the  indirect  mention 
of  facts,  times,  places,  and  persons,  isinterwoven  with  the  prcdic 
tions  in  the  most  copious  and  circumstantial  manner. 

Prom  the  preceding  statements,  we  may  observe,  Fihst,  that, 
in  fact,  we  do  not  ever  find  that  forged  or  false  accounts  of  things 
bound  thus  in  particularities.  There  is  always  some  truth 
where  there  are  considerable  particularities  related,  and  they 
always  seem  to  bear  some  proportion  to  one  another.  Thus 
there  is  a  great  want  of  the  particulars  of  time,  place,  and  per- 
sons in  Manetho's  account  of  the  Egyptian  dynasties.  Ctesias'fl 
of  the  Assyrian  kings,  and  those  which  the  technical  chronolo- 
gers  have  given  of  the  ancient  kingdoms  of  Greece  ;  and  agree 
ably  thereto,  these  accounts  have  much  fiction  and  falsehood 
with  some  truth  :  whereas  Thucydides's  history  of  the  Pelopon- 
ncsian  war,  and  Caesar's  of  the  war  in  Gaul,  in  both  which  the 
particulars  of  time,  place,  and  persons  are  mentioned,  are  uni- 
versally esteemed  true,  to  a  great  degree  of  exactness. — Secondly, 
a  forger,  or  a  relater  of  falsehoods,  would  be  careful  not  to  men- 
tion so  great  a  number  of  particulars,  since  this  would  to  be  put 


ON  THE  GENUINENESS  AND  AUTHENTICITY 


32 

into  his  reader's  hands  criteria  whereby  to  detect  him.  Thus  we 
may  see  one  reason  of  the  fact  just  mentioned,  and  which,  in 
confirming  that  fact,  confirms  the  proposition  here  to  be  proved. 
— Thirdly,  a  forger,  or  a  relater  of  falsehoods,  could  scarcely 
furnish  such  lists  of  particulars.  It  is  easy  to  conceive  how  faith- 
ful records  kept  from  time  to  time  by  persons  concerned  in  the 
transactions  should  contain  such  lists  ;  nay,  it  is  natural  to  ex- 
pect them  in  this  case,  from  that  local  memory  which  takes  strong 
possession  of  the  fancy  in  those  who  have  been  present  at  trans- 
actions ;  but  it  would  be  a  work  of  the  highest  invention  and 
greatest  stretch  of  genius  to  raise  from  nothing  such  numberless 
particularities,  as  are  almost  every  where  to  be  met  with  In  the 
Scriptures. — Fourthly,  if  we  could  suppose  the  persons  who 
forged  the  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  to  have  fur- 
nished their  readers  with  the  great  variety  of  particulars  above 
mentioned,  notwithstanding  the  two  reasons  here  alleged  against 
it,  we  cannot  however  conceive  but  that  the  persons  of  those 
times,  when  the  books  were  published,  must  by  the  help  of  these 
criteria  have  detected  and  exposed  the  forgeries  or  falsehoods. 
For  these  criteria  are  so  attested  by  allowed  facts,  as  at  this  time, 
and  in  this  remote  corner  of  the  world,  to  establish  the  truth  and 
genuineness  of  the  Scriptures,  as  may  appear  even  from  this 
chapter,  and  much  more  from  the  writings  of  commentators, 
sacred  critics,  and  such  other  learned  men  as  have  given  the  his- 
torical evidences  for  revealed  religion  in  detail ;  and,  by  parity  of 
reason,  they  would  suffice  even  now  to  detect  the  fraud,  were 
there  any  :  whence  we  may  conclude,  a  fortiori,  that  they  must 
have  enabled  the  persons  who  were  upon  the  spot,  when  the 
books  were  published,  to  do  this  ;  and  the  importance  of  many 
of  the  particulars  recorded,  as  well  as  many  of  the  precepts,  ob- 
servances, and  renunciations  enjoined,  would  furnish  them  with 
abundant  motives  for  this  purpose. 

Upon  the  whole,  therefore,  we  conclude,  that  the  very 
great  number  of  particulars  of  time,  place,  persons,  &c.  men- 
tioned in  the  Ola  Testament,  is  a  proof  of  its  genuineness 
and  truth,  even  independently  of  the  consideration  of  the 
agreement  of  these  particulars  with  history,  both  natural  and 
civil,  and  with  one  another ;  which  agreement  will  be  dis- 
cussed in  the  following  chapter1  as  a  confirmation  of  the 
credibility  of  the  writers  of  the  Old  Testament. 

IV.  Notwithstanding  the  conclusiveness  of  the  preceding 
arguments  for  the  genuineness  of  the  Old  Testament  collec- 
tively, attempts  have  been  made  of  late  years  to  impugn  it, 
by  undermining  the  genuineness  and  antiquity  of  particular 
books,  especially  of  the  Pentateuch,  or  five  books  which  are 
ascribed  to  Moses  :  for,  as  the  four  last  of  these  books  are  the 
basis  of  the  Jewish  dispensation,  which  was  introductory  to 
Christianity,  if  the  Pentateuch  could  be  proved  to  be  neither 
genuine  nor  authentic,  the  genuineness  and  authenticity  of 
the  other  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  in  consequence  of  their 
mutual  and  immediate  dependence  upon  each  other,  must 
necessarily  fall. 

That  the  Pentateuch  was  written  by  the  great  legislator 
of  the  Hebrews,  by  whom  it  was  addressed  to  his  contem- 

Soraries,  and  consequently  was  not,  nor  could  be,  the  pro- 
uction  of  later  times,  we  are  authorized  to  affirm  from  a  se- 
ries of  testimonies,  which,  whether  we  consider  them  to- 
gether or  separately,  form  such  a  body  of  evidence,  as  can 
be  adduced  for  the  productions  of  no  ancient  profane  writers 
whatever :  for,  let  it  be  considered  what  are  the  marks  and 
characters,  both  internal  and  external,  which  prove  the  genu- 
ineness and  authenticity  of  the  works  of  any  ancient  author, 
and  the  same  arguments  may  be  urged  with  equal,  if  not 
with  greater  force,  in  favour  of  the  writings  of  Moses. 

1 .  The  Language  in  which  the  Pentateuch  is  written  is  a 
proof  of  its  genuineness  and  authenticity. 

"  It  is  an  undeniable  fact,  that  Hebrew  ceased  to  be  the  living 
language  of  the  Jews  soon  after  the  Babylonish  captivity,  and 
that  the  Jewish  productions  after  that  period  were  in  general 
either  Chaldee  or  Greek.  The  Jews  of  Palestine,  some  ages  be- 
fore the  appearance  of  our  Saviour,  were  unable  to  comprehend 
the  Hebrew  original  without  the  assistance  of  a  Chaldee  para- 
phrase ;  and  it  was  necessary  to  undertake  a  Greek  translation, 
because  that  language  alone  was  known  to  the  Jews  of  Alexan- 
dria. It  necessarily  follows,  therefore,  that  every  book  which  is 
written  in  pure  Hebrew,  was  composed  either  before  or  about 
the  time  of  the  Babylonish  captivity.2  This  being  admitted,  we 
may  advance  a  step  further,  and  contend,  that  the  period  which 


[Chap   Ii 


>  See  Chapter  HI.  Section  II.  and  Chapter  V.  Section  II.  infra. 
»  See  Doetlerlein  Institutio  Theologi  Christiani,  sect.  38.  torn.  i. 
^..rinhercfp.  1778. 


p.  10G. 


elapsed  between  the  composition  of  the  most  ancient  and  the 
most  modern  book  of  the  Old  Testament  was  very  considerable  : 
or,  in  other  words,  that  the  most  ancient  books  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament were  written  a  length  of  ages  prior  to  the  Babylonish 
captivity.  No  language  continues  during  many  centuries  in  the 
same  state  of  cultivation,  and  the  Hebrew,  like  other  tongues, 
passed  through  the  several  stages  of  infancy,  youth,  manhood, 
and  old  age.  If,  therefore  (as  we  have  already  remarked),  on 
comparison,  the  several  parts  of  the  Hebrew  Bible  are  found  to 
differ,  not  only  in  regard  to  style,  but  also  in  regard  to  character 
and  cultivation  of  language  ;  if  one  discovers  the  golden,  another 
the  silver,  a  third  a  brazen,  a  fourth  the  iron  age,  we  have  strong 
internal  marks  of  their  having  been  composed  at  different  and 
distant  periods.  No  classical  scholar,  independently  of  the  Gre- 
cian history,  would  believe  that  the  poems  ascribed  to  Homer 
were  written  in  the  age  of  Demosthenes,  the  orations  of  Demos- 
thenes in  the  time  of  Origen,  or  the  commentaries  of  Origen  in 
the  days  of  Lascaris  and  Chrysoloras.  For  the  very  same  rea- 
son it  is  certain  that  the  five  books,  which  are  ascribed  to  Moses, 
were  not  written  in  the  time  of  David,  the  Psalms  of  David  in 
the  age  of  Isaiah,  nor  the  prophecies  of  Isaiah  in  the  time  of  Ma 
lachi.  But  it  appears  from  what  has  been  said  above,  in  regara 
to  the  extinction  of  the  Hebrew  language,  that  the  book  of  Ma- 
lachi  could  not  have  been  written  much  later  than  the  Babylo- 
nish captivity ;  before  that  period,  therefore,  were  written  the 
prophecies  of  Isaiah,  still  earlier  the  Psalms  of  David  and  much 
earlier  than  these  the  books  which  are  ascribed  to  Moses.  There 
is  no  presumption,  therefore,  whatsoever,  a  priori,  that  Moses 
was  not  the  author  or  compiler  of  the  Pentateuch."3  And  the 
ignorance  of  the  assertion,  which  in  our  time  has  been  made, — 
that  the  Hebrew  language  is  a  compound  of  the  Syriac,  Arabic, 
and  Chaldee  languages,  and  a  distortion  of  each  of  them  with 
other  provincial  dialects  and  languages  that  were  spoken  by  ad- 
joining nations,  by  whom  the  Jews  had  at  various  times  been 
subdued  and  led  captive, — is  only  surpassed  by  its  falsehood  and 
its  absurdity. 

2.  But  further,  the  four  last  books  of  Moses  contain  "  a  sys- 
tem of  Ceremonial  and  Moral  Laws,  which,  unless  we  reject 
the  authority  of  all  history,  were  observed  by  the  Israelites  from 
the  time  of  their  departure  out  of  Egypt  till  their  dispersion  at 
the  taking  of  Jerusalem. 

"  These  Laws  therefore  are  as  ancient  as  the  conquest  of 
Palestine.  It  is  also  an  undeniable  historical  fact,  that  the  Jews 
in  every  age  believed  that  their  ancestors  had  received  them  from 
the  hand  of  Moses,  and  that  these  laws  were  the  basis  of  their 
political  and  religious  institutions,  as  long  as  they  continued  to 
to  be  a  people."1  Things  of  private  concern  may  easily  be 
counterfeited,  but  not  the  laws  and  constitution  of  a  whole 
country.  It  would,  indeed,  have  been  impossible  to  forge  the 
civil  and  religious  code  of  the  Jews  without  detection ;  for  their 
civil  and  religious  polity  are  so  blended  and  interwoven  together, 
that  the  one  cannot  be  separated  from  the  other.  They  must, 
therefore,  have  been  established  at  the  same  time,  and  derived 
from  the  same  original ;  and  both  together  evince  the  impossi- 
bility of  any  forgery  more  than  either  of  them  could  singly.  The 
religion  and  government  of  a  people  cannot  be  new  modelled. 
Further,  many  of  the  institutions,  contained  in  the  ceremonial 
and  moral  laws  given  to  the  Jews  by  Moses,  were  so  burthen- 
some,  and  some  of  them  (humanly  speaking)  were  so  hazardous, 
or  rather  so  certainly  ruinous  to  any  nation  not  secured  by  an 
extraordinary  providence  correspondent  to  them — especially 
those  relating  to  the  sabbatical  year,  the  resort  of  all  the  males 
to  Jerusalem  annually  at  the  three  great  festivals,  and  the  prohi- 
bition of  cavalry — that  forged  books,  containing  such  precepts, 
would  have  been  rejected  with  the  utmost  abhorrence.  As  the 
whole  Jewish  people  were  made  the  depositories  and  keepers  of 
their  laws,  it  13  impossible  to  conceive  that  any  nation,  with  such 
motives  to  reject,  and  such  opportunities  of  detecting,  the  forgery 
of  the  books  of  Exodus,  Leviticus,  Numbers,  and  Deuteronomy, 
should  yet  receive  them,  and  submit  to  the  heavy  yoke  imposed 
by  the  laws  contained  in  them.  That  they  should  often  throw 
it  off  in  part,  and  for  a  time,  and  rebel  against  the  divine  authority 
of  their  law,  though  sufficiently  evidenced,  is  easily  to  be 
accounted  for,  from  what  we  see  and  feel  in  ourselves  and  others 
every  day  ;  but  that  they  should  return  and  repent  and  submit  to 
it,  unless  it  were  really  delivered  by  Moses,  an^  had  the  sanction 
of  divine  authority,  is  utterly  incredible.  "We  are  therefore  re- 
duced to  this  dilemma,  to  acknowledge  cither  that  these  laws 

»  Bishop  Marsh's  Authenticity  of  the  Five  Books  of  Moses  vindicated. 

:■'   6,7 


9WCT.    [.] 


OF    THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 


33 


■■•in. illy  delivered  by  Moms,  or  that  a  whole  nation  during 
fifteen  hundred  yean  groaned  under  the  weighl  of  an  imposture, 
without  once  detecting  or  even  suspecting  the  fraud.  The 
Athenians  believed  that  the  system  of  laws  by  which  they  were 
governed  was  composed  by  Solon  ;  and  the  Spartans  attributed 
their  code  to  Lycurgus,  without  ever  being  suspected  of  a  mis- 
take in  their  belief.  Why  then  should  it  be  doubted,  that  the 
rules  prescribed  in  the  Pentateuch  were  given  by  Muses?     To 

it,  is  to  assert  that  an  afreet  may  exist  without  a  can 
that  a  great  and  important  revolution  may  take  place  without  an 
agent  We  have  therefore  an  argument  little  short  of  mathe- 
matical demonstration,  that  the  substance  of  the  Pentateuch 
proceeded  from  Moses;  ami  that  the  very  words  were  written 
by  him,  though  not  so  mathematically  demonstrable  as  the  former, 

;-  at    least   amoral    certainty.      The  Jews,  whose   evidence  alone 

can  decide  in  the  present  instance,  have  believed  it  from  the  earliest 
to  the  present  age:  no  other  person  ever  aspired  to  be  thought 
the  author,  and  we  may  venture  to  affirm  that  no  other  person 
could  have  been  the  author.  For  it  is  wholly  incredible  that  the 
Jews,  though  weak  and  superstitious,  would  have  received,  in  a 
later  age,  a  set  of  writings  as  the  genuine  work  of  Moses,  if  no 
history  and  no  tradition  had  preserved  the  remembrance  of  his 
having  been  the  author."1 

:(.  The  united  Historical  Testimony  of  Jews  and  Gen- 
til     attests  the  genuineness  and  authenticity  of  the  Pentateuch. 

Although  the  spirit  of  ancient  simplicity  which  breathes 
throughout  these  books  renders  it  improbable  that  they  were 
fabricated  in  a  later  age,  yet,  when  we  add  to  this  the  uni- 
versal consent  of  those  persons  who  were  most  concerned 
ami  host  able  to  ascertain  the  point  in  question,  wre  have  an 
additional  testimony  in  favour  of  the  genuineness  and  authen- 
ticity  of  the  Pentateuch. 

[i.]   With  regard  to  Jewish  Testimony: — 

If  we  believe  other  nations  when  they  attest  the  antiquity  and 
specify  the  authors  of  their  laws,  no  just  reason  can  be  assigned 
why  we  should  not  give  equal  credit  to  the  Jews,  whose  testi- 
mony is  surely  as  much  deserving  of  credit  as  that  of  the  Athe- 
nians, the  Lacedemonians,  the  Romans,  and  the  Persians,  con- 
cerning Solon,  Lycurgus,  Numa,  and  Zoroaster  :2  or  rather,  from 
the  tacts  we  shall  proceed  to  state,  they  are  better  entitled  to  be- 
lief than  any  other  nation  under  heaven.  "  Every  book  of  the 
Old  Testament  implies  the  previous  existence  of  the  Pentateuch: 
in  many  of  them  it  is  expressly  mentioned,  allusion  is  made  to 
it  in  some,  and  it  is  quoted  in  others.  These  contain  a  scries  of 
external  evidence  in  its  favour  which  is  hardly  to  be  confuted; 
and  when  the  several  links  of  this  argument  are  put  together, 
they  will  form  a  chain  which  it  would  require  more  than  ordi- 
nary abilities  to  break.  In  the  first  place,  no  one  will  deny  that 
the  Pentateuch  existed  in  the  time  of  Christ  and  his  apostles, 
for  they  not  only  mention  it,  but  quote  it.;;  '  This  we  admit,' 
reply  the  advocates  for  the  hypothesis  which  it  is  our  object  to 
on  lute,  '  but  you  cannot  therefore  conclude  that  Moses  was  the 
author,  for  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  it  was  composed  by 
Ezra.'  Now,  unfortunately  for  men  of  this  persuasion,  Ezra 
himself  is  evidence  against  them ;  for,  instead  of  assuming  to 
himself  the  honour  which  they  so  liberally  confer  on  him,  he 
expressly  ascribes  the  book  of  the  law  to  Moses  ;  'and  they  set 
the  priests  in  their  divisions,  and  the  Lcvites  in  their  courses, 
for  the  service  of  God,  which  is  in  Jerusalem,  as  it  is  written  in 
t lie  book  of  J\foses.u  Further,  the  Pentateuch  existed  before 
the  time  of  Ezra,  for  it  is  expressly  mentioned  during  the  cap- 
tivity in  Babylon  by  Daniel  (ix.  11 — 13.)  ii.  c.  537  or  538. 
Long  before  that  event  it  was  extant  in  'he  time  of  Josiah 
(2  Chron.  xxxiv.  15.)  b.  c.  624,  and  was  then   if  such  acknow- 

i  Bishop  Marsh's  Authenticity  oftheFive  Booksof  Muses  vindicated,  pp. 
1  9  Sec  also  Bishop  Gleie's  edition  of  Stackhouse's  History  of  the  Bible, 
vol.  i  |>p-  xiv — xix.  The  following  articles  of  (he  Jewis'i  Confession  of 
Faith  sufficiently  attest  how  firmly  the  Jews  believe  the  Pentateuch  to  be 
,hc  work  of  Moses: — 

7.  I  firmly  believe  that  all  the  prophecies  of  Moses  our  master  (God  rest 
his  soul  in  peace !)  are  true  ;  and  that  he  is  the  father  of  all  the  sages  whe- 
ther they  went  before  or  came  after  him. 

8.  I  firmly  believe  that  the  law  which  we  have  now  in  our  hands  was 
given  hij  Moses ;  God  rest  his  soul  in  peace  ! — Lamy's  Apparatus  Biblicus, 
v..l.  i.  pp.  045,  otf, 

»  Snllingtlect's  Origines  Sacrae,  lib.  ii.  c.  i.  §  vi.  vii. 

■  Matt.  v.  27.  Mark  x.  3.  xii.  26.  Luke  x.  25.  xxiv.  44.  John  vii.  19.  viii. 
n     Acts  xxviii.  23.     1  Cor.  ix.  9.    2  Cor.  iii.  15. 

«  I'./.ra  vi.  18.  See  also  Ezra  iii.  2.  and  Nehemiah  xiii.  1.  The  Law  of 
Moat  9,  the  servant  of  God,  is  expressly  mentioned  by  Malachi,  the  contem- 
porary of  Ezra.  See  Mai.  iv.  4.  The  learned  Abbadie  has  shown  at  con- 
siderable length  that  E/.ra  could  not  and  did  not  forge  the  Pentateuch,  and 
ilia  it  was  extant  lonu  before  his  time  :  but  his  arsmaents  do  not  admit  of 
ibndgement.  See  his  Trait  ■  dela  Verite  de  la  Religion  Chretienne,  torn,  i 
an  312—830..    ■  Melanges  fb>  Religion,  .v.-   t-nn   ix.  pp.  244—248 


[edged  authority,  that  the  perusal  of  it  occasioned  an  immediate 
reformation  of  the  religious  usages,  which  had  not  been  observed 
according  to  the  "  word  of  the  Lord,  to  do  after  all  that  is  written 
in  this  book."  (2  Chron.  xxxiv.  2 1.)  It  was  extant  in  the  time 
of  Hoshea,  king  of  Israeli  b.  c.  678,  sini  ve  Israclitish 

was  suit  back  from  Babylon  (2  Kings  xvii.  27.)  to  instruct 
the  new  colonists  of  Samaria  in  the  religion  which  it  leaches. 
By  these  Samaritans  the  book  of  the  law  was  received  as  genu- 
ine, and  wii  ptts»:rvcd  and  handed  down  to  their  posterity,  a.s 
it  also  was  by  the  Jews,  as  the  basis  of  the  civil  and  religiour 
institutions  of  both  nations.  It  was  extant  in  the  time  of  Je- 
hoshaphat,  king  of  Judah,  11.  c.  012  (2  Chron.  xvii.  9.),  who 
employed  public  instructors  for  its  promulgation.  And,  since 
the  Pentateuch  was  received  as  the  book  of  the  law  both  by  the 
ten  tribes,  and  also  by  the  two  tribes,  it  follows  as  a  necessary 
consequence  '-!::.;  thsj  each  received  it  before  they  became  di- 
vided into  two  kingdoms:  for  if  it  had  been  forged  in  a  later  age 
among  the  Jews,  the  perpetual  enmity  that  subsisted  between 
them  and  the  lsrae  'ites  would  have  utterly  prevented  it  from 
being  adopted  by  the  Samaritans ;  and  had  it  been  a  spurious 
production  of  the  Samaritans,  it  would  never  have  been  received 
by  the  Jews.  "  There  remains,  therefore,  only  one  resource  to 
those  who  contend  that  Moses  was  not  the  author,  namely,  that 
it  was  written  in  the  period  which  elapsed  between  the  age  of 
Joshua  and  that  of  Solomon.  But  the  whole  Jewish  history, 
from  the  time  of  their  settlement  in  Canaan,  to  the  building  of 
the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  presupposes  that  the  book  of  the  law 
was  written  by  Moses.  The  whole  of  the  temple  service  and 
worship  was  regulated  by  Solomon,  b.  c.  1004,  according  to  the 
law  contained  in  the  Pentateuch,  as  the  tabernacle  service  and 
worship  had  previously  been  by  David,  b.  c.  1042.  Could  Solo- 
mon indeed  have  persuaded  his  subjects  that,  for  more  than  five 
hundred  years,  the  worship  and  polity  prescribed  by  the  Penta- 
teuch had  been  religiously  observed  by  their  ancestors,  if  it  had 
not  been  observed  1  Could  he  have  imposed  upon  them  con 
cerning  the  antiquity  of  the  Sabbath,  of  circumcision,  and  of  their 
three  great  festivals  1  In  fact,  it  is  morally  impossible  that  any 
forgery  could  have  been  executed  by  or  in  the  time  of  Solomon. 
Moreover,  that  the  Pentateuch  was  extant  in  the  time  of  David 
is  evident  from  the  very  numerous  allusions  made  in  his  psalms 
to  its  contents  ;"  but  it  could  not  have  been  drawn  up  by  him, 
since  the  law  contained  in  the  Pentateuch  forbids  many  practices 
of  which  David  was  guilty.  Samuel  (who  judged  Israel  about 
the  years  b.  c.  1100 — 1060  or  1061)  could  not  have  acquired 
the  knowledge  of  Egypt  which  the  Pentateuch  implies  ;"  and  in 
the  book  of  Joshua  (which,  though  reduced  to  its  present  form 
in  later  times,  was  undoubtedly  composed,  in  respect  to  its  essen- 
tial parts,  at  a  very  early  period),  frequent  references  may  be 
found  to  the  Book  of  the  Law.  "  For  instance,  Joshua  is  com 
manded  to  do  according  to  all  which  the  Lain  of  JWoses  com- 
manded :  and  it  is  enjoined  upon  him,  that  this  Hook  of  the 
Law  should  not  depart  out  of  his  mouth.  (Josh.  i.  7,  8.) 
Joshua,  in  taking  leave  of  the  people  of  Israel,  exhorts  them  to 
do  all  which  is  written  in  the  Book  of  the  Law  of  Moset 
(xxiii.  6.)  ;  and  he  recites  on  this  occasion  many  things  con 
tained  in  it.  When  the  same  distinguished  leader  had  taken  his 
final  farewell  of  the  tribes,  he  wrote  the  words  of  his  address  in 
the  Book  of  the  Law  of  God.  (xxiv.  26.)  In  like  manner  it 
is  said  (viii.  30 — 34.)  that  Joshua  built  an  altar  on  mount  Ebal, 
as  it  is  written  in  the  Book  of  the  Law  of  Moses,  and  that  he 
read  all  the  words  of  the  law,  the  blessings  and  the  cursings, 
according  to  all  that  is  written  in  the  Book  of  the  Law?  The 
Pentateuch  therefore  was  extant  in  the  time  of  Joshua. 

To  Moses  alone,  indeed,  can  the  Pentateuch  be  attributed; 
and  this  indirect  evidence  from  tradition  is  stronger  than  a  more 
direct  and  positive  ascription,  which  would  have  been  the  ob- 
vious resource  of  fraud.     Nor  would  any  writer  posterior  to 

»  For  a  critical  account  of  the  Samaritan  Tentateuch,  see  Part  I.  Chap. 
II.  Sect  1.  S  2. 

«  It  is  true  that  the  ten  tribes,  as  well  as  those  of  Judah  and  Benjamin, 
were  addicted  to  idolatry ;  but  it  appears  from  2  Kings  iii.  2.  x.  21—28.  xviii. 
28.  and  2  Chron.  xxxv.  18.  that  they  considered  the  religion  of  Jehovah  as 
the  only  true  religion. 

1  See  particularly  Psal.  i.  2.  xix.  7—11.  xl.  7,  8.  lxxiv.  13—15.  lxxvii.  15—20 
lxxviii.  1—55.  lxxxi.  4—13.  cv.  throughout,  cvi.  1—39.  exxxv.  8—12.  exxxvi. 
10 — 20.  and  particularly  the  whole  of  Psal.  cxix. 

•  Bp.  Marsh's  Authenticity  of  the  Five  Booksof  Moses  vindicated,  pp.  9, 
10.  North  American  Review,  New  Series,  vol.  xxii.  pp.  283,  284.  The  argu- 
ments above  stated  are  more  fully  considered  and  elucidated  in  Mr.  Faber's 
Bone  Mosaicie,  vol.  i.  pp.  305— 330.  The  very  numerous  texts  in  which 
the  Pentateuch  is  cited  by  the  writers  of  the  Old  Testament,  subsequent  U 
Moses,  are  given  at  length  by  Huet,  Demonstr.  Evangel.  lib.  i.  prop.  4.  cap 
i.  (torn.  i.  pp.  68—73.  8vo.);  Du  Voisin,  L'Autorit6  des  Livres  de  Moyse 
etabli,  pn.  2R— 37.  ;  Dr.  Crams'  I.ecfnm<  «n  PenWneh.  <~»1  I  w  ")_^i  ■ 
mdPr.i     '     ■■    '    ri     '    ■  ;  v  ••   '" ..■  1     ■ 


34 


ON  THE  GENUINENESS  AND  AUTHENTIC! TV 


[ClIAP.   ]l\ 


Moses,  who  was  contriving  a  sanction  for  actual  laws,  have  no- 
ticed the  progressive  variations  of  those  institutes  (compare  Lev. 
xvii.  with  Deut.  xii.  5 — 27.)  as  the  composer  of  the  Pentateuch 
has  done.  These  considerations  most  completely  refute  the 
assertion  of  a  late  writer,1  who  has  alfirmed  in  the  face  of  the 
clearest  evidence,  that  it  is  in  vain  to  look  for  any  indication 
whatever  of  the  existence  of  the  Pentateuch,  either  in  the  t»ock 
of  Joshua  (one  of  the  most  ancient),  or  in  the  book  so  c^.r-J, 
of  Judges,  or  in  the  two  books  entitled  Samuel,  or,  finally,  in  the 
history  of  the  first  Jewish  kings.  Such  a  bold  and  unfounded 
assertion  as  this  could  only  have  been  mode,  either  through  w  ilful 
ignorance,  or  with  a  design  to  mislead  the  unthinking  multitude. 

Decisive  as  the  preceding;  chain  of  evidence  is,  that  the 
Pentateuch  is  the  undoubted  work  of  Moses,  a  questioi  i  has 
of  late  years  been  agitated,  whence  did  he  derive  the  materi- 
als for  the  history  contained  in«the  book  of  Genesis,  which 
commenced  so  many  ages  before  he  was  born  1  To  this  in- 
quiry, the  following  very  satisfactory  answers  may  be  given : — 

There  are  only  three  ways  in  which  these  important  re- 
cords could  have  been  preserved  and  brought  down  to  the 
time  of  Moses,  viz.  writing,  tradition,  and  divine  revelation. 
In  the  antediluvian  world,  when  the  life  of  man  \vas  so  pro- 
tracted, there  was,  comparatively,  little  need  for  writ  ng. 
Tradition  answered  every  purpose  to  which  writing  in  any 
kind  of  characters  could  be  subservient ;  and  the  necessity  of 
erecting  monuments  to  perpetuate  public  events  could 
scarcely  have  suggested  itself ;  as,  during  those  times,  there 
could  be  little  danger  apprehended  of  any  important  fact  be- 
coming obsolete,  its  his'tory  having  to  pass  through  very  few 
hands,  and  all  these  friends  and  relatives  in  the  most  proper 
sense  of  the  terms :  for  they  lived  in  an  insulated  state,  un- 
der a  patriarchal  government.  Thus  it  was  easy  for  Moses 
to  be  satisfied  of  the  truth  of  all  he  relates  in  the  book  of 
Genesis,  as  the  accounts  came  to  him  through  the  medium  of 
very  few  persons.  From  Adam  to  Noah  there  was  hut  one 
man  necessary  to  the  correct  transmission  of  the  history  of 
this  period  of  lo'ob'  years.  Adam  died  in  the  year  ot  the 
world  930,  and  Lamecb,  the  father  of  Noah,  was  born  in  the 
year  874 ;  so  that  Adam  and  Lantech  were  contemporaries 
for  fifty-six  years.  Methuselah,  the  grandfather  of  Noah, 
was  born  in  the  year  of  the  world  637,  and  died  in  the  year 
1G56,  so  that  he  lived  to  see  both  Adam  and  Lantech  (from 
whom  doubtless  he  acquired  the  knowledge  of  this  history), 
and  was  likewise  contemporary  with  Noah  for  six  In 
years.  In  like  manner,  Shem  connected  Noah  and  Abraham, 
traving  lived  to  converse  with  both ;  as  Isaac  did  with  Abra- 
ham and  Joseph,  from  whom  these  things  might  be  easily 
conveyed  to  Moses  by  Amram,  who  was  contemporary  with 
Joseph.  Supposing,  then,  all  the  curious  facts  recorded  in 
the  book  of  Genesis  to  have  had  no  other  authority  than  the 
tradition  already  referred  to,  they  would  stand  upon  a  foun- 
dation of  credibility  superior  to  any  that  the  most  reputable 
of  the  ancient  Greek  and  Latin  historians  can  boast. 

Another  solution  of  the  question,  as  to  the  source  whence 
Moses  obtained  the  materials  for  his  history,  has  been  offered 
of  late  years  by  many  eminent  critics;  who  are  of  opinion 
that  Moses  consulted  monuments  or  records  of  former  ages, 
which  had  descended  from  the  families  of  the  patriarchs,  and 
were  in  existence  at  the  time  he  wrote.  This  opinion  was 
first  announced  by  Vitringa,2  and  was  adopted  by  Calmet ;;! 
who,  from  the  genealogical  details,  the  circumstantiality  of 
the  relations,  the  specific  numbers  of  years  assigned  to  the 
patriarchs,  as  well  as  the  dates  of  the  facts  recorded,  con- 
cludes that  Moses  could  not  have  learned  the  particulars  re- 
lated by  him  with  such  minute  exactness,  but  from  written 
documents  or  memoirs.  Of  this  description,  he  thinks,  was 
the  book  of  Jasher  or  of  the  Upright,  which  is  cited  in  Josh. 
x.  13.  and  2  Sam.  i.  18.;  and  he  attributes  the  difference  in 
names  and  genealogies,  observable  in  various  parts  of  Scrip- 
ture, to  the  number  of  copies  whence  these  numerations  were 
made.  Calmet  further  considers  the  notice  of  a  battle  fought 
during  the  sojourning  of  the  Israelites  in  Egypt,  which  oc- 
curs in  1  Chron.  vu.  20 — 22.,  as  derived  from  the  same 
source.  The  hypothesis  of  Vitringa  and  Calmet  has  been 
adopted  in  this  country  by  the  learned  editor  of  Stackhcuse's 
History  of  the  Bible  ; '  who,  regarding  the  current  opinion  of 
the  late  invention  of  writing  as  a  vulgar  error,  thinks  it  pro- 
bable that  the  posterity  of  iShem,  and  perhaps  also  of  Japhet, 
kept  regular  records  of  all  the  remarkable  events  that  occuT- 

'  M.  Volney. 

»  Observaliones  Sacrts,  cap.  iv. 
•  Commentaire  Litterale,  torn.  i.  part  1.  p.  xiii. 
''shop  Gleig.    See  his  Introduction,  vol.  i.  p.  xx. 


red,  as  well  as  memoirs  of  all  those  members  of  their  severa. 
families  who  were  distinguished  for  virtue  and  knowledge 
and  that  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  similar  records 
were  not  kept,  in  some  families  at  least,  before  the  flood.  Or. 
Gleig  further  conceives  that  the  art  of  writing  was  commu- 
cated,  among  others,  to  Noah  and  his  sons  by  their  antedilu- 
vian ancestors,  and  that  it  has  never  since  been  wholly  lost ; 
and  that,  if  this  were  the  case,  there  probably  were  in  the 
tiUnily  of  Abraham  books  of  Jasher,  or  annals  commencing 
p.om  the  beginning  of  the  world ;  and  If  so,  Moses  might  have 
found  in  them  an  account  of  the  events  which  constitute  the 
subject  of  the  book  of  Genesis. 

On  the  Continent  this  hypothesis  was  adopted  by  M 
Astruc,5  who  fancied  that  he  discovered  traces  of  twelve  dif- 
ferent ancient  documents,  from  which  the  earlier  chapters  of 
Exodus,  as  well  as  the  entire  book  of  Genesis,  are  compiled. 
These,  however,  were  reduced  by  II  gen  to  three,0  and  by 
Eichhorn7  to  two  in  number,  which  he  affirms  may  he  distin- 
guished by  the  appellations  of  Elohim  and  Jehovah  given  to 
the  Almighty.  The  hypothesis  of  Eichhorn  is  adopted  by 
Gramberg,8  and  by  Rosenmiiller,9  from  whom  it  was  bor- 
rowed by  the  late  Dr.  Geddes,10  and  is  partially  acceded  toby 
Jahn.  To  this  hypothesis  there  is  but  one  objection,  and  we 
apprehend  that  it  is  a  fatal  one ;  namely,  the  total  silence  of 
Moses  as  to  any  documents  consulted  by  him.  He  has,  it  is 
true,  referred  in  Numbers  xxi.  14.  to  the  "  Book  of  the  Wars 
of  the  Lord;"  but  if  he  had  copied  from  any  previously  ex- 
isting memoirs  into  the  book  of  Genesis,  is  it  likely  that  such 
an  historian,  every  page  of  whose  writings  is  stamped  with 
every  possible  mark  ot  authenticity  and  integrity,  would  have 
omitted  to  specify  the  sources  whence  he  derived  his  history  ? 
Should  the  reader,  however,  be  disposed  to  adopt  the  hypo- 
thesis of  Vitringa  and  Calmet  without  the  refinements  of 
Eichhorn  and  his  followers,  this  will  not  in  the  smallest  de- 
gree detract  from  the  genuineness  of  the  book  of  Genesis.  It 
was  undoubtedly  composed  by  Moses,  and  it  has  been  re- 
ceived as  his  by  his  countrymen  in  all  ages.  But  it  is  not  ne- 
cessary to  suppose  that  he  received  by  inspiration  an  account 
of  facts,  which  he  might  easily  have  obtained  by  natural 
means.  All  that  is  necessary  to  believe  is,  that  the  Spirit  of 
God  directed  him  in  the  choice  of  the  facts  recorded  in  his 
work ;  enabled  him  to  represent  them  without  partiality  ;  and 
preserved  him  from  being  led  into  mistakes  by  any  inaccu- 
racy that  might  have  found  its  way  into  the  annals  which  he 
consulted.  "If  this  be  admitted,  it  is  of  no  consequence 
whether  Moses  compiled  the  book  of  Genesis  from  annals 
preserved  in  the  family  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob,  or 
wrote  the  whole  of  it  by  immediate  inspiration :  for,  on  either 
supposition,  it  is  a  narrative  of  divine  authority,  and  contains 
an  authentic  account  of  facts,  which  constitute  the  foundation 
of  the  Jewish  and  Christian  religions ;  or,  to  use  more  accu- 
rate language,  the  one  great  but  progressive  scheme  of  re- 
vealed religion."11 

[ii.]  Gentile  Testimony. — In  addition  to  the  native  testi- 
mony of  the  Jews,  which  has  been  already  stated,  respecting 
the  genuineness  and  authenticity  of  the  Pentateuch,  we  have 
the  undisputed  testimony  of  the  most  distinguished  writers  of 
pagax  antiquity  ;  which  will  have  the  greater  weight,  as 
they  were  generally  prejudiced  against  the  whole  nati' 
the  Jews. 

Thus,  Manetho,  Eupolemus,  Artapanus,  Tacitus,  Diodorua 
Siculus,  Strabo,  Justin  the  abbrcviator  of  Trogus,  and  Juvenal, 
besides  many  other  ancient  writers,  all  testify  that  Moses  was 

»  Conjectures  sur  lesMemoires  Ori^inaux  dont  il  paroit  que  Moyse  s"est 
servi  pour  composer  le  livre  de  la  Genese.    [Par  Jean  Aslruc]  8vi>.  Brux- 
elles,  1753.     The  hypothesis  of  Astruc  is  examined  and  refuted  at 
length  in  a  Dissertation  on  the  Book  of  Genesis  inserted  in  the  Bib 
Vence,  torn.  ii.  pp.  17—68.    Paris,  1827. 

«  Ilgen,  Urkuuden  des  ersten  Buchs  Mosc  (i.  e.  Documents  of  the  firsl 
book  of  Moses,  Halle,  1798),  cited  in  Gramberg's  Libri  Geneseos  Adum- 
bratio  nova,  pp.  3,  4. 

i  Eichhorn,  Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament  (Introduction  to  the  Old 
Testament),  part.  ii.  §41t>.  In  theGottingen  edition  of  this  work,  printed  in 
1823,  Theil.'iii.  H05 — 418.  pp.  1—140.,  Prof.  Eichhorn  defends  his  former 
opinion  that  the  cook  ofGetiesis  was  derived  from  two  primary  document? 
by  a  third  person,  who  interwove  the  whole  into  one  series  with  some  ad 
dilions. 

'  Gramberg,  Libri  Geneseos  Adumbratio  nova,  pp.  7—9.  This  writei 
adopts  the  terms  "  Jehovista"  and  "  ECohisiu"  (from  Jehovah  and  Elohim), 
i<>  designate  the  two  documents  from  which  he  supposes  the  anonymous 
compiler  of  the  book:  of  Genesis  to  have  compacted  )-:  •materials.  Dr.  Schir 
man  has  given  a  comparative  table  of  the  sevpral  schemes  of  Astruc.  Eich 
horn,  Ilgen,  and  Gramberg.  Pentateuchus.  Hal  ■■■  Grace,  tone  j,  pp.  \s\.~- 
lrvi. 

•  Rosenmiiller,  Scholia  in  Vet.  Test.  torn.  i.  pp.  7—12.  Lipeise,  1705.  f;,s. 
edition. 

'•  In  his  translation  of  the  Bible,  vol.  i.  and  his  Critical  Remarks 

"  Bp.  Gleig's  edition  of  Stackhouse,  vol.  i.  p.  xxi. 


>ECT.    I. 


OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


J  ft 


,     this  leader  of  the  Jews,  and  the  founder  of  their  laws.'     The 

ptians,  as  Josephus  asserts,  esteemed  turn  to  be  a  wonderful 

and  divine  man  :  and  were  willing  to  have  him  thought  a  pried 

of  their  own,  which  certainly  was  a  proof  of  their  high  opinion 

of  him,  though  mixed  with  other  fabulous  relations.9  Th 
critic,  Longinus,  extolling  those  who  represent  the  Deity  as  be 
really  is,  pure,  great,  and  unmixed,  testifies  that  thus  did  the 
legislator  of  the  Jews;  who  (says  he)  was  no  ordinary  man,  and, 
as  he  conceived,  so  he  spoke  worthily  of  the  power  of  God.  Nu- 
ineuius.  the  Pythagorean  philosopher,  of  Apamea  in  Syria,  called 

Moses  a  man  most  powerful  in  prayer  to  God,  and  said,  "  What 

is  Plato  but  Mni'  i  speaking  in  the  Attic  dialect.  !"'  which  sen- 
timent, whether  just  or  not,  is  yet  a  proof  of  this  philosopher's 
high  opinion  of  Mose  •. 

Further,  Porphyry,  one  of  the  most  acute  and  learned  enc- 
mies  of  Christianity,  admitted  the  genuineness  of  the  Pentateuch, 
and  acknowledged  that  .Moses  was  prior  to  the  Phoenician  histo- 
rian Sanchouiothaii,  who  lived  before  the  Trojan  war.  He  even 
contended  for  the  truth  of  Sane  hnni.-tthon's  account  of  the  Jews, 
from  its  coincidence  with  the  .Mosaic  history.  Nor  was  the  genu- 
ineness of  the  Pentateuch  denied  by  any  of  the  numerous  writers 
against  the  Gospel  during  the  first  four  centuries  of  the  Christian 
a;ra,  although  the  fathers  constantly  appealed  to  the  history  and 
iccies  of  the  Old  Testament  in  support  of  the  divine  origin 
of  the  doctrines  which  they  taught.  The  power  of  historical 
truth  compelled  the  emperor  Julian,  whose  favour  to  the  Jews 
appears  to  have  proceeded  solely  from  his  hostility  to  the  Chris- 
tians, to  acknowledge  that  persons  instructed  by  the  Spirit  of 
(■od  once  lived  among  the  Israelites  ;  and  to  confess  that  the 
hooks  which  bore  the  name  of  .Moses  were  genuine,  and  that  the 
facts  they  contained  were  worthy  of  credit.  liven  Mohammed 
maintained  the  inspiration  of  Moses,  and  revered  the  sanctity  of 
the  Jewish  laws.  Manetho,  Berosus,  and  many  others,  give  ac- 
counts confirming  anil  according  with  the  .Mosaic  history.  The 
Egyptian,  Phoenician,  Greek,  and  Roman  authors,  concur  in  re- 
lating the  tradition  respecting  the  creation,  the  fall  of  man,  the 
deluge,  and  the  dispersion  of  mankind  ;5  and  the  lately  acquired 
knowledge  of  the  Sanscrit  language,  by  opening  the  treasures  of 
the  eastern  world,  has  confirmed  all  these  traditions  as  concur- 
ing  with  the  narrative  in  the  sacred  history.'5  Yet,  notwithstand- 
ing all  these  testimonies  to  the  genuineness  of  the  Pentateuch, 
and  <  y  to  the   character  of  Moses,  his  very  existence 

has  been  '  rued,  and  the  account  of  him  pronounced  to  be  per- 
fectly •  mythological. 

"  i'o  the  preceding  demonstration  perhaps  the  following  objec- 

will  he  made  : — '  We  will  admit  the  force  of  your  arguments, 

and  grant  that  Moses  actually  wrote  a  work  called  the  Book  of 

the  Law:  but  how  can  we  he  certain  that  it  was  the  very  work 

which  is  now  current  under  his  name  1      And  unless  you  can 

show  this  to  he  at  least  probable,  your  whole   evidence  is  of  no 

value.'     To  illustrate  the  force  or  weakness  of  this  objection,  let 

-  apply  it  to  some   ancient  Creek  author,  and  see  whether  a 

deal  scholar  would  allow  it  to  he  of  weight.     '  It  is  true,  that 

the  (ireek  writers  speak  of  Homer  ;is  an  ancient  and   celebrated 

poet;  it  is  true  also  that  they  have  quoted  from  the  works,  which 

they  ascribe  to   him,  various  passages  that  we  find  at   present    in 

the  Iliad  and  Odyssey:  yet  still  there  is  a  possibility  that  the  po- 
ems which  were  written  by  Homer,  and  those  which  we  call  the 
Iliad  and  Odyssey,  were  totally  distinct  productions.'  Now  an 
advocate  for  (ireek  literature  would  reply  to  this  objection,  not 
with  a  serious  answer,  hut  with  a  smile  of  contempt  ;  and  he 
would  think  it  beneath  his  dignity  to  silence  an  opponent  who 
appeared  to  he  deaf  to  the  clearest  conviction.  Hut  still  more  may 
he  said  in  defence  of  Moses  than  in  defence  of  Homer;  for  the 
writings  of  the  latter  were  not  deposited  in  any  temple,  0T 
archive,  in  order  to  secure  them  from  the  devastations  of  time, 
whereas  the  copy  of  the  hook  of  the  law,  as  written  by- 
was  intrusted  to  the  priests  and  the  elders,  preserved  in   the  ask 

■  Bi  as  collected  all  the  leading  tesiirro 

concerning  Moses,  at  length,  in  his  Dissertation  on  M 
Work  1 — 10.  0V0.  edition.    Du  Voisin,  l'Autoril 

Moyse,  pp.  53—66. 

»  Josephus  contra  Apion.  lib.  i.  §31. 

»  Longinus  de  Sublimitate,  59.  p.  SO.  <  "ce. 

*  Numenius  apnd  Clem.  Ale.xamlr.  Stromata,  lib.  i-  §~3.  p.  41.  edit.  Pot- 
ter.   I  ep.  Evang.  lib.  ix.  $  6.  et  8. 

'  Thi  briefly  glanced  at,  are  considered  more  fully,  infra 

Chapter  nt  Sect! 

•  The  Discourses  of  fir  William  Jones,  delivered  (o  llie  Asiatic  B 

at  Calcutta,  and  printed  in  the  three  first  volumes  oftheir  Researches,  the 
Indian  Antiquities,  andHistory  of  India,  by  Mr.  Maurice,  may  be  referred  to, 
as  containing  incontestable  evidence  of  the  antiquity  and  genuineness  of  the 
Mosaic  records.  Mr.  Carwithen  has  very  ably  condensed  all  the  informa- 
tion to  be  derived  from  these  voluminous  works,  in  his  Bampton  Lectures 
or  the  year  1809,  particularly  in  the  five  first  discourses. 


of  the  covenant,  ami  nail  to  the  people  every  seventh  year.  Suf- 
ficient care  therefore  was  taken,  not  only  for  the  preservation  of 
the  original  record,  but  that  no  spurious  production  should  bi 

!.     And  that,  no  spurious  production  ever  has 

ubstituted    ni   the  stead    of  the  original   composition      f 

.a  the  evidence  both  of  the  I  agint, 

and  of  the  8amaritan  Pentateuch.     For  ee  with  the 

trilling  variations,8  to  which  every  work 

is  expo  th  of  time,  it  is  a  rtain  that  the  fiv« 

which  we  now  ascribe  to  Moses,  are  one   and   the  same 

work  with  that  which  was  translated  into  (ireek  in  the  time  of 

tin'  Ptolemies,  and,  what  is  of  still  greater  importance,  with  that 

which  existed  in  the  time  of  Solomon.9     And  as  the  Jews  could 

have  hadno motive  whatsoever, during  the  period  which  < 

between  the  age  of  Joshua  and  that  of  Solomon,  for  substituting 

rious  production  inrteadof  the  original  as  written  by  V 

and  even  had  they  '"■■,  n  inclined  to  attempt  the  imposture,  would 

have  been  prevented  bj  the  care  which  had  been  taken  by  their 
lawgiver,  v.  m  present  Pentateuch   is   the 

identical  work  that  v.-as  delivered  by  .Moses." 

4.  But,  /«  idea  /'/   external  evidence  which  has  bun  produced 
in  favour  of  tht  baiks  la  question,  equally  convincing 
menta  ivonfrom  their  contents. 

The   v.ry   mode  of  writing,  in  the  four  last  books,  discovers 
an  author    contemp  nrary  with   the    everts   which    he    relates  ; 
every  description,  l»  th  religious  and  political,  is  a  proof  that  the 
writer  was  present  :it  each  respective  scene;  and  the   legislative 
and  historical    parts   are    so    interwoven  with   each    other,   thai 
neither  oftheir  could  have  been  written  by  a  man  who  lived  in 
a  later  age.     For  instance,  the  frequent  genealogies,  which 
in  the  Pentateuch,  lorm  a  strong  proof  that  it  was  composed  by 
a  writer  of  a  very  carl\  date,  and  from  original  materials. 
genealogies1    of  the  Jewish  tribes  were  not  mere  arbitrary  ! 
names,  in  which  th"  writer  might  insert  as  many  fictitious  ones 
as  he  pleased,  retaining  only  some  few  more  conspicuous  name? 
of  existing  families,  to  preserve   an    appearance  of  their  being 
founded  in  reality  ;  hut  they  were  a  complete  enumeration  of  all 
the  original  stocks,  from  some  one  of  which  every  family  in  the 
Jewish   nation  derived  its  origin,  and  in  which  no  name  was  to 
inserted,  whose  descendants  or  heirs  did  not  exist  in  possession 
of  the  property,  which  the  original  family  had  possessed  at   the 
first  division  of  tin-  promised  land.     The  distribution  of  pro 
by  tribes  and  tim.il  es  proves,  that  some  such  catalogues  of  fami- 
lies as  we  find  in   the  Pentateuch  must  have  existed  at  thi 
first  division  of  the   country;    these  must  have  been    carefully 
preserved,  because  the  property  of  every  family  was  unab 
since,  if  sold,  i!  was  to  return  to  the  original  family  at  each  ycai 
of  jubilee.     The  genealogies  of  the  Pentateuch,  if  they  difleitM 
from  this  known   and  authentic  register,  would  have  been   im 
mediately  rejected,  and  with  them,  the  whole  work.     They  there 
fore  impart  to  the  entire  history  all  the  authenticity  of  such  j 
public  register:  for  surely  it  is  not  in  the  slightest  degree  proba 
ble,  tl,  .tench  should  ever  have  been  received  . 

original  record  of  the  settlement  and  division  of  Judea,  if  so  im- 
portant a  part  of  it  as  the  register  of  the  genealogies  had  been 
known  to  exist  long  before  its  publication,  and  to  have  been 
merely  copied  into  it  from  pre-existing  documents. 

"Again,  we  may  make  a  similar  observation  on  the  geogra- 
phical enumerations  of  places  in  the  Pentateuch  ;;l  the  acoounU 
otly  given,  «(  their  deriving  their  names  from  partieulai 
events,  and  particular  persons;  and  on  the  details  of  marehei 
and  encampments  ■>  hich  occur,  first  in  the  progress  of  the  di- 
rect narr.it iv  hj  some  few  stations  distinguished  by  re- 
markable  facts  are  noticed,  and  afterwards  at  its  close,  where  * 
regular  list  is  given  of  all  (be  stations  of  the  Jewish  camp.  All 
this  looks  like  reality;  wncnevcr  the  Pentateuch  was  published, 

1  And  M'-  es  -.rote  this  law,  and  delivered  it  onto  the  pi  iests  the  .  ons  "i 

Levi,  «  the  covenant  if  the  Lord,  and  nolo  all  thi 

commanded  them  saying,  Ai  the  end  of  ever} 
J  ears,  i  ■■•  ofthe  years  of  release,  in  the  P 

when  all  Ire  I  is  conic  to  appear  before  the  Lord  thy  Cod.  in  the  place 
which  le  shall  choose,  Ihou  slialt  read  this  law  before  ail  Israel  m  their 
hearing  And  il  came  to  pass  when  Moses  had  made  an  end  of  writing  the 
words  of  this  law  in  a  book,  until  they  were  finished,  that  Moses  command- 
ed theLevites  which  bare  the  ark  ofthe  covenant  ofthe  Lord,  saying.Take 
this  book  ofthe  law,  and  put  it  in  the  side  ofthe  ark  ofthe  covenant  ol  the 
Lord  your  God.  Dent.  xxxi.  9— 11.  24— 26.  There  is  a  passage  to  the. same 
purpose  in  Josephus  :  A*x,ouTai  Sia  i«  aroze  </<t  van  iv  T<y  nf*  yfxftp 
Josephi  Antiquitat.  lib.  v.  c.  i.  §  17.  toin.  i.  p.  1ST>  ed.  Hudson. 

•  See  the  collation  of  the  Hebrew  and  Samaritan  Pentateuch,  in  the  sixth 
volume  of  die  London  Polyglotl,  p.  19.  ofthe  Animadversiones  Samari 

»  See  Waltoni  Prolegom.  xi.  §11. 

»»  Vide  Num.  ch.  ii.  and  iii.  and  especially  eh.  Wtvi.  and  ixjbv. 

•"  Vide  Exod.  xiv.  2.  xv.  27.  xvii.  7.     And  con. pare  Numbers,  ch.  xx  mci 
and  xxxiii.  xxxiv.  xxxv.  ;  also  Deut.  i.  ii.  ii' 


St 

>  would  ha  re  been  immediately  rejected,  except  the  account  it 
of  the  origin  of  these  names,  and  of  the  series  of  these 
marches,  had  been  known  to  be  true  by  the  Jews  in  general  ;  for 
mi.  book  states,  that  many  of  these  names  were  adopted  in  con- 
sequence of  these  events,  from  the  very  time  they  took  place  ; 

md  it  also  stub-;,  that  the  entire  nation  was  engaged  in  these 
marches.     Now    the   memory   of  such   circumstances  as  these 

annot  long  exist  without  writing.  If  the  Pentateuch  was  not 
what  it  pretend.;  to  t>e,  the  original  detail  of  these  circumstances, 
it  could  not  have  been  received ;  for,  if  it  was  published  long 
after  the  events,  and  there  was  no  pre-existing  document  of 
these  details,  which  it  delivers  as  things  well  known,  how  could 
it  be  received  as  true  ''  If  it  was  copied  from  a  known  pre- 
existing document,  how  could  it  be  received  as  being  itself  the 
original]  Besides,  it  is  natural  for  the  spectator  of  events  to 
connect  every  circumstance  with  the  place  where  it  happened. 
An  inventor  of  fiction  would  not  venture  upon  this,  as  it  would 
facilitate  the  detection  of  his  falsehood ;  a  compiler  long  sub- 
sequent would  not  trouble  himself  with  it,  except  in  some  re- 
markable cases.  The  very  natural  and  artless  manner  in  which 
all  circumstances  of  this  nature  are  introduced  in  the  Pentateuch 
increases  the  probability  of  its  being  the  work  of  an  eye-witness, 
ivho  could  introduce  them  with  ease,  while  to  any  body  else  it 
would  be  extremely  difficult  and  therefore  unnatural ;  since  it 
would  render  his  work  much  more  laborious,  without  making  it 
more  instructive. 

"  All  these  tilings  bespeak  a  writer  present  at  the  transac- 
tions, deeply  interested  in  them,  recording  each  object  as  it  was 
Suggested  to  his  mind  by  facts,  conscious  he  had  such  authority 
with  the  persons  to  whom  he  wrote,  as  to  be  secure  of  their  at- 
tention, and  utterly  indifferent  as  to  style  or  ornament,  and  those 
various  arts  which  are  employed  to  fix  attention  and  engage 
regard  ;  which  an  artful  forger  would  probably  have  employed, 
and  a  compiler  of  even  a  true  history  would  not  have  judged 
beneath  his  attention."1 

The  frequent  repetitions,  too,  which  occur  in  the  Pentateuch, 
and  the  neglect  of  order  in  delivering  the  precepts,  are  strong 
proofs  that  it  has  come  down  to  us  precisely  as  it  was  written 
by  Moses,  at  various  times,  and  upon  different  occasions,  during 
the  long  abode  of  the  Israelites  in  the  wilderness.  Had  the  Pen- 
tateuch been  re-written  by  any  later  hand,  there  would  in  all  pro- 
oability  have  been  an  appearance  of  greater  exactness  :  its  con- 
tents would  have  been  digested  into  better  order,  and  would  not 
have  abounded  with  so  many  repetitions. 

"For  example,  the  law  respecting  the  passover  is  introduced  into  Ex. 
xii.  1 — 28. ;  resumed  in  Exod.  xii.  43 — 51. ;  again  in  chapter  xiii. ;  and  once 
more,  with  supplements,  in  Num.  ix.  1 — 14.  Would  a  compiler,  after  the 
exile,  have  scattered  these  notices  of  the  passover,  in  so  many  different 
places'?  Surely  not;  he  would  naturally  have  embodied  all  the  traditions 
concerning  it,  in  one  chapter.  But  now  every  thing  wears  the  exact  ap- 
pearance of  having  been  recorded  in  the  order  in  which  it  happened. 
New  exigences  occasioned  new  ordinances :  and  these  are  recorded,  as 
they  were  made,  pro  re  nata. 

':  In  like  manner  the  code  of  the  priests  not  having  been  finished  at  once 
in  the  book  of  Leviticus,  the  subject  is  resumed,  and  completed  at  various 
times,  and  on  various  occasions,  as  is  recorded  in  the  subsequent  books 
of  the  Pentateuch.  So,  the  subject  of  sin  and  trespass-offerings  is  again 
and  again  resumed,  until  the  whole  arrangements  are  completed.  Would 
not  a  later  compiler  have  embodied  these  subjects  respectively  together '! 

"  Besides  repeated  instances  of  the  kind  just  alluded  to,  cases  occur  in 
which  statutes  made  at  one  time  are  repealed  or  modified  at  another;  as 
in  Exod.  xxi.  2—7.  compared  with  Deut.  xv.  12—27. ;  Num.  iv.  24 — 33.  com- 
pared with  Num.  vii.  1—9.;  Num.  iv.  3.  compared  with  Num.  viii.  24.; 
Lev.  xvii.  3,  4.  compared  with  Deut.  xi.  15. ;  Ex.  xxii.  25.  compared  with 
Deut.  xxiii.  19.  ;  Kx.  xxii.  16,  17.  compared  with  Deut.  xxii.  29. ;  and  other 
like  instances.  How  could  a  compiler,  at  the  time  of  the  captivity,  know 
any  thing  of  the  original  laws  in  those  cases,  which  had  gone  into  desuetude 
from  the  time  of  Moses  ?"« 

All  these  examples  prove  that  the  Pentateuch  was  (as  it  pur- 
ports to  be)  written  by  Moses  at  different  times,  and  in  many 
different  parcels  at  first,  which  were  afterwards  united.  To  these 
considerations,  we  may  add,  that  no  other  person  besides  Moses 
himself  could  write  the  Pentateuch  :  because,  on  comparing  to- 
gether the  different  books  of  which  it  is  composed,  there  is  an 
exact  agreement  in  the  diffcrent'parts  of  the  narrative,  as  well' 
with  each  other  as  with  the  different  situations"  in  -Which  Moses, 
its  supposed  author,  is  placed.  And  this  agreement  discovers 
itself  in  coincidences  so  minute,  so  latent,  so  indirect,  and  so 
evidently  undesigned,  that  nothing  could  have  produced  them 
but  reality  and  truth  influencing  the  mind  and  directing  the  pen 
of  the  legislator.3 

'  Dr.  Graves's  Lectures  nn  Pentateuch,  »»'.  i.  pp.  50 — 53. 

1  North  American  Review,  New  Seric*    r  A.  xxii.  p.  288. 

*  These  coincidences  are  illustrated  a  considerable  length,  and  in  a 
most  masterly  manner,  by  Dr.  Graves  it,  nis  third  and  fourth  lectures  (on 
the  Pentateuch,  vol.  i.  pp.'69— 121.),  to  which  we  must  refer  the  reader,  as 
the  argument  would  be  impaired  by  abridgment ;  as  also  to  "  The  Veracity 
if  the  Five  Books  of  Moses  argued  from  the  undesigned  Coincidences  to 
be  found  in  them,  when  compared  in  their  several  Parts.  By  the  Rev. 
.1  .T.  Hlimt.     London.  1830.  "  8m 


OK  THE  GENUINENESS  AND  AUTHENTIC!'!  \ 


rump.  II 


"The  account  which  is  given  in  the  book  of  Exodus  of  the 
conduct  of  Pharaoh  towards  the  children  of  Israel  is  such  as 
might  be  expected  from  a  writer,  who  was  not  only  acquainted 
with  the  country  at  large,  but  had  frequent  access  to  the  court 
of  its  sovereign  ;  and  the  minute  geographical  description  of  the 
passage  through  Arabia  is  such,  as  could  have  been  given  only 
by  a  man  like  Moses,  who  had  spent  forty  years  in  the  land  of 
Midian.  The  language  itself  is  a  proof  of  its  high  antiquity, 
which  appears  partly  from  the  great  simplicity  of  the  style,  and 
partly  from  the  use  of  archaisms,  or  antiquated  expressions, 
which  in  the  days  even  of  David  and  Solomon  were  obsolete.'' 
But  the  strongest  argument  that  can  be  produced  to  show  that 
the  Pentateuch  was  written  by  a  man  born  and  educated  in 
Egypt,  is  the  use  of  Egyptian  words,11  which  never  were  nor  ever 
could  have  been  used  by  a  native  of  Palestine  ;  and  it  is  a  re- 
markable circumstance,  that  the  very  same  thing  which  Moses 
had  expressed  by  a  word  that  is  pure  Egyptian,  Isaiah,  as  might 
be  expected  from  his  birth  and  education,  has  expressed  by  a 
word  that  is  purely  Hebrew."0 

V.  We  here  close  the  positive  evidence  for  the  authenti- 
city of  the  Pentateuch ;  it  only  remains  therefore  that  we 
notice  the  Objections  to  it,  which  have  been  deduced  from 
marks  of  a  supposed  posterior  date,  and  also  from  marks  of 
supposed  posterior  interpolation,  and  which  have  so  often 
been  urged  with  the  insidious  design  of  weakening  the  au- 
thority of  the  Mosaic  writings. 

[i. ]  With  respect  to  the  alleged  marks  of  posterior  date, 
it  is  a  singular  fact,  that  the  objections  which  have  been 
founded  on  them  are  derived — not  from  the  original  Hebrew, 
but  from  modern  translations  „•  they  are  in  themselves  so 
trifling,  that,  were  it  not  for  the  imposing  manner  in  which 
they  are  announced  by  those  who  impugn  the  Scriptures, 
they  would  be  utterly  unworthy  of  notice.  The  following 
are  the  principal  passages  alluded  to  : — 

Objection  1. — From  the  occurrence  of  the  word  Gentiles 
in  the  English  version  of  Gen.  x.  5.,  of  Israel,  in  Gen.  xxxiv. 
7.,  and  of  Palestine,  in  Exod.  xv.  14.,  it  has  been  affirmed, 
that  those  two  books  were  not  written  till  after  the  Israelites 
were  established  in  Jerusalem,  nor  indeed  till  after  the  return 
of  the  Jews  from  the  Babylonish  captivity. 

Answeh. — If  however,  the  objector  had  referred  to  the  ori 
ginal  passages,  he  would  have  seen,  that  there  was  no  ground  for 
these  assertions.  For,  in  the  first  place,  the  Hebrew  word  OMi 
(Gouim,)  in  Gen.  x.  5.,  most  frequently  means  nations  in  general, 
and  so  it  is  rendered  several  times  in  this  chapter,  besides  many 
other  passages  in  various  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  the  style 
of  which  proves  that  they  were  written  before  the  captivity ;  and 
this  word  was  not  understood  of  the  heathen,  that  is,  of  those 
who  had  not  the  knowledge  and  worship  of  the  true  God,  until 
after  the  captivity.7  Secondly,  the  proper  rendering  of  Gen. 
xxxiv.  7.,  is  wrought  fully  against  Israel,  that  is,  against  Jacob, 
who  was  also  called  Israel.  See  Gen.  xxxii.  28.  xxxv.  10.  and 
xlvii.  31.  The  preposition  a  {Beth)  means  against  as  well  as 
in,  and  so  it  is  rendered  in  Num.  xxi.  7.  The  name  of  Israel 
did  not  become  a  patronymic  of  his  descendants  until  more  than 
two  hundred  years  afterwards.  Compare  Exod.  iv.  22.  Thirdly, 
the  name  of  Palestine  is  of  comparatively  modern  date,  being 
first  used  by  the  heathen  geographers ;  and  is  given  by  almost 
all  translators  of  the  book  of  Genesis,  to  indicate  more  clearly  the 
country  intended,  namely,  that  of  the  Philistines.  The  Hebrew 
word  in  Exod.  xv.  14.  is  rufVe  (PaLeSHeTH),  which  the  Greek 
writers  softened  into  Tla\*ts-m,  and  the  Latin  writers  into  Pa- 
Ixstina,  whence  our  Palestine. 

Obj.  2. — Deut.  i!  1.  contains  a  clear  evidence  that  Moses 
could  not  be  the  author  of  that  book. 

*  For  instance,  Kin,  iUe,  and  iyj,  pmr,  which  are  used  in  both  genders 
by  no  other  writer  than  Moses.  See  Gen.  xxiv.  14.  16.  28.  55.  57.  xxxviii. 
21.23.  ..      ■ 

*  For  instance  inK,  (perhaps  written  originally  TIN,  and  the  »  lengthen- 
ed into  1  by  mistake)  written  by  the  LXX.  *%•  or  •%««,  Gen.  xli.  2.  and  mn, 
written  by  the  LXX.  3<6n  or  S.S.j.  See  La  Croze  Lexicon  Egyptiacum, 
art.  AXIandfHBl. 

•  The  same  thing  which  Moses  expresses  by  jrtK,  (Gen.  xli.  2.)  Isaiah 
(xix.  7.)  expresses  by  n»"W,  for  the  LXX.  have  translated  both  of  these 
words  by  «x'.— The  Authenticity  ot  the  Five  Books  of  Moses  vindicated 
pp.  11-14.    See  also  Jahn,  Introd.  ad.  Lect.  Vet  F<Bd.  pp.  204—209. 

Will  it  be  credited,  that  after  the  body  of  evidence  above  adduced  (the 
greater  part  of  which  has  been  published  fie  English,  German,  or 
Latin  languages  for  nearly  one  hundred  and  fifty  years),  the  late  M. 
Volney  should  assert  that  the  book  of  Genesis  is  not  a  national  monument 
of  the  Jews,  but  a  Chaldean  monument,  retouched  and  arranged  by  ths 
high-priest  Hilkiah  (who  lived  only$27  years  after  Moses),  so  as  to  producr 
a  premeditated  effect,  both  political  and  religious ! !  ! 

•  Vorstius.  d"  Hebraismis  Nnvi  T*sTami»ni.  p  44.  Rvn   Linsite,  1?7& 


Sect.   I.] 


OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 


37 


Airswxa. — The  objection  was  first  mad.'  by  Spinoza,  and  from 
Limit  has  been  copied  without  acknowledgment  by  1 1 1 » *  modern 
opposer.s  of  tin;  Scriptures:  !>ut  it  is  founded  on  a  mistranslation, 
and  does  not  apply  to  our  authorized  English  vert  ion.  Ac- 
cording to  these  objectors,  the  verse  runs  thus : — These  he  the 
words  which  Moses  spake  unto  all  Israel  b  dan  in 

the  wilderness,  in  the  plain  over  against  the  Red  Sea,  be- 
tween  Paran  and  Toph  ■'  and  Lahan  and  Hazeroth  and  I)  - 
zahab.  And  as  Moses  never  went  over  Jordan,  they  saj  ii  i- 
evideut  that  tlie  writer  of  the  honk  of  Deuteronomy  lived  on  the 
west  siile  of  that  river,  and  consequently  could  not  !»■  Moses. 
The  Hebrew  word  napa  (BeEBeR),  however,  is  completely 
■jnbiguous,  signifying  sometimes  beyond,  and  sometimes  on  this 
or,  more  properly,  at  or  on  the  passage  of  Jordan.     Thus 

in  Joshua  xii.  L.  the  Words  translated,  on  the  Other  sub-  Jordan, 

towards  the  rising  of  tin-  sun,  and  ver.  7.  on  this  tide  Jordan 
on  tin-  west,  are  both  expressed  by  the  same  Hebrew  word.  In 
our  authorized  English  version,  the  first  verse  of  Deuteronomy 
runs  thus: — These  be  the  words  which  Moses  spake  unto  all 

1  «\  this  si  in;  .TouiiAY,  in  the  wilderness,  &c.  This 
version  is  agreeable  to  the  construction  which  the  original  re- 
quires, and  which  is  sanctioned  by  the  Syriac  translation, 
executed  at  the  close  of  the  first,  or  in  the  beginning  of  the 
second  century  of  the  Christian  Bra:  the  objection  above 
stated,  therefore,  does  not  apply  to  our  authorized  English  trans- 
lation. The  Septuagint  and  Vulgate  Latin  versions,  as  well  as 
that  of  Dr.  Qeddes,  and  several  of  the  versions  in  the  continental 
languages,  are  all  erroneous. 

Sii.]  With  regard  to  the  alleged  marks  oi'po&terior  ihter- 
ation,  it  must  be  acknowledged,  that  there  are  some  such 
passages,  but  a  few  insertions  can  never  prove  the  whole  to  be 
spurious.  We  have  indeed  abundant  reason  still  to  receive 
the  rest  as  genuine:  for  no  one  ever  denied  the  Iliad  or 
Odyssey  to  be  the  works  of  Homer,  because  some  ancient 
critics  and  grammarians  have  asserted  that  a  few  verses  are 
interpolations.  The  interpolations  in  the  Pentateuch,  how- 
ever, are  much  fewer  and  less  considerable  than  they  are 
generally  imagined  to  be;  and  all  the  objections  which  have 
Been  founded  upon  them  (it  is  observed  by  the  learned 
prelate  to  whom  this  section  is  so  deeply  indebted)  may  be 
comprised  under  one  general  head — namely,  '•  exp sessions 
and  passages  found  in  Ihe  Pentateuch  which  could  not  have 
been  written  by  Moses."  A  brief  notice  of  some  of  these 
passages  objected  to,  will  show  how  little  reason  there  is  for 
such  objections. 

Objection  1. — In  Deut.  xxxiv.  the  death  of  Moses  is  de- 
scribed ;  and  therefore  that  chapter  could  not  have  been  writ- 
ten by  him. 

AxswiB. — Deut.  xxxiii.  has  evident  marks  of  being  the  close 
of  the  book,  as  finished  by  Moses ;  and  the  thirty-fourth  chapter 
was  added,  either  by  Joshua  or  some  other  sacred  writer,  as  a 
supplement  to  the  whole.  Or,  it  may  formerly  have  been  the 
commencement  of  the  book  of.  Joshua,  and  in  process  of  time 
removed  thence,  and  joined  to  Deuteronomy  by  way  of  supple- 
ment. 

Obj.  2. — There  are  names  of  cities  mentioned  in  the  Pen- 
tateuch, which  names  were  not  given  to  those  cities  till  after 
the  death  of  Moses.  For  instance,  a  city  which  was  origi- 
nally called  Laish,  but  changed  its  name  to  that  of  Dan, 
after  the  Israelites  had  conquered  Palestine  (Judg.  xviii. 
22.),  is  yet  denominated  Dan  in  the  '  .  (xiv. 

11.)    The  book  itself,  therefore,  it  is  said,  must  hav 
written  after  the  Israelites  had  taken  possession  of  the  Holy 
Land. 

Answer. — But  is  it  not  possible  that  inaily  wrote 

Laish,  and  that,  after  the  name  of  the  city  had  been  ch 
transcribers,  for  the  sake  of  perspicuity,  substituted   the   new  for 
the  old  name?     This  might  so  easily  have  happened  that  the 
solution  is  hardly  to   be  disputed,  in   a  the   positive 

arguments  [v.  favour  of  the  word  in  question  are  so  very  decisive.1 

Obj.  3. — The  tower  of  Edar,  mentioned  in  Gen.  xxxv. 
21.,  was  the  name  of  a  tower  over  one  of  the  gates  of  Jeru- 
salem ;  and  therefore  the  author  of  the  book  of  <  lenesis  must 
at  least  have  been  contemporary  with  Saul  and  David. 

Answer. — This  objection  involves  a  manifest  absurdity,  for 
tf  the  writer  of  this  passage  had   meant   the  tower  of  Edar  in 

'  An  example  of  the  same  kind  is  "  Hebron"  (Gen.  xiii.  18).  which  be- 
fore the  conquest  of  Palestine  was  called  Kirjath-Arba,  as  appears  from 
Insh.  xiv.  16.    This  example  may  te  cxplaaied  :n  the  same  manner  as  the 

'.::vi. 


Jem,  he  would  have  made  I-<  tel  spreaj  his  tenl  beyond  a 

that  probablj  did  n  t  exist  till  many  hundred  years 

tth.      The  tower  of  Edar  signifies,  literally,  the   tower  oi 

ski  ;  and   as   this  name  was  undoubtedly  given  to  many 

of  retreat  for  shepherds,  in  the  open  country  of 

Palestine,  which  in  the  days  of  the  patriarchs  was  covered  with 

.  n  is  unnecessary  to  suppose  that  it  meant  in  particular  a 

tower  of  Jerusalem. 

Oiu.   I. — In    ESxod.  xvi.  35,  36.  we   read    thus  : — 9nd  the 

|    /  rael  did  tat  manna  forty  years,  came 

into  a  land  inhabited:  they  did  eat  manna,  until  Day  came  irlc 

den  of  Un  landofUana         '  pt  rt 

of  an  ephah.    This  could  not  have  been  written  by  M<  ■ 
the  .lews  did  not  reach  the  horde 

manna,  until  after  his  death :  nor  would  Moses  speak  thus 
of  an  om<  r,  the  ci<  asure  by  which  all  the  people  gathered 
the  manna,  an  on-,  r  fur  every  man.     It  is  the  language  of 

peaking  when  this  measure  was  out  of  use,  and  an 
ephah  more  generally  known. 

ANSWER. — Thi  forcibly  ob- 

is evidently  inserted  by  a  later  hand.      It  forms  a  complete  pa- 
rcnthe.-i-.  entirely  unconnected  with  the  narrative,  which,  ! 
given  a  full  account  of  the  miraculous  pro 
it  with  the  order  to  Aaron  to  lay  up  an  omer  full  of  manna  in 
the  an  norial  to  be  kept  for  their  generations. 

last  circumstance  relating  to  this  ma 
it  was  necessarj  for  Moses  to  mention  ;  and  he  accordingl . 
resumes  the  regular  account  of  the  journeyings  of  the  pt 
Some  later  writer  was  very  naturally  led  to  insert  the  add 
circumstance  of  the  time  durii.g  which  this  miraculous  pro 
was  continued,  and  probably  added  an  explanatory  note,  to 
tain  the  capacity  of  an  omer,  which  was  the  quantit    i 
provided  for  each  individual  by  God.     To  ascertain  it 
must  have  been  a  matter  of  curiosity. 

In  like  manner,  Num.  xxi.  '.).  was  evidently  added  after  the 
days  of  Joshua :  it  is  parenthetical,  and  is  not  necessary  to  com- 
plete the  narrative  of  Moses. 

Obj.  5. — The  third  verse  of  the  twelfth  chap: 
book  of  Numbers — (Now  the  ma 

all  the  men  which  were  upon  the  face  of  the  earth  ) — bears 
cient  proof  that  Moses  could  not  be  the  author  of  it ,  and 
that  no  man,  however  great  his  egotism,  could  h- 
such  an  assertion  of  himself. 

A  xswr.ii. — If  the  assertor  of  this  objection  had  been  acquainted 
with  the  original  of  this  passage,  instead  of  adopting  it  at  second- 
hand from  some  of  those  who  copied  it  from  Spinoza.(for  it  was 
first  broached  by  him),  he  would  have  known  that   I 
was  mistranslated,  not  only  in  our  own  English  version,  but 
in   all  modern  translations.      The    word  un  (akot),  which   if 
translated  meek,  is  derived   from    nja    (ahoh)    to 
to  humble,  depress,  afflict,  and  so  it  is  rendered  in  many  | 
in  the  Old  Testament,  and  in  this  sense  it  ought  to  be  under- 
stood in  the  passage  now  under  consideration,  which  ough' 
thus  translated.    Now  the  man  Moses  was  depressed  or  afflicted 
more   than    any   man   riDlNn  (iiAixmaa)   of  that   land.      And 
why  was  he  so  !       Because  of  the  great  burden  he  had  to  sus 
tain  in  the   care  and  government  of  the  Israelites,  and  also  oi 
account  of  their  ingratitude  and  rebellion,  both  against  God  an. 
himself.     Of  this  affliction   and  depression,  there  is  the  fuller 
:  e  in  the  eleventh  chapter  of  the  book  of  Numbers.    The 
very   power  which   the   Israelites   envied   was   oppressive  to  its 
possess  >r.  and  was  more  than  cithc  r  toulders  cou! 

But  let  the  passage  be  interpreted  in  the  sense  in  which 
it  is  rendered  in  our  authorized  English  version,  and  what  docs 
it  prove  ?  Nothing  at  all.  The  character  given  of  Moses  as  the 
meekest  of  men  might  be  afterwards  in-  me  one  who 

revered  his  memory  :  or,  if  he  wrote  it  himself,  he  was  justified 
don,  which  required  him  foul  and  envious 

don  of  his  character. 

Obj.  (!. — The  most  formidable  objection,  however,  tnat 
has  been  urged  against  the  Pentateuch,  is  that  which  is  drawn 
from  the  two  foil  e  in  the  book  of  Gene- 

sis (xxxvi.  31.),  the  other  in  the  book  of  Deuteronomy  (iii. 
14.):    These  are  tl  \d of  Edam, 

:>:    THERE    REIGNED    ANY    XING    OYER    THE    CHILDREN    OF 

t,.     And  again.  Jair,  the  son  of  .'.'■  icsseh,  took  all  the 

unto  tl  Mauchathi, 

and  called  them  after  his  own  nam^.  Baslwn-havothjair  euro 

this  day.     Now  it  is  certain  that  the  last  clause  in  each  of 

*  Dr.  A.  Clarke's  C  in  10c. 


.J  8 


ON  THE  GENUINENESS  AND  AUTHENTICITY 


[0«i 


these  examples  could  not  have  been  written  by  Moses:  for 
the  one  implies  a  writer  who  lived  after  the  establishment  of 
inonarehv  in  Israel,  the  other  a  writer  who  lived  at  least  some 
•,t  of  the  Jews  in  Palestine.' 

Asswkii.— If  these  clauses  were  not  written  bj  the  autl 
the  Pentateuch,  but  inserted  bj  some  transcriber,  in  a  lat<  i 

ffect  not  the  authenticity  of  the  work  itself.  And  whoever 
rtially  examines  the  contents  of  these  two  passages,  will 
End  that  the  clauses  in  question  arc  not  only  unnecessary,  but 
even  a  burden  to  the  sense.  The  clause  of  the  second  example 
in  particular  could  not  possibly  have  proceeded  from  the  author 
of  the  rest  of  the  verse,  who,  whether  Moses  or  any  other  per- 
son, would  hardly  have  written,  "He  called  them  after  his  own 
name  unto  this  day."  The  author  of  ftie  Pentateuch  wrote, 
•'He  called  them  after  his  own  name  :"  some  centuries  after  the 
death  of  the  author,  the  clause  "  unto  this  day"  was  probably 
added  in  the  margin,  to  denote  that  the  district  still  retained  the 
name  which  was  given  it  by  Jair,  and  this  marginal  reading  was 
in  subsequent  transcripts  obtruded  on  the  text.  Whoever  doubts 
the  truth  of  this  assertion,  needs  only  to  have  recourse  to  the 
manuscripts  of  the  Greek  Testament,  and  he  will  find  that  the 
spurious  additions  in  the  texts  of  some  manuscripts  are  actually 
written  in  the  margin  of  others."- 

So  far,  however,  is  the  insertion  of  such  notes  from  impeach- 
ing the.  antiquity  and  genuineness  of  the  original  narrative,  that, 
on  the  contrary,  it  rather  confirms  them.  For,  if  this  were  a  com- 
pilation long  subsequent  to  the  events  it  records,  such  additions 
would  not  have  been  plainly  distinguishable,  as  they  now  are, 
from  the  main  substance  of  the  original  :  since  the  entire  history 
would  have  been  composed  with  the  same  ideas  and  views  as 
these  additions  were  ;  and  such  explanatory  insertions  would 
not  have  been  made,  if  length  of  time  had  not  rendered  them 
necessary.3 

We  have  therefore  every  possible  evidence,  that  "  the 
genuine  text  of  the  Pentateuch  proceeded  from  the  hands  of 
Moses  ;  and  the  various  charges  that  have  been  brought 
against  it  amount  to  nothing  more  than  this,  that  it  has  not 
descended  to  the  present  age  without  some  few  alterations  ; 
a  circumstance  at  which  we  ought  not  to  be  surprised,  when 
we  reflect  on  the  many  thousands  of  transcripts  that  have 
been  made  from  it  in  the  course  of  three  thousand  years."1 
The  authority  of  the  Pentateuch  being  thus  established,  that 
of  the  other  books  of  the  Old  Testament  follows  of  course  : 
for  so  great  is  their  mutual  and  immediate  dependence  upon 
each  other,  that  if  one  be  taken  away,  the  authority  of  the 
other  must  necessarily  fall. 


p.  II. 

.■counts    thcr* 


SECTION  II. 

ON    THE    GENUINENESS    AND    AUTHENTICITY    OF    THE    NEW 
TESTAMENT. 

I.  General  title  of  the  New  Testament. — II.  Account  of  its 
Canon. — III.  Genuineness  of  the  books  of  the  JVew  Testa- 
ment.— IV.  Their  authenticitt  proved,  1.  Fromthe  impos- 
sibility of  forg  i:hy  ;  2.  From  extkrnal,  or  historical 
evidence,  afforded  by  ancient  Jewish,  Heathen,  and  Chris- 
tian testimonies  in  their  favour,  and  also  hy  ancient  ver-„ 
sions  of  them  in  different  languages : — and  3.  From  inter- 
nal evidence,  furnished  by,  (I.)  The  character  of  the 
writers.  (2.)  The  language  and  style  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, and,  (3.)    The  minute  circumstantiality  of  the  narra- 

iWitsius,  in  his  Miscellaneous  Sacra,  p.  125.,  says  the  clause  "before 
.Were  reigned  any  king  over  the  children  of  Israel,"  might  have  been  writ- 
Sen  by  Moses;  1ml  he  cuts  the  knot,  instead  of  untying  it. 

»  To  mention  only  two  examples.  The  common  reading  of  1  Cor.  xvi.  2. 
,s  |Ui*v  cr»6S»Ttuw,  but  the  Codex  Petavianus  3.  has  rijv  nupi**^  in  die  mar- 
gin ;  and  in  one  of  the  manuscripts  used  by  Beza,  this  marginal  addition  has 
been  obtruded  on  the  text.  See  liis  note  to  thispassage.  Another  instance 
is  1  John  ii.  27.  where  the  genuine  reading  is  zp,°7*=',  but  Wetstein  quotes 
two  manuscripts  in  which  wveu/aa  is  written  in  the  margin,  and  this  margi- 
nal reading  has  found  its  way  not  only  into  the  Codex  Covelli  2,  but  into  the 
Coptic  and  Ethiopic  versions. 

»  Dr.  Graves's  Lectures,  vol.  i.  p.  346. 

♦  Bishop  Marsh's  Authenticity  of  the  Five  Books  of  Moses  vindicated, 

pp.  15.  IS.    T>  -  texts    b isidercrt,  which  were  excepted  against  by 

Sninoza.  Le  Clerc  (who  subsequently  wrote  a  Dissertation  to  refute  his 
former  objections),  the  late  Dr.  Gcddes,  and  some  opposers  of  revelation 
since  his  de  ussed,  and  satisfactorily  explained 

at  great  length  by  Huet,  Dein.  Evang.  prop-  iv.  cap.  14. (torn.  i.  pp.  254— 
■261.),  and  by  Dr.  Graves  in  the  appendix  to  his  Lectures  on  the  four  last 
Books  of  the  Pentateuch,  vol.  i.  pp.  332— 361.  See  also  Carpzov.  Introd. 
idLibros  Biblicos.  Vet.  Test.  pp.  38 — 11.  MolUenhawer,  Introd.  ad  Libros 
Canonicos  Vet.  et  Nov. Test.  pp.  16,17.  Rcligionis  Naturalis  et  RevelataJ 
Principia,  torn.  ii.  pi<  3—51. 


five,  together  with   the  coincidence   of  the 
delivered,  with  the  history  of  those  ti 

I.    That  an   extraordinary  person,  c  IS   Christ, 

flourished  in  Judaea  in  the  Augustan  age,  i*  a  fact  better  sup 
ported  and  authenticated,  than  thai  there  lived  such  men  as 
Cyrus,  Alexander,  and  Julius  Cffisax  ;  for  although  their  his- 
tories are  recorded  by  various  ancient  writers,  yet  the  memo- 
rials of  then  conquests  and  empires  have  for  the  most  part 
perished.  Babylon,  Persepolis,  and  Ecbatana  are  no  more  ; 
and  travellers  have  long  disputed-,  but  have  not  been  able  to 
ascertain,  th<  lite  of  ancient  Nineveh,  that  "  exceed- 

ing great  city  of  three  days*' journey."  (Jonah  iii.  3.)  How 
few  vestiges  of  Alexander's  victorious  arms  are  at  present  to 
be  seen  in  Asia  Elinor  and  India  !  And  equally  few  are  the 
standing  memorials  in  France  and  Britain,  to  evince  that  there 
was  such  a  person  as  Julius  Caesar,  who  subdued  the  one, 
and  invaded  the  other.  Not  so  defective  are  the  evidences 
concerning  the  existence  of  Jesus  Christ.  That  he  lived  in 
the  reign  of  Tiberius  emperor  of  Rome,  and  that  he  suffered 
death  under  Pontius  Pilate,  the  Roman  procurator  of  Judssa, 
are  facts  that  are  not  only  acknowledged  by  the  Jews  of  every 
subsequent  age,  and  by  the  testimonies  of  several  heathen 
writers,  but  also  by  Christians  of  every  age  and  country, 
who  have  commemorated,  and  still  commemorate,  the  birth, 
death,  resurrection,  and  ascension  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  his 
spiritual  kingdom,  by  their  constant  and  universal  profession 
of  certain  principles  of  religion,  and  by  their  equally  con- 
stant and  universal  celebration  of  divine  worship  on  the 
Lord's  day,  or  first  day  of  the  week,  and  likewise  of  the 
two  ordinances  of  baptism  and  the  Lord's  supper.  These 
religious  doctrines  and  ordinances  they  profess  to  derive 
from  a  collection  of  writings,  composed  after  the  ascen- 
sion of  Jesus  Christ,  which  they  acknowledge  to  be  di- 
vine, and  to  have  been  written  by  the  first  preachers  of 
Christianity'.5 

As  all  who  have  claimed  to  be  the  founders  of  any  par- 
ticular sect  or  religion  have  left  some  written  records  of  their 
institutes,  it  is  a  natural  supposition  that  the  first  preachers 
of  the  Christian  faith  should  have  left  some  writings  con- 
taining the  principles  which  it  requires  to  be  believed,  and 
the  moral  precepts  which  it  enjoins  to  be  performed.  Foi 
although  they  were  at  first  content  with  the  oral  publication 
of  the  actions  and  doctrines  of  their  master  ;  yet  they  must 
have  been  apprehensive  lest  the  purity  of  that  first  tradition 
should  be  altered  after  their  decease  by  false  teachers,  or  by 
those  changes  which  are  ordinarily  effected  in  the  course  of 
time  in  whatever  is  transmitted  orally.  Besides,  they  would 
have  to  answer  those  who  consulted  them ;  they  would  have 
to  furnish  Christians,  who  lived  at  a  distance,  with  lessons 
and  instructions.  Thus  it  became  necessary  that  they  should 
leave  something  in  writing;  and,  if  the  apostles  did  leave 
any  writings,  they  must  he  the  same  which  have  been  pre- 
served to  our  time  :  for  it  is  incredible  that  all  their  writings 
should  have  been  lost,  and  succeeded  by  supposititious  pieces, 
and  that  the  whole  of  the  Christian  faith  should  have  for  its 
foundation  only  forged  or  spurious  writings.  Further,  that 
the  first  Christians  did  receive  some  written,  as  well  as  some 
oral  instruction,  is  a  fact  supported  by  the  unanimous  testi- 
mony of  all  the  Christian  churches,  which,  in  every  age 
since  their  establishment,  have  professed  to  read  and  to  vene- 
rate certain  books  as  the  productions  of  the  apostles,  and  as 
being  the  foundation  of  their  faith.  Now  every  tiling  which 
we  know  concerning  the  belief,  worship,  manners,  and  disci- 
pline of  the  first  Christians,  corresponds  exactly  with  the 
contents  of  the  books  of  the  New  1  cstament,  which  are  now 
extant,  and  which  are  therefore  most  certainly  the  primitive 
instructions  which  they  received. 

The  collection  of  these  books  or  writings  is  generally 
known  by  the  appellation  of 'H  KA1NH  AIASHKH,  the  Nfw 
Covenant,  or  New  Testament;  a  title,  which,  though 
neither  given  by  divine  command,  nor  applied  to  these  writ- 
ings-by  the  apostles,  was  adopted  in  a  very  early  age.'5  Al- 
!  though  the  precise  time  of  its  introduction  is  not  known,  yet 

>  Dr.  Howard's  Introduction  tothe  New  Testament,  vol.  i.  pp  1  —6. 

»  Michaelis's  Introduction  to  the  New  Testament,  vol.  i.  p.  1.  Bishop 
Marsh,  in  a  note,  thinks  it  probable  thai  this  title  was  used  so  early  as  the 
second  century,  because  the  word  testamentum  was  used  in  that  sense  by 
the  Latin  Christians  before  the  expiration  of  that  pi-  iod,  as  appears  from 
Tertullian.  Adversus  Marcioneui,  lib.  iv.  e.  1.  B'.il.  the  first  instance  in 
which  the  term  x««v>i  Ji*5«x>i  actually  occurs  :  nie  sense  of  "writings  of 
the  new  covenant,"  is  in  Origen's  ticatlse  rispi  Af^»t,  lib.  iv.  c.  1.  (Op.  toin. 
i.  p.  166.)— Michaelis,  vol.  i.  p.  343  Sec  also  RosenmUller's  Scholia  In  N. 
T.  torn.  i.  p.  i. ;  Rumpcei  Commcntalio  Critica  in  Libros  Novi  lestamenti, 
pp.  1—3.  ;  Leusden's  Philologus  Hebrteo-Grtecus,  p.  i. ;  and  Pritii  Introd 
in  Nov.  Test.  pp.  9 — 11. 


Sect.  II.] 


OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 


39 


it  is  justified  by  several  passages  in  the  Scriptures,1  and  is, 
in  particular]  warranted  by  Saint  Paul,  who  calls  th< 
trme8,  precepts,  and  promises  of  the  Gospel  dispen 

i./.;.!  amAmwi,  the  New  Covenant, in  opposition  tot 
Mosaic  Dispensation,  which  he  > 

I, nit."    This  appellation,  in  process  of  (fine,  was  by  a 
metonymy  transferred   bo  the  collection  of  apostolical  and 
<<  lical  writings.   Tin  title,  ■•  New  <  Covenant,"  then,  sig- 
nifies the  book  which  contains  the  terms  of  the  New  * 
nant,  upon  which  God  is  pleased  to  offer  salvation  to 
kind,  through  the  mediation  of  Jesus  Christ     Bui  according 
to  the  meaning  of  the  primitive  church,  which  bestowed  this 
title,  it  is  not  altogether  improperly  render  d  New  Testament; 
as  being  that  in  which  the  Christian's  inheritance  is 
to  him  as  a  boh  and  In  ir  of  God,  and  in  which  the  death  of 
Chrisi  as  a  testator  is  related  at  Large,  and  applied  to  our 
benefit.  As  this  title  implies  thai  in  the  Gospel  unspeakable 
gifts  are  given  or  bequeathed  to  us,  antecedent  to  all  ci 
tions  required  of  us,  the  title  of  Testament  may  be  retained, 
although  thai  of  Covenant  would  be  more  correct  and  pro- 
per.' 

II.  The  writings,  thus  collectively  termed  the  New  Tes- 
tament, consist  of  twenty-seven  books,  composed  on  various 
ions,  and  at  different  times  and  places,  by  eight  diffe- 
rent authors,  all  of  whom  were  contemporary  with  Jesus 
Christ,  viz.  the  tour  Gospels,  which  hear  the  names  of  Mat- 
thew, Mark,  Luke,  and  John,  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  the 
fourteen  Epistles  which  hear  tin:  name  of  Paul,  and  which 
are  addressed  to  the  Romans,  Corinthians,  Galatians,  Ephe- 
sians,  I'hilippians,  Colossians.  Thessalonians,  to  Timothy, 
Titus,  Philemon,  and  to  the  Hebrews,  the  seven  Catholic 
Epistles  (as  they  are  called)  of  .lames,  Peter,  1,  2,  and  3 
John,  and  Jude,  and  the  Book  of  the  Revelation,  which  like- 
wise hears  the  name  of  Join).  These  writings  contain  the 
history  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  first  propagation  of  his  religion, 
together  with  the  principles  of  Christianity,  and  various  pre- 
cepts or  rules  of  life.  The  Gospels  were  written  at  various 
periods,  and  published  for  very  different  classes  of  believers  ; 
while  the  Epistles  were  addressed,  as  occasion  required,  to 
those  various  Christian  communities,  which,  by  the  success- 
ful labours  of  the  apostles,  had  been  spread  over  the  greatest 
part  of  the  then  known  world,  and  also  to  a  few  private  indi- 
viduals. 

Different  churches  received  different  books  according  to 
their  situation  and  circumstances.  Their  canons  were  gradu- 
ally enlarged;  and  at  no  very  great  distance  of  time  from  the 
age  of  the  apostles,  with  a  view  to  secure  to  future  ages  a 
divine  and  perpetual  standard  of  faith  and  practice,  these 
writings  were  collected  together  into  one  volume  under  the 
title  of  the  "  New  Testament,"  or  the  "  Canon  of  the  New 
Testament."  Neither  the  names  of  the  persons  that  were 
concerned  in  making  this  collection,  nor  the  exact  time  when 
it  was  undertaken,  can  at  present  be  ascertained  with  any  de- 
gree of  certainty  :  nor  is  it  at  all  necessary  that  we  should  be 
precisely  informed  concerning  either  of  these  particulars.  It 
is  sufficient  for  us  to  know  that  the  principal  parts  of  the 
New  Testament  were  collect)  d  before  the  death  of  the  Apos- 
tle John,  or  at  least  not  louir  after  that  event.1 

Modern  advocates  of  infidelity,  with  their  accustomed  dis- 
regard of  truth,  have  asserted  that  the  Scriptures  of  the  New 
T<  lament  were  never  accounted  canonical  until  the  meeting 
of  the  council  of  Laodicea,  a.  d.  36  I.  The  simple  fact  is, 
that  the  canons  of  this  council  are  the  earliest  extant,  which 
give  a  formal  catalogue  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament. 


Matt  xxvi.  28.  Gal.  iii.  17.  Heb.  viil.  8.  Ix  lj— 20. 


»2Cor.  iii.  6.  11. 


'  The  leaned  professor  Jablonski  has  an  elegant  dissertation  on  the  word 
AiAaHKH,  whicii.  he  contends, ought  lobe  translated  Testament,  1.  Prom 
the  usage  of  the  Greek  language  ;  -■  From  the  nature  of  the  design  and  will 
of  God,  which  is  called  aiawhkh  ;  3.  From  various  passages  of  the  Nevi 
Testament,  which  evidently  admit  ofno  other  signification  ;  1.  From  the  no- 
tion "i  inheritance  or  heirship,  under  w  b  ure  frequently  desig- 
nates the  same  thing  i  imthe  consent  ol  antiquity.  Jaolonskii 
Opuscule,  torn.  ii.  pp.393— 423.    Lug.  Bat  1804. 

4  Of  all  the  various  opinions  that  have  been  maintained  concerning  th<' 
person  who  first  collected  the  canon  of  the  Ni  w  Te  -  unent,  the  most  gene- 
ral seems  to  be,  that  the  several  books  were  originally  collocted  by  St. 
John ; — an  opinion  for  which  the  testimony  of  Eu  Hist  Eccl.  lib.  iii. 

c.  24.)  is  very  confidently  quoted  aa  an  indisputable  authority.  But  it  is  to 
te  observed,  says  Mosheim,  that,  allowing  even  the  highest  deg'i 
weight  hi  Eusebius's  authority,  nothing  further  can  I""  collected  from  his 
words,  than  thai  St  John  approved  of  the  Gospels  of  Matthew,  Mark,  and 
Luke,  and  added  his  own  to  them  by  way  of  supplement  Concerning  any 
yt'  the  other  books  of  the  New  Testament  Eusebius  is  totally  silent.  Mo- 
ahetm's  Commentaries,  translated  byMr.Mdal,  vol.  i.  p.  151.  Stosch,  in  his 
learned  Cotnmentatio  Critics  de  Librorum  Nov.  Tost.  Canone.  (pp.  103.  et 
teg.  8vo.  Frankfort,  1755),  has  given  the  opinions  of  En&  Lampe,  Frickius, 
Dodwell,  Vitringa,  and  Dupin.  He  adopts  the  last,  which  in  substance  cor- 
responds with  that  ab<  ve  given,  and  defends  it  at  considerable  length.  Ibid, 
pp   1 13.  et  seg. 


There  is,  indeed,  ever)  reason  to  believe  that  the  b. shops 
who  wen-  presenl  al  Laodicea  did  not  mean  to  settle  the 
canon,  but  simply  to  mention  those  books  which  were  to  be 
publicly  read.  Another  reason  why  the  Canonical  books 
ont  d  before  the  council  of  Laodicea,  is  pre- 
sented in  the  persecutions  to  which  the  professors  of  Chris- 
tianity were  constantly  exposed,  and  in  the  want  of  a  national 
establishment  of  Christianity  for  several  centuries,  which 
pri  venti  d  any  general  COVJCils  of  Christians  for  the  purpose 
tling  their  canon  of  Scripture. ij  Hut,  though  the  num. 
her  of  the  books  thus  received  as  sacred  and  canonical  was 
not  in  the  tii:  t  instance  determined  by  the  authority  of  coun- 
cils, we  are  not  left  in  uncertainty  concerning  their  genuine- 
ness and  authenticity,  for  which  we  have  infinitely  more  de- 
cisive and  satisfactory  evidence  than  we  have  for  the  produc- 
tions of  any  ancient  classic  authors,  concerning  whose 
genuineness  and  authenticity  no  doubt  was(  rei  entertained. 

III.  We  receive  the  hooks  of  the  New  Testament,  as 
the  genuine  works  of  .Matthew,  .Mark,  Luke,  John,  Paul, 
James,  Pi  tei,  and  Jude,  for  the  same  reason  that  we  receive 
the  writings  of  Xenophon,  of  Polybius,  of  Caesar,  Tacitus, 
and  Quintus  Curtius ;  namely,  because,  we  have  the  unin- 
terrupted testimony  of  ages  to  their  genuineness,  and  we  have 
no  reason  to  suspect  imposition.  This  argument,  Michaelis 
remarks,  is  much  strong  r  \\  In  a  applied  to  the  books  of  the 
New  Testament  than  when  applied  to  any  other  writings; 
for  tin  [dressed  to  large  societies  in  widely  distant 

parts  of  the  world,  in  whose  presence  they  v.  ere  often  read, 
and  were  acknowledged  by  them  to  be  the  writings  of  the 
apostles.  Whereas  the  most  eminent  profane  writings,  that 
are  still  extant,  were  addressed  only  to  individuals,  or  to  no 
persons  at  all:  and  we  have  no  authority  to  aflirm  that  they 
were  read  in  public;  on  the  contrary,  we  know  that  a  liberal 
education  was  uncommon,  books  were  scarce,  and  the  know 
ledge  of  them  was  confined  to  a  few  individuals  in  everv 
nation. 

The  New  Testament  was  read  over  three  quarters  or  ine 
world,  while  profane  writers  were  limited  to  one  nation  or  to 
one  country.  An  uninterrupted  succession  of  writers,  from 
the  apostolic  ages  to  the  present  time  (many  of  whom  were 
men  of  distinguished  learning  and  acutencss),  either  quote 
the  Sacred  Writings,  or  make  allusion  to  them:  and  these 
quotations  and  allusions,  as  will  be  shown  in  a  subsequent 
page,  are  made  not  only  by  friends,  but  also  by  enemies. 
This  cannot  be  asserted  of  the  best  classic  authors  :  and  as 
translations  of  the  New  Testament  were  made  in  the  second 
century,  which  in  the  course  of  one  or  two  centuries  more 
were  greatly  multiplied,  it  became  absolutely  impossible  to 
forge  new  writings,  or  to  corrupt  the  sacred  text,  unless  we 
suppose  that  men  of  different  nations,  sentiments,  and 
languages,  and  often  exceedingly  hostile  to  each  other,  should 
all  agree  in  one  forgery.  This  argument  is  so  strong,  that 
if  we  deny  the  authenticity  of  the  Ni  w  T(  Btami  nt.  we  ma) 
with  a  thousand  times  greater  propriety  reject  all  the  othe. 
writings  in  the  world;  we  may  even  throw  aside  human  tes 
timonyV  But  this  subject  is  of  the  greatest  importance 
(for  the  arguments  that  prove  the  authenticity  of  the  New 
Testament  also  prove  the  truth  of  the  Christian  religion),  wt 
shall  consider  it  more  at  length ;  and  having  first  shown  thai 
the  books  which  compose  the  canon  of  the  New  Testament 
are  not  spurious,  we  shall  briefly  consider  the  positive  evi- 
dence for  their  authenticity. 

A  genuine  hook,  as  already  remarked,  is  one  written  by 

tin  person  whose  name  it  bears  as  its  author :  the  opposite 

auine  is  spurious,  supposititious,  or,  as  some  critics  term 

idepigraphial,  that  which  is  clandestinely  put  in  the 

place  of  another.     The  reasons  which  may  induce  a  critic  to 

t  a  work  to  be  spurious  are  stated  by  Michaelis  to  be 

the  following: 

1.  When  doubts  have  been  entertained  from  its  appearance 
in  the  world,  whether  it  proceeded  from  the  author  to  whom 
it  is  ascribed  ; — 2.  When  the  immediate  friends  of  the  pre- 
tended author,  who  were  able  to  decide  upon  the  subject, 
have  denied  it  to  be  his  production  ; — 3.  When  a  long  series 
of  yea?s  has  elapsed  after  his  death,  in  which  the  book  was 
unknown,  and  in  which  it  must  unavoidably  have  been  men- 
tioned and  quoted,  had  it  really  existed  ; — i.  When  the  style 
is  different  from  that  of  his  other  writings,  or,  in  case  no  other 
remain,  different  from  that  which  miffht  reasonably  be  ex- 
pected ; — 5.  When  events  are  recorded  which  happened  later 

i  Lari  '  ■  p.  !j;-  !'"■  edit.  ,  .      ~,     , 

•  Bp.  Tomline's  Elements  of  Christian  I  .  i.  p.  270.    Jonesor 

the  Canon,  vol.  i.  p.  41.    Oxford,  1798. 

<  Encyclopaedia  BriianDica,  vol.  xvii.  p.  135.  3 


40 


CN  THE  GENUINENESS  AND  AUTHENTICITY 


[Chap.  II 


than  the  time  of  the  pretended  author; — 6.  When  opinions 
are  advanced  which  contradict  those  he  is  known  to  maintain 
in  his  other  writings.  Though  this  latter  argument  alone 
leads  to  no  positive  conclusion,  since  every  man  is  liable  to 
change  his  opinion,  or,  through  forgetful  ness,  to  vary  in  the 
circumstances  of  the  same  relation,  of  which  Josephus,  in 
his  Antiquities  and  War  of  the  Jews,  affords  a  striking  ex- 
ample. 

Now,  of  all  those  various  grounds  for  denying  a  work  to 
be  genuine,  not  one  can  be  applied  with  justice  to  the  New 
Testament.  For,  in  the  first  place,  it  cannot  be  shown  that 
any  one  doubted  of  its  authenticity  in  the  period  in  which  it 

first  appeared  ; Secondly,  no  ancient  accounts  are  on  record, 

whence  we  may  conclude  it  to  be  spurious; — Thirdly,  no 
considerable  period  of  time  elapsed  after  the  death  of  the 
apostles,  in  which  the  New  Testament  was  unknown  ;  but, 
on  the  contrary,  it  is  mentioned  by  their  very  contemporaries, 
and  the  accounts  of  it  in  the  second  century  are  still  more 
numerous; — Fourthly,  no  argument  can  be  brought  in  its 
disfavour  from  the  nature  of  the  style,  it  being  exactly  such 
as  might  be  expected  from  the  apostles,  not  Attic,  but  Jewish 
Greelf ; — Fifthly,  no  facts  are  recorded,  which  happened  after 
their  death; — Lastly,  no  doctrines  are  maintained,  which 
contradict  the  known  tenets  of  the  authors,  since,  besides  the 
New  Testament,  no  writings  of  the  apostles  are  in  existence. 
But,  to  the  honour  of  the  New  Testament  be  it  spoken,  it 
contains  numerous  contradictions  to  the  tenets  and  doctrines 
of  the  fathers  of  the  second  and  third  centuries ;  whose  mo- 
rality is  different  from  that  of  the  Gospel,  which  recommends 
fortitude  and  submission  to  unavoidable  evils,  but  not  that 
enthusiastic  ardour  for  martyrdom,  for  which  those  centuries 
are  distinguished  :  the  New  Testament  also  alludes  to  cere- 
monies which  in  the  following  ages  were  disused  or  un- 
known :  all  which  circumstances  infallibly  demonstrate  that 
it  is  not  a  production  of  either  of  those  centuries.1 

IV.  From  the  preceding  considerations  it  is  evident,  that 
there  is  not  the  smallest  reason  to  dotibt  that  these  books 
tre  as  certainly  genuine  as  the  most  indisputable  works  of 
the  Greeks  and  Romans.  But  that  the  genuineness  and 
authenticity  of  the  New  Testament  do  not  rest  on  merely 
negative  proof,  we  have  evidence  the  most  direct  and  posi- 
tive which  can  be  desired,  and  this  evidence  may  be  arranged 
inder  the  following  heads,  namely  :  1.  The  Impossibility  of 
7  Forgery,  arising  from  the  nature  of  the  thing  itself; — 2. 
External  or  Historical  Evidence,  arising  from  the  ancjent 
Christian,  Jewish,  and  Heathen  testimonies  in  its  favour, 
and  also  from  the  ancient  versions  of  the  New  Testament, 
which  were  made  into  various  languages  in  the  very  first 
ages  of  the  church,  and  which  versions  are  still  extant ; — 
and,  3.  Internal  Evidence,  arising  from  the  character  of  the 
writers  of  the  New  Testament,  from  its  language  and  style, 
from  the  circumstantiality  of  the  narrative,  and  from  the  un- 
designed coincidences  of  the  accounts  delivered  in  the  New 
Testament  with  the  history  of  those  times. 

I.  The  impossibility  OF  A  forgery,  prising  from  the  na- 
ture of  the  thing  itself,  is  evident. 

It  is  impossible  to  establish  forged  writings  as  authentic 
in  any  place  where  there  are  persons  strongly  inclined  and 
well  qualified  to  detect  the  fraud.2 

Now  the  Jews  were  the  most  violent  enemies  of  Christianity  . 
they  put  its  founder  to  death  ;  they  persecuted  his  disciples  with 
implacable  fury  ;  and  they  were  anxious  to  stifle  the  new  reli- 
gion in  its  birth.  If  the  writings  of  the  New  Testament  had 
been  forge -I,  would  not  the  Jews  have  detected  the  imposture  ? 
Is  there  a  single  instance  on  record  where  a  few  individuals  have 
imposed  a  history  upon  the  world  against  the  testimony  of  a 
whole  nation  1  Would  the  inhabitants  of  Palestine  have  re- 
ceived the  gospels,  if  they  bad  not  had  sufficient  evidence  that 
Jesus  Christ  really  appeared  among  them,  and  performed  the 
miracles  ascribed  to  him  1  Or  would  the  churches  at  Rome  or 
at  Corinth  have  acknowledged  the  epistles  addressed  to  them  as 
the  genuine  works  of  St..  Paul,  if  he  had  never  preached  among 
them  1  Or,  supposing  any  impostor  to  have  attempted  the  in- 
vention and  distribution  of  writings  under  his  name,  or  the  names 
of  the  other  apostles,  is  it  possible  that  they  could  have  been  re- 
ceived without  contradiction  in  all  the  Christian  communities 

'  Michaelis'B Introduction,  vol.  i.  pp.  25—30. 

»  Witness  (to  mention  no  other  instances)  the  attempt  unsuccessfully 
made  a  few  years  since  bv  Mr.  Ireland,  junior,  in  his  celebrated  Shak 
gpearian  Manuscripts,  the  fabrication  ol  which  was  detected  by  Mr.  Malone, 
in  his  masterly  "Inquiry  into  the  Authenticity  of  the  miscellaneous  Papers 
andlegal  Instruments  published  December  24, 1795,  and  attributed  to  Shak- 
speare,  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  Henry  Earl  of  Southampton."  8vo.  London, 
1796. 


of  the  three  several  quarters  of  the  globe  ?  We  might  as  well 
attempt  to  prove  that  the  history  of  the  reformation  is  the  inven- 
tion of  historians,  and  that  no  revolution  happened  in  Great 
Britain  during  the  seventeenth  century,  or  in  France  during  the 
eighteenth  century,  and  the  first  fifteen  years  of  the  nineteenth 
century.5  Indeed,  from  the  marks  of  integrity,  simplicity,  and 
fidelity,  which  every  where  pervade  the  writings  of  the  apostles, 
we  may  be  certain  that  they  would  not  have  attempted  a 
forgeiy ;  and  if  they  had  made  the  attempt  in  the  apostolic  age, 
when  the  things  are  said  to  have  happened,  every  person  must 
have  been  sensible  of  the  forgery.  As  the  volume  called  the 
New  Testament  consists  of  several  pieces,  which  are  ascribed  to 
eight  persons,  we  cannot  suppose  it  to  have  been  an  imposture ; 
for  if  they  had  written  in  concert,  they  would  not  differ  (as  in  a 
subsequent  page  we  shall  see  that  they  do)  in  slight  matters  , 
and  if  one  man  wrote  the  whole,  there  would  not  be  such  a  di- 
versity as  we  see  in  the  style  of  the  different  pieces.  If  the  apos- 
tles were  all  honest,  they  were  incapable  of  a  forgery  ;  and  if  they 
were  all  knaves,  they  were  unlikely  to  labour  to  render  men 
virtuous.  If  some  of  them  were  honest,  and  the  rest  cheats,  the 
latter  could  not  have  deceived  the  former  in  respect  to  matters 
of  fact ;  nor  is  it  probable  that  impostors  would  have  attempted  a 
forgery  which  would  have  exposed  them  to  many  inconveniences. 
Had  parts  of  the  Scripture  been  fabricated  in  the  second  or  third 
century  by  obscure  persons,  their  forgeries  would  have  been  re 
jected  by  the  intelligent  and  respectable ;  and  if  pious  and  learned 
men  had  forged  certain  passages,  their  frauds,  however  well  in- 
tended, would  have  been  discovered  by  the  captious  and  insig- 
nificant, who  are  ever  prone  to  criticise  their  superiors  in  virtue 
or  abilities.  If  the  teachers  of  Christianity  in  one  kingdom 
forged  certain  passages  of  Scripture,  the  copies  in  the  hands  of 
laymen  would  discover  such  forgery ;  nor  would  it  have  been 
possible  to  obtain  credit  for  such  a  forgery  in  other  nations. 
Matthew,  Mark,  Luke,  and  John,  having  understood  Greek  and 
Hebrew,  their  gospels,  which  were  written  in  the  former  lan- 
guage, contain  many  Hebrew  idioms  and  words.  Hence  we 
may  be  certain  that  the  gospels  were  not  forged  by  those  early 
Christian  writers,  or  fathers  (as  they  are  called),  who  were 
strangers  to  Hebrew,  since  in  such  case  they  would  not  abound 
with  Hebrew  words;  nor  by  Justin  Martyr,  Origen  or  Epipha- 
nius,  since  the  style  of  the  Greek  writings  of  these  fathers  differs 
from  that  of  the  gospels.  Lastly,  as  the  New  Testament  is  not 
calculated  to  advance  the  private  interest  of  priests  or  rulers,  it 
could  not  be  forged  by  the  clergy  or  by  princes  ;  and  as  its  teach- 
ers suffered  in  propagating  it,  and  as  it  was  not  the  established 
religion  of  any  nation  for  three  hundred  years,  it  is  perfectly  ab- 
surd to  suppose  it  the  offspring  of  priestcraft,  or  mere  political 
contrivance.  For  three  hundred  years  after  Christ,  no  man  had 
any  thing  to  dread  from  exposing  a  forgery  in  the  books  of  the 
New  Testament ;  because,  during  that  time,  the  Christians  had 
not  the  power  of  punishing  informers.5  It  was  therefore  morally 
impossible,  from  the  very  nature  of  the  thing,  that  those  books 
could  be  forged. 

Satisfactory  as  the  preceding  argument  for  the  genuine- 
ness and  authenticity  of  the  New  Testament,  arising  from 
the  impossibility  of  a  forgery,  unquestionably  is, 

2.  The  direct  and  positive  testimony  arising  from  the  ex 
ternal  or  historical  evidence  is  by  no  means  inferior  in 
decisiveness  or  importance.  This  evidence  is  furnished  by  the 
testimony  of  ancient  writers,  who  have  quoted  or  alluded  to 
the  books  of  the  New  Testament,  and  also  by  ancient  ver- 
sions of  the  New  Testament,  in  various  languages,  which  are 
still  extant.  The  books  of  the  New  Testament  are  quoted  or 
alluded  to  by  a  series  of  Christian  writers,  as  well  as  by  adver- 
saries of  the  Christian  faith,  who  may  be  traced  back  in  regular 
succession  from  the  present  time  to  the  apostolic  age.& 

This  sort  of  evidence,  Dr.  Paley  has  remarked,  "  is  of  all 
others  the  most  unquestionable,  the  least  liable  to  any  prac- 
tices of  fraud,  and  is  not  diminished  by  the  lapse  of  ages. 
Bishop  Burnet,  in  the  History  of  his  own  Times,  inserts 
various  extracts  from  Lord  Clarendon's  History.  One  such 
insertion  is  a  proof  that  Lord  Clarendon's  History  was  ex- 

>  Michaelis,  vol.  i.  p.  31.    Ency.  Brit.  vol.  xvii.  p.  135. 

♦  Dr.  Ryan's  Evidences  of  the  Mosaic  and  Christian  Codes,  pp  1").,,  151. 
8vo.  Dublin,  1795.  The  argument  above  briefly  stated  is  urged  at  length 
with  much  force  and  accuracy  by  Abbadie,  in  his  Traite  de  la  Verite 
de  la  Religion  Chretienne,  torn.  'ii.  pp.  39—15.    Amsterdam,  1719. 

'  In  the  first  edition  of  this  work,  the  historical  evid<  ;e  for  the  genuine- 
ness  and  authenticity  of  the  New  Testament  was  exhibited  cnronologicallt) 
from  the  apostolic  age  down  to  the  fourth  centurj  ,  but  as  the  chronologi- 
cal seriesof  that  evidence  has  been  cavilled  at  by  the  opponents  of  Chris- 
tianity, jr.  s  now  traced  backwards  from  the  fourth  century  to  the  apostolic 
c  the  weighty  and  satisfactory  reasons  (which  do  not  admit  of  abridg 
ruent)  assigned  by  Bishop  Marsh,  in  his  "  Course  of  Lectures  on  D 
part  v.  pp.  11—19. 


Sect.  II.] 


OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 


4J 


tant  at  the  time  when  Bishop  Purnct  wrote,  that  it  had  been 
read  by  Bishop  Burnet,  that  it  was  receivi  <l  by  Bishop  Bur- 
nct  as  the  work  of  Lord  Clarendon,  and  also  regarded  by  hirn 
as  an  authentic  account  of  the  transactions  which  it  relates  ; 
and  it  will  be  a  proof  of  these  points  a  thousand  years  hence, 
or  as  long  as  the  books  exist.1  '    This  simple  instance  may 

serve  to  point  ''Ut  to  a  reader,  who  is  little  accustomed  tO 
such  researches,  the  nature  and  value  of  the  argument. 

In  examining  the  quotations  from   the    N  mont, 

which  are  to  lie  found  in  the  writings  of  the  lirst  ecclesiasti- 
cal writers,  the  learned  Professor  Hug0  lias  laid  down  the 
following  principles,  the  consideration  of  which  will  be  suffi- 
cient to  solve  nearly  all  the  objections  which  have  been  made 
against  their  citations: — 

1.  The  ancienl  Christian  writers  cite  the  Old  Testament 
with  greater  exactness  than  the  New  Testament;  I"  • 

the  former.  In  ing  ally  known,  required  positive  quo- 

tations, rather  than  vague allusions, and  perhaps  also  evinced 

iii  the  person  who  appealed  to  its  testimony. 
.  taken  from  the  Historical  Writers  of  the 
Old  or  New  Testament  we  seldom  meet  with  the  identical 
words  of  the  author  cited  :  but  this  does  not  prevent  allus'^ns 
•  ■  circumstances,  or  to  the  sense,  in  very  many  instances, 
from  rendering  evident  both  the  origin  of  the  passage  and  the 
i  of  the  author. 

3.  Quotations  from  the  didactic  writings  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment are  generally  very  exact,  and  accompanied  with  the 
name  of  the  author  quoted.  In  this  case  his  name  is,  indeed, 
generally  necessary. 

I.  In  like  manner,  when  quotations  are  made  from  the 
epistles  of  the  New  Testament,  the  name  of  the  author  cited 
is  generally  given,  especially  when  the  passage  is  not  lite- 
rally Stated. 

5.  The  fathers  ofu-Ti  amplify  sentences  of  Scripture  to 
which  they  allude  :  in  which  ease  they  disregard  the  wards, 
in  order  to  develope  the  ideas  of  the  sacred  writers. 

(j.  When  lrenaeus,  and  the  fathers  who  followed  him,  re- 
late the  actions  or  discourses  of  Jesus  Christ,  they  almost 
always  appeal  to  Him,  and  not  to  the  evangelists  whom  they 
copy.  The  Lord  says — The  Lord  hath  done  it — are  their  ex- 
pressions, even  in  those  instances,  where  the  conformity  of 
their  writings  with  our  copies  of  the  original  authors  is  not 
sufficiently  "striking  to  exclude  all  uncertainty  respecting  the 
source  whence  they  drew  the  facts  or  sayings  related  by 
them.  (This  remark  is  particularly  worthy  of  attention, 
because,  of  all  the  ancient  fathers,  Irenseus3  is  he  who  has 
rendered  the  strongest  and  most  express  testimony  to  the 
authenticity  of  our  four  gospels,  and  who  has  consequently 
drawn  from  them  the  facts  and  discourses  which  he  has  re- 
lated in  his  writings.) 

7.  Lastly,  it  must  on  no  account  be  forgotten,  that  the 
quotations  of  the  fathers  are  not  to  be  compared  with  our 
printed  editions,  or  our  textus  reeeptus,  but  with  the  text  of 
their  church,  and  of  tin1  acre  in  which  they  lived  ;  which  text 
was  sometimes  purer,  though  most  frequently  less  correct 
than  ours,  and  always  exhibits  diversities,  in  themselves  in- 
deed of  little  importance,  hut  which  nevertheless  would  be 
sufficient  sometimes  to  conceal  the  phrase  cited  from  readers 
who  should  not  remember  that  circumstance'. 

For  the  reason  above  stated,  we  commence  the  series  of 
testimonies  to  the  genuineness  and  authenticity  of  the  New 
uent,  which  are  furnished  by  the  quotations  of  ancient 
Christian  writers,  with  the  fathers  of  Hie  fourth  century; 
because  from  that  century  downwards,  the  works  of  Chris- 
tian Writers  are  so  full  of  references  to  the  New  Testa- 
ment, that  it  becomes  unnecessary  to  adduce  their  testimonies, 
especially  as  they  would  only  prove  that  the  books  of  Scrip- 
ture never  List  their  character  or  authority  with  the  Christian 
•church.  The  witnesses  to  the  genuineness  of  the  books  of  the 
New  Testament,  in  this  century,  are  very  numerous;  but, 
as  it  would  extend  this  chapter'  to  too  great  a  length,  were 
v.  e  to  detail  them  all.  it  may  suffice  to  remark,  that  we  have 
not  fewer  than  ten  distinct  catalogues  of  these  hooks.  Six 
agree  exactly  with  our  present  canon;  namely,  the  lists  of 
Athanasius  '(a.  d.315),4   Fpiphanius  (a.  n.  370),5  Jerome 

i'a!"y^  Evidences,  vol.  i.  p.  173. 
'  UeOerier,  Essai  d'nne  Introduction  Critique  an  Nouveau  Testament,  pp. 
t7  -19.     Hug's  Introduction  to  the  Writings  of  the  New  Testament,  bv  l)r 
Wait,  vol.  i.  pp.  40 — 11. 

•  The  testimony  oflremens  is  given  in  p.  43.   infra. 

*  The  testimony  of  Athanasiu9  will  be  found  at  full  length  in  Dr.  Lardner's 
■  edibility  of  the  Qospel  History,  part  ii.     Works,  vol.  iv.  pp.  280—291.  of 

me  Svo.  edition  of  17S9,  or  vol.  ii.  pp.  388 — 105.  of  the  4to.  edition.  The  tes- 
timonies adduced  in  Lardner,  may  likewise  be  seen  on  a  smaller  scale  in 
Professor  Less's  valuable  work  on  "The  Authenticity,  uncorrupted  Pre- 


Ca.d.399),4  Itufinus  (a.  n.  300. ).7  Augustine,9  Bish 
Hippo  in  Africa  (a.  d.  394),  and  of  the  forty-four  bishops  as- 
sembled   in   the  third  council  of  Carthage  (at  which  Au- 


gustine was  present,  a.  n.  397).9  Of  the  other  four  cata- 
logues, those  of  Cyril,  Bishop  of  Jerusalem  (a.  d.  340),'    of 

the  bishops  at  the  council  of  Laodicea  (a.  n.  3G1),"  and  of 
Gregory  of  Nazianzum,  Hishop  of  Constantinople  (a.  n. 
37"»).''  are  the  same  with  our  canon,  excepting  that  the 
Revelation  is  omitted  ;  and  Philaster  or  Philastrius,' l  Bishop 

of  Brixia  or  Brescia  (a.  n.  380),  in  his  list,  omits  the  Lpis- 
tle  to  the  Hebrews,  and  the  Revelation,  though  he  acknow- 
ledges both  those  hooks  in  other  parts  of  his  works. 
Of  these  various  catalogues,  that  of  Jibobr  is  the  most 

remarkable.  He  Was  born  about  the  middle  of  the  i 
century,  and  was  ordained  presbyter  by  Paulinus,  at  Antioch, 
in  the  year  878,  about  which  time  he  is  placed  by  Bp.  .Marsh, 
Dr.  Cave,  and  others,  though  Dr.  Lardner  (whose  date  we 
have  followed)  places  him  about  the  year  393,  when  he 
wrote  his  celebrated  book  of  illustrious  men.  '•  It  is  well 
known  that  Jerome  was  the  most  learned  of  the  Latin 
fathers;  and  he  was  peculiarly  qualified,  not  only  by  his 
profound  erudition,  but  by  his  <  is  va- 

rious travels,  and  his  long  reside  nee  in  Palestine,  to  in\.  Bti- 
gate  the  authenticity  i  ral    hooks  which   compose 

the  New  Testament     Of  these  books  he  has  given  . 
logue  in  his  epistle  to  Paulinus,  on  the-  Btndyof  the  Holy 
Scriptures."     He  begins  bis  catalogue  (which  i^  Dearly  at 
the  close  of  tlm  epistle)  with  the  four  i  ■  hew, 

Mark,  Luke,  John,  The  Acts  of  the  Apostles  he  mentions 
as  another  work  of  St  Luke,  whose  praise  is  in  I 
He  says  that  St.  Paul  wrote  epistles  to  seven  churches  :  the 
seven  churches  are  such  as  we  find  in  the  titles  of  the  Epis- 
tles of  St.  Paul  contained  in  our  present  copies  of  the  new 
Testament.  Of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  he  observes, 
that  most  persons  (namely,  in  the  Latin  church)  did  not 
consider  it  as  an  epistle  of  St.  Paul  :  but  we  shall  presently 
see  that  his  own  opinion  was  different.  He  further  states, 
that  St.  Paul  wrote  to  Timothy,  Titus,  and  Philemon.  The 
seven  catholic  epistles  he  ascribes  to  James,  Peter,  John, 
and  Jude,  and  expressly  says  that  they  were  apostles.  And 
he  concludes  his  catalogue  with  the  remark,  that  the  Reve- 
lation of  John  has  as  many  mysteries  as  words.  This  cata- 
logue accords  with  the  books  which  we  receive  at  present, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  The  re- 
jection of  this  epistle  is  a  fact  which  Jerome  has  not  at- 
tempted to  conceal ;  and  therefore,  as  he  confidently  speaks 
of  all  the  other  books  of  the  New  Testament,  his  testimony 
is  so  much  the  more  in  their  favour.  As  we  are  now  con- 
cerned with  a  statement  of  facts,  it  would  be  foreign  to  our 
present  purpose  to  inquire  into  the  causes  which  induced  the 
Latin  church  to  reject  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  Put  what- 
ever those  causes  may  have  been,  they  did  not  warrant  the  re- 
jection of  it,  in  the  estimation  of  Jerome  himself.  For  in  his 
Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers,  or,  as  it  is  frequently 
called,  his  Treatise  of  Illustrious  Men,  and  in  the  article  re- 
lating to  St.  Paul,  Jerome  expressly  asserts  that  St.  Paul 
wrote  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  And  in  his  Epistle  to 
Dardanus,15  alluding  to  the  then  prevailing  custom  in  the 
Latin  church  to  reject  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  he  adds, 
'  but  we  receive  it ;'  and  he  assigns  this  powerful  reason, 
which  it  is  m  o  ssary  to  give  in  his  own  words,  'nequaquam 
hujus  temporis  eonsuetudtnem,  scd  veterum  scriptorum  auclo- 
ritatem  Bequentes.' — To  his  catalogue  of  the  r>ooks  of  the 
New  Testament  may  be  added  his  revision  of  the  Latin  ver- 
sion, which  revision  contained  the  same  books  as  we  have 
at  present"1  In  this  revision  Jerome  was  employed  by 
DamasuB,  tin  n  Bishop  of  Pome,  to  collate  many  ancient 
Gretk  copies  of  the  New  Testament,  and  by  them  to  correct 
the  Latin  version  then  iu  use,  wherever  they  appeared  to 

servation,  and  Credibility  of  die  New  Testament."  translated  by  Mr.  King- 
don,  -v..  London,  1804;  and  especially  inC.  F.  Schmidius's  "HistoriaAn- 
bona  et  VJndicatio  Canonis  Sacri  Veteris 


175 


Teteris  Novique  Testament]."  Svo.  Lipsiae, 

»  Lardm  r.  8vo.  vol.  iv.  pp.  311— 319.*;  <lto.  vol.  ii.  pp.  416— 420. 

«  Ibid.  Svo.  vol.  v.  pp.  1—7-1.  :  4to.  vol-  ii.  pp  531—572. 
TO.  vol.  v.  pp.  75— 7S.  ;  4to.  vol.  ii.  pp.  572—574. 
»o.  vii  1.  v.  pp.  "1—12::;.  ;  4to.  toL  ii.  pp.  576—599. 

»  Ibid.  Bvo.  vol  v  pp.  79,  -O. :  4to.  vol.  ii.  pp.  574,  575. 
.   'o  Il.id  Bvo.  vol  iv.  pp.  299—303. ;  4to.  vol  ii.  pp.  409—411. 

«  Canon  59.  The  canons  of  this  council  were,  not  long  afterwards,  Tb 
ceived  into  the  body  of  the  canons  of  the  universal  church.  Lardner,  8vo. 
vol.  iv.  pp.  303— 31L  ;  4to.  vol.  ii.  pp.  414—416. 

'»  Lardner,  8vo.  vol.  iv.  pp.  406—411. ;  4to.  vol.  ii.  pp.  4C9 — 472. 

«»  Ibid.  Svo.  vol.  iv.  pp.  499—501. ;  4to.  vol.  ii  pp.  522,  523. 

"  Tom.  iv.  part  2.  col.  568.  ed.  Martianay  '•  Tom.  ii.  col.  608. 

1C  Bp.  Marsh's  Course  of  Lectures  on  the  several  Brandies  of  Divinitv. 
part  v.  pp.  20—22. 


42 


ON  THE  GENUINENESS  AND  AUTHENTICITY 


[Chap    II 


disagree  materially  with  the  true  original.  This  task,  he 
tells  us,  hb  performed  with  great  care  in  the  four  Gospels, 
about  the  year  384 ;  and  he  made  the  same  use  of  the  Greek 
copies  in  his  commentaries  on  St.  Paul's  Epistles  to  the 
Galatians,  Ephesians,  Titus,  and  Philemon,  and  most  pro- 
bably also  in  his  commentaries  on  the  other  parts  of  the  New 
Testament. 

The  next  distinguished  writer  anterior  to  Jerome  was  Euse- 
bius, Bishop  of  Caesarea,  who  flourished  in  the  year  315,— 
a  man  of  extraordinary  learning,  diligence  and  judgment,  and 
singularly  studious  in  the  Scriptures.  He  received  the  books 
of  the  New  Testament  nearly  as  we  have  them,  and  in  his 
various  writino-s  has  produced  quotations  from  all,  or  nearly 
all  of  them.  "His  chief  work  is  his- Ecclesiastical  History, 
in  which  he  records  the  history  of  Christianity  from  its  com- 
mencement to  his  own  time ;  and  having  diligently  read  the 
works  of  Christian  antiquity,  for  the  express  purpose  of  as- 
certaining what  writings  had  been  received  as  the  genuine 
productions  of  the  apostles  and  evangelists,  in  the  third, 
tourth,  and  twenty-fourth  chapters  of  his  third  book,  he  has 
particularly  treated  on  the  various  books  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament; and  in  the  twenty-fifth  chapter  he  has  delivered, 
not  his  own  private  opinion,  but  the  opinion  of  the  church, 
ux.Kn<ruTTM»  iretf*Jo<ric,  the  sum  of  what  he  had  found  in  the 
writings  of  the  primitive  Christians.  As  the  result  of  his 
inquiries,  he  reduces  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  into 
the  three  following  classes ;  viz. 

I.  O^KcyMuaiM  TpAQcii  {uvcu/AiKcyn/AiVM'  or  uKii&u;  x.M  a.7rKa.gu  ;) 
that  is,  writings  which  were  universally  received  as  the 
genuine  works  of  the  persons  whose  names  they  bear.  In 
this  class  Eusebius  reckons,  1.  The  four  Gospels;  2.  The 
Acts  of  the  Apostles ;  3.  The  Epistles  of  Paul;  4.  The  first 
Epistle  of  John;  5.  The  first  Epistle  of  Peter.  The  Revela- 
tion of  John  might  also  perhaps  be  placed  in  this  class,  be- 
cause some  think  its  authenticity  incontrovertible,  yet  the 
majority  leave  the  matter  undetermined. 

II.  AynxrytftivM  Tpxqzi ;  that  is,  writings  on  whose  au- 
thenticity the  ancients  were  not  unanimous.  According  to 
Eusebius,  even  these  have  the  majority  of  voices  among  the 
ancients  in  their  favour.  He  expressly  calls  them  ympifAtov 
o/ua>;  rm  srawiws  (writings  acknowledged  oy  most  to  be  ge- 
nuine,) and ?T'j.f±  ttkutok  T&iv  tKx.Kno-tj.g-ix.ocv  yrym?x.'jfj.iva.Q  (received 
by  the  majority.)  A  few  doubted  of  their  authenticity  ;  and 
therefore  Eusebius  ranks  them  under  the  class  of  contested 
books.  In  this  class  he  enumerates,  of  the  writings  of  the 
New  Testament,  1.  The  Epistle  of  James;  2.  The  Epistle 
of  Jude;  3.  The  second  Epistle  of  Peter;  4.  The  second 
and  third  Epistles  of  John.  The  Revelation  of  John,  he 
adds,  is  also  by  some  placed  in  this  class.1 

III.  No3-su  Tpx.$du  ;  that  is,  writings  confessedly  spurious. 
Among  these  he  enumerates  the  acts  of  Paul ;  the  Shepherd 
of  Hermas  ;  the  Revelation  of  Peter ;  the  Epistle  of  Barna- 
bas ;  the  Doctrines  of  the  Apostles ;  and  the  Gospel  accord 
ing  to  the  Hebrews. 

Besides  these,  Eusebius  mentions  certain  books  which 
may  constitute  a  fourth  class  (for  the  twenty-fifth  chapter  of 
the  third  book  of  his  Ecclesiastical  History  is  not  remark- 
ably perspicuous) ;  viz. 

IV".  Atmto  kai  iva-ciQ*  (absurd  and  impious  ;)  that  is,  writ- 
ings which  had  been  universally  rejected  as  evidently  spurious. 
In  this  class  he  includes  the  Gospel  of  Peter,  of  Thomas,  and 
of  Matthias ;  the  Acts  of  Andrew,  of  John,  and  of  other  apos- 
tles. These  writings,  says  he,  contain  evident  errors,  are 
written  in  a  style  entirely  different  from  that  of  the  apostles, 
and  have  not  been  thought  worthy  of  being  mentioned  by 
any  one  of  the  ancients.2 

A  few  years  before  the  time  of  Eusebius,  or  about  the 
year  300,  Arnobius,  a  teacher  of  rhetoric  at  Sicca  in  Africa,3 
and  Lactantius  his  pupil,4  composed,  among  other  works, 
elaborate  vindications  of  the  Christian  religion,  which  prove 
their  acquaintance  with  the  writings  of  the  New  Testament, 
although  they  did  not  cite  them  by  name,  because  they  ad- 
dressed their  works  to  the  Gentiles.  Lactantius,  indeed, 
assigns  this  very  reason  for  his  reserve;  notwithstanding 
which  Dr.  Lardner  remarks,  "  He  seems  to  show  that  the 
Christians  of  that  time  were  so  habituated  to  the  language 
of  Scripture,  that  it  was  not  easy  for  them  to  avoid  the  use 
of  it,  wnenever  they  discoursed  upon  things  of  a  religious 
nature." 

>  For,  in  early  times,  some  believed  that  this  work  was  not  composed 
oy  John  the  Apostle,  but  by  a  presbyter  of  the  same  name,  or  by  some 
other  person. 

a  Lardner,  8vo.  vol.  iv.  pp.  200—275. ;  4to.  vol.  ii.  pp.  335—395. 

3  Lardner,  8vo.  vol.  iv.  pp.  1—24. ;  4to.  vol.  ii.  pp.  244—257. 

« Ibid.  8vo.  vol.  iv.  pp.  24—87. ;  4to.  vol.  ii.  pp.  257—292- 


During  the  next  preceding  forty  years,  the  imperfect  re- 
mains of  numerous  writers5  are  still  extant,  in  which  tney 
either  cite  the  Historical  Scriptures  of  the  New  Testament, 
or  speak  of  them  in  terms  of  profound  respect ;  but  the  tes* 
timony  of  Victouinus  Bishop  of  Pettaw  in  Germany  is  par- 
ticularly worthy  of  notice,  on  account  of  the  remoteness  of 
his  situation  from  that  of  Origen  and  Cyprian,  who  were 
Africans.  Victorinus  wrote  commentaries  on  different  books 
of  the  Old  Testament,  an  exposition  of  some  passages  of 
Matthew's  Gospel,  a  commentary  on  the  Apocalypse,  and 
various  controversial  treatises  against  the  heretics  of  his  day ; 
in  which  we  have  valuable  and  most  explicit  testimonies  to 
almost  every  book  of  the  New  Testament.6 

Of  all  the  fathers  who  flourished  in  the  third  century,  the  most 
learned  and  laborious  unquestionably  was  Origen,  who  was 
born  in  Egypt,  a.  d.  184  or  185,  and  died  about  the  year  253 
It  is  said  of  him,  that  he  did  not  so  much  recommend  Chris- 
tianity by  what  he  preached  or  wrote,  as  by  the  general  tenor 
of  his  life.  So  great,  indeed,  was  the  estimation  in  which 
he  was  held,  even  among  the  heathen  philosophers,  that  they 
dedicated  their  writings  to  him,  and  submitted  them  to  his 
revisal.7  Of  the  critical  labours  of  Origen  upon  the  Scrip- 
tures, we  have  spoken  at  considerable  length  in  a  subsequent 
part  of  this  work  ;8  but,  besides  these  (which  in  themselves 
form  a  decisive  testimony  to  the  authenticity  of  the  Scriptures,) 
he  wrote  a  three-fold  exposition  of  all  the  books  of  the  Scrip- 
ture, viz.  scholia  or  snort  notes,  tomes  or  extensive  com- 
mentaries, in  which  he  employed  all  his  learning,  critical, 
sacred,  and  profane,  and  a  variety  of  homilies  and  tracts  for 
the  people.  Although  a  small  portion  only  of  his  works  has 
come  down  to  us,  yet  in  them  he  uniformly  bears  testimony 
to  the  authenticity  of  the  New  Testament,  as  we  now  have 
it ;  and  he  is  the  first  writer  who  has  given  us  a  perfect  cata- 
logue of  those  books  which  Christians  unanimously  (or  at 
least  the  greater  part  of  them)  have  considered  as  the  genuine 
and  divinely  inspired  writings  of  the  apostles.9 

•  Gregory  Bishop  of  Neo-Csesarea,10  and  Dionysius  Bishop 
of  Alexandria,11  were  pupils  of  Origen ;  so  that  their  testimo- 
nies to  the  New  Testament,  which  are  very  numerous,  are 
in  fact  but  repetitions  of  his.  In  the  writings  of  Cyprian 
Bishop  of  Carthage,  who  flourished  a  few  years  after  Origen, 
and  suffered  martyrdom,  a.  d.  258,  we  have  most  copious 
quotations  from  almost  all  the  books  of  the  New  Testaments- 
Further,  during  the  first  thirty  years  of  the  third  century, 
there  are  extant  fragments  of  several  writers,  in  all  of  which 
there  is  some  reference  to  the  books  of  the  New  Testament. 
Thus  Caius,  surnamed  Romanus,  who  was  a  presbyter  of 
the  church  of  Rome,13  quotes  all  the  epistles  of  Saint  Paul 
as  his  genuine  productions,  except  the  Epistle  to  the  He- 
brews, which  he  has  omitted  to  enumerate  among  the  rest. 
Hippolytus  Portuensis  also  has  several  references  to  most 
of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament.14  Ammonius  com- 
posed a  Harmony  the  Four  Gospels,15  and  Julius  Afri- 
canus  endeavoured  to  remove  the  apparent  contradictions  in 
the  genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ  as  delivered  by  the  evangelists 
Matthew  ana  Luke.16 

From  the  third  century  we  now  ascend  to  the  second,  in 
which  flourished  Tertui.lian,  a  presbyter  of  the  church  of 
Carthage,  who  was  born  in  the  year  160,  and  died  about  the 
year  220.  He  became  a  Montanist  about  the  year  200  ;  and 
Christian  writers  have  commonly  distinguished  between 
what  he  wrote  before  that  period,  and  what  he  published 
afterwards.  His  testimony,  however,  to  the  authority  of 
the  canonical  Scriptures,  both  before  and  after  he  embraced 
the  tenets  of  Montanus,  is  exactly  the  same.  He  uniformly 
recognizes  the  four  Gospels,  as  written  by  the  evangelists 

s  As  Novatus,  Rome,  a.  d.  251  ;  Dionysius,  Rome,  a.  d.  259  ;  Commodian, 
A.  D.  270  ;  Anatolius,  Laodicea,  A.  v.  270  ;  Theognostus,  A.  D.  2S2 ;  Methodius, 
Lycia,  A.  d.  290  ;  and  Phileas  Bishop  of  Thmuis  in  Egypt,  A.  D.  296.  Accounts 
of  these  writers,  and  extracts  from  their  testimonies  to  the  New  Tes- 
lament,  are  collected  and  given  at  length  by  Dr.  Lardner.  (Works,  vol.  iii 
8vo.  or  vol.  ii.  4to.) 


'Lardner,  8vo.  vol.  iii.  pp.  286—303. ;  4to.  vol.  ii.  pp.  S3— 9S 
'  Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccl.  hb.  vi.  c.  19. 


«  See  On  Scrip.  Crit.  Part  I.  Chap.  HI.  Sect.  iii.  §  2.  I.  4.  infra. 

»  Lardner,  8vo.  vol.  ii.  pp.  442—544. ;  4to.  vol.  i.  pp.  519—575. 

»»  Ibid.  8vo.  vol.  iii.  pp.  25—57. ;  4to.  vol.  i.  pp.  591—608 

«i  Lardner,  8vo.vol.  iii.  pp.  57—132  ;  4to.  vol.  i.  pp.  609— 650. 

'»  Ibid.Svo.  vol.  iii.  pp.  133—183. ;  4to.  vol.  ii.  pp.  3—30. 

"  Eusebius.  Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  vi.  c.  20.  Lardner,  8vo.  vol.  i'.  pp.  372—379. ; 
4to.  vol.  i.  pp.  481 — 184.  A  critical  edition  of  the  Fragment  of  Caius  will  be 
found  in  Dr.  Routh's  Reliuuice  Sacra?,  vol.  ii.  pp.  1-- 3  -  See  also  Dr.  Routh's 
fourth  volume,  pp.  1—37.  A  translation  of  the  sam  fragment  will  be  found 
in  vol.  i.  pp.  159—161.  of  Sermons  on  the  Evidei  3  of  Christianity,  by  tho 
Rev.  Daniel  Wilson,  M.  A.  (now  D.  D.  and  Bishop  of  Calcutta.) 

"  Lardner,  Svo.  vol.  ii.  pp.  397—413.  ;  4to.  vol.  i.  pp.  495—503. 

i»  Ibid.  Svo.  vol.  ii.  pp.  413—430. ;  Ito.  vol.  i.  pp.  503—513. 

»«  Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  i.  c.  7.  Lardner,  Svo.  vol.  ii.  pp.  431 — 441. ;  4to 
vol  i  pp.513— 518. 


Sect.  II.] 


OF  THE  NEW    TESTAMENT. 


4H 


jo  whom  we  ascribe  them;  distinguishing  Matthew  and 
John  as  apostles,  and  Marl;  and  Luki  tolical  men; 

and  asserting  the  authority  of  their  writings  as  inspired 
books,  acknowledged  by  the  Christian  church  from  their 
original  date.     I  lis  works  arc  filled  with  quotation 
and  with  long  extracts  from  all  the  writings  of  th< 
Testament,  except  the  Epistle  of  .lames,  the  second  Epistle 
of  Peter,  and  the  second  and  third  Epistles  of  John.     Hut 
if  an  author  does  not  prof*  bs  to  give  a  complet 
of  the  hooks  of  the  New  Testament,  bis  mere  silence  in  re- 
gard to  any  book  isnoargum  I  it.     Dr.  Lardnerhas 
observed,  thai  the  quotations  from  the  small  volume  of  the 
New  Testament,  bj   Tertullian,  are  both  longer  and  more 
numerous  than  the  quotations  are   from  all  the  works  ofCi- 
Cero,  in  writers  of  all  characters,  for  several  ages.      Further, 

Tertullian  has  expressly  affirmed  that,  when  be  wrote,  the 
Christian  Scriptures  were  open  to  the  inspection  of  all  the 

world,    both    Christian    and     heathen,    without    exception. 

\ r i .  1  it,  also  appears,  that  in  his  time  there  was  already  a 
Latin  version  of  some  part  of  the  New  Testament,  if  not  of 
the  whole  id'  it:  for,  at  least  in  one  instance,  lie  appeals 
from  the  language  of  such  version  to  the  authority  of  the 
authentic,  copies  in  Greek.1 

Contemporary  with  Tertullian  was  Clement  of  Alexan- 
dria, who  gives  an  account  of  the  order  in  which  the  four 
Gospels  were  written,  and  quotes  almost  all  the  books  of  the 
New  Testament  so  often  by  name,  and  so  amply,  that  to  ex- 
tract his  citations  would  lill  a  large  portion  of  this  volume. 
was  the  preceptor  of  Origon,  and  travelled  in  quest  of 
authentic  information,  and  did  not  gives  his  assent  to  the 
Scriptures  until  he  had  accurately  examined  them,  his  testi- 
mony to  their  authenticity  possesses  the  greater  weight.2 

Thiofhilus  Bishop  of  Antioch,  a.  d.  181,  in  his  three 
books  to  Autolycus, could  only  mention  the  Scriptures  occa- 
sionally, from  tin1  particular  object  he  had  in  view  :  hut  he 
has  evident  allusions  to  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  John, 
the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  and  the  first  Epistle  to  Timo- 
thy.-1 

Athenagoras,  a  philosopher  and  a  native  of  Athens,  who 
flourished  about  the  year  180,  is  the  most  polished  and  ele- 
gant author  of  Christian  antiquity.  In  his  Apology  for  the 
Christians,  presented  to  the  emperor  Marcus  Antoninus,  and 
in  his  Treatise  on  the  Resurrection  of  the  Dead,  he  has  in- 
disputably quoted  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  John,  the 
Epistles  to  the  Romans,  and  the  two  Epistles  to  the  Corin- 
thians.1 

Prior  to  these  writers  was  Irenaeus,  who  succeeded  the 
martyr  Pothinus,  in  the  bishopric  of  Lyons  about  the  year 
170,  or  perhaps  a  few  years  later.  His  testimony  to  the 
genuineness  and  authenticity  of  the  New  Testament  is  the 
more  important  and  valuable,  because  he  was  a  disciple  of 
Polycarp,  who  was  a  disciple  of  St.  John,  and  had  also  con- 
versed with  many  others  who  had  been  instructed  by  the 
apostles  and  immediate  disciples  of  Jesus  Christ.  Though 
he  wrote  many  works,  his  five  books  against  heresies  are  all 
that  remain  :  in  these  he  has  shown  himself  to  be  well  ac- 
quainted with  heathen  authors,  and  the  absurd  and  intricate 
notions  of  the  heretics,  as  well  as  with  the  Scriptures  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testament.  Though  he  has  nowhere  given 
us  a  professed  catalogue  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, we  learn  from  his  treatise  that  he  received  as  authen- 
tic and  canonical  Scriptures,  and  ascribed  to  the  persons 
whose  names  they  hear,  the  four  Gospels,  (the  authors  of 
which  he  describes,  and  tl  QS  on  which  they  were 

written,)  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  the  Epistle  to  the  Ro- 
mans, the  Epistles  to  the  Galatians,  Ephesians,  Philippians, 
and  Colossians,  the  first  and  second  Epistles  to  the  Thessa- 
lonians,  the  two  Epistles  to  Timothy,  the  Epistle  to  Titus 
(all  which  Epistles  he  has  repeatedly  ascribed  to  Paul),  the 

tWO    Epistles  '■'(  Peter,  and  the  first  and  second    Epistles  of 

John.  Iren.Tus  has  alluded  to  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
hut  he  is  silent  concerning  the  question,  whether  that  Epistle 
was  written  by  Paul.  We  are  not,  however,  as  Bishop 
Marsh  has  well  observed,  to  attach  to  his  silence  more  im- 
portance than  it  deserves.  M  Irenaeus.  though  horn  a  Greek, 
was  transplanted  to  the  Latin  church,  which  then  rejected 
the  Epistle  to  tin1  Hebrews.  If  therefore  he  had  quoted  it 
as  authority  in  controversial  writings,  he  would  have  afforded 

1  Sciamua  plane  mm  sic  authentieo.    Tertullian  deMooeo. 

ell.  Lardner,  Bvo.  vol.  ii.pp.250— 287. ;  Uo.  vol  i.  pp.416— 436.  Sir  II.  M. 
Wellwocd'a  Discourses  on  the  Evidences  oi  the  Jewish  and  Christian  Re- 
velation, pp.  290—232. 

»  Lardner,  8vo.  vol.  ii.  pp.  206— S*3. ;  4to.  vol.  i.  pp.  392 — 112. 

>  Iliid.  Svo.  vol.  ii.  pp.  190—202.  ;  4to.vol.  i.pp 

»  Ibid.  Bvo.  vol.  ii.  pp.  180—187. ;  Uo.  vol.  i.  pp. :;:."—  3S1. 


his  adversaries  this  read/  answer,  that  he  piodu;ed  as  an 
thority  what  was  not  allowed  by  his  own  church.  And, 
since  he  has  nowhere  asserted,  that  Saint  Paul  was  not  the 
author  of  thai  Epistle,  his  mere  silence  argues  rather  ine 
i  t  the  Latin  church  (as  it  is  termed  hy  Jerome),  than 
the  opinion  of  [rename  himself."5  He  has  quoted  the  Epis- 
tle of  Jami  dc  of  Revelation  his  testi- 
mony is  (dea.r  and  positive:  he  has  not  only  cited  it  very 
often,  but  has  expressly  ascribed  it  to  the  apostle  John,  and 
has  distinctly  spoken  of  the  exact  and  ancient  copies  of  this 
hook,  as  being  confirmed  by  the  agreeing  testimony  of  those 
who  bad  personally  conversed  with  John  himself. 

In  short,  we  have  the  testimony  of  Irenreus,  in  one  form 
or  other,  to  (very  one  of  the  hooks  of  the  New  Testament, 
except  the  Epistle  to   I'hilemon,  the  third  Epistle  of  John, 

and  the  Epistle  of  Jude;  which,  as  they  contain  no  point 
of  doctrine,  could  not  afford  any  matter  for  quotations  in  the 
particular  controversies  in  which  [reiUBUS  was  engaged, 
whose  writings  (it  must  be  recollected)  were  wholly  contro- 
versial. 

Considering  the  age  in  which  he  lived,  and  his  access  to 
the  original  sources  of  information,  the  testimony  of  Irenaeus 
to  the  genuineness  and  authenticity  of  the  New  Testament, 
gives  to  such  of  his  writings  as  are  extant,  a  perpetual  in- 
terest and  value  in  the  Christian  church  :  for  his  M  quotations 
are  so  numerous,  and  many  of  them  are  so  long,  as  to  afford 
undoubted  evidence  that  the  books  of  the  New  Testament, 
which  were  known  to  the  disciples  of  Polycarp,  at 
books  which  have  descended  to  the  present  age."  In  addi- 
tion to  the  preceding  remarks  it  may  be  stated,  that  Irenreus 
mentions  "  the  Code  of  the  New  Testament  as  well  as  the  0W," 
and  calls  the  one  as  well  as  the  other,  "  the  Oracles  of  God, 
and  Writings  dictated  hi/  his  Word  and  Spirit.'1"' 

About  the  year  170,  during  the  reign  of  Marcus  Antonius, 
the  Christians  in  Gaul  suffered  a  terrible  persecution,  par- 
ticularly at  Vienne  and  Lyons,  whence  they  sent  an  affecting 
narrative  to  their  brethren  in  Asia.  In  this  epistle,  of  which 
Eusebius  has  preserved  the  greater  part,  there  are  exact  re- 
ferences to  the  Gospels  of  Luke  and  John,  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  the  Epistles  to  the  Romans,  Ephesians,  Philip- 
pians, 1  Timothy,  1  Peter,  1  John,  and  the  Revelation  of  St. 
John.7  In  this  persecution,  Pothinus  Bishop  of  Lyons,  the 
predecessor  of  Irenaeus,  was  put  to  death. 

At  this  time  also  flourished  Melito  Bishop  of  Sardis,  in 
Lydia,  whom  some  writers  have  conjectured  (but  without 
any  authority  from  Christian  antiquity)  to  be  the  angel  of 
the  church  of  S,ardis,  to  whom  the  epistle  is  directed  in  Rev. 
ii.  1 — 6.  He  appears  to  have  been  a  voluminous  writer,  as 
the  titles  of  thirteen  treatises  of  his  have  been  transmitted 
to  us,  though  none  of  them  have  reached  our  times,  except 
a  few  fragments  preserved  by  Eusebius  and  Jerome.  Ho 
travelled  into  the  East,  to  ascertain  the  Jewish  canon,  and 
left  a  catalogue  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament.  From 
the  language  cited  from  him  with  regard  to  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, as  distinguished  from  the  New,  there  is  reason  to  con- 
clude that  there  was  then  extant  a  volume  or  collection  of 
books,  called  the  New  Testament,  containing  the  writings  of 
apostles  and  apostolical  men.  One  of  Melito's  treatises  waa 
a  commentary  on  the  Revelation  of  Saint  John.3 

Hkoksipius,  who  was  a  converted  Jew,  was  born  in  the 
beginning  of  the  second  century,  and,  according  to  the  Alex- 
andrian Chronicle,  died  in  the  reign  of  the  emperor  Corn- 
modus.  He  relates  that,  in  his  journey  from  Palestine  to 
Rome,  he  conversed  with  many  bishops,  all  of  whom  held 
one  and  the  same  doctrine  ;  and  that  "  in  every  city  the  same 
doctrine  was  taught,  which  the  law  and  the  prophets,  and  the 
Loid  teacheth  ;"  in  which  passage,  by  "  the  Lord"  he  must 
mean  the  Scriptures  of  the  New  Testament,  which  he  con- 
sidered as  containing  the  very  doctrine  taught  and  preached 
by  Jesus  Christ.9 

Tatian  flourished  about  the  year  172  ;  he  was  converted 
from  heathenism  to  Christianity  by  reading  the  books  of  the 
Old  Testament,  and  by  reflecting  on  the  corruptions  and  ab- 
surdities of  gentilism.  After  the  death  of  Justin  Martyr, 
whose  follower  or  pupil  he  is  said  to  have  been,  Tatian 
adopted  various  absurd  and  heretical  tenets,  which  are  de- 
tailed by  ecclesiastical  historians.  He  composed  a  Harmony 
of  the  Gospels,  called  M.\  TEXSAPfiN,  of  the  four ;  in  which 

»  Bp.  Marsh'a  Lectures,  part  v.  p.  41. 

«  Ibid,  part  v.  p.  43.  Lardner,  Svo.  vol.  ii.  pp.  153— ISO. ;  4to.  vol.  l.  pp.  363 
—?,''.    Wellwood'a  Discourses,  p.  227. 

i  Eusebius,  Hiat  Eccl.  lib.  v.  c;  1  -4.  Lardner,  Svo.  vol.  ii.  pp.  148— L>3. ; 
4to.  vol.  i.  pp.  360— 362. 

•  Lardner,  Bvo.  vol.  ii.  pp.  146 — 148. ;  4to.  vol.  i.pp. 368,  3o9. 

»  Ibid.  Svo.  vol.  ii.  pp.  1-11—115.;  4to.  vol.  i-  pp.  355-  -35S. 


14 


ON  THE  GENUINENESS  AND  AUTHENTICITY 


rcHAP.  ii 


ne  is  charged  with  maning  alterations  and  omissions  in  such 
passages  of  the  Gospels  as  opposed  his  heretical  tenets. 
The  fragments  of  this  harmony,  which  have  been  preserved 
by  Clement  of  Alexandria  who  wrote  against  Tatian,  prove 
that  it  was  compiled  from  the  same  Gospels  which  we  now 
have,  and  recognize  as  canonical.1  The  identity  ol  thi 
pels  harmonized  by  the  latter,  with  our  Gospels,  is  further 
proved  by  the  fad,  that  a  Greek  manuscript  of  the  Gospels  in 
the  British  Museum  (Codex  Harleianus  5647)  contains  a 
scholium,  the  object  of  which  is  to  support  a  various  reading 
by  the  authority  of  Tatian.-  Eusebius's  account  of  Tatian's 
Harmony  further  proves,  that  in  the  earliest  times  there  were 
four  Gospels,  and  only  four,  which  were  in  esteem  with  the 
Christians.  His  oration  or  discourse  against  the  Gentiles, 
which  is  said  to  have  been  the  most  useful  of  all  his  writ- 
ings, contains  several  quotations  from,  and  allusions  to,  the 
Gospels.3 

Justin,  surnamed  the  Martyr,  from  his  having  sealed 
with  his  blood  his  confession  of  the  truth  of  the  Christian  re- 
ligion, was  one  of  the  most  learned  fathers  of  the  second  cen- 
tury. He  was  born  at  Sichem,  or  Flavia  Neapolis,  a  city  of 
Samaria  in  Palestine,  about  the  year  89.  He  was  converted 
to  Christianity,  a.  d.  133,  flourished  chiefly  from  the  year  140 
and  afterwards,  and  suffered  martyrdom  in  1G4  or  107.  He 
wrote  several  pieces,  of  which  only  his  two  apologies  for  the 
Christians,  one  addressed  to  the  emperor  Titus  Antoninus 
Pius,  and  the  other  to  the  emperor  Marcus  Antoninus  and  the 
senate  and  people  of  Rome  (this  last  is  not  entire),  and  his 
Dialoo-ue  with  Trypho  the  Jew,  have  been  preserved.  From 
♦his  dialogue  we  learn,  that  before  his  conversion,  Justin  had 
carefully  studied  the  Stoic,  Pythagorean,  and  Platonic  sys- 
tems of  philosophy;  and  that  he  embraced  Christianity  at 
last,  as  the  only  safe  and  useful  philosophy.  The  sincerity, 
learning,  and  antiquity  of  Justin,  therefore,  constitute  him  a 
witness5  of  the  highest  importance.  He  has  numerous  quo- 
tations from,  as  well  as  allusions  to,  the  four  Gospels,  which 
he  uniformly  represents  as  containing  the  genuine  and  au- 
thentic accounts  of  Jesus  Christ  and  of  his  doctrine.  He 
terms  them,  "  Memoirs,''''  or  commentaries,  "  Memoirs  of  the 
Apostles,''''  "  Christ's  Memoirs  ,•"  "  Memoirs  of  (he  Apostles  and 
their  Companions,  who  have  written  the  history  of  all  things 
concerning  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ;"  by  which  he  evi- 
dently means  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  John,  of  Mark 
and  Luke.  Further,  in  his  first  apology  he  tells  us,  that  the 
memoirs  of  the  apostles  and  the  writings  of  the  prophets  were 
read  and  expounded  in  the  Christian  assemblies  for  public 
worship  :  whence  it  is  evident  that  the  Gospels  were  at  that 
time  well  known  in  the  world,  and  not  designedly  concealed 
from  any  one.  The  writings  of  Justin  also  contain  express 
references  to,  or  quotations  from,  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  the  first  Epistle  to  the  Corin- 
thians, the  Epistles  to  the  Galatians,  Ephesians,  Philippians, 
and  Colossians,  the  second  Epistle  to  the  Thessalonians,  the 
Epistle  of  Peter,  and  the  book  of  Revelation,  which  he  ex- 
pressly says  was  written  by  "  John,  one  of  the  apostles  of 
Christ."* 

Anterior  to  Justin,  was  Papias,  Bishop  of  Hierapolis  in 
Asia,  whose  public  life  is  placed  between  the  years  110  and 
116.  He  was  well  acquainted  with  Polycarp  and  John  the 
presbyter  or  elder,  both  of  them  apostolical  men,  if  not  with 
the  apostle  John  himself;  consequently  he  had  access  to  the 
best  sources  of  information.  He  bears  express  testimony  to 
the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  Mark,  which  he  ascribes  to  those 
evangelists;  he  has  also  quoted  the  first  Epistle  of  Peter  and 
the  first  Epistle  of  John,  and  alludes  to  the  Acts  of  the  Apos- 
tles, as  well  as  to  the  book  of  Revelation. 

Vie  have  now  traced  the  external  evidence  for  the  genu- 
ineness and  authenticity  of  the  New  Testament,  from  the 
present  time  backward  to  the  second  century,  without  the  aid 

•  Clement.  Alexandria.  Stromata,  Iib.iii.  c.  12,  13.  Ephrem  the  Syrian 
wrote  a  Commentary  on  Tatian'a  work,  which  was  known  to  the  writers  of 
the  Syrian  church;  one  of  whom,  Dtonysius  Barsalibffius  tells  us  from  this 
commentary,  that  the  diatessaron  of  Tatian  was  a  harmony  composed  of  our 
four  Gospels.  Theodoret,  Bishop  of  Cyrus  in  Syria  in  the  fourth  century, 
mentions  the  alterations  and  excisions  made  by  Tatian;  and  adds  that  he 
saw  the  work,  which  in  other  respects  was  correct,  generally  used  by  the 
orthodox  themselves,  from  whom  he  collected  and  took  away  two  hundred 
copies,  in  order  to  substitute  for  them  others  which  had  not  been  altered. 
Theodoret.  Haeret.  Fab.  1. 1  c  20.  cited  in  Cellerier's  Introduction  au  Nouv. 
Test.  p.  23. 

»  Cellerier,  Introd.au  Nouv.  Test.  p.  23. 

»  Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  iv.  c.29.  Lardner,  8vo.  vol.  ii.  pp.  135—1 10.; 
4to.  vol.  i.  pp.  353 — 355. 

«  Lardner,  8vo.  vol.  ii.  pp.  115-»-129. ;  4to.  vol.  i.  pp.  341—349.     M. 
has  written  a  very  interesting  account  of  Justin's  conversion  to  Chi 

andof  his  services  in  its  behalf.    SeehisTraitede  la  Veri Ii 

Ohretienne.  torn.  x.  pp.  154 — 180. 


of  the  apostolic  fathers,  (that  is,  of  those  who  wore  the  im- 
mediate contemporaries  or  disciples,  acquaintances,  or  suc- 
cessors of  the  apostles,)  or  of  any  other  writers  whose  tes- 
timony can  in  any  way  be  questioned.  "  But  though  we  have 
at  proof,  independently  of  the  apostolic  fathers,  there 
is  no  reason  for  our  rejecting  them  altoo-ether  as  useless. 
When  the  passages  in  their  writings,  which  are  supposed 
only  from  their  resemblance  to  have  been  borrowed  from  cor- 
responding passages   in  the   Gospels,  or  other  books,  are 
brought  forward,  as  usual,  in  the  first  instance,  we  are  then 
indeed  lost  in  uncertainty,  whether  mich  passages  were  bor- 
rowed from  the  New  Testament  <•■:  not.     But  when  we  have 
already  proved,  that  such  books  of  the  New  Testament,  as 
tie  v  are  supposed  to  have  quoted, were  then  in  existence, and 
therefore  might  have  been  quoted  by  them,  it  becomes  much 
more  credible,  that  those  books  really  were  quoted  by  them. 
It  is  true,  that,  if  the  validity  of  a  witness  must  be  previously 
established  by  means  which  prove  of  themselves  what  the 
ness  is  intended  to  prove,  the  importance  of  his  evidence   is 
thereby  diminished.     But  in  the  present  case  we  are  not  so 
much  concerned  with  the  obtaining  of  more  evidence,  which 
is  quite  unnecessary,  as  with  showing,  that  the  testimony  i  f 
the  apostolic  fathers,  as  far  as  it  goes,  is  consistent  with  the 
evidence  already  produced."5     There  are,  however, 
books   of  the   New   Testament,  mentioned  by  name,  and 
others  which  are  so  expressly  alluded  to  by  the  apostolic 
fathers,  as  to  prove  most  clearly  that  such  writings  must  have 
been  extant  in  their  time  :  and  although  (as  above  remarked ) 
their  testimony  is  not  absolutely  necessary  to  complete   the 
series  of  evidence  for  the  genuineness  and  authenticity  of  the 
New  Testament,  yet  it  may  be  satisfactory  to  the  reader  to 
see  their  attestations  ;  because,  independently  of  their  quota- 
tions from  the  bocks  of  the  New  Testament,  and  of  their  al- 
lusions to  them,  the  apostolic  fathers  were  the  chief  pe 
from  whom  the  writers,  that  immediately  succeeded  them,  re- 
ceived the  information  which  they  have  transmitted  to  us,  con 
cerning  the  authors,  and  the  general  reception  of  those  boohs 
The  testimony,  therefore,  of  these  apostolical  men  forms  an 
important  link  in  that  unbroken  chain  of  evidence  which  was 
intended  for  the  conviction  of  the  latest  ages :  and  though 
their  works  might  at  first  have  been  published  anonymously, 
from  a  dread  of  persecution,  yet  the  authors  of  them  were 
well   known  at  that   time,  nor  do  we  find  any  difference 
among  the  ancients  concerning  them.    The  antiquity  of  their 
writings  being  admitted,  it  is  immaterial  whether  they  were 
written  by  those  persons  whose  names  they  bear,  or  not ; 
especially  as  it  is  clear  from  their  contents,  that  the  authors 
of  them  were  pious  and  good  men.     For  the  writin 
question  were  pious  and  moral,  worthy  of  the  apostolical  age. 
and  of  apostolical  men  ;  and  are  not  calculated  to  serve  any 
party,  nor  to  countenance  any  opinion  of  the  then  existing 
sects  of  philosophy.     They  are  also  written  in  a  style  ol 
evangelical  simplicity,  in  a  spirit  of  peace,  charity,  and  re- 
signation, and  without  that  display  of  learning  which  occurs 
in  the  writings  of  the  fathers  of  the  second  and  third  centu- 
ries.6 

The  apostolic  fathers  are  five  in  number,  viz.  Barnabas, 
Clement,  Hermas,  Ignatius,  and  Polycarp. 

1.  Barnabas,  the  fellow-labourer  of  Paul,  (Acts  xiii.  2,  3. 
46,  47.  1  Cor.  ix.  6.)  who  is  also  expressly  styled  an  apos- 
tle (Acts  xiv.  14.),  is  the  author  of  an  epistle  that  was  held 
in  the  greatest  esteem  by  the  ancients,  and  which  is  still 
extant.  In  this  epistle,  though  no  book  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment is  expressly  named  in  it,  yet  there  are  to  be  found  ex- 
pressions, which  are  identically  the  same  that  occur  in  the 
Gospel  of  Matthew  ;  and  one  in  particular,  which  is  intro- 
duced with  the  formula,  "  it  is  written,"  which  was  used  b) 
the  Jews  when  they  cited  their  sacred  hooks.  The  epistle 
of  Barnabas  further  contains  the  exact  words  of  several  other 
texts  of  the  New  Testament,  and  there  are  allusions  to  some 
others:  it  also  contains  many  phrases  and  reasonings  used 
by  the  apostle  Paul,  whom  the  author  resembles,  as  his 
fellow-labourer,  without  copying  him.  It  is  to  he  observed, 
that  Barnabas  cites,  or  alludes  to,  many  more  passages  out 
of  the  Old  Testament  than  from  the  New;  which  is  to  be 

5  Bishop  Marsh's  Lectures,  part  v.  p.  65.  . 

«  The  best  edition  of  the  writings  ot  the  apostolic  fathers  is  to  be  found  in 

the  work  intitled  SS.  Patrum,  qui  temporibus  a]  ■»<> '"'',  Bar- 

nabm,  dementis,  Hernia,  Ignalii,  Polycarpi,  Opera  ■  era  ft  supposititia  , 

mentis,  Ignatii,  Polycarpi,  Actis  el  M    rtyriis     J.  B.  Cuttle- 

rius  Sue.  Sorbun.  Theol.  ex  MSS.  Codd.  eruit,  oereiembusque  el  notisil- 

,:  itasque  adjecit,  Joannes  Clericus.    2  vols,  folio. 

Amst.  1724.    An  excellent  English  translation  of  the  genuine  writings  of  the 

by  Archbishop  Wake,  of  which  a  new  edition 

i  was  published  in  1S17 


RfeCT.  II.] 


OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 


45 


attributed  to  the  time  and  character  of  the  writer,  who  v.  .is  a 
Jew,  and  who  argued  chiefly  with  Jews.1 

'2.  Clement,  Bishop  of  Rome,  and  a  fellow-labourer  of 
the  apostle  Paul  (Phil.  iv.  .'!.),  wrote  bo  epistle  (which  baa 
not  come  down  to  us  entire)  in  the  same  of  the  church  at 
Rome,  to  the  church  al  Corinth,  in  order  to  compose  certain 
dissensions  that  prevailed  there.  In  this  epistle  there  are 
several  passages,  which  exhibit  the  words  <>i  Christ  as  tiny 

stand  in  the  Gospels,  without  mentioning  them  as  quotations, 
agreeably  to  the  usage  which  then  generally  prevailed.     He 

also  eites  most  of  the  epistles.  It  is  generally  supposed 
that  Clement  was  ordained  Bishop  of  Rome  a.  D.  91,  and 
that  he  died  in  the  third  year  of  the  reign  of  Trajan,  a.  D. 
100.2 

3.  IIf.hmas  was  also  contemporary  with  Paul,  by  whom 
he  is  mentioned  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  (xvi.  14.)  He 
wrote  a  work  in  three  books,  towards  the  close  of  the  first 
century,  entitled  the  "  J'ti.itor"  or  "Shepherd,"  which  was 
highly  esteemed  by  the  early  fathers.  It  was  originally 
written  in  Greek,  though  now  extant  only  in  a  Latin  version, 
and  it  contains  numerous  allusions  to  the  New  Testament.3 

4.  Ignatius  was  Bishop  of  Antioch,  a.  d.  70,  and  suffered 
martyrdom  a.  d.  107,  or,  according  to  some  accounts,  a.  d. 
116.  If  (as  some  have  supposed)  he  was  not  one  of  the 
little  children  whom  Jesus  took  up  in  his  arms  and  blessed, 
it  is  certain  that  he  conversed  familiarly  with  the  apostles, 
and  was  perfectly  acquainted  with  their  doctrine.  He  has 
left  several  epistles  that  are  still  extant,  in  which  he  has  dis- 
tinctly quoted  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  John,  and  has 
cited  or  alluded  to  the  Acts  and  most  of  the  Epistles.' 

5.  Polycarp  was  an  immediate  disciple  of  the  apostle 
John,  by  whom  he  was  also  appointed  Bishop  of  Smyrna. 
He  had  conversed  with  many  who  had  seen  Jesus  Christ, 
and  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  angel  of  the  church  of 
Smyrna,  to  whom  the  epistle  in  the  Revelation  is  addressed. 
He  suffered  martyrdom  about  the  year  166.  Of  the  various 
writings  which  he  is  recorded  to  have  left,  only  one  epistle 
remains  ;  and  in  this  he  has  nearly  forty  allusions  to  the  dif- 
ferent books  of  the  New  Testament.5 

On  the  preceding  testimonies  of  the  apostolic  fathers,  we 
may  remark,  that,  without  any  professed  intention  to  ascer- 
tain the  canon  of  the  New  Testament,  they  "have  most 
effectually  ascertained  it,  by  their  quotations  from  the  seve- 
ral books  which  it  contains,  or  by  their  explicit  references  to 
them,  as  the  authentic  Scriptures  received  and  relied  on  as 
inspired  oracles,  by  the  whole  Christian  church.  They  most 
frequently  use  the  same  words  which  are  still  read  in  the 
Acw  Testament ;  and,  even  when  they  appear  to  have  quoted 
f'om  memory,  without  intending  to  confine  themselves  to 
the  same  language,  or  to  have  merely  referred  to  the  Scrip- 
tares,  without  professing  to  quote  them,  it  is  clear  that  they 
had  precisely  the  same  texts  in  their  view  which  are  still 
found  in  the  books  of  the  New  Testament.  But,  what  is  of 
chief  importance  on  this  subject,  every  competent  judge  of 
their  writings  must  perceive,  on  the  one  hand,  that,  in  all 
the  questions  which  occurred  to  them,  either  in  doctrine  or 
morals,  they  uniformly  appealed  to  the  same  Scriptures 
which  are  in  our  possession  ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  that 
they  were  universally  accustomed  to  refer  to  all  the  books 
of  the  New  Testament  containing  what  related  to  the  sub- 
jects which  they  were  led  to  discuss,  without  appearing  to 
have  intentionally  omitted  any  of  them.  All  the  inspired 
books,  or  the  same  texts,  are  not  quoted  by  every  writer ;  as 
the  subject  of  the  Epistle  to  Philemon  could  not  be  so  fre- 
quently appealed  to,  as  the  doctrine  of  larger  and  more  argu- 
mentative epistles.     They  had  no  intention  to  record  the 

i  Cotelerij  Patres  Apostolici,  vol.  i.  pp.  15—60.  Lardoer,  8vo.  vol.  it.  pp. 
2—22.  ;  4(o.  vol.  i.  pp.  283—289.    Dr.  Lardner,  however,  is  of  opinion  that 

cannot  be  said  with  certainty,  that  Barnabas  referred  to  any  books  of  the 
New  Testament ;  "nor,"  he  adds,  "ought  it  to  be  reckoned  strange  that  a 
man,  who  was  contemporary  with  the  apostl  'B,  and  had  the  same  spirit  and 
like  gifts  with  them,  if  he  was  not  an  apostle  himself,  should  often  reason 
atfdargue  like  them,  without  quoting  their  writings  or  referring  to  them." 
Works,  8vo.  vol.  v.  p.  353. ;  4to.  vol.  iii.  p.  99.  The  propriety  of  consider- 
ing Barnabas  as  a  testimony  for  the  authenticity  of  the  New  Testament  is 
also  questioned  by  Prof.  Less,  in  his  work  on  the  "Authenticity  of  the  New 
Testament,"  translated  by  Mr.  Kingdnn,  pp.  33 — 40.  Should  the  reader 
coincide  in  opinion  with  these  eminent  critics,  the  absence  of  Barnabas's 
testimony  will  not  affect  the  general  argument,  which  is  so  strongly  sup- 
ported by  the  evidence  of  others  of  his  contemporaries. 

»Lardner,  8vo.  vol.  i.  pp.22— 47. ;  4to.  vol.  i.  pp.  289—303.  Cotelerius, 
vol.  i.  pp.  185—189. 

*  Cotelerius,  vol.  i.  pp.  75—126.  Lardner,  Svo  vol.  ii.  pp.  50—65. ;  4to. 
vol.  i.  pp.  303-313. 

♦  Ibid.  vol.  ii.  pp.  11 — 42.    Lardner,  Svo.  vol.  ii.  pp.  65—85.;  4to.  vol.  i.  pp. 

•The  Creek  epistle  of  Polycarp  to  the  Philippians  is  not  entire.  It  is 
Riven  in  Cotelerius,  vol.  i.  pp.  185— 1S9.  and  in  the  entire  Latin  epistle  in  pp. 
1.10  191     Lardner.  Svo  vol  ii  pp.86— 100  •  4to.  vol.  i.  pp.  325—333. 


particulars  of  the  canon,  either  of  the  Old  or  of  the  New 
Testament,  not  having  been  sufficiently  aware  of  the  import- 
ance of  their  testimony  to  succeeding  ages  ;  though  the 
facts  which  they  have  furnished  to  establish  it,  incidentally 
or  occasionally  introduced  in  their  writings,  are  not  on  this 
aocounl  less  intelligible  or  important,  but  on  the  contrary, 
derive  a  great  part  of  their  weight  and  value  from  this  cir- 
cumstance. There  is  scarcely  a  book  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment which  one  or  other  of  the  apostolical  fathers  has  nol 
either  quoted  or  referred  to ;  and  their  united  and  uninten- 
tional testimony,  given  in  this  form,  is  certainly  more  deci 
sive  of  the  original  authority  assigned  to  the  Scriptures  re- 
ferred to,  than  a  precise  list  of  them,  or  a  professed  disserta- 
tion from  any  individual  to  prove  their  authenticity,  would 
have  been.  They  uniformly  quote  and  allude  to  them,  with 
the  respect  and  reverence  due  to  inspired  writings  :  and  they 
describe  them  as  '  Scriptures,'  as  4  Sacred  Scriptures,'  and  as 
'  the  Oracles  of  the  Lord.'  There  is  indeed  good  reason  tc 
conclude,  not  only  from  the  multiplicity  of  references,  but 
from  the  language1  employed  by  the  apostolical  fathers  in 
making  their  quotations,  that  the  books  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment were  not  only  generally  received,  and  in  common  use 
in  the  Christian  churches,  but  that  at  least  the  greater  part 
of  them  had  been  collected  and  circulated  in  one  volume  be- 
fore the  end  of  the  first,  or  in  the  very  beginning  of  the 
second  century."6  This  fact  may  be  fairly  deduced  from 
the  language  of  Ignatius,  Bishop  of  Antioch,  who  says  in 
substance,  '  that  in  order  to  understand  the  will  of  God,  he 
fled  to  the  gospels,  which  he  believed  no  less  than  if  Christ 
in  the  flesh  had  been  speaking  to  him  ;  and  to  the  writings 
of  the  apostles,  whom  he  esteemed  as  the  presbytery  of  the 
whole  Christian  church.'7  The  gospels  and  the  apostles,  in 
the  plural,  suppose  that  the  writings  referred  to  had  been 
collected  and  were  read  together.8 

Lastly,  we  have  evidence  that  some  part  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment was  cited  by  contemporary  apostles  themselves. 

Thus,  Paul  has  the  following  sentence  in  1  Tim.  v.  18. 
The  labourer  is  worthy  of  his  reward,  which  occurs  only  in 
Saint  Luke's  Gospel  (x.  7.),  whence  we  conclude  that  this 
was  extant  at  the  time  Saint  Paul  wrote  his  epistle  to  Timo- 
thy. And  James  (ii.  8.)  evidently  refers  to  Matt.  xxii.  39., 
when  he  says,  If  ye  fulfil  the  royal  law  according  to  the  Scrip- 
ture,— "  Thou  shaft  love  thy  neighbour  as  thyself," — ye- do 
well.  Other  instances  might  be  adduced,  if  necessary.  In 
further  illustration  of  this  testimony  it  may  be  observed,  that 
as  the  apostles  enjoyed  miraculous  gifts,  particularly  the  gift 
of  discerning  spirits,  they  very  early  acknowledged  the  in- 
spiration of  one  another's  writings,  and  considered  them  on 
the  same  footing  with  the  Scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament. 
Thus  Peter,  speaking  of  Paul's  epistles,  says  (2  Pet.  iii.  16.), 
that  the  "  unteachable  and  unstable  wrest  them,  as  they  alio  do 
the  OTHER  SCRIPTURES,  unto  their  own  destruction.'''' 

In  reviewing  the  body  of  evidence  which  has  n^w  been 
stated,  it  is  a  consideration  of  great  importance,  that  the  wit- 
nesses lived  at  different  times,  and  in  countries  widely  remote 
from  one  another;  Clement  flourished  at  Rome,  Ignatius  at 
Antioch,  Polycarp  at  Smyrna,  Justin  Martyr  in  Syria,  Ire- 
naeus  in  France,  Athenagoras  at  Athens,  Theophilus  at  Anti- 
och, Clement  and  Origen  at  Alexandria,  Tertullian  at  Car- 
thage, and  Augustine  at  Hippo,  both  in  Africa;  and,  to 
mention  no  more,  Kusebius  at  Caesarea.  Philosophers,  rhe- 
toricians, and  divines,  men  of  acuteness  and  learning,  all 
concur  to  prove  that  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  were 
equally  well  known  in  distant  countries,  and  received  as 
authentic,  by  men  who  had  no  intercourse  with  one  another. 

But  the  evidence  of  the  authenticity  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, to  be  derived  from  the  Heretical  Writers  of  the 
first  three  centuries,  is  still  more  important  than  even  that  of 
the  orthodox  fathers.  It  was  the  practice  of  the  former,  not 
only  to  falsify  or  misrepresent  particular  passages,  but  to 
erase  such  as  were  not  reconcilable  with  their  peculiar  tenets. 
Now  this  very  circumstance,  as  Michaelis9  most  forcibly  ob- 
serves, is  a  positive  proof  that  they  considered  the  New 
Testament  to  be  a  genuine  work  of  the  apostles.  They 
might  deny  an  apostle  to  be  an  infallible  teacher,  and  there- 
fore banish  his  writings  from  the  sacred  canon ;  but  they  no- 
where contend  that  the  apostle  is  not  the  author  of  the  hook 
or  books  which  bear  his  name. 

«  Sir  II.  M.  Wellwood's  Discourses  on  the  evidence  of  the  Jewish  anf 
Christian  Revelation,  pp.  215 — 217. 

i  This  is  the  paraphrase  of  Le  Clerc,  and  gives,  I  am  persuaded,  the  true 
meaning  of  Ignatius.  The  words  of  Ignatius  are  these  :— "  Fleeing  to  the 
gospels,  as  the  flesh  of  Jesus,  and  to  the  apostles  as  the  presbytery  of  the 
church."  Epist.  ad.  Philadelph.  Sect.  v.  »  Ibid.  p.  218. 

»  Introduction  to  the  New  Testament,  vol.  i.  n.  38. 


•Itf 


ON  THE  GENUINENESS  AND  AUTHENTICITY 


[Chap.  II 


Thus  Cerixthus  (who  was  contemporary  with  the  apos- 
tle John)  maintained  the  necessity  of  circumcision,  and  the 
observance  of  tb  aw  :  and  because  Paul  delivered 

a  contrary  doctrine  in  his  epistles,  which  are  cited,  Cerinthus 
and  his  "followers  denied  that  he  was  a  divine  a 
Paul's  epistles  therefore — the  very  same  that  we  now  have — 
were  extant  in  the  first  century,  and  were  acknowledged  to 
be  his  by  the  Cerinthians.  And  as  this  sect  received  and 
approved  the  gospel  of  Matthew,  because  it  did  not  contra- 
dict their  tenets,  it  is  consequently  evident  that  his  gospel 
was  likewise  extant  in  the  first  century.1 

A  gam,  in  the  same  age,  the  Ebioxites  rejected  all  the  epis- 
tles of  Paul,  and  called  him  an  apostate,  because  he  departed 
from  the  Levitical  law ;  and  they  adopted  the  gospel  ot  Mat- 
thew, which  however  they  corrupted  by  various  alterations 
and  additions.  This  proves  that  Matthew's  gospel  was 
then  published,  and  that  Paul's  epistles  were  then  known. - 

In  the  following  century,  the  Basilidians,  Yalentinians. 
and  other  heretics,  who  altered  or  rejected  various  parts  of 
tho  New  Testament,  in  order  to  aeconufiodate  them  to  their 
respective  tenets,  are  satisfactory  testimony  to  the  genuine- 
ness of  such  books  as  they  have  quoted  or  alluded  to.  B^t. 
among  the  heretics  who  erased  and  altered  passages  of 
Scripture,  to  make  it  agree  with  their  doctrines,  we  may  es- 
pecially instance  Marcion,  who  flourished  in  the  beginning 
of  the  second  century.  He  lived  therefore  in  an  age  when  he 
could  easily  have  discovered  if  the  writings  of  the  New 
:nent  had  been  forged  ;  and  as  he  was  greatly  incensed 
against  the  orthodox  Christians,  who  had  excommunicated 
him.  if  such  a  forgery  had  been  committed,  most  unques- 
tionablv  he  would  not  have  failed  to  make  a  discoverv  that 
would  have  afforded  him  the  most  ample  means  of  triumph. 
He  had  likewise  the-experience  derived  from  an  acquaintance 
with  foreign  countries,  having  travelled  from  Sinope,  his  na- 
tive place,  to  Rome  (where  he  afterwards  resided),  in  order 
to  procure  a  repeal  ot  the  sentence  of  excommunication  that 
had  been  denounced  against  him.  But,  throughout  the  vast 
intermediate  country  between  those  two  places,  he  was  un- 
able to  discover  the  smallest  trace  of  the  New  Testament 
being  a  forgery.  Thus  frustrated,  he  affirmed  that  the  gos- 
.  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  with  those  of 

-  and  James,  as  well  as  the  Old  Testament  in  o-eneral. 
were  writings,  not  for  Christians,  but  for  Jews.  He  pub- 
lished a  new  edition  of  the  gospel  of  Luke,  and  the  first  ten 
epistles  of  Paul,  in  which  Epiphanius  has  charged  him  with 
altering  every  passage  that  contradicted  his  own  opinions : 
but,  as  many  ot  these  are  what  modern  critics  call  various 
readings,  this  assertion  of  Epiphanius  must  be  received  with 

a.     The  conduct  of  Marcion,  however,  proves,  that  the 

above-mentioned  books  of  the  New  Testament  did  then  ex- 

d  were  acknowledged  to  be  the  works  of  the  authors 

-  names  they  bear.  The  testimony  to  be  drawn  from 
this  view  of  the  subject,  in  favour  of  the  books  of  the  New 

:aent,  is  very  strong.  In  consequence  of  Marcion" s  re- 
jecting some  books  entirely,  and  mutilating  others,  the  ancient 
-  were  led  to  examine  into  the  evidence  for  these 
sacred  writings,  and  to  collate  copies  of  them,  and  on  this 
account  to  speak  very  frequently  in  their  works,  as  well  of 
whole  books  as  of  particular  passages ;  and  thus  we,  who 
live  in  a  later  age,  are  enabled  to  authenticate  these  books, 
and  to  arrive  at  the  genuine  reading  0f  manv  texts,  in  a  bet- 
ter manner  that  we  otherwise  could  have  done.3 

It  were  easy  to  adduce  other  instances  from  the  ancient 
heretics,  if  the  preceding  were  insufficient ;  we  therefore  con- 
clude this  head  of  evidence  with  the  following  summary  of 
the  learned  and  accur.  ier  : : — ••  A- 

••  Paul  of  Samosata,  Sabellius,  Marcr-llu?.  Photinus.  th 
vatians,  Donatists,  Manicheans,  Priscillianists.  besides  Ar- 
lemon.  the  Audians.  the  Arians,5  and  divers  others,  all  re- 
ceived most,  or  all  of  the  same  books  of  the  New  Testament 
which  the  Catholics  received  ;  and  agreed  in  the  same  re- 
•  for  them,  as  being  written  by  apostles,  or  their  dis- 
ciples and  companio: 

We  now  come  to  the  evidence  of  Jewish  and  Heathen- 
Adversaries  in  favour  of  the  authenticity  of  the  New  Tes- 

>  ForanaccountoftheCerinthians.  seeEusebius,  Hi=t.  Eccl.lib  i 
•  vol.  ix.  pp.  319— 330. ;  4to  vol-  iv.  pp.  56«— 571 
bius.  Eccl.Hist  Bl  r'.iaelis,  vol.  i  p.  Z!. 

'  For  an  ample  account  of  Marcion  and  h;-  Dr.  Lardner*s 

-  of  Heretics,  chap.  10.     W  -0  vol 

:haelis,vol.  i.  pp.  37— 33. 
«  In  the  General  Review  of  his  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  Ilistory.  Works, 

:  4to.  vol.  iii.  p.  96. 
'  Tor  accounts  of  these  various  sects,  see  their  respective  :.ir!es  in  the  fifth 
.   o  Dr.  I-arrinT's  works. 


tament,  which  is  equally  important  with  the  testimonies  of 
the  ancient  heretics.  As,  however,  the  testimonies  of  the 
Jewish*  writers  apply  as  much  to  the  credibility  of  the  New 
Testament,  as  to  its  authenticity,  and  are  therefore  noticed 
in  the  following  chapter,  we  shall  at  present  adduce  only 
the  testimonies  afforded  by  heathen  adversaries  of  the  first 
four  centuries  :  and  it  is  worthy  of  remark,  that,  from  a  very 
early  period  of  Christianity,  writers  can  be  produced  who 
considered  the  New  Testament  as  the  work  of  the  apostles 
and  evangelists  :  and  Chrysostom  remarks,  with  equal  force 
and  justice,  that  Celsus  and  Porphyry,  two  enemies  of  the 
Christian  religion,  are  powerful  witnesses  for  the  antiquitv 
of  the  New  Testament,  since  they  could  not  have  argued 
against  the  tenets  of  the  Gospel,  it  it  had  not  existed  in  thai 
early  period. 

1.  Celsus.  an  Epicurean  philosopher,  who  flourished  to- 
wards the  close  of  tne  second  century,  wrote  a  work  against 
Christianity,  entitled  Am9x  .'.:;.;.  the  greater  part  of  which 
has  been  preserved  to  the  present  time  by  Origen.  in  his  re- 
ply to  it.  In  this  treatise,  which  is  written  under  the  as- 
sumed character  of  a  Jew,  Celsus  not  only  mentions  by  name. 
but  also  quotes  passages  from  the  books  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament, so  that  it  is  certain  we  have  the  identical  books  to 
which  he  referred.  Thus,  ••  the  miraculous  conception  is 
mentioned  with  a  view  of  accusing  the  Virgin  Mary  of  adul 
tery :" — we  also  recognise  Joseph's  intention  of  putting  her 
away/  and  the  consequent  appearance  of  the  angel  warning 
him  in  a  dream  to  take  her  as  his  wife  :-: — we  meet  with  a 
reference  to  the  star  that  was  seen  at  his  birth,  and  the 
adoration  paid  to  the  new-born  Saviour  by  the  Magi  at  Beth- 
lehem:'-1— the  murder  of  the  infants  by  Herod,11  in  conse- 
quence of  his  being  deceived  by  the  wise  men,  is  noticed,  as 
also  the  re-appearance  of  the  angel  to  Joseph,12  and  his  con- 
sequent flight  into  Egypt.13  Here  then  are  references  to  aH 
the  facts  of  our  Saviour's  birth.  Again,  we  are  informed  of 
the  descent  of  the  Spirit  in  the  form  of  a  dove,14  and  the  voice 
from  heaven  at  the  baptism  of  our  Saviour  in  Jordan;15  we 
hear  also  of  the  temptation  in  the  wilderness  ;'-- — we  are  told 
that  Christ  was  constantly  attended  by  a  certain  number  of 
disciples,  though  the  number  is  not  correct:17 — there  is  an 
allusion  to  our  Saviour's  conversation  with  the  woman  of 
Samaria  at  the  well ;!-; — and  a  reference  less  distinct  to  the 
attempt  of  the  people  of  Nazareth  to  throw  him  down  the 
rock,  on  which  their  city  was  built  :•- — here,  therefore,  is 
ample  testimony  to  his  baptism,  and  the  facts  immediately 
following  it.  Celsus  also  pretends,  as  Origen  informs  us. 
to  believe  the  miracles  of  Christ;  and  those  of  healing 
sick,  feeding  five  thousand  men,  and  raising  the  dea 
espressly  mentioned,  though  they  are  attributed  to  magical 
influence.-  Several  passages  also  in  our  Saviours  sermon 
on  the  Mount,  are  quoted  ;  ?.nd  his  predictions  re- 

lating to  his  sufferings,  death,  and  resurrection  are  re- 
corded.2- Nor  are  the  closing  scenes  of  our  blessed  Lord's 
ministry  noticed  with  less  exactness.  We  meet  with  the 
treachery  of  Judas,  and  Peter's  denial  of  his  Master:2  we 
are  informed  that  Christ  was  bound,  insulted,21  beaten  with 
rods  and  crucified;2' — we  read  of  the  gall,  which  was  given 
him  to  eat,  and  vinegar  to  drink:2  and  we  are  insulted  with 
an  unfeeling  jest  upon  the  blood  and  water,  that  flowed  from 
our  dying  Kedeemers  side.2"  This  writer  mentions  also 
some  words  which  were  uttered  by  Christ  upon  the  cross, 
and  alludes  to  the  earthquake  and  darkness  that  immediately 
followed  the  crucifixion.-  There  is  also  mention  made  of 
the  appearance  of  the  angels  at  the  sepulchre,2-  and  of  the 
manilestation  of  Christ  to  Mary  Magdalen,4*  and  the  dis- 
ciples,11 after  his  resurrection.  Such  are  many  of  the  facts, 
and  more  might  have  been  recited,  relating  to  the  ministry 
and  life  of  our  Saviour,  and  preserved  in  the  remaining  part 
of  the  work  of  the  author  before  us.  And  who  is  this  au- 
thor?    He  was  an  infidel  writer,  and  one  of  the  greatest 

•  In  his  sixth  homily  on  1  Cor.    (Op.  torn,  x.  p.  47.)    Michaelis,  vol.  i.  p.  39. 
Lardner,  8vo.  voL  viii.  p.  7. ;  4to.  vol.  iv.  p.  114 

•  Origen  contra  Celsum,  4to.  Cantabrigis,l6//.  lib.  i.  p.  22. 

•  Lib.  i.  p.  22.                  »  Lib.  v.  p.  .  »»  Lib.  i.  p.  31 
it  Onsen  contra  Celsum.  4to.    Can'ahriaize,  16/ /;  lib.  i.  p.  45. 
"Lib.Lp.6L               •■  Lib.  i.  pp.  22.  30.  -*  Lib.  i.  p.  31. 
:i  Lib.  ii.  p.  105.            ««  Lib.  vi.  p.  303.  "  Lib.  i.  p.  47. 

p.  56  i»  Lib.  vi.  p.  298.  *•  Lib.  i.  p.  53. 

M  Particularly  the  comparison  of  the  lilies  of  the  field,  lib.  vii.  p.  343. ;  the 

precept-  if  thy  enemy  smite  thee  on  one  cheek,  to  <  j.n  to  him  the  other, 

lib.  vii. ;  .'-  impossibility  of  serving  two  -masters,  lib.  viii.  p.  336. 

:ile  of  a  camel  passing  through  the  eye  ol  a  needle  is  also  noticed, 

lib.  vi.  p.  296. 

»  Lib.  ii.  pp.  67.  »  Lib.  ii.  p.  7.  <"  LiD.  vi.  p.  292 

«  Lib.  ii.  pp.  79. 81.  »•  Lib.  iv.  p.  174.  lib.  ii.  p.  82. 

«  Lib.  ii.  p . -vi.  «  Lib.  ii.  p.  94.  »»  Lib.  ii.  p.  ?66 

«>  Lib.  ii.  p  94  «  Lib.  ii.  p.  104. 


Sxo r.  ii.: 


OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 


47 


enemies  with  whom  Christianity  ever  had  to  contend.    Now 

testimony  such  as  the  above,  to  the  facts  recorded  in  tin- 
New  Testament,  would  be  Btrong  proof  of  the  truth  of  the 
Gospel,  even  if  recorded  by  a  friend  to  the  cause,  or,  al  least, 
ii'  recorded  by  an  indifferent  writer.  I  tut  when  it  comes 
from  the  pen  of  a  professed  enemy  to  our  religion,  who.  as 
such,  would  have  denied  the  facts,  had  there  been  any  room 
tor  SO  doing,  the  force  of  it  is  almost  irrcsistihlc.  For  Cel- 
stis  never  once  hints,  that  the  history  itself  is  false,  but  en- 
deavours from  the  f^<-^  themselves  to  disprove  the  credi- 
bility of  the  Gospel.  And  the  value  of  this  testimony  is 
infinitely  increased  by  taking  into  the  account  the  time  at 
which  the  writer  lived,  which  was  but  little  more  than  a 
c  ntury  after  the  very  period  at  which  the  events  themt 
happened,  lie  had",  therefore,  ample  means  of  satisfying 
himself  of  the  truth  of  the  facts  on  which  he  comments ;  and 
it  is  not  easily  credible,  that  he  would  have  neglected  those 
means,  since  the  very  circumstance  alone  of  a  falsity  in  the 
narrative  would  at  once  invalidate  the  testimony  of  the 
evangelist8,  and  thus  overthrow  the  religion  which  that  tes- 
timony has  established."1  It  is  also  worthy  of  remark,  that 
in  no  one  instance  throughout  his  memorable,  attack  upon 
Christianity,  did  Celsus  question  the  Gospels  as  books  of 
history;  on  the  contrary,  he  admitted  most  of  the  facts  re- 
lated in  them;  and  he  has  borne  testimony  to  the  persecu- 
tions suffered  by  the  Christians  for  their  faith.  He  accuses 
the  Christians  of  altering  the  Gospels,  which  refers  to  the 
alterations  made  by  the  Marcionites,  Valentinians,  and  other 
heretics;  and  it  is' very  material  to  remark,  that  this  acute 
adversary  of  Christianity  professed  to  draw  his  arguments 
from  the  writings  received  by  its  professors,  especially  the 
tour  G  and  that  in  no  one  instance  did  he  derive  any  of 

his  objections  from  spurious  writings.2 

■J.  The  testimony  of  Porphyrv  is  still  more  important 
than  that  of  Celsus.  He  was  born  a.  d.  233,  of  Tynan 
origin;  hut,  unhappily  for  the  present  age,  the  mistaken 
f  Constan.ine  and  other  Christian  emperors,  in  causing 
his  writings  against  Christianity  to  be  destroyed,  has  de- 
prived us  of  the  opportunity  of  knowing  the  full  extent  of 
his  objections  against  the  Christian  faith.  It  is,  says  Mi- 
ch;, lis,  universally  allowed  that  Porphyry  is  the  most  sen- 
sible as  well  as  severe  adversary  of  the  Christian  religion 
that  antiquity  can  produce.  He  was  versed  not  only  in  po- 
litical tint  also  in  philosophical  history,  as  appears  Irom  his 
lives  of  the  philosophers.  His  acquaintance  with  the  Chris- 
tians was  not  conhned  to  a  single  country',  but  he  had  con- 
!  with  them  in  Tyre,  in  Sicily,  and  in  Rome:  his  resi- 
in  Hasan  afforded  him  the  best  opportunity  of  a  strict 
intercourse  with  the  Nazarenes,  who  adopted  only  the  He- 
brew I  ~<aint  Matthew  ;  and  his  thirst  for  philoso- 
phical  inquiry  must  have  induced  him  to  examine  the  cause 
of  their  rejecting  the  other  writings  of  the  New  Testament, 
whether  it  was  that  they  considered  them  as  spurious,  or 
that,  like  the  Ebionites,  they  regarded  them  as  a  genuine 
work  of  the  apostles,  though  not  divinely  inspired.  Knabled 
by  his  birth  to  study  the  Syriac  as  well  as  the  (i reek  authors, 
he  was  of  all  the  adversaries  of  the  Christian  religion,  the 
best  qualified  for  inquiring  into  the  authenticity  of  the  sa- 
cred writings.  He  possessed,  therefore,  every  advantage 
which  natural  abilities  or  political  situation  could  afford,  to 
ver  whether  the  \*  W  Testament  was  a  genuine  work 
of  the  apostles  and  evangelists,  or  whether  it  was  imposed 
upon  the  world  after  the  decease  of  its  pretended  authors, 
liut  no  trace  of  this  suspicion  is  any  where  to  be  found,  nor 
did  it  ever  occur  to  Porphyry,  to  suppose  that  it  was  spurious. 
The  prophecy  of  Daniel  lie  made  no  scruple  to  pronounce  a 
v.  and  'written  after  the  time  of  Antiochus  Kpiphanes  : 
his  critical  penetration  enabled  him  to  discover  the  perfect 
coincidence  between  the  predictions  and  the  events;  and  de- 
nying divine  inspiration,  he  found  no  other  means  of  solving 
tin:  problem.  In  support  of  this  hypothesis,  he  uses  an 
argument  which  is  an  equal  proof  of  his  Learning  and  sa- 
gacity, though  his  objection  does  not  affect  the  authority  of 
the  prophet;  viz.  from  a  Greek  paranoinasia,  or  plav  on 
words  which  he  discovered  in  the  history  of  Daniel  and  Su- 
sanna, he  concludes  the  book  to  have  been  written  originally 

i  Troll  ipe's  Etuis  \>n  Prize  Essay  on  the  expedients  to  which  the  Gentile 
ihilosophera  resorted  in  opposing  the  progress  of  the  Gospel,  8vo.  pp.  29 — 

--'      London,  1822. 

"  As  the  works  of  Celsus  have  long  since  perished  the  nature  of  his  ob- 

s  can  only  be  known  from  Orii;eii"s  reply  to  him  ;  of  which  the  best 

published  by  Dr.  Spencer,  at  Cambridge,  in  1677.    From  this 

Dr.  Lardner  has  drawn  up  his  account  of  the  objections  of  Celsus. 

■  orK-.  svo.  vol.  via.  pp.  5—69. ;  4lo.  vol.iv.  pp.  113—149.) 


in  Greek,  and  afterwards  translated  into  Hebrew.3  Is  it 
credible,  then,  that  so  sagacious  an  inquirer  could  have  failed 
in  discovering  a  forgery  with  respect  to  the  New  1 
had  a  forgery  existed — a  discovt  ry  which  would  have  given 
him  the  completest  triumph,  by  striking  at  once  a  mortal 
blow  at  the  religion  which  he  attempted  to  destroy  ?  So  far, 
however,  is  this  from  being  I  tat  Porphyry  n<  I 

did  not  deny  the  truth  of  the  Gospel  history,  nut  actually 
considered  the  miracles  of  Jesus  Christ  as  real  facts. ;  The 
writings  of  the  ancient  Christians,  who  answered  his  ob- 
jections, likewise  afford  general  evidence,  that  Poq)hvr) 
made  numerous  i  -  on  the  Scriptures. 

3.  One  hundred  years  after  Porphyry,  flourished  th< 
peror  Ji  lian  (a.  d.  331 — 3G3),  sumamed  the  Apostate,  from 
liis  renunciation  of  Christianity  after  he  mounted  the  impe- 
rial throne.     Though  he  resorted  to  the  most  artful  political 


Jerome  and  Cyril,  it  is  evident  that  he  did  not  deny  the  truth 
of  the  Gospel  history,  as  a  history,  though  he  denied  the 
deity  of  Jesus  Christ  asserted  in  the  writings  of  • 
lists;  he  acknowledged  the  principal  facts  in  the  Oospels,°as 
well  as  the  miracles  of  our  Saviour  and  his  ape 
ferring  to  the  difference  between  the  genealogies  recorded  by 
Matthew  and  Luke,  he  noticed  them  by  name,  and  recited 
the  sayings  of  Christ  in  the  very  words  of  the  evangelists : 
he  also  bore  testimony  to  the  Gospel  of  John  beino-  compos- 
ed later  than  the  other  evangelists,  and  at  a  time  wnen  great 
numbers  were  converted  to  the  Christian  faith,  both  in 
and  Greece  ;  and  alluded  oftener  than  once  to  facts  recorded 
in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.3  By  thus  quoting  the  four  Gos- 
pels and  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  by  quoting  no  other  hooks, 
Julian  shows  that  these  were  the  only  historical  books  re- 
ceived by  the  Christians  as  of  authority,  and  as  containing 
authentic  memoirs  of  Jesus  Christ  and  his  apostles,  together 
with  the  doctrines  taught  by  them.  But  Julian's  testimony 
does  something  more  than  represent  the  judgment  of  tho 
Christian  church  in  his  time;  it  discovers  also  his  own.  He 
himself  expressly  states  the  early  date  of  these  records:  he 
calls  them  by  the  names  which  they  now  bear.  He  all  along 
supposes,  he  nowhere  attempts  to  question  their  crenuine- 
ness  or  authenticity  ;  nor  does  he  give  even  the  slightest  in- 
timation that  he  suspected  the  whole  or  any  part  of  them  to 
be  forgeries. 

It  is  true  that  towards  the  end  of  the  second  or  in  the  third 
century  of  the  Christian  aera,  certain  pieces  were  published, 
which  were  written  by  heretics,  or  false  teachers,  in  order  to 
support  their  errors  :  but  so  far  is  this  fact  from  concluding 
against  the  genuineness  ^nd  authenticity  of  the  books  of  the 
New  Testament,  that  it  shows  the  difference  between  them 
and  these  apocryphal  writings,  in  the  clearest  possible  man- 
ner. For,  what  reception  was  given  to  these  forged  produc- 
tions 1  They  succeeded  only  among^  sects  whose  interest  it 
was  to  defend  them  as  genuine  and  authentic :  or  if  they 
sometimes  surprised  the  simplicity  of  Christian  belli 
these  soon  recovered  from  the  imposition.  Besides,  these 
pretended  sacred  books  had  nothing  apostolic  in  their  charac- 
ter. Their  origin  was  obscure,  and  their  publication  mo- 
dem;  and  the  doctrine  they  professed  to  support  was  different 
from  that  of  the  apostles.  Indeed,  a  design  to  support  some 
doctrine  or  practice,  or  to  obviate  some  heresy,  which 
subsequently  to  the  apostolic  age,  is  apparent  throughout 
Trifling  and  impertinent  circumstances  are  also  detailed  with 
minuteness ;  useless  and  improbable  miracles  are  introduced, 
the  fabulous  structure  of  which  caused  the  fraud  to  be  soon 
detected.   Further,  in  tl  g    1  writings  there  is  a  studied 

imitation  of  various  passages  in  the  genuine  Scriptures,  both 

•  Michaelis,  toLLd.  11.    Porphyry's  objections  against  the prophet  I 

11.     Parti.    Ch.VI.    Sect.  III.  f.  TV.     The  ob- 

above  noticed,  drawn  Iron,  the  story  of  Susanna,  Bishop  Marsh 
■ct  ttiat  prophet's  authority,  because  it 
ft  that  is  acknowledged  to  be  spurious,  or  at  least  never  ex- 
isted in  Hebrew ;  and  is  for  that  reason  separated  from  the  prop!. 
Danirl  in  the  modern  editions  of  the  s^ptuagint,  though,  in  the  Greek  ma- 
nnscripts  and  the  Romish  editions  of  the  Latin  Bible,  it  forms  pari  of  tbt 
book  of  Daniel,    ibid.  p.  368.    Dr.  Lardner  has  given  an  ample  account  of 
Porphvrv.    (Works,  Svo.  vol.  viii.  pp.  17o — 243. ;  4to.  vol.  iv.  ppjJW — 250.) 
ibis  proved  In  Dr.  I  Troth  cf  tho  Gospel  History,  pp 

313.  2S.  335. 337. 

'  See  an  ample  account  of  Julian  and  his  vrritines  in  Dr.  Lardner' s  \V  oris, 
.  viii.  pp.  356-425. ;  4to.  vol.  iv.  pp.  311—350.,  and  in  Dr.  Herwerder 
de  Juliano  Imperatore  Religionis  Christianas  hoste,  eodemque  vindioe, 
Ludg.  Bat.  1327,  8vo.  Dr.  Macknizht  has  also  given  an  abstract,  less  copi 
ous  than  Dr.  Lardnw's.  of  Julian's  objections,  in  his  Truth  of  the  Gospel 
History."  pp.  320,  321.  329.  336,  337. 


48 


ON  THE  GENUINENESS  AND  AUTHENTICITY 


[Chap.  II 


to  conceal  the  style,  and  to  allure  readers ;  at  the  same  time 
that  the  former  betray  a  poverty  of  style  and  barrenness  of 
nvention,  glossing  over  the  want  of  incident  by  sophistical 
declamation.  Known  historical  facts  are  contradicted:  the 
pretended  authors'  names  are  officiously  intruded ;  and  ac- 
tions utterly  unworthy  of  the  character  of  a  person  divinely 
commissioned  to  instruct  and  reform  mankind,  are  ascribed 
to  Jesus.1 

The  preceding  argument  in  favour  of  the  books  of  the  New 
Testament,  drawn  from  the  notice  taken  of  their  contents  by 
the  early  writers  against  the  Christian  religion,  is  very  con- 
siderable. For,  inthe  first  place,  it  proves  that  the  accounts 
which  the  Christians  then  had,  were  the  accounts  which  we 
have  now ,-  and  that  our  present  Scriptures  were  theirs.  It 
proves,  moreover,  that  neither  Celsus  in  the  second,  Por- 
phyry in  the  third,  nor  Julian  in  the  fourth  century,  suspect- 
ed the  authenticity  of  these  books,  or  ever  insinuated  that 
Christians  were  mistaken  in  the  authors  to  whom  they  ascribe 
them.  Not  one  of  them  expressed  an  opinion  upon  this  sub- 
ject, which  was  different  from  that  held  by  the  Christians. 
"  And  when  we  consider  how  much  it  would  have  availed 
them  to  have  cast  a  doubt  upon  this  point,  if  they  could ;  and 
how  ready  they  showed  themselves  to  be  to  take  every  ad- 
vintage  in  their  power ;  and  that  they  were  all  men  of  learn- 
ing and  inquiry ; — their  concession,  or  rather  their  suffrage 
upon  the  subject,  is  extremely  valuable."2 

Another  important  external  or  historical  evidence  for  the 
genuineness  and  antiquity  of  the  New  Testament,  is  offered 
in  the  Ancient  Versions  of  it,  which  are  still  entirely  or  par- 
tially extant  in  other  languages.  Some  of  these,  as  the  Sy- 
riac,  and  several  Latin  versions,  were  made  so  early  as  the 
close  of  the  first,  or  at  the  commencement  of  the  second  cen- 
tury. Now  the  New  Testament  must  necessarily  have  ex- 
isted previously  to  the  making  of  those  versions :  and  a  book, 
which  was  so  early  and  so  universally  read  throughout  the 
East  in  the  Syriac,  and  throughout  Europe  and  Africa  inthe 
Latin  translation,  must  be  able  to  lay  claim  to  a  high  anti- 
quity ;  while  the  correspondence  of  those  versions  with  our 
copies  of  the  original,  attests  their  genuineness  and  authen- 
ticity. 

3.  We  now  come  to  the  Internal  Evidence,  or  that  which 
arises  out  of  an  examination  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment; and  this  branch  of  testimony  will  be  found  equally 
6trong  and  convincing  with  the  preceding.  It  may  be  com- 
prised under  three  particulars,  viz.  the  character  of  the  wri- 
ters, the  language  and  style  of  the  New  Testament,  and  the 
circumstantiality  of  the  narrative,  together  with  the  coinci- 
dence of  the  accounts  there  delivered  with  the  history  of 
those  times. 

[i.]  First,  The  Writers  of  the  New  Testament  are  said  to 
have  been  Jews  by  birth,  and  of  the  Jewish  religion,  and  also  to 
have  been  immediate  witnesses  of  what  they  relate. 

■  This  is  every  where  manifest  from  the  mode  of  narrating  their 
story — from  their  numerous  allusions  to  the  religious  ceremonies 
of  the  Jews — from  the  universal  prevalence  of  words,  phrases, 
.and  thoughts  derived  from  the  Old  Testament — from  the  variety 
of  Hebraic  words,  constructions,  and  phrases  occurring  in  the 
Greek  of  the  New  Testament,  all  of  which  betray  an  author  to 
whom  the  Jewish  mode  of  thinking  was  perfectly  natural — from 
the  characters  of  time,  place,  persons,  and  things  evident  in  the 
New  Testament,  and  particularly  in  the  Gospels  and  Acts : — all 
which  are  related  with  the  confidence  of  men,  who  are  convinced 
that  their  readers  already  know  that  they  themselves  saw  and  ex- 
perienced every  thing  they  record,  and  that  their  assertions  may 
therefore  be  considered  as  proofs.  In  short,  they  relate,  like  men 
who  wrote  for  readers  that  were  their  contemporaries,  and  lived 
ttc  the  very  time  in  which  their  history  happened,  and  who  knew, 
or  might  easily  have  known,  the  persons  themselves.  This  is  as 
evident  as  it  is  that  the  noble  English  historian,  who  wrote  an 
account  of  the  troubles  in  the  time  of  Charles  I.,  was  himself 
concerned  in  those  transactions. 

<■  The  argument  above  briefly  touched  upon,  is  fully  illustrated,  with 
great  ability  and  research,  by  the  Right  Rev.  Dr.  Maltby,  in  his  Illustra- 
lions  of  the  Truth  of  the  Christian  Religion,  pp.  39—67.  See  a  further  ac- 
count of  these  apocryphal  books,  infra,  in  the  Appendix  to  this  volume, 
No.  I.  Sect.  11. 

■2  Paley's  Evidences,  vol.  i.  p.  87.  Notwithstanding  the  mass  of  positive 
evidence  exhibited  in  the  preceding  pages,  it  has  been  lately  affirmed  by 
jn  opposer  of  the  Scriptures,  that  the  epistles  contained  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment were  not  written  till  the  second  century ;  and  that  the  canon  of  the 
New  Testament  was  not  settled  till  the  council  of  Nice!!  Though  the 
.vhole  of  it  was  referred  to  or  cited  by  at  least  sixteen  of  the  writers  above 
Rioted,  besides  the  testimonies  of  Celsus  and  Porphyry,  all  of  whom 
jlouruhcd  before  that  council  was  held. 


[ii.]  Secondly,  The  Language  and  Style  of  the  JS'ew  Te»- 
t  am  tut  ajford  an  indisputable  proof  of  its  authenticity. 

(1.)  The  Language  is  Greek,  which  was  at  that  period 
(in  the  first  century  of  the  Roman  monarchy),  and  had  been 
ever  since  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great,  a  kind  of  univer- 
sal language,  just  as  the  French  is  at  present.  It  was  under- 
stood and  spoken  by  Greeks,  by  Romans,  and  by  Jews. 
The  greater  part  of  the  Christians  also,  especially  those  to 
whom  the  Epistles  of  the  New  Testament  were  addressed 
would  not  have  comprehended  them  so  universally  in  any 
other  language.  At  Corinth,  Thessalonica,  Colosse,  and  in 
Galatia,  scarcely  was  another  language  understood.  Besides 
the  Latin  and  Aramaean  tongues,  the  Greek  also  was  under- 
stood at  Rome,  and  in  Palestine  -by  the  Jews. 

The  Greek  in  which  the  New  Testament  is  written  is  not 
pure  and  elegant  Greek,  such  as  was  written  by  Plato,  Aristotle, 
or  other  eminent  Grecian  authors :  but  it  is  Hebraic-Greek, 
that  is,  Greek  intermixed  with  many  peculiarities  exclusively  be- 
longing to  the  East  Aramaean,  i.  e.  the  Hebrew  or  Chaldee,  and 
the  West  Aramaean  or  Syriac  tongues,  which  were  at  that  time 
spoken  in  common  life  by  the  Jews  of  Palestine.  In  short,  it 
"  is  such  a  dialect  as  would  be  used  by  persons  who  were  edu 
cated  in  a  country  where  Chaldee  or  Syriac  was  spoken  as  the 
vernacular  tongue,  but  who  also  acquired  a  knowledge  of  Greek 
by  frequent  intercourse  with  strangers  :"3  and  it  resembles  pure 
classical  Greek  as  much  probably  as  the  French  or  German  writ- 
ten or  spoken  by  a  native  Englishman,  which  must  be  constantly 
mixed  with  some  anglicisms,  resembles  the  languages  of  Dresden 
or  of  Paris.  Now  this  is  a  very  striking  mark  of  the  authenticity 
of  these  writings  :  for,  if  the  New  Testament  had  been  written  in 
pure,  elegant,  and  classical  Greek,  it  would  be  evident  that  the 
writers  were  either  native  Greeks,  or  scholars  who  had  studied 
the  Greek  language,  as  the  writings  of  Philo  and  Josephus  mani- 
festly indicate  the  scholar.  But  since  we  find  the  Greek  of  the 
New  Testament  perpetually  intermixed  with  oriental  idioms,  it 
is  evident  from  this  circumstance  that  the  writers  were  Jews  by 
birth,  and  unlearned  men,  "  in  humble  stations,  who  never 
sought  to  obtain  an  exemption  from  the  dialect  they  had  once 
acquired.  They  were  concerned  with  facts  and  with  doctrines  ; 
and  if  these  were  correctly  stated,  the  purity  of  their  diction  ap- 
peared to  them  a  matter  of  no  importance.  It  is  true,  that  one 
of  them  was  a  man  of  erudition,  and  moreover  born  at  Tarsus. 
But  if  St.  Paul  was  born  at  Tarsus,  he  was  educated  at  Jerusa- 
lem ;  and  his  erudition  was  the  erudition  of  a  Jewish,  not  of  a 
Grecian  school. 

"  The  language  therefore  of  the  Greek  Testament  is  precisely 
such  as  we  might  expect  from  the  persons  to  whom  the  several 
parts  of  it  are  ascribed.  But  we  may  go  still  further,  and  assert, 
not  only  that  the  language  of  the  Greek  Testament  accords  with 
the  situation  of  the  persons  to  whom  it  is  ascribed,  but  that  it 
could  not  have  been  used  by  any  person  or  persons  who  were  in 
a  different  situation  from  that  of  the  apostles  and  evangelists.  It 
was  necessary  to  have  lived  in  the  first  century,  and  to  have  been 
educated  in  Judaia,  or  in  Galilee,  or  in  some  adjacent  country,  to 
be  enabled  to  write  such  a  compound  language  as  that  of  the 
Greek  Testament.  Unless  some  oriental  dialect  had  been  fa- 
miliar  to  the  persons  who  wrote  the  several  books  of  the  New 
Testament,  they  would  not  have  been  able  to  write  that  particu- 
lar kind  of  Greek,  by  which  those  books  are  distinguished  from 
every  classic  author.  Nor  would  this  kind  of  language  have  ap- 
peared in  the  several  books  of  the  New  Testament,  even  though 
the  writers  had  lived  in  Judsea,  unless  they  had  lived  also  in  the 
same  age  with  the  apostles  and  evangelists.  Judsea  itself  could 
not  have  produced  in  the  second  century  the  compositions  which 
we  find  in  the  New  Testament.  The  destruction  of  Jerusalem 
and  the  total  subversion  of  the  Jewish  state,  introduced  new  formb 
and  new  relations,  as  well  in  language  as  in  policy.  The  lan- 
guage therefore  of  a  fabrication  attempted  in  the  second  centurj 
would  have  borne  a  different  character  from  that  of  writings  com- 
posed in  the  same  country  before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem. 
And  ?ven  if  the  dialect  of  a  former  age  could  have  been  success- 
fully -»itated,  no  inhabitant  of  Judcea  in  the  second  century 
would  nave  made  the  attempt.  The  Jews,  who  remained  in  that 
country,  will  hardly  be  suspected  of  such  a  fabrication.  And  the 
only  Christians  who  remained  there  in  the  second  century  were 
the  Nazarenes  and  the  Ebionites.  But  the  Nazarenes  and  the 
Ebionites  used  only  one  Gospel,  and  that  Gospel  was  in  Hebrew. 
They  will  hardly  be  suspected  therefore  ol  having  forged  Greek 
Gospels.     Nor  can  they  be  suspected  of  having  forged  Greek 

*  Bp.  Marsh's  Lecture*,  part  v.  p.  87. 


8bct.  II.] 


OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 


49 


Epistles,  especially  as  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  wen-  rejected  by 
the  Ebionites,  not  indeed  as  spurious,  but  as  containing  doctrines 
at  variance  with  their  peculiar  tenets.  Hut  if  Jiul.ru  could  not 
have  produced  in  the  second  century  such  writing*  as  we  find  in 
the  New  Testament,  no  other  country  could  have  produced 
them.  Fur  the  Christian!  of  tin-  second  century,  who  lived 
where  Greek  was  the  vernacular  language,  though  their  dialed 
illicit  diller  from  the  dialect  of  Athens,  never  used  a  dialect  in 
which  oriental  phraseology  was  so  mingled  with  Creek  words, 
IS  wo  find  in  the  New  Testament.  The  language  therefore 
clearly  shows,  that  it  could  not  have  been  written  in  any  other 
ago  than  in  the  first  century,  nor  by  any  other  persons,  than  by 
persons  in  the  situation  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists."1 

Nor  is  the  argument  for  the  authenticity  of  the  New  Testa- 
rient,  drawn  from  the  nature  of  the  language  in  which  it  is  writ- 
.en,  at  all  alfected  by  the  circumstance  of  the  Gospel  of  Saint 
Mitthew  and  the  Epistle  of  Saint  Paul  to  the  Hebrews  having 
been  originally  written  in  Hebrew  ; — that  is,  according  to  the 
•pinions  of  some  learned  men.  "  For,"  as  it  is  most  forcibly 
urged  BJ  the  learned  prelate  to  whose  researches  this  section  is 
leeply  indebted,  "if  the  arguments,  which  have  been  used  in 
regard  to  language,  do  not  apply  to  them  immediately,  those 
arguments  apply  to  them  indirectly,  and  with  no  inconsiderable 
If  those  arguments  show  that  the  Greek  Gospel  of  Saint 
Matthew  was  written  before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and 

i  < rospel  is  a  translation,  it  follows  a  fortiori,  that  the  origi- 
nal was  written  before  that  period.  And  if  those  arguments 
t  show,  that  the  Greek  Gospel  of  Saint  Matthew  was  writ- 
B  person  similarly  situated  with  Saint  Matthew,  we  must 
conclude,  either  that  the  translation  was  made  by  Saint  Matthew 
himself  (and  there  arc  instances  of  the  same  author  writing  the 
work  in  two  different  languages),  or  that  the  translator  was 
mnected  with  the  author,  as  to  give  to  the  translation  the 
value  of  an  original.  The  Hebrew  Gospel  of  Saint  Matthew 
was  retained  by  the  Hebrew  Christians  of  Palestine,  and  still 
existed,  though  with  various  interpolations,  in  the  fourth  century. 
Rut  the  Greek  Gospel  was  necessarily  adopted  by  the  Greek 
Christians  :  it  was  so  adopted  from  the  earliest  ages  ;  and  it  is 
no  less  the  Gospel  of  Saint  Matthew,  than  the  Gospel  which 
Saint  Matthew  wrote  in  Hebrew.  Similar  remarks  apply 
to  the  epistle  which  was  written  by  Saint  Paul  to  the  He- 
brews "2 

^■J.)  Let  us  now  advert  to  the  style  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, considered  as  an  evidence  of  its  authenticity. 

This  style  or  manner  of  writing  manifestly  shows  that  its 
authors  were  born  and  educated  in  the  Jewish  religion  :  for  the 
use  of  words  and  phrases  is  such, — the  allusions  to  the  temple- 
worship,  as  well  as  to  the  peculiar  usages  and  sentiments  of  the 
.lews,  are  so  perpetual, — and  the  prevalence  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment phraseology  (which  is  interwoven  into  the  body  of  the 
New  Testament,  rather  than  quoted  by  its  writers)  is  so  great, 
as  to  prove,  beyond  the  possibility  of  contradiction,  that  the  books 
of  the  New  Testament  could  be  written  by  none  but  persons 
originally  Jews,  and  who  were  not  superior  in  rank  and  educa- 
tion to  those  whose  names  they  bear.  Thus,  the  style  of  the 
historical  books,  particularly  of  the  Gospels,  is  totally  devoid  of 
ornament :  it  presents  no  beautiful  transitions  from  one  subject 
to  another ;  the  ear  is  not  charmed  with  the  melody  of  harmo- 
nious periods  ;  the  imagination  is  not  fired  with  grand  epithets 
t  pompous  expressions.  The  bad  taste  of  some  readers  is  not 
gratified  by  laboured  antitheses,  high  sounding  language,  or  false 
ornament  of  any  kind  ;  neither  is  the  good  taste  o(  others  pleased 
with  terse  diction,  brilliant  expressions,  or  just  metaphors.  In 
.  the  elegancies  of  composition  and  style  arc  not  to  be 
sought  in  the  historical  books  of  the  New  Testament,  in  which 
•  we  find  the  simplicity  of  writers,  who  were  more  intent  upon 
things  than  upon  words  :  we  find  men  of  plain  education  honestly 
relating  what  they  knew,  without  attempting  to  adorn  their  narra- 
tives by  any  elegance  or  grace  of  diction.  And  this  is  precisely 
the  kind  of  writing  which  we  should  expect  from  the  persons  to 
whom  those  books  are  ascribed.  In  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  we 
find  a  totally  different  manner ;  but  again  it  is  precisely  such  as 
we  should  expect  from  St.  Paul.  His  arguments,  though  irre- 
sistible, are  frequently  devoid  of  method  ;  in  the  strength  of 
the  reasoning  the  regularity  of  the  form  is  overlooked.  The 
eru  lition  there  displayed  is  the  erudition  of  a  learned  Jew  ;  the 
irg  i mentation  there  displayed  is  the  argumentation  of  a  Jewish 

1   I'.p.  Marsh's  Lectures,  part  v.  pp.  3?— 90.    For  an  account  of  the  pecti- 
bructttr*  "'■  the  Greek  uuMruage  of  the  New  Testament,  see  Scrip. 
to,  Part  I.  Chjp.  I.  SectT  11.  S  III. 
M.ioe  '..-  t    mires,  part  »   p  M. 


convert  to  Christianity  confuting  his  brethren  on  their  iwn 
ground.  Who  is  there  that  does  not  recognize  in  this  descrip- 
tion the  apostle  who  was  born  at  Tarsus,  but  educated  at  the  feet 
of  Oamaliel  ! 

"  If  we  further  compare  the  language  of  the  New  Testament 
with  the  temper  and  disposition  of  the  writers  to  whom  the  stive 
ral  books  of  it  are  ascribed,  we  shall  again  find  a  corresponi 
which  implies  that  those  books  are  justly  ascribed  to  them. 
character  of  the  disciple  whom  Jesus  loved  is  every  where  im- 
pressed on  the  writings  of  St.  John.  Widely  different  is  the 
character  impressed  on  the  writings  of  St.  Paul ;  but  it  is  equally 
accordant  with  the  character  of  the  writer.  Gentleness  and 
kindness  were  characteristic  of  St.  John  ;  and  these  qualities 
characterise  his  writings.  Zeal  and  animation  marked  every 
where  the  conduct  of  St.  Paul ;  and  these  are  the  qualities 
which  are  every  where  discernible  in  the  writings  ascribed  to 

him." 

Siii.]  Thirdly,  J%e  circumstantial  ty  of  tin  narrative,  <<■• 
I  as  the  coincixkiici  of  the  accounts  delivered  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment  with  the  history  of  thus/  Units,  (ire  ulso  an  indisputubti 
internal  evidence  of  its  authenticity. 

"  Whoever,"  says  Michaelis,  "  undertakes  to  forge  a  set  of 
writings,  and  ascribe  them  to  persons  who  lived  in  a  former  pe- 
riod, exposes  himself  to  the  utmost  danger  of  a  discordancy 
with  the  history  and  manners  of  the  age  to  which  his  accounts 
are  refen-ed  ;  and  this  danger  increases  in  proportion  as  they  re- 
late to  points  not  mentioned  in  general  history,  but  to  such  as 
belong  only  to  a  single  city,  sect,  religion,  or  school.  Of  all 
books  that  ever  were  written,  there  is  none,  if  the  New  Testa- 
ment is  a  forgery,  so  liable  to  detection  ;  the  scene  of  action  is 
not  confined  to  a  single  country,  but  displayed  in  the  greatest 
cities  of  the  Roman  empire ;  allusions  are  made  to  the  various 
manners  and  principles  of  the  Greeks,  the  Romans,  and  the 
Jews,  which  are  carried  so  far  with  respect  to  this  last  nation  as 
to  extend  even  to  the  trifles  and  follies  of  their  schools.  .A 
Greek  or  Roman  Christian,  who  lived  in  the  second  or  third 
century,  though  as  well  versed  in  the  writings  of  the  ancients 
as  Eustathius  or  Asconius,  would  still  have  been  wanting  in 
Jewish  literature ;  and  a  Jewish  convert  in  those  ages,  even  the 
most  learned  rabbi,  wculd  have  been  equally  deficient  in  the 
knowledge  of  Greece  and  Rome.  If,  then,  the  New  Testament, 
thus  exposed  to  detection  (had  it  been  an  imposture),  is  found, 
after  the  severest  researches,  to  harmonize  with  the  history,  the 
manners,  and  the  opinions  of  the  first  century  ;  and  since  the 
more  minutely  we  inquire,  the  more  perfect  we  find  the  coinci- 
dence, we  must  conclude  that  it  was  beyond  the  reach  of  hu- 
man abilities  to  effectuate  so  wonderful  a  deception."4  A  few 
facts  will  illustrate  this  remark. 

The  Gospels  state  that  Jesus  Christ  was  bom  during  thr 
reign  of  the  Roman  emperor  Augustus ;  that  he  began  his  mi 
nistry  in  the  fifteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  Tiberius;  that,  about 
three  years  and  a  half  afterwards,  Pilate,  the  Roman  governor, 
condemned  him  to  death;  and  that  he  was  accordingly  put  to 
death ;  and  the  book,  called  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  relates  that 
Paul  defended  himself  before  the  Roman  governors  Felix  and 
Festus,  and  before  the  Jewish  king  Agrippa,  &c.  An  impostor 
would  not  write  so  circumstantially. 

Further,  there  are  certain  historical  circumstances,  respect- 
ing the  political  constitutions  of  the  world  mentioned  in  the 
New  Testament,  which  coincide  with  the  accounts  of  contem- 
porary profane  historians,  and  incontestably  point  out  the 
time  when  they  were  written. 

(1.)  Thus  Palestine  is  stated  to  be  divided  into  three  principal 
provinces,  Judsa,  Samaria,  and  Galilee. 

At  that  time  this  country  was  subject  to  the  Romans,  but  had  formerly 
been  governed  by  its  own  kings ;  the  Jews  were  deprived  of  the  absolute 
power  of  life  and  death;  a  Roman  governor  resided  at  Jerusalem.  The 
nation  was  discontented  with  the  Roman  sovereignty,  refused  to  pay  tri- 
bute, and  was  disposed  to  revolt.  Two  religious  sects  are  represented  as 
having  the  chief  sway  among  the  Jews,  viz.  the  Pharisees  and  Ssddueeea 
the  former,  who  taught  a  mechanical  religion,  deceived  and  tyrannised  over 
the  people,  by  whom,  however,  they  were  almost  idolised ;  while  the  latter, 
who  adopted  an  epicurean  philosophy,  were  strongly  supported  by  the 
principal  characters  of  the  nation.  The  temple  of  Jerusalem  was  then 
standing,  and  was  annually  visited  by  a  great  number  of  the  Jews,  who 
were  scattered  abroad  in  different  parts  of  the  world.  These,  and  similar 
circumstances,  are  rather  presupposed  as  universally  known  than  related 
by  the  authors  of  these  writings ;  and  they  agree  most  exactly  with  the 
condition  of  the  Jews,  and  of  the  Roman  empire,  in  the  first  century  of  the 
Roman  monarchy,  as  described  by  contemporary  profane  writers. 

»  Bp.  Marsh's  Lectures,  part  v.  pp.92,  93.  The  reader  will  find  some 
I  very  instructive  observations  on  the  style  of  the  evangelists  in  the  Rev.  Dr. 
|  Nare'swork,  intitled  'The  Veracity  of  the  Evangelists  demonstrated,  by 

a  comparative  View  of  their  Histories,''  chap,  ifi.  PP  2£— M".  2d.  e<l 
1  Michaelis's  Introduction,  vol.  i   p  <I9 


jO 


ON  THE  GENUINENESS  AND  AUTHENTICITY 


[Chap  1L 


(2.)  We  read  in  the  Gospels  that  there  were  publicans,  or 
tax-gatherers,  established  at  Capernaum,  and  at  Jericho. 

Now  it  was  in  this  last- mentioned  city  that  the  precious  balm  was  col- 
ected ;  which,  constituting  the  principal  article  of  exportation  from  that 
country,  required  their  service  to  collect  the  duty  imposed  on  it.  And  at 
Capernaum  commenced  the  transit,  which  both  Justin  and  Strabo  tell  us 
was  extensively  carried  on  by  the  Aradaeans.1 

(3.)  In  Luke  iii.  14.  we  read  that  certain  soldiers  came  to 
John  the  Baptist,  while  he  was  preaching  in  all  the  country 
about  Jordan,  and  demanded  of  him,  saying,  And  -what  shall 
■we  do  ?  an  important  question  in  Christian  morality. 

It  has  been  asked,  who  these  soldiers  were'!  for  it  does  not  appear  that 
the  Roman  soldiers,  who  were  then  stationed  in  Judaea,  were  engaged  in 
any  war.  Now  it  happens  that,  the  expression  used  by  the  evangelical  his- 
torian is  not  o-TpiTi»i»i  or  soldiers,  but  o-Tp*Tivo^;voi,  that  is,  men  who 
were  actually  wide"  arms  or  marching  to  battle.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed 
that  he  would  use  this  word  without  a  sufficient  reason,  and  what  that  rea- 
son is,  we  may  readily  discover  on  consulting  Josephus's  account  of  the 
'eign  of  Herod  the  tetrarch  of  Galilee.  He  tells  us«  that  Herod  was  at  that 
very  tine  engaged  in  a  war  with  his  father-in-law,  Aretas,  a  petty  king  of 
Arabia  Petrsea,  whose  daughter  he  had  married,  but  who  had  returned  to 
her  father  in  consequence  of  Herod's  ill-treatment.  The  army  of  Herod, 
then  on  its  inarch  from  Galilee,  passed  of  necessity  through  the  country 
wlific  John  was  baptizing;  and  the  military  men,  who  questioned  him, 
were  a  part  of  that  army.  So  minute,  so  perfect,  and  so  latent  a  coinci- 
dence was  never  discovered  in  a  forgery  of  later  ages.3 

(4.)  The  same  evangelist  (iii.  19,20.)  relates  that  Herod  the 
tetrarch  being  reproved  by  him  (John  the  Baptist)  for  Hero- 
dias his  brother  Philip's  wife,  and  for  all  the  evils  -which 
Herod  had  done,  added  yet  this  above  all,  that  he  shut  up  John 
in  prison. 

It  does  not  appear  what  connexion  there  was  between  the  soldiers 
above-mentioned  and  the  place  of  John's  imprisonment,  though  the  context 
leads  us  to  infer  that  it  was  somewhere  in  the  vicinity  of  the  place  where 
the  Baptist  was  preaching.  The  evangelist  Mark  (vi.  17—28.),  who  relates 
the  circumstances  of  his  apprehension  and  death,  informs  us  that,  at  a 
royal  entertainment  given  on  occasion  of  Herod's  birth-day,  the  daughter 
ft/the  said  Ilerodias  came  in ;  and  that  the  king,  being  highly  delighted  with 
her  dancing,  promised  to  give  her  whatsoever  she  wished.  After  consulting 
with  hei  mother  Herodias,  she  demanded  the  head  of  John  the  Baptist; 
and  Herod,  reluctantly  assenting,  immediately  dispatched  an  executioner, 
who  went  and  beheaded  John  in  prison.  Now  it  does  not  appear,  from  the 
narrative  of  Mark,  why  a  person  in  actual  military  service  (<r^sxou*.*Tu>p) 
was  employed ;  or  why  Herodius  should  have  cherished  such  a  hatred  of 
John,  as  to  instruct  her  daughter  to  demand  the  head  of  that  holy  man. 
But  the  above-cited  passage  from  Josephus  explains  both  circumstances. 
Herod,  we  have  seen,  was  actually  at  war  with  Aretas :  while  his  army  was 
on  its  march  against  his  father-in-law,  Herod  gave  an  entertainment  in  the 
fortress  of  Machserus,  which  was  at  no  great  dislance  from  the  place  where 
John  was  preaching.  Herodias  was  the  cause  of  that  war.  It  was  on  her 
account  that  the  daughter  of  Aretas,  the  wife  of  Herod,  was  compelled  by 
ill-treatment  to  take  refuge  with  her  father:  and  as  the  war  in  which  Are- 
tas was  engaged  was  undertaken  in  order  to  obtain  redress  tor  his  daugh- 
ter, Herodias  had  a  peculiar  interest  in  accompanying  Herod,  even  when 
he  was  marching  to  battle;  and  her  hatred  of  John  (who  had  reproved 
Herod  on  her  account),  at  that  particular  time,  is  thus  clearly  accounted 
for.  No  spurious  productions  could  bear  so  rigid  a  test  as  that  whi#i  is 
here  applied  to  the  Gospels  of  Mark  and  Luke. 

(5.)  Let  us  now  take  an  example  from  the  Acts  of  the  Apos- 
tles, (xxiii.  2 — 5.)  where  we  have  the  following  account  of 
Paul's  appearance  before  the  council  in  Jerusalem,  and  his  an- 
swer to  Ananias : — And  Paul,  earnestly  beholding  the  council, 
said,  "  Men  and  brethren,  I  have  lived  in  all  good  conscience 
before  God  until,  this  day.'"  And  the  high-priest  Ananias 
commanded  them  that  stood  by  him  to  smite  him  on  the  mouth. 
Then  said  Paul,  "  God  shall  smite  thee,  thou  -whited  wall: 
for  sittest  thou  to  judge  me  after  the  iuw,  and  comtnandest 
me  to  be  smitten  contrary  to  the  law  ?"  And  they  that  stood 
by  said,  " Revilest  thou  God's  high-priest?"  Then  said  Paul, 
"  /  wist  not,  brethren,  that  he  was  the  high-priest." — Now,  on 
this  passage,  it  has  been  asked,  1.  Who  was  this  Ananias? 
2.  How  can  it  be  reconciled  with  chronology  that  Ananias  was 
at  that  time  called  the  high-priest,  when  it  is  certain  from  Jose- 
phus that  the  time  of  his  holding  that  office  was  much  earlier? 
And,  3.  How  it  happened  that  Paul  said,  I  ivist  not,  brethren, 
that  he  -was  the  high-priest,  since  the  external  marks  of  office 
must  have  determined  whether  he  were  or  not. 

"On  all  these  subjects,"  says  Michaelis,  "is  thrown  the  fullest  light,  as 
aooil  as  we  examine  the  special  history  of  that  period  ;  a  light  which  is  not 
confined  to  the  present,  but  extends  itself  to  the  following  chapters,  inso- 
much that  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  this  book  was  written,  not  after  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem,  but  by  a  person  who  was  contemporary  to  the 
events  which  arc  there  related.  Ananias,  the  son  of  Nebedeni,  was  high- 
priest  at  the  time  that  Helena,  queen  of  Adiabene,  supplied  the  Jews  with 
corn  from  Egypt,4  during  the  famine  which  took  place  in  the  fourth  year 
of  Claudius,  mentioned  in  the  eleventh  chapter  of  the  Acts.    St.  Paul, 

herefore,  who  took  a  journey  to  Jerusalem  at  that  period,*  could  not  have 
oeen  ignorant  of  the  elevation  of  Ananian  to  that  dignity.    Soon  after  the 

raiding  of  the  first  council,  as  it  is  called,  at  Jerusalem,  Ananias  was  dis- 

'  Justini  Epitome  Trogi,  lib.  xxxv.  c.  3.  Strabonis  Geographia,  lib  xvi. 
p.  £19.  (ed.  Casauboni.) 

»  Josephus,  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  xviii.  c.  5.  s.  1,  2. 

»  For  the  above  illustrative  coincidence  we  are  indebted  to  Michaelis 
vol.  i.  p.  51.),  and  for  the  next  following  to  Bp.  Marsh,  Lectures  part  v. 
ip.  78-62. 

*  Joseph.  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  xx.  c.  5.  12.  »  Acts  xv. 


possessed  of  his  office,  in  consequence  of  certain  acts  of  violence  between 
the  Samaritans  and  the  Jews,  and  .sent  prisoner  to  Koine,"  whence  he  waa 
afterwards  released,  and  returned  to  Jerusalem.  Now  from  that  period 
he  could  not  be  called  high-priest  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  word,  though 
Josephus''  has  sometimes  given  him  the  title  of  *fx"p'"S  taken  in  the  more 
extensive  meaning  of  a  priest,  who  had  a  seat  and  voice  in  the  Sanhedrin ;« 
and  Jonathan,  though  we  are  not  acquainted  with  the  circumstances  of  his 
elevation,  had  been  raised  in  the  mean  time  to  the  supreme  dignity  in  the 
Jewish  church.  Between  the  death  of  Jonathan,  who  was  murdered*  by 
order  of  Felix,  and  the  high  priesthood  of  Ismael,  who  was  invested  with 
that  office  by  Agrippa,1*  elapsed  an  interval,  in  which  this  dignity  continued 
vacant.  Now  it  happened  precisely  in  this  interval  that  Saint  Paul  was 
apprehended  in  Jerusalem  :  and  the  Sanhedrin  being  destitute  of  a  presi- 
dent, he  undertook  of  his  own  authority  the  discharge  of  that  office,  which 
he  executed  with  the  greatest  tyranny. »  It  is  possible,  therefore,  that  St. 
Paul,  who  had  been  only  a  few  days  in  Jerusalem,  might  be  ignorant  that 
Ananias,  who  had  been  dispossessed  of  the  priesthood,  had  taken  upon 
himself  a  trust  to  which  he  was  not  entitled  ;  he  might  therefore  very  na- 
turally exclaim,  '  I  wist  not,  brethren,  that  he  was  the  high-priest ."  A<, 
mitting  him,  on  the  other  hand,  to  have  been  acquainted  with  the  fact,  the 
expression  must  be  considered  as  an  indirect  reproof,  and  a  tacit  refusal 
to  recognise  usurped  authority.  A  passage,  then,  which  has  hitherto  been 
involved  in  obscurity,  is  brought  by  this  relation  into  the  clearest  light ; 
and  the  whole  history  of  St.  Paul's  imprisonment,  the  conspiracy  of  the 
fifty  Jews"  with  the  consent  of  the  Sanhedrin,  their  petition  to  Festus  to 
send  him  from  Cassarea,  with  intent  to  murder  him  on  the  road,1*  are  facts 
which  correspond  to  the  character  of  the  times  as  described  by  Josephus. 
who  mentions  the  principal  persons  recorded  in  the  Acts,  and  paints  their 
profligacy  in  colours  even  stronger  than  those  of  St.  Luke."" 

(6.)  In  Acts  xxvii.  1.  Luke  relates  that  "when  St.  Paul  was 
sent  from  Caasarea  to  Rome,  he  was,  with  the  other  prisoners, 
committed  to  the  care  of  Julius,  an  officer  of  the  Augustan  co- 
hort, that  is,  a  Roman  cohort,  which  had  the  honour  of  bearing 
the  name  of  the  emperor. 

"Now  it  appears  from  the  account,  which  Josephus  has  given  in  his 
second  book  on  the  Jewish  war,1'  that  when  Felix  was  procurator  Of  Judaea, 
the  Roman  garrison  at  Caesarea  was  chiefly  composed  of  soldiers  who  were 
natives  of  Syria  But  it  also  appears,  as  well  from  the  same  book"  as 
from  the  twentieth  book  of  his  Antiquities,1''  that  a  small  body  of  Roman 
soldiers  was  stationed  there  at  the  same  time,  and  that  this  body  of  Roman 
soldiers  was  dignified  with  the  title  of  i;ebai;th  or  Augustan,  the  same 
Greek  word  being  employed  by  Josephus,  as  by  the  author  of  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles.  This  select  body  of  Roman  soldiers  had  been  employed  by 
Cumanus,  who  immediately  preceded  Felix  in  the  procuratorship'of  Ju- 
daea, for  the  purpose  of  quelling  an  insurrection. "  And  when  Festus,  who 
succeeded  Felix,  had  occasion  to  send  prisoners  from  Caesarea  to  Rome, 
he  would  of  course  intrust  them  to  the  care  of  an  officer  belonging  to  the 
select  corps.  Even  here  then  we  have  a  coincidence,  which  is  worthy  of 
notice  ;  a  coincidence  which  we  should  never  have  discovered,  without 
consulting  the  writings  of  Josephus.  But  that  which  is  most  worthy  of 
notice,  is  the  circumstance,  that  this  select  body  of  soldiers  bore  the  title 
of  Augustan.  This  title  was  known  of  course  to  St.  Luke,  who  accompa- 
nied St.  Paul  from  Caesarea  to  Rome.  But,  that,  in  the  time  of  the  emperor 
Nero,  the  garrison  of  Ccesarea,  which  consisted  chiefly  of  Syrian  soldiers 
contained  also  a  small  body  of  Roman  soldiers,  and  that  they  were  dignified 
by  the  epithet  Augustan,  are  circumstances  so  minute,  that  no  imposto» 
of  a  later  age  would  have  known  them.  And  they  prove  incontestably 
that  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  could  have  been  written  only  by  a  person  h 
the  situation  of  St.  Luke.''19 

(7.)  Once  more,  between  the  epistles  of  Paul  and  the  history 
related  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  there  exist  many  notes  of 
undesigned  coincidence  or  correspondency,  the  perusal  of  which 
is  sufficient  to  prove,  that  neither  the  history  was  taken  from  the 
letters,  nor  the  letters  from  the  history.  "  And  the  undesigned- 
ness  of  these  agreements  (which  undesignedness  is  gathered 
from  their  latency,  their  minuteness,  their  obliquity,  the  suit- 
ableness of  the  circumstances  in  which  they  consist,  to  the 
places  in  which  those  circumstances  occur,  and  the  circuitous 
references  by  which  they  are  traced  out),  demonstrates  that  they 
have  not  been  produced  by  meditation,  or  by  any  fraudulent 
contrivance.  But  coincidences  from  which  these  causes  are  ex- 
cluded, and  which  are  too  close  and  numerous  to  be  accounted 
for  by  accidental  concurrences  of  fiction,  must  necessarily  haw 
truth  for  their  foundation."20 

These  coincidences  are  illustrated  at  considerable  length,  and 
in  a  most  masterly  manner,  by  Dr.  Paley,  in  his  "  Hora  Pauli- 
nes," from  which  admirable  treatise  the  following  particulars  arc 
abridged.  As  the  basis  of  his  argument  he  assumes  nothing  but 
the  existence  of  the  books.  He  observes,  that  in  the  epistles  of 
Paul,  there  is  an  air  of  truth  and  reality  that  immediately  strikes 
the  reader.  His  letters  are  connected  with  his  history  in  the 
Acts  by  their  particularity,  and  by  the  numerous  circumstances 
found  in  them.     By  examining  and  comparing  these  circum 

«  Joseph.  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  xx.  c.  6.  I  2. 

■>  Joseph,  lib.  xx.  c.  9.  §  2.  and  Bell.  Jud.  lib.  ii.  c.  17.  §  9. 

»  Apfcispii,-  in  the  plural  number  is  frequently  used  in  the  New  Testa 
ment  when  allusion  is  made  to  the  Sanhedrin. 

»  Jos.  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  xx.  c.  8.  §  5.  ■•  Ibid.  lib.  xx.  c.  8.  §  3. 

11  Ibid.  lib.  xx.  c.  9.  §  2.  »»  Acts  xxiii.  12—15. 

•»  Acts  xxv.  3.  14  Michaelis,  vol.  i.  pp.  51 -,54. 

■*  Bell.  Jud.  lib.  ii.  c.  13.  §  7.  1S  Cap.  12.  §5.  p.  174. 

«i  Antiq.  Jud.  lib.  xx.  c.  6.  ■«  Anliq.  Jud.  lib.  xx.  c.  0. 

«•  Bp.  Marsh's  Lectures,  part  v.  pp.  82— St  S8e  also  numerous  addi- 
tional instances  in  the  Rev.  J.  J-  Blunt's  >eracity  of  the  Gospels  and 
Acts  of  the  Apostles  argued  from  the  undesigned  coincidences  to  be  found 
in  them  when  compared,  1.  With  each  other/  -md,  2.  With  JosenHns .'* 
Lond.  1828.  Rvo. 

»•>  Paley's  Evidences,  vol.  ii.  p.  186. 


Bkct.  II.] 


OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 


51 


stances,  we  observe  that  the  history  and  the  epistles  arc  neither 
of  them  taken  from  the  other,  but  are  independent  documents 
unknown  to,  or  at  least  unconsulted  by,  each  other;  bat  we  find 
the  substance,  and  often  very  minute  articles  of  the  bistory,  re- 
cognised in  the  epistles,  by  allusions  and  references  which  can 
neither  be  imputed  to  design,  nor,  without  a  foundation  in 
truth,  be  accounted  for  by  accident,  by  hints  and  exprc 
ami  single  words  dropping,  as  it  were  fortuitously,  from  the  pen 
of  the  writer,  or  drawn  forth,  each  by  sonic  occasion  proper  to 
the  place  in  which  it  occurs,  but  widely  removed  from  any  view 
to  consistency  or  agreement.  These,  we  know,  are  effect 
which  reality  produces,  but  which,  without  reality  at  the  bottom, 
can  hardly  be  conceived  t<>  exist.  When  such  undesigned 
Coincidences  are  too  close  and  too  numerous  to  be  accounted  for 
by  accidental  concurrences  of  ftction,  they  must  necessarily  have 

truth  for  their  foundation.  This  argument  depends  upon  a  large 
deduction  of  particulars,  which  cannot  be  abstracted,  but  which 
carry  great  weight  of  evidence. 

If  it  can  be  thus  proved,  that  we  are  in  possession  of  the  very 
letters  which  the  apostle  Paul  wrote,  they  substantiate  the  Chris- 
tian history.  The  great  object  of  modern  research  is  to  come  at 
the  epistolary  correspondence  of  the  times.  Amidst  the  obscu- 
rity, the  silence,  or  the  contradictions  of  history,  if  a  letter  can 
be  found,  we  regard  it  as  the  discovery  of  a  land-mark;  as  that 
by  which  we  can  correct,  adjust,  or  supply  the  imperfections  and 
uncertainties  of  other  accounts.  The  facts  which  they  disclose 
generally  come  out  incidentally,  and  therefore  without  design  to 
mislead  by  false  or  exaggerated  accounts.  This  is  applicable  to 
Paul's  epistles  with  as  much  justice  as  to  any  letters  whatever. 
Nothing  could  be  further  from  the  intention  of  the  writer  than 
to  record  any  part  of  his  history,  though  in  fact  it  is  made  public 
by  them,  and  the  reality  of  it  is  made  probable. 

These  letters  also  show,  1.  That  Christianity  had  prevailed 
oefore  the  confusions  that  preceded  and  attended  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem.  2.  That  the  Gospels  were  not  made  up  of  reports 
and  stories  current  at  the  time ;  for  a  man  cannot  be  led  by  re- 
ports to  refer  to  transactions  in  which  he  states  himself  to  be 
present  and  active.  3.  That  the  converts  to  Christianity  were 
not  the  barbarous,  mean,  ignorant  set  of  men,  incapable  of 
thought  or  reflection,  which  the  false  representations  of  infidelity 
would  make  them ;  and  that  these  letters  are  not  adapted  to  the 
habits  and  comprehension  of  a  barbarous  people.  4.  That  the 
history  of  Paul  is  so  implicated  with  that  of  the  other  apostles, 
and  with  the  substance  of  the  Christian  history  itself,  that  if 
Paul's  story  (not  the  miraculous  part)  be  admitted  to  be  true, 
we  cannot  reject  the  rest  as  fabulous.  For  example;  if  we  be- 
lieve Paul  to  have  been  a  preacher  of  Christianity,  we  must  also 
believe  that  there  were  such  men  as  Peter,  and  James,  and 
other  apostles,  who  had  been  companions  of  Christ  during  his 
life,  and  who  published  the  same  things  concerning  him  which 
Paul  taught.  5.  That  Paul  had  a  sound  and  sober  judgment. 
6.  That  Paul  underwent  great  sufferings,  and  that  the  church 
was  in  a  distressed  state,  and  the  preaching  of  Christianity  at- 
tended with  dangers;  (his  appears  even  from  incidental  passages, 
as  well  as  direct  ones.  7.  Paul,  in  these  epistles,  asserts,  in 
positive,  unequivocal  terms,  his  performance  of  miracles,  pro- 
perly so  called,  in  the  face  of  those  amongst  whom  he  declares 
they  were  wrought,  and  even  to  adversaries,  who  would  have 
exposed  the  falsity,  i-f  there  had  been  any.  (Gal.  iii.  5.  Rom. 
xv.  18,  19.    2  Cor.  xii.  12.) 

This  testimony  shows  that  the  series  of  actions  represented  by 
Paul  was  real,  and  proves  not  only  that  the  original  witnesses  of 
the  Christian  history  devoted  themselves  to  lives  of  toil  and  suf- 
fering, in  consequence  of  the  truth  of  that  history,  but  also  that 
the  author  of  the  Acts  was  well  acquainted  with  Paul's  history, 
and  a  companion  of  his  travels  ;  which  establishes  the  credibility 
of  Luke's  Gospel,  considering  them  as  two  parts  of  the  same 
history  ;  for  though  there  are  instances  of  second  parts  being 
forgeries,  we  know  of  none  where  the  second  part  is  genuine  and 
the  first  spurious.  Now,  is  there  an  example  to  be  met  with  of 
any  man  voluntarily  undergoing  such  incessant  hardships  as 
Paul  did,  and  the  constant  expectation  of  a  violent  death,  for  the 
sake  of  attesting  a  story  of  what  was  false  ;  and  of  what,  if  false, 
he  must  have  known  to  be  so  1  And  it  should  not  be  omitted, 
that  the  prejudices  of  Paul's  education  were  against  his  becoming 
a  disciple  of  Christ,  as  his  first  violent  opposition  to  it  evidently 
showed.1 

Further ;  there  are  four  Epistles  of  Paul  to  single  persons,  who 
were  his  friends  ;  two  to  Timothy,  one  to  Titus,  and  one  to  Phi- 

1  Paley's  Hor.-e  Paulina;,  in  the  conclusion.  Paley's  Evidences  of  Chris- 
tiani'j.  vol  ii  c  7 


lemon.     In  private  letters  to  intimate  companions  some  ex] 
sion  would  surely  let  fall  a  hint  at  least  of  fraud,  if  there 
any.     Yet  the  same  uniform  design  of  promoting  sincerity,  bene- 
volence, ami  piety,  is  perceived  ;  and  the  same  histories  of  I ' 
and  of  Pasd  arc  alluded  to  as  true  accounts,  in  his  private  u.s  in 
his  public  epi  : 

I:,  ids  numerous  undesigned  coincidence.,  in  historical  cir 
cumstances  and  facts,  which  Dr.Paley  has  specified,  there  is  also 
an  undesigned  agreement  tnroughout,  between  the  sentiments 

and  manner  of  writing  of  Paul  in  his  Epistles,  and  the  account 
of  his  character  and  conduct  given  in  the  hook  of  Acts.  Every 
instance  of  this  kind  bespeaks  reality,  and  therefore  deserves 
notice  as  a  branch  of  internal  evidence.  The  Epistles  of  Paul 
show  the  author  to  be  a  man  of  parts  and  learning,  of  sound  judg- 
ment, quick  conception,  crowded  thought,  lluent  expression,  and 
zealous  and  indefatigable  in  bis  endeavours  to  accomplish  the 
point  at  which  he  aimed.  These  properties  correspond  with  the 
history  of  him  contained  in  the  Acts.  Drought  up  at  the  feet  of 
Gamaliel,  he  was  instructed  in  Jewish  learning.  His  speech  to 
the  philosophers  and  people  of  Alliens,  his  Ix-haviour  and  ad- 
dresses to  Agrippa,  Feetus,  and  Felix,  &c.  prove  his  sagacity,  hi? 
judicious  selection  of  topics,  and  his  skill  in  reasoning.  The 
violent  manner  in  which  he  is  recorded  in  the  Acts  to  have 
secuted  the  first  Christians  agrees  with  the  ardour  of  spirit  that 
breathes  in  all  his  letters,  and  the  glowing  warmth  of  his  style. 

There  arc,  indeed,  great  seeming  discordances,  which,  how- 
ever, are  easily  rceoncilcable  by  attending  to  his  ardent  temper, 
and  to  the  ruling  principle  of  his  conduct  in  different  periods  of 
his  life.  His  rage  against  the  Christians  (owing  to  strong  Jew- 
ish prejudices)  was  furious  and  unrestrained,2  and  unjusti 
against  any  peaceable  persons,  such  as  they  were.  On  the  other 
hand,  his  Epistles  manifest  a  warmth  and  eagerness  governed  by 
a  calmer  principle.  Alter  his  conversion,  Paul  was  at  the  same 
time  prudent,  steady,  and  ardent.  He  was  as  indefatigable  as  he 
had  been  before  ;  but,  instead  of  cruel  and  unjust  means  to  ob- 
tain his  purposes,  he  employed  argument,  persuasion,  and  the 
merciful  and  mighty  power  of  God.  The  religion  he  embraced 
accounts  ior  these  changes  easily  and  naturally.  His  conversion 
to  Christianity,  the  circumstances  of  which  are  related  in  the 
book  of  Acts,  and  which  are  mentioned  or  alluded  to  in  his  Epis- 
tles, harmonize  every  seeming  contradiction  in  his  character,  and 
thus  become  a  strong  evidence  of  the  truth  both  of  his  history 
and  of  his  Epistles. 

A  similar  observation  may  be  made  concerning  Petei.  Is  there 
not  a  striking  uniformity  in  the  character  of  this  Apostle,  as  it  is 
delineated  by  the  sacred  writers,  and  as  it  is  discoverable  in  the 
style,  manner,  and  sentiments  of  his  Epistles  7  Do  they  not  bear 
the  marks  of  the  same  energy,  the  same  unpolished  and  nervous 
simplicity,  the  same  impetuosity  and  vehemence  of  thought,  the 
same  strength  and  vigour  of  untutored  genius;  strong  in  thi 
endowments  of  nature,  but  without  the  refinements  of  art  oi 
science'?  Now  there  would  scarcely  have  been  found  such  anict 
agreement  between  the  character  of  Peter  given  in  the  writing! 
of  others,  and  exemplified  in  his  own,  if  the  one  had  been  a  fic- 
tion, or  the  other  spurious.  It  is  the  same  Peter  that  speaks  in 
the  Gospel  history,  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  in  the  Epis- 
tles which  bear  his  name.  The  seal  of  his  character,  as  graver. 
by  the  Evangelists,  exactly  corresponds  with  the  impression  of 
his  letters.  This  is  an  argument  of  the  genuineness  of  his  Epis- 
tles, and  of  the  truth  of  the  Christian  religion.1 

Tin  ki  of  the  New  Testament  furnish  ample  ma- 

terials lor  pursuing  this  species  of  evidence  from  undesigned 
coincidences  of  different  kinds.  Dr.  Paley,1  and  Mr.  Wake- 
field,5 have  both  produced  some  instances  of  it  between  the 
Gospels,  to  which  we  shall  only  add,  in  the  last  place. 
the  similitude  or  coincidence  between  the  style  of  John's 
Gospel,  and  the  first  epistle  that  bears  his  name,  is 
striking,  that  no  reader,  who  is  capable  of  discerning  what  is 
peculiar  in  an  author's  turn  of  thinking,  can  entertain  the 
slightest  doubt  of  their  being  the  productions  of  one  and  the 
same  writer.  Writings  so  circumstanced  prove  themseiv.  , 
and  one  another  to  be  genuine. 

»  Acts  viii.  '■'>.  i.v.  1. 

»  T.  G.  Taylor's  Essay  on  the  Cond.  and  Char,  of  Peter. 

«  Evid.  of  Christ-  part  ii.  c.  4.  •  Internal  Evidences,  pp.  307—210. 

•  The  following  comparative  table  of  passages,  from  the  Gospel  and  first 
Epistle  of  Saint  .!.;hn,  will  (we  think)  prove  the  point  above  slated  beyond 
the  possibility  of  contradiction. 

Epistle.  Gospel. 

Ch.  I.  1.  That  which  was  from  the        Ch.  I.  1.  In  the  beginning  was  the 
beginning— J  »««»»«,  which  we    word.    14.  And,  «»««/"«>  we  beheld 
have  contemplated— concerning  the    his  ulory. 
living  word.  4.  In  him  was  life. 

14.  The  word  was  made  flesh. 


52 


ON  THE  UNCORRUPTED  PRESERVATION 


[Chxt.  II 


IV  forgeries  of  these  things,  if  forgeries  they  were,  must 
(as  Dl.Jortin  has  forcibly  remarked)  have  equalled  Father 
Hardouin's  atheistical  monks  of  the  thirteenth  century  ;  who, 
ac  :ording  to  his  fantastical  account,  in  an  age  of  ignorance 
and  barbarism,  surpassed  in  abilities  all  the  ancients  and 
moderns;  forge  I  the  Greek  and  Latin  authors  whom  we  call 
classical;  and  were  not  only  gre.it  poets,  but  also  great 
mathematicians,  cfaronelogers,  geographers,  astronomers,  and 
critics,  and  capable  of  inserting  in  their  proper  places  names 
and  accounts  of  men,  rivers,  cities,  and  regions,  eclipses  of 
the  snn  and  moon,  Athenian  archons,  Attic  months,  Olym- 

!>iads,  and  Roman  consuls:  all  which  happy  inventions  have 
»een  since  confirmed  by  astronomical  calculations  and  tables, 
voyages,  inscriptions,  Fasti  Capitolini,  fragments,  manu- 
scripts, and  a  diligent  collation  of  authors  with  each  other.1 
Such  are  the  evidences,  both  external  and  internal,  direct 
and  collateral,  for  the  genuineness  and  authenticity  of  the 
New  Testament :  and  when  their  number,  variety,  and  the 
extraordinary  nature  of  many  of  them  are  impartially  con- 
sidered, it  is  impossible  not  to  come  to  this  convincing  con- 
clusion, viz.  that  the  books  now  extant  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment are  genuine  and  authentic,  and  are  the  same  writings 
which  were  originally  composed  by  the  authors  whose  names 
they  bear. 


SECTION  III. 

ON    THE    UNCORRUPTED    PRESERVATION    OF    THE    BOOKS    OF 
THE   OLD    AND    NEW   TESTAMENT. 

.  The  wicormpted  Preservation  of  the  Old  Testament, 
proved  from  the  absolute  impossibility  of  its  being-  falsified 
or  corrupted;    1.  By  Jews ; — 2.  By   Christians; — and,  3, 


Epistle. 

II.  5.  Whosoever  keepeth  his  word, 
truly  in  that  man  the  love  of  God  is 
perfected. 

II.  G.  He  who  saith  he  abideth  in 
him,  ought  himself  also  so  to  walk, 
even  as  he  walked.  See  ch.  hi.  21.  iv. 
13.  16. 

II.  8.  I  write  to  you  a  new  com- 
aiandment. 

III.  11.  This  is  the  message  which 
ye^have  heard  from  the  beginning, 
that  we  should  love  one  another. 

II.  8.  The  darkness  passeth  away, 
and  the  light  which  is  true,  now 
shineth. 

10.  Abideth  in  the  light,  and  there 
is  no  mumbling  block  to  him. 

11.  13.  Young  children,  I  write  to 
you,  because  ye  have  known  the 
Father. 

14.  Because  ye  have  known  him 
from  the  beginning. 

II.  29.  Every  one  who  worketh 
righteousness,  is  begotten  of  God. 
See  also  iii.  9.  v.  1. 

III.  1.  Behold  how  great  love  the 
Father  hath  bestowed  on  us,  that  we 
should  be  called  the  sons  of  God! 

III.  2.  We  shall  be  like  him,  for  we 
shall  see  him  as  he  is. 

III.  8.  He  who  worketh  sin  is  of 
the  devil;  for  the  devil  sinneth  from 
the  beginning. 

III.  13.  Do  not  wonder,  my  breth- 
ren, that  the  world  hatelh  you. 

IV.  9.  By  this  the  love  of  God  was 
manifested,  that  God  sent  his  Son, 
the  only  begotten,  into  the  world, 
i'i  it  we  might  live  through  him. 

IV.  12.  No  loan  hath  seen  God  at 
a:iv  time. 

V.  13.  These  things  I  have  written 
to  you  who  believe  on  the  name  of 
the  Son  of  God,  that  ye  may  know 
tiiat  ye  have  eternal  life  ;  and  that  ye 
may  believe  on  Ihe  name  of  the  Son 
o  f  God. 

V.  14.  If  we  ask  any  thing  accord- 
ing to  his  will,  he  heareth  us. 

V.  20.  The  Son  of  God  is  come, 
and  hath  given  us  an  understanding, 
that  we  know  him  that  is  true,  and 
we  are  in  him  that  is  true,  even  in  his 
Son  Jesus  Christ.  This  is  tl  e  true 
God  and  eternal  life. 


Gospel. 

XIV.  23.  If  a  man  love  me,  he  will 
keep  my  words,  and  my  Father  will 
love  him. 

XV.  4.  Abide  in  me,  and  I  in  you. 
As  the  branch  cannot  bring  forth 
fruit  of  itself,  except  it  abide  in  the 
vine,  no  more  can  ye,  except  ye 
abide  in  ine. 

XIII.  34.  A  new  commandment  1 
give  to  you, 

that  ye  love  one  another  as  I  have 
loved  you. 

1.  5.  The  light  shineth  in  dark- 
ness. 

9.  That  was  the  true  light. 

XI.  10.  If  a  man  walk  in  the  night, 
he  stumbleth,  because  there  is  no 
light  to  him. 

XVII.  3.  This  is  the  eternal  life, 
that  they  might  know  thee  the  only 
true  God, 

And  Jesus  Christ  whom  thou  hast 
sent. 

III.  3.  Except  a  man  be  begotten 
again. 

5.  Except  a  man  be  begotten  of 
water  and  of  the  Spirit. 

I.  12.  To  them  he  gave  power  to 
become  the  sons  of  God,  even  to 
them  who  believe  on  his  name. 

XVII.  24.  Be  with  me  where  I  am, 
that  they  may  behold  my  glory. 

VIII.  44.  Ye  are  of  your  father  the 
devil — He  was  a  murderer  from  the 
beginning. 

XV.  20.  If  they  have  persecuted 
me,  they  will  also  persecute  you. 

III.  16.  God  so  loved  the  world, 
that  he  gave  his  only  begotten  Son, 
that  whosoever  believeth  on  him 
might  not  perish,  but  have  everlast- 
ing life. 

I.  18.  No  man  hath  seen  God  at  any 
time. 

XX.  31.  These  things  are  written, 
that  ye  might  believe  that  Jesus  is 
the  Christ  the  Son  of  God,  and  that 
believing  ye  might  have  life  through 
his  name. 

XIV.  14.  If  ye  shall  ask  any  thing 
in  in  v  name,  1  will  do  it. 

XVII.  2.  Thou  hast  given  him 
power  over  all  flesh,  that  he  might 
give  eternal  life  to  as  many  as  thou 
hast  given  him.  3.  And  this  is  eter- 
nal life,  that  they  might  know  thee 
the  only  true  God,  and  Jesus  Christ 
whom  thou  hast  sent.  Macknight  on 
the  Epistles,  Pref.  to  1  John,  sect.  ii. 


'  Remarks  on  Eccles.  Hist.  vol.  i.  pp  28.  et  seq.  Less's  Authenticity  of  the 
New  Testament,  translated  by  Mr.  Kiogdon,  pp.  1— 2f    Michaelis,  voL  i.  pp. 


From  the  Agreement  of  all  the  Versions,  and  Manuscript  I 
that  are  known  to  be  extant. — II.  The  uncorrupted  Pre- 
servation of  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  proved,  1 
From  their  contents  ; — 2.  From  the  utter  Impossibility  of 
an  universal  Corruption  of  them  being  accomplished ; — 3. 
From  the  Agreement  of  all  the  Manuscripts ; — and,  4. 
From  the  Agreement  of  ancient  versions,  and  of  the  quota- 
tions, from  the  New  Testament  inthewHtings  of  t-  early 
Christians. — III.  General  Proofs  that  none  of  the  canonical 
Books  of  Scripture  are  or  ever  were  lost. — IV.  Particular 
Proofs,  as  to  the  integrity  of  the  Old  Testament. — V.  JlnU 
also  of  the  New  Testament. 

Although  the  genuineness  and  authenticity  of  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments  have  been  thus  clearly  proved,  yet  it 
may  perhaps  be  asked  whether  those  books  have  not  long 
since  been  destroyed  ]  And  whether  they  have  been  trans- 
mitted to  us  entire  and  uncorrupted  ?  To  these  inquiries  we 
reply,  that  we  have  evidence,  equally  decisive  and  satisfac- 
tory with  that  which  has  demonstrated  the  genuineness  and 
authenticity  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  to  prove  that 
they  have  descended  to  us  entire  and  uncorrupted  in  any 
thing  material ; — such  evidence  indeed  as  can  be  adduced  for 
no  other  production  of  antiquity. 

I.  And,  first,  with  regard  to  the  Old  Testament,  although 
the  Jews  have  been  charged  with  corrupting  it,  yet  this 
charge  has.  never  been  substantiated,  and,  in  fact,  the  thing 
itself  is  morally  impossible.  Generally  speaking,  the  argu- 
ments which  have  demonstrated  that  the  Pentateuch  (or  five 
books  of  Moses)  is  not,  and  could  not  be  a  forgery  in  the  first 
instance,  apply  equally  to  prove  that  these  books  have  not 
been  wilfully  and  designedly  corrupted.  But,  to  be  more 
particular,  we  may  remark, 

1.  That  there  is  no  proof  or  vestige  whatever  of  such  pre- 
tended alteration. 

The  Jews  have  in  every  age  regarded  the  Pentateuch  as  the 
genuine  and  uncorrupted  work  of  one  single  person,  and  have 
equally  respected  every  part  of  it.  Indeed,  if  they  had  mutilated 
or  corrupted  these  writings,  they  would  doubtless  have  expunged 
from  them  every  relation  of  facts  and  events,  that  militated 
against  the  honour  and  credit  of  their  nation.  Besides,  when 
could  such  an  alteration  or  corruption  have  been  executed  1  t 
was  not  possible,  shortly  after  the  death  of  Moses,  for  the  memorj 
of  the  transactions  recorded  in  the  Pentateuch  was  too  recent  fot 
any  one  to  venture  upon  any  corruption  or  alteration,  which  pub- 
lic notoriety  would  have  contradicted.  The  Pentateuch,  there- 
fore, could  not  have  been  altered  or  corrupted  so  long  as  Joshua 
and  that  generation  lived,  who  were  zealous  for  the  worship  of 
the  true  God.  (Josh.  xxiv.  31.)  From  that  time  to  the  age  of 
Samuel,  the  Israelites  were  under  the  direction  of  civil  governors 
or  judges,  who  braved  every  danger  in  defence  of  the  form  of  go- 
vernment established  in  the  sacred  books. 

Further,  if  they  had  wilfully  corrupted  the  books  of  the  Old 
Testament  before  the  time  of  Christ  and  his  apostles,  the  pro- 
phets who  flourished  from  Samuel  to  Malachi,  and  who  were 
neither  slow  nor  timid  in  reproving  the  sins  both  of  rulers  and 
subjects,  would  not  have  passed  over  so  heinous  an  offence  in 
silence.  After  the  separation  of  the  ten  tribes,  at  least,  the  books 
of  Moses  were  kept  in  the  kingdom  of  Israel ;  and  the  rivalry 
that  continued  to  subsist  between  the  kingdoms  of  Israel  and 
Judah,  was  an  insuperable  bar  to  any  corruption  or  alteration ; 
for  it  could  not  have  been  attempted  in  either  kingdom  without 
opposition  and  detection  from  the  other,  of  which  some  notice 
must  have  been  taken  in  their  historical  books.  Besides,  if  the 
Old  Testament  had  been  corrupted  in  the  time  of  Jesus  Christ 
and  his  apostles,  the  Jews  could  not  have  passed  without  cen- 
sure from  them,  who  rebuked  their  hypocrisy,  incredulity,  and 
wickedness  with  so  much  severity.  If  there  had  been  any  altera- 
tion or  corruption,  it  must  have  been  the  work  either  of  one  or 
of  many  persons.  It  cannot  be  conceived  that  any  one  person 
could  do  it,  without  being  exposed  :  nor  that  any  one  could  have 
vanity  enough  to  expect  success  in  an  attempt  to  alter  facts  in  a 
book  so  universally  read  and  so  much  esteemed.  The  unity  of 
design,  the  correspondence  of  sentiment,  and  the  uniform  refer- 
ence to  the  same  facts,  which  are  observable  throughout  the 
Old  Testament,  forbid  us  to  imagine  that  many  were  united  in 
corrupting  or  altering  any  part  of  it.     In   ;i  word,  no  man  of 

4—54.  Simpson's  Internal  Evidences,  pp  IC0--165.  Hales's  Analysis  oi 
Chronology,  vol.  ii.  book  ii.  pp.  687—692.  Stosch,  de  Canone,  p.  89.  Picfet. 
Theologie  Chretienne,  tome  i.  p.  83.  Ernesti  Interp.  Nov.  Test.  pars.  iii.  pp. 
147.  ct  seq.  See  also  a  very  copious  discussion  of  the  Evidences  for  ini 
Authenticity  of  the  New  Testament  in  Dr.  Cook's  Inquiry  into  the  Books  of 
the  New  Testament.  Edinburgh,  1821.  8vo. 


«ECT.    III.] 


OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 


53 


number  ol  men  could  make  an  attempt  of  this  kind  without  bring 
exposed.  Nor  is  it  rational  to  suppose,  that  any  man  or  Dumber 
of  nun  could  have  capacity  competent  to  effect  such  a  design, 
who  would  not  also  have  had  the  sense  to  observe  tin'  necessity 
of  making  it  more  agreeable  to  the  Datura]  tampers  of  mankind, 
in  order  that  it  might  obtain  credit  in  the  world. 

Again,  if  the  Old  Testament  had  been  mutilated  or  corrupted 
after  tin-  birth  of  Christ,  out  of  malice  to  the  Christians,  and 

in  older  to  deprive  them  of  arguments  and  evidences  for  proving 

rh.'ir  religion,  the  Jews  would  unquestionably  have  expunged  or 
falsified   those  memorable  prophecies  concerning  Christ  which 

lv  cited  both  by  lii iii  and  by  his  apostles.  But 
no  Mich  obliteration  or  alteration  has  ever  been  made ;  on  the 
contrary,  those  verj  passages  have  continued  in  their  original 
purity,  and  are  sometimes  more  express  in  the  original  Hebrew 
text  than  in  the  common   translation. 

2.  ///  fact,  nr'tthi  r  lufiii-  nor  after  the  time  if  Christ,  could 
the  Jew  corrupt  or  falsify  the  Hebrew  Scriptures ;  for, 

[i.]  Before  that  event,  the  regard  which  was  paid  to  them 
by  the  Jews,  especially  to  the  law,  would  render  any  forgery 
or  material  change  in  their  contents  impossible. 

The  law  having  been  the  deed  by  which  the  land  of  Canaan 
was  divided  among  the  Israelites,  it.  is  improbable  that  this  peo- 
ple, who  possessed  that  land,  would  suiler  it  to  be  altered  or 
falsified.  The  distinction  of  the  twelve  tribes,  and  their  sepa- 
rate interests,  made  it  more  difficult  to  alter  their  law  than  that 
of  other  nations  less  jealous  than  the  Jews.  Further,  at  certain 
stated  seasons,  the  law  was  publicly  read  before  all  the  people 
of  Israel  ;'  and  it  was  appointed  to  be  kept  in  the  ark,  for  a  con- 
stant memorial  against  those  who  transgressed  it.-  Their  king 
was  required  to  write  him  a  copy  of  this  law  in  a  book,  out  of 
that  which  is  before  the  priests  the  Levites,  and  to  read 
therein  all  the  days  of  his  life ;  their  priests  also  were  com- 
manded to  teach  the  children  of  Israel  all  the  statutes,  -which 
the  Lord  had  sftoken  to  them  by  the  hand  of  J\toses  ;'  and  pa- 
rents were  charged  not  only  to  make  it  familiar  to  themselves, 
but  also  to  teach  it  diligently  to  their  children  ;s  besides  which, 
a  severe  prohibition  was  annexed,  against  either  making  any 
addition  to  or  diminution  from  the  law.1'  Now  such  precepts  as 
these  could  not  have  been  given  by  an  impostor  who  was  adding 
to  it,  and  who  would  wish  men  to  forget  rather  than  enjoin 
them  to  remember  it ;  for,  as  all  the  people  were  obliged  to  know 
and  observe  the  law  under  severe  penalties,  they  were  in  a  man- 
ner the  trustees  and  guardians  of  the  law,  as  well  as  the  priests 
and  Levites.  The  people  who  were  to  teach  their  children, 
must  have  had  copies  of  it ;  the  priests  and  Levites  must  have 
had  copies  of  it ;  and  the  magistrates  must  have  had  copies  of 
it,  as  being  the  law  of  the  land:  Further,  after  the  people  were 
divided  into  two  kingdoms,  both  the  people  of  Israel  and  those 
of  Judah  still  retained  the  same  book  of  the  law  ;  and  the  rivalry 
or  enmity,  that  subsisted  between  the  two  kingdoms,  prevented 
either  of  them  from  altering  or  adding  to  the  law.  After  the 
Israelites  were  carried  captives  into  Assyria,  other  nations  were 
placc-J  in  the  cities  of  Samaria  in  their  stead  ;  and  the  Samari- 
tans received  the  Pentateuch,  either  from  the  priest  who  was 
sent  by  order  of  the  king  of  Assyria,  to  instruct  them  in  the 
manner  of  the  God  of  the  land,-  or  several  years  afterwards 
from  the  hands  of  Mauasseh,  the  son  of  Joiada  the  high-priest, 
who  was  expelled  from  Jerusalem  by  Nchemiah,  for  marrying 
the  daughter  of  Sanballat,  the  governor  of  Samaria  ;  and  who 
was  constituted,  by  Sanballat,  the  first  high-priest  of  the  temple 
at  Samaria."  Now,  by  one  or  both  of  these  means  the  Samari- 
tans had  the  Pentateuch  as  well  as  the  .lews  ;  but  with  this  dif- 
ference, that  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  was  in  the  old  Hebrew 
or  Phenician  characters,  in  which  it  remains  to  this  day  :  whereas 
the  Jewish  copy  was  changed  into  Chaldee  characters  (in  which 
it  also  remains  to  this  day),  which  were  fairer  and  clearer  than 
the  Hebrew,  the  Jews  having  learned  the  Chaldee  language 
during  their  seventy  years  abode  at  Babylon.  The  jealousy  and 
hatred,  which  subsisted  between  the  Jews  and  Samaritans,  made 
it  impracticable  for  cither  nation  to  corrupt  or  alter  the  text  in 
any  thing  of  consequence  without  certain  discovery  :  and  the 
general  agreement  between  the  Hebrew  and  Samaritan  copies 
of  the  Pentateuch,  which  are  now  extant,  is  such,  as  plainly 
demonstrates  that  the  copies  were  originally  the  same.  Nor  can 
any  better  evidence  be  desired,  that  the  Jewish  Bibles  have  not 
been  corrupted  or  interpolated,  than  this  very  book  of  the  Sama- 

i  Dent  xxxi.  9—13.  Josh.  viii.  34.  35.    Neh.  viii.  1—5. 
»  Deut.  xxxi.  26.  *  Deut.  xvii.  is.  l.i  «  I.evit.  x.  11. 

»  Deut  vi.  7.  «  Deut  iv.  2.  xii.  32.  »  SKinus  xvii.  27. 

*  Net    xiii.  28.    Joseph  us,  ant.  Jiul.  lit),  xi.  e.  8.     Up.  Newton's  Works, 

vol  i  n.  -{. 


ritans ;  which,  after  more  than  two  thousand  years  discord  be- 
tween the  two  nations,  varies  as  little  from  the  other  as  any 
classic  author  in  less  tract  of  time  has  disagreed  from  itself  by 
the  unavoidable  slips  and  mistakes  of  so  many  transcribers.1' 

After  the  return  of  the  Jews  from  the  Babylonish  captivity, 
the  book  of  the  law,  and  the  prophets,  were  publicly  read  in  their 
synagogues  every  Sabbath  day  ;"J  which  was  an  excellent  method 
of  securing  their  purity,  as  well  as  of  enforcing  the  observation 
of  the  law.  The  Chaldee  paraphrases  and  the  translation  ot 
the  Old  Testament  into  Greek,  which  were  afterwards  made, 
were  so  many  additional  securities.  To  these  facts  we  may 
add,  that  the  reverence  of  the  Jews  for  their  sacred  writings  is 
another  guarantee  for  their  integrity  :  so  great  indeed  was  that 
reverence,  that,  according  to  the  statements  of  Philo  and  Jose- 
phus,"  they  would  suffer  any  torments,  and  even  death  itself, 
rather  than  change  a  single  point  or  iota  of  the  Scriptures.  A 
law  was  also  enacted  by  them,  which  denounced  him  to  be  guilty 
of  inexpiable  sin,  who  should  presume  to  make  the  slightest 
possible  alteration  in  their  sacred  books.  The  Jewish  doctors, 
fearing  to  add  any  thing  to  the  law,  passed  their  own  notions  as 
traditions  or  explanations  of  it;  and  both  Jesus  Christ  and  his 
apostles  accused  the  Jews  of  entertaining  a  prejudiced  regard 
for  those  traditions,  but  they  never  charged  them  with  falsifying 
or  corrupting  the  Scriptures  themselves.  On  the  contrary,  Christ 
urged  them  to  search  the  Scriptures;1*  which  he  doubtless 
would  have  said  with  some  caution  if  they  had  been  falsified  or 
corrupted  :  and  he  not  only  refers  to  the  Scriptures  in  general, 
but  appeals  directly  to  the  writings  of  Moses."  It  is  also  known, 
that  during  the  time  of  Christ  the  Jews  were  divided  into  various 
sectj  and  parties,  each  of  whom  watched  over  the  others  with 
the  greatest  jealousy,  so  as  to  render  any  attempt  at  such  falsifi- 
cation or  corruption  utterly  impracticable.  Since,  then,  the  Jews 
could  not  falsify  or  corrupt  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  before  the 
advent  of  Christ, 

[ii.]  So  neither  have  tfiese  writing*  been  falsified  or  cut' 
rupted  AFTER  the  birth  of  Christ. 

For,  since  that  event,  the  Old  Testament  has  been  held  in 
high  esteem  both  by  Jews  and  Christians.  The  Jews  also  fre- 
quently suffered  martyrdom  for  their  Scriptures,  which  they 
would  not  have  done,  had  they  suspected  them  to  have  been 
corrupted  or  altered  Besides,  the  Jews  and  Christians  were  a 
mutual  guard  upon  each  other,  which  must  have  rend  red  any 
material  corruption  impossible,  if  it  had  been  attempted  ;  for  if 
such  an  attempt  had  been  made  by  the  Jews,  they  would  have 
been  detected  by  the  Christians.  The  accomplishment  of  such 
a  design,  indeed,  would  have  been  impracticable,  from  the  moral 
impossibility  of  the  Jews  (who  were  dispersed  in  every  country 
of  the  then  known  world)  being  able  to  collect  all  the  then  ex 
isting  copies  with  the  intei/Jon  of  corrupting  or  falsifying  them. 
On  the  other  hand,  if  any  such  attempt  had  been  made  by  the 
Christians,  it  would  assuredly  have  been  detected  by  the  Jews; 
nor  could  any  such  attempt  have  been  made  by  any  other  man 
or  body  of  men,  without  exposure  both  by  Jews  and  Christians. 

3.  The  admirable  agreement  of  all  the  ancient  paraphrases 
and  versions,™  and  of  the  writings  of  Josephus,  with  the 

»  Dr.  Bentley's  Remarks  <m  Freethinking,  part  i.  remark  27.  (vol.  v.  p. 
lit.  of  Bp.  Randolph's  Enchiridion  Theologicum,  Svo.   Oxford,  1792.) 

io  Acts  xiii.  14,  !•">.  27.   I.uke  iv.  17—20. 

■  ■  Philo,  :>)<•]. i  Buseb.  de  Prssp.  Bvang,  Db.  \iii.  c.  2.  Josephus  contra 
Anion  lib.  i.  4  8. 

ii  John  v.  89.  '■  John  v.  46,  47. 

'«  The  Ol.l  Testament  lias  been  translated  Into  a  great  number  of  lan- 
guages  ;  bm  the  only  versions,  to  which  we  shall  now  advert,  are  those 
were  made  either  previously  to  the  '  bristian  a;ra,  or  very  shortly 
after  Its  commencement  At  that  period,  almost  all  the  books  of  the  Old 
Law  had  been  translated  into  Ctinlrf»>>.  for  the  use  of  the  Jews  in  the  East, 
with  whom  the  original  Hebrew  had  ceased  to  be  a  living  language;  the 
whole  bad  been  rendered  into  Greek  (two  hundred  and  eighty-two  years 
:he  birth  of  Jesus  Christ)  for  the  Jews  of  Alexandria,  who  were 
still  less  acquainted  with  Hebrew;  and.  at  the  close  of  the  first,  or  in  the 
beginning  of  the  second  century,  the  Old  Testament  was  translated  into 
Syria.-,  for  the  Syrian  Christians.  These  three  versions  have  been  pre- 
served to  our  time  :  numerous  manuscript  copies  and  printed  ediiions  of 
iliem  are  extant  :  and.  with  the  exception  of  a  few  unimportant  differences, 
they  represent  to  us  the  same  text,  the  same  books,  the  same  predictions, 
andthe  same  phrases.  Now  ihis  agreement  is  not  the  result  of  any  design 
.hi  the  pari  of  the  translators,  or  of  any  fraud  on  the  part  of  learned  men. 
These  three  sister  versions,  having  once  issued  from  their  common  parent, 

have  1 ii   for  ever  separated  bv  events  and  by  «  rivalship  which  still  sub 

gists.  The  Chaldee  version,  which  was  carefully  preserved  andconsulte 
Hebrews,  remained  unknown  to  Christians  during  the  early  ages  oi 
the  church,  and  lias  been  in  their  hands  only  fof  two  or  three  centuries. 
The  Christians  of  Syria  knew  as  hub-  of  the  Greek  version,  as  the  '^reefcfc 
did  of  the  Syria*:  and  the  Greek  version,— which  ««s  diffused  through- 
out the  West,  and  translated  in  its  turn  into  Latin,  and  which,  under  this 

second  form,   became  u bject  of  exclusive   respect  m  the  Komisb 

Church,— could  not  borrow  any  thing  from  the  other  versions,  of  the  ex- 
istence  of  which  the  inhabitant's  nf  the  West  were  utterly  isnorant.  The 
aareemeut.  therefore,  of  these  three  witnesses,   is   so   much  the  morv 


ON  THE  UNCORRUPTED  PRESERVATION 


Old  Testament  as  it  is  now  extant,  together  with  the  quota- 
tions which  are  made  from  it  in  the  New  Testament,  and  in 
the  writings  of  all  ages  to  the  present  time,  forbid  us  to  in- 
dulge any  suspicion  of  any  material  corruption  in  the  books 
of  the  Ofd  Testament;  and  give  us  every  possible  evidence 
of  which  a  subject  of  this  kind  is  capable,  that  these  books 
are  now  in  our  hands  genuine  and  unadulterated. 

4.  Lastly,  the  Agreement  of  all  the  Manuscripts  of  the  Old 
Testament  (amounting  to  nearly  eleven  hundred  and  fifty), 
which  are  known  to  he  extant,  is  a  clear  -proof  of  its  uneor- 
rupltd  preservation. 

These  manuscripts,  indeed,  are  not  all  entire  ;  some  contain 
one  part  and  some  another.1  But  it  is  absolutely  impossible 
that  every  manuscript,  whether  in  the  original  Hebrew,  or  in  any 
ancient  version  or  paraphrase,  should  or  could  be  designedly 
altered  or  falsified  in  the  same  passages,  without  detection  either 
by  Jews  or  Christians.  The  manuscripts  now  extant  are,  con- 
fessedly, liable  to  errors  and  mistakes  from  the  carelessness,  negli- 
gence, or  inaccuracy  of  copyists  :  but  they  are  not  all  uniformly 
incorrect  throughout,  nor  in  the  same  words  or  passages ;  but 
what  is  incorrect  in  one  place  is  correct  in  another.  Although 
the  various  readings,  which  have  been  discovered  by  learned 
men,  who  have  applied  themselves  to  the  collation  of  every 
known  manuscript  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  amount  to  many 
thousands,  yet  these  differences  are  of  so  little  real  moment,  that 
their  laborious  collations  afford  us  scarcely  any  opportunities  of 
correcting  the  sacred  text  in  important  passages.  So  far,  how- 
ever, are  these  extensive  and  profound  researches  from  being 
either  trivial  or  nugatory,  that  we  have,  in  fact,  derived  from  them 
the  greatest  advantage  which  could  have  been  wished  for  by  any 
real  friend  of  revealed  religion  ;  namely,  the  certain  knowledge 
of  the  agreement  of  the  copies  of  the  ancient  Scriptures,  now 
extant  in  their  original  language,  with  each  other,  and  with  our 
Bibles.2 

II.  Equally  satisfactory  is  the  evidence  for  the  integrity 
and  uncokruptness  of  the  New  Testament  in  any  thing 
material.  The  testimonies,  adduced  in  the  preceding  section 
in  behalf  of  the  genuineness  and  authenticity  of  the  New 
Testament,  are,  in  a  great  measure,  applicable  to  show  that 
it  has  been  transmitted  to  us  entire  and  uncorrupted.  But,  to 
be  more  particular,  we  remark, 

1.  That  the  uncorrupted  preservation  of  the  hooks  of  the 
Neiv  Testament  is  manifest,  from  their  contents  ,■ 

For,  so  early  as  the  two  first  centuries  of  the  Christian  sera, 
we  find  the  very  same  facts,  and  the  very  same  doctrines,  uni- 
versally received  by  the  Christians,  which  we  of  the  present 
day  believe  on  the  credit  of  the  New  Testament. 

2.  Because  an  universal  corruption  of  those  writings  was  both 
impossible  and  impracticable,  nor  can  the  least  vestige  of  such  a 
corruption  be  found  in  history. 

[i.]  They  could  not  be  corrupted  during  the  lives  of  their 
authors  ;  and  before  their  death  copies  were  dispersed  among  the 
different  communities  of  Christians,  who  were  scattered  through- 
out the  then  known  world.  Within  twenty  years  after  the 
ascension,  churches  were  formed  in  the  principal  cities  of  the 
Roman  empire  ;  and  in  all  these  churches  the  books  of  the  New 
Testament,  especially  the  four  Gospels,  were  read  as  a  part  of 
their  public  worship,  just  as  the  writings  of  Moses  and  the  Pro- 
phets were  read  in  the  Jewish  synagogues.'  Nor  would  the  use 
jf  them  be  confined  to  public  worship  ;  for  these  books  were 
not,  like  the  Sibylline  Oracles,  locked  up  from  the  perusal  of  the 
public,  but  were  exposed  to  public  investigation.  When  the 
books  of  the  New  Testament  were  first  published  to  the  world, 
the  Christians  would  naturally  entertain  the  highest  esteem  and 
reverence  for  writings  that  delivered  an  authentic  and  inspired 
history  of  the  life  and  doctrines  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  would  be 
desirous  of  possessing  such  an  invaluable  treasure.     Hence    as 

remarkable,  as  they  never  could  have  heard,  that  these  versions  belonged 
in  rival  and  hostile  churches,  and  were  the  work  of  inveterate  eneniiesrof 
I  Miristians  and  Jews,  of  Eastern  and  Western  Christians,  of  Jews  of  Pales- 
tine, and  Alexandrian  Jews.  They  do,  however,  agree  together.  There- 
fore they  give  us,  with  certainty,  the  ancient  and  true  text  of  the  Old 
Testament,  precisely  as  it  was  extant  before  the  trine  of  Jesus  Christ. 
Oftllerier,  de  I'Origine  Authentique  et  Divine  de  l'Ancicn  Testament,  pn 
148—151. 

<  See  an  aeronni  t»f  the  principal  manuscripts  of  the  Old  Testament., 
mjra,  Script.  Cr.ir.  pari  i.  chap.  iii.  sect,  i.  and  sect  ii.  §5  '_>,  3. ;  and  for  the 
ijhief  critieal  editions,  see  the  Bibliographical  Appendix  to  vol.  ii.  part  i. 
ihap.  i.  sect.  i. 

»Bp.  Tomline's  Elements  of  Christ.  Theol.  vol.  i.  p.  13. 

*  Dr.  Lardner  has  collected  numerous  instances  in  the  second  part  of 
his  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History  ;  references  to  which  may  be  seen 
in  the  general  index  to  his  works,  article  Scriptures.  See  particularly 
the  testimonies  of  Justin  Martyr,  Tertullian,  Origen,  and  Augustine. 


we  learn  from  unquestionable  authority,  copies  were  multiplied 
and  disseminated  as  rapidly  as  the  boundaries  of  the  church  in- 
creased ;  and  translations  were  made  into  as  many  languages 
as  were  spoken  by  its  professors,  some  of  which  remain  to  this 
day  ;  so  that  it  would  very  soon  be  rendered  absolutely  impossi- 
ble to  corrupt  these  books  in  any  one  important  word  or  phrase. 
Now  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  (without  violating  all  probability) 
that  all  Christians  should  agree  in  a  design  of  changing  or  cor- 
rupting the  original  books  ;  and  if  some  only  should  make  the 
attempt,  the  uncorrupted  copies  would  still  remain  to  detect 
them.  And  supposing  there  was  some  error  in  one  translation 
or  copy,  or  something  changed,  added,  or  taken  away  ;  yet  there 
were  many  other  copies  and  other  translations,  by  the  help  of 
which  the  neglect  or  fraud  might  be  or  would  be  corrected. 

[ii.]  Further,  as  these  books  could  not  be  corrupted  during 
the  lives  of  their  respective  authors,  and  while  a  great  number 
of  witnesses  was  alive  to  attest  the  facts  which  they  record  ;  so 
neither  could  any  material  alteration  take  place  after  their 
decease,  without  being  detected  while  the  original  manuscripts 
were  preserved  in  the  churches.  The  Christians  who  were  in- 
structed by  the  apostles  or  by  their  immediate  successors,  tra- 
velled into  all  parts  of  the  world,  carrying  with  them  copies  of 
their  writings  ;  from  which  other  copies  were  multiplied  and 
preserved.  Now  (as  we  have  already  seen)^  we  have  an  un- 
broken series  of  testimonies  for  the  genuineness  and  authen- 
ticity of  the  New  Testament,  which  can  be  traced  backwards, 
from  the  fourth  century  of  the  Christian  sera  to  the  very  time 
of  the  apostles  ;  and  these  very  testimonies  are  equally  applica- 
ble to  prove  its  uncorrupted  preservation.  Moreover,  harmonies 
of  the  four  Gospels  were  anciently  constructed  ;  commentaries 
were  written  upon  them,  as  well  as  upon  the  other  books  of  the 
New  Testament  (many  of  which  are  still  extant),  manuscripts 
were  collated,  and  editions  of  the  New  Testament  were  put  forth. 
These  sacred  records,  being  universally  regarded  as  the  supreme 
standard  of  truth,  were  received  by  every  class  of  Christians  with 
peculiar  respect,  as  being  divine  compositions,  and  possessing  an 
authority  belonging  to  no  other  books.  Whatever  controversies, 
therefore,  arose  among  different  sects  (and  the  church  was  very 
early  rent  with  fierce  contentions  on  doctrinal  points),  the  Scrip- 
tures of  the  New  Testament  were  received  and  appealed  toby  every 
one  of  them,  as  being  conclusive  in  all  matters  of  controversy ; 
consequently  it  was  morally  impossible,  and  in  itself  impractica 
ble,  that  any  man  or  body  of  men  should  corrupt  or  falsify 
them,  in  any  fundamental  article,  should  foist  into  them  a  single 
expression  to  favour  their  peculiar  tenets,  or  erase  a  single 
sentence,  without  being  detected  by  thousands.  "'If  one  party 
was  inclined  either  to  omit  what  opposed  their  peculiar  tenets, 
or  to  insert  what  might  afford  them  additional  support,  there 
was  always  some  other  party  both  ready  and  willing  to  detect 
the  fraud.  And  even  if  they  persevered  in  altering  their  own 
manuscripts,  they  had  not  the  power  of  altering  the  manuscripts 
in  the  hands  of  their  opponents.  Though  the  corruption  there- 
fore might  be  partial,  it  could  not  become  general.  Nor  must 
we  forget  that  the  books  which  compose  the  Greek  Testament 
have  been  transcribed,  beyond  all  comparison,  more  frequently 
than  the  works  of  any  other  Greek  author.  And  it  is  evident 
that  the  difficulty  of  corrupting  the  Greek  manuscripts  must 
have  increased  with  every  increase  in  their  number.  Though 
it  cannot  be  denied,  therefore,  that  there  is  stronger  temptation 
to  alter  a  work  which  relates  to  doctrines,  than  to  alter  a  work 
which  relates  to  matters  indifferent,  the  impediments  to  the  al- 
teration of  the  Greek  manuscripts  were  still  more  powerful  than 
the  temptation.  The  Gospels,  which  were  written  in  different 
places,  and  the  Epistles,  which  were  addressed  to  different  com- 
munities, were  multiplied  in  copies,  dispersed  in  Palestine  and 
Egypt,  in  Asia  Minor,  Greece,  and  Italy.  Under  such  circum- 
stances a  general  corruption  of  the  Greek  manuscripts  was  a 
thing  impossible,  for  it  could  not  have  been  effected  without  a 
union  of  sentiment,  which  never  existed,  nor  without  a  general 
combination,  which  could  not  have  been  formed,  before  Chris- 
tianity had  received  a  civil  establishment.  But  if  such  a  com- 
bination had  been  practicable,  it  could  not  have  been  carried  into 
effect,  without  becoming  a  matter  of  general  notoriety.  And 
ecclesiastical  historians  are  silent  on  such  a  combination.  The 
silence  of  history  is  indeed  no  argument  against  the  truth  of  a 
fact  established  by  induction,  if  the  fact  was  ™rfi  that  it  could 
not  be  generally  known.  But  the  silence  of  history  is  important 
in  reference  to  a  fact,  which,  if  it  ever  el  ited,  must  have  been 
a  subject  of  general  notoriety.  Whatever  corruptions  therefore 
may  have  taken  place  in   the  Greek  manuscripts,  those  coram 

*  See  pp.  41—46.  supra 


Sbct.  III.1 


OF  THE  NEW  TEST  AMEN '1'. 


55 


.ions  must  have  been  confined  to  a  few,  and  could  not,  by  any 
possibility,  have  been  extended  to  them  all."1  Indeed,  though 
all  tlie  Christian  doctors,  who  were  dispersed  throughout  the 
world,  should  have  conspired  to  corrupt  the  New  Testament,  jet 
the  people  would  never  have  conaented  to  it;  and  if  even  both 
teachers  and  people  had  been  disposed  to  have  committed  such 
a  fraud,  most  unquestionably  their  adversaries  would  not  fail  to 
have  reproached  them  with  it.  The  Jem  ami  heathen  a,  whose 
only  aim  was  to  decry  and  put  down  their  religion,  would  never 
have  concealed  it.  Celsus,  Porphyry,  Julian,  and  other  acute 
enemies  of  the  Christians,  would  have  derived  some  advantage 
from  such  corruption.  In  a  word,  even  though  the  silence  of 
tlu-ir  adversaries  had  favoured  so  strange  an  enterprise,  yet  the 
different  parlies  and  various  heresies,  which  soon  after  sprang 
Up  among  Christians,  were  an  insuperable  obstacle  to  it.  In- 
deed, if  any  material  alteration  had  been  attempted  by  the  or- 
thodox,  it  would  have  been  detected  by  the  heretics;  and  on 
the  other  hand,  if  a  heretic  had  inserted,  altered,  or  falsified  any 
thing,  lie  would  have  been  exposed  by  the  orthodox,  or  by  other 
heretical  It  is  well  known  that  a  division  commenced  in  the 
fourth  century,  between  the  eastern  and  western  churches, 
which,  about  the  middle  of  the  ninth  century,  became  irrecon- 
cileable,  and  subsists  to  the  present  day.  Now  it  would  have 
been  impossible  to  alter  all  the  copies  in  the  eastern  empire  ; 
and  if  it  had  been  possible  in  the  east,  the  copies  in  the  west 
would  have  detected  the  alteration.  But,  in  fact,  both  the  eastern 
and  western  copies  agree,  which  could  not  be  expected  if  either 
of  them  was  altered  or  falsified. 

3.  The  uncorrupted  preservation  of  the  New  Testament 
is  further  evident}  from  the  Agreement  of  all  the  Manuscripts. 

The  manuscripts  of  the  New  Testament,  which  are  extant, 
are  far  more  numerous  than  those  of  any  single  classic  author 
whomsoever  :  upwards  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  were  collated 
by  Griesbach,  for  his  celebrated  critical  edition.  These  manu- 
scripts, it  is  true,  are  not  all  entire  :  most  of  them  contain  only 
the  Gospels ;  others,  the  Gospels,  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  the 
Epistles ;  and  a  few  contain  the  Apocalypse  or  Revelation  of 
John.  But  they  were  all  written  in  very  different  and  distant 
parts  of  the  world  ;  several  of  them  are  upwards  of  twelve  hun- 
dred years  old,  and  give  us  the  books  of  the  New  Testament,  in 
all  essential  points,  perfectly  accordant  with  each  other,  as  any 
person  may  readily  ascertain  by  examining  the  critical  editions 
published  by  Mill,  Kuster,  Bengcl,  Wctstein,  and  Griesbach.2 
The  thirty  thousand  various  readings,  which  are  said  to  be  found 
in  the  manuscripts  collated  by  Dr.  Mill,  and  the  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  which  Griesbach's  edition  is  said  to  contain,  in 
no  degree  whatever  affect  the  general  credit  and  integrity  of  the 
text.  In  fact,  the  more  copies  are  multiplied,  and  the  more  nu- 
merous arc  the  transcripts  and  translations  from  the  original,  the 
more  likely  is  it,  that  the  genuine  text  and  the  true  original 
reading  will  be  investigated  and  ascertained.  The  most  correct 
and  accurate  ancient  classics  now  extant,  are  those  of  which  we 
have  the  greatest  number  of  manuscripts ;  and  the  most  de- 
praved, mutilated,  and  inaccurate  editions  of  the  old  writers  are 
those  of  which  we  have  the  fewest  manuscripts,  and  perhaps 
only  a  single  manuscript  extant.  Such  are  Athenaeus,  Clemens 
Romanus,  Hesychius,  and  Photius.  But  of  this  formidable  mass 
of  various  readings,  which  have  been  collected  by  the  diligence 
of  collators,  not  one-tenth — nay,  not  one  hundreth-part, — either 
makes  or  can  make  any  perceptible,  or  at  least  any  material,  al- 
teration in  the  sense  in  any  modern  version.  They  consist  al- 
most wholly  of  palpable  errors  in  transcription,  grammatical  and 
verbal  differences,  such  as  the  insertion  or  omission  of  an  article, 
the  substitution  of  a  word  for  its  equivalent,  and  the  transposition 
of  a  word  or  two  in  a  sentence.  Even  the  few  that  do  change 
the  sense,  affect  it  only  in  passages  relating  to  unimportant,  his- 
torical, and  geographical  circumstances,  or  other  collateral  mat- 
ters ;  and  the  still  smaller  number  that  make  any  alteration  in 
things  of  consequence,  do  not  on  that  account  place  us  in  any 
absolute  uncertainty.  For,  either  the  true  reading  may  be  dis- 
covered by  collating  the  other  manuscripts,  versions,  and  quota- 
tions found  in  the  works  of  the  ancients  ;  or,  should  these  fail  to 
givo  us  the  requisite  information,  we  are  enabled  to  explain  the 
doctrine  in  question  from  other  undisputed  passages  of  Holy 
Writ.  This  observation  particularly  applies  to  the  doctrines  of 
the  deity  of  Jesus  Christ  and  of  the  Trinity  ;  which  some  per- 
sons of  late  years  have  attempted  to  expunge  from  the  NewTes- 

<  Bp.  Marsh's  Lectures,  part  vi.  pp.  10.  II. 

»  See  an  account  of  the  principal  manuscripts  of  the  New  Testament, 
•nfru,  Part  I.  Chap.  HI.  Sect.  II.  §  4..  and  of  the  critical  edition,  above  men 
"ionerl  in  the  Bibliographical  Appendix  to  vol.  ii.  Part.  I.  Chap.  1.  Sect.  III. 


lament,  because  a  few  controverted  passages  have  been  cited  in 
proof  of  them;  but  these  doctrines  are  written,  as  with  a  sun- 
beam, in  other  parts  of  the  New  Testament.  The  very  worst 
manuscript  extant  -would  not  pervert  one  article  of  our  faith. 
or  dextroy  one  moral  precept,  not  elsewhere  given  in  the  most 
explicit  term*.  All  the  omissions  of  the  ancient  manuscripts 
put  together  could  not  countenance  the  omission  of  one  essential 
doctrine  of  the  Gospel,  relating  cither  to  faith  or  morals;  and  all 
the  addition*,  countenanced  by  the  whole  mass  of  manuscripts 
already  collated,  do  not  introduce  a  single  point  essential  either 
to  faith  or  manners  beyond  what  may  be  found  in  the  Complu- 
tensian  or  Elzevir  editions.  And,  though  for  the  beauty,  em- 
phasis, ami  critical  perfection  of  the  letter  of  the  New  Testament, 
a  new  edition,  formed  on  Griesbach's  plan,  is  desirable  ;  yet  from 
such  a  one  infidelity  can  expect  no  help,  false  doctrine  no  sup- 
port, and  even  true  religion  no  accession  to  its  excellence, — as 
indeed  it  needs  none.  The  general  uniformity,  therefore,  of  the 
manuscripts  of  the  New  Testament,  which  are  dispersed  through 
all  the  countries  in  the  known  world,  and  in  so  great  a  variety 
of  languages,  is  truly  astonishing,  and  demonstrates  both  the 
veneration  in  which  the  Scriptures  have  uniformly  been  held, 
and  the  singular  care  which  was  taken  in  transcribing  them  ;  and 
so  far  are  the  various  readings  contained  in  these  manuscripts 
from  being  hostile  to  the  uncorrupted  preservation  of  the  books 
of  the  New  Testament,  (as  some  sceptics  have  boldly  affirmed, 
and  some  timid  Christians  have  apprehended,)  that  they  afford 
us,  on  the  contrary,  an  additional  and  most  convincing  proof 
that  they  exist  at  present,  in  all  essential  points,  precisely  the 
same  as  they  were  when  they  left  the  hands  of  their  authors. 

The  existence  of  various  readings  almrds  no  just  inferenc. 
against  the  divine  inspiration  of  the  prophets  and  apostles. 
"  We  all  distinguish  between  the  substance  and  the  circum- 
stances of  a  work,  though  we  may  not  be  able  to  draw  with  ac 
curacy  the  line  between  the  one  and  the  other.  No  one  doubt- 
that  he  possesses,  in  general,  the  sense  of  a  valuable  author, 
whether  ancient  or  modern,  because  of  some  defects  or  interpo- 
lations in  the  copy,  or  because  he  may  be  uncertain  respecting 
the  true  reading  in  some  inconsiderable  passage.  The  narrative 
of  an  historian,  and  the  deposition  of  a  witness  in  a  court  of  jus 
tice,  may  impress  the  mind  as  true,  notwithstanding  they  con- 
tain some  mistakes  and  inconsistencies.  I  do  not  know  why  a 
degree  of  precision  should  be  deemed  requisite  for  a  divine  com- 
munication, which  is  not  thought  necessary  for  human  testimony  ; 
or  why  a  standing  miracle  should  be  wrought  to  prevent  acci- 
dents happening  to  a  sacred  book,  which  are  never  supposed  to 
atfect  the  credit  or  utility  of  profane  writings."3 

4.  The  last  testimony,  to  be  adduced  for  the  integrity  arm 
incorruptness  of  the  New  Testament,  is  furnished  by  the 
agreement  of  the  .Indent  Versions  and  Quotation*  from  it, 
which  are  made  in  the  ivritings  of  the  Christian*  of  the  first 
three  centuries,  and  in  those  of  the  succeeding  fathers  of  tin 
church. 

The  testimony  of  Versions,  and  the  evidence  of  the  father 
and  other  ecclesiastical  writers,  have  already  been  noticed  as  : 
proof  of  the  genuineness  and  authenticity  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment.'  The  Quotations  from  the  New  Testament  in  the 
writings  of  the  fathers  are  so  numerous,  that  (as  it  has  been  fre- 
quently observed)  the  whole  body  of  the  Gospels  and  Epistle.-* 
might  be  compiled  from  the  various  passages  dispersed  in  their 
commentaries  and  other  writings.  And  though  these  citation- 
were,  in  many  instances,  made  from  memory,  yet,  being  always 
made  with  due  attention  to  the  sense  and  meaning,  and  most 
commonly  with  regard  to  the  words  as  well  as  to  the  order  of 
the  words,  they  correspond  with  the  original  records  from  which 
they  were  extracted  : — an  irrefragable  argument  this,  of  the  puiily 
and  integrity  with  which  the  New  Testament  has  been  pre- 
served. The  idle  objection,  therefore,  to  the  incorruptness  of  the 
New  Testament,  which  some  opposers  of  divine  revelation  have 
endeavoured  to  raise,  on  an  alleged  alteration  of  the  Gospels  in 
the  fourth  century  by  order  of  the  emperor  Anastasius,  falls  com 
pletely  to  the  ground  for  want  of  proof.5     Nor  do  we  hazird  too 

»  Rev.  R.  Burnside's  "  Religion  of  Mankind,  a  Series  of  Essays,"  vol.  i. 
p.  327.  *  See  pp.  40—45.  48.  supra. 

»  The  objection  above  alluded  lo  is  founded  on  the  following  passage,  oc- 
curring in  the  Chronicle  of  Victor  Tununensis,  an  African  bishop,  who 
flourished  about  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century.  "  Messala .  V.  C.  Coss. 
<\>nstantinopoli,  jubente  Anastasio  Iuiper^ore,  sancta  evangelia,  tainquarn 
ab  idiotis  evangelistis  composita,  reprehenduntur  et  ernendantur."  (Vict. 
Tun.  Chron.  p.  6.  apud  Scalig.  Thes.  Temp.)  i.  e.  In  the  consulship  of  Met- 
sa'a  (a.  D.  506.),  at  Constantinople,  by  order  of  the  emperor  Anastasius, 
the  holy  Gospels,  as  being  composed  by  illiterate  evangeUsta,  are  censured 
and  corrected.  On  the  objection  to  the  integrity  oi  rhe  Gospels,  which  has 
been  attempted  to  be  founded  m»  this  passage,  ••    inaj  remark,  in  adaitior 


66 


ON  THE  UNCORRUPTED  PRESERVATION 


[Chap  II 


much  in  saying,  that  if  all  the  ancient  writings  new  extant  in 
Europe  were  collected  together,  the  bulk  of  them  would  by  no 
means  be  comparable  to  that  of  the  quotations  taken  from  the 
New  Testament  alone  j  so  that  a  man  might,  with  more  sem- 
Dlance  of  reason,  dispute  whether  tht  writings  ascribed  to  Ho- 
mer, Demosthenes,  Virgil,  or  Caesar,  are  in  the  main  such  as 
they  left  them,  than  he  could  question  whether  those  of  Mat- 
thew, Mark,  Luke,  John,  Peter,  James,  and  Paul,  are  really  their 
productions.1 

III.  Although  we  thus  have  every  possible  evidence  that 
can  be  reasonably  desired  ;  yet,  as  there  are  some  books  cited 
or  referred  to  in  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  which  are  not 
-ow  extant,  it  has  been  objected  that  some  of  those  books 
*re  now  wanting,  which  once  were  constituent  parts  of  the 
Scriptures.  A  little  consideration  will  suffice  to  show  that 
this  objection  is  utterly  destitute  of  foundation,  and  that  none 
of  the  writings  which  are  accounted  sacred  by  the  Jews  and 
Christians  (and  which  claim  to  be  received  as  inspired 
writings)  ever  were  or  could  be  lost ;  and,  consequently, 
that  no  sacred  or  inspired  writing  is  now  wanting  to  com- 
plete the  canon  of  Scripture. 

1 .  In  the  first  place,  we  may  observe,  thai  it  seems  very 
unsuitable  to  the  ordinary  conduct  of  Divine  Providence,  to 
suffer  a  book  written  under  the  influences  of  the  Holy  Spirit, 
to  be  lost. 

It  seems  to  be  no  small  reflection  on  the  wisdom  «f  the  Divine 
Being,  to  say,  that  he  first  influenced  the  writing  of  a  set  of 
books,  (that  is,  by  his  own  extraordinary  impressions  on  men's 
minds  caused  them  to  be  written,)  and  afterwards  permitted 
them  by  chance,  or  the  negligence  of  men,  to  be  irrecoverably 
lost.  If  they  were  not  serviceable  to  instruct  and  direct  man- 
kind in  the  methods  of  attaining  the  great  ends  of  being,  why 
were  they  at  first  given  1  If  they  were,  it  seems  hard  to  imagine 
that  the  same  kind  Providence  which  gave  them  would  again 
take  them  away.  How  high  such  a  charge  as  this  rises,  both 
against  the  wisdom  and  goodness  of  Divine  Providence,  may 
easily  be  perceived  by  every  one  who  will  think  impartially  on 
the  matter.  This  argument  becomes  still  more  strong,  when 
we  consider  the  great  care  which  the  Divine  Being  in  all  ages 
took  to  preserve  those  books  which  are  now  received  into  the 
canon  of  the  Old  Testament,  even  when  the  persons  with  whom 
they  were  intrusted  were  under  circumstances,  in  which,  with- 
out the  influence  of  Heaven,  it  would  have  been  almost  im- 
possible for  them  to  have  preserved  them.  To  instance  only 
that  one  time  when  the  Jews  were  under  the  tyranny  of  An- 
tiochus  Epiphanes,2  when  although  that  monster  of  iniquity 
laid  their  temple  and  their  city  waste,  destroyed  all  the  sacred 
books  he  could  meet  with,  and  at  length  published  a  decree,  that 
all  those  should  suffer  immediately  death  who  did  not  resign 
their  copies,  yet  was  the  sacred  volume  safely  preserved,  and 
care  was  taken  of  it  by  its  author. 

2.  The  zeal  of  the  faithful  at  all  times  for  their  sacred 
books  was  such,  as  would  be  a  very  effectual  means  to  se- 
cure them  from  perishing. 

This  is  well  known  both  of  the  Jews  and  Christians  ;  and 
indeed  no  less  can  be  reasonably  imagined  of  those,  who  looked 
upon  these  books  as  discovering  the  method  of  obtaining  eternal 
life,  and  that  religion,  for  which  they  willingly  sacrificed  both 
themselves  and  all  they  had.  Hence,  as  under  the  barbarous 
persecution  of  the  Jews  by  Antiochus  just  mentioned,  so  also 
under  the  Christian  persecutions  no  endeavours  were  wanting 
to  extirpate  and  abolish  the  Scriptures.     It  is  evident  that  the 

lo  the  observations  already  given,  first,  that,  whatever  this  design  upon  the 
Gospels  was,  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been  put  in  execution  ;  for  if  any 
falsification  of  them  had  buen  attempted,  what  tumults  would  it  have  raised 
in  the  east,  where  Anastasius  was  universally  hated  !  It  would,  in  fact, 
have  cost  that  emperor  his  crown  and  his  life.  Secondly,  if  he  had  really 
designed  to  corrupt  the  purity  of  the  Gospels,  the  historians  of  that  time, 
who  have  not  been  backward  in  relating  his  other  malpractices,  would  not 
fail  to  have  recorded  it  as  a  standing  monument  of  his  infamy.  But  they 
are  totally  silent  concerning  any  such  attempt.  See  Millii  Prolegomena  ad 
Nov.  Test.  §§  1014,  1015.  (p.  98.  edit.  Kusteri) ;  Dr.  Bentley's  Remarks  on 
Freethinking,  rem.  xxxiii.  (Enchiridion  Theologicuin,  vol.  v.  pp.  175— 180.); 
Dr.  Ibbot's  Discourses  at  the  Boyle  Lectures,  vol.  ii  pp.  759,  760.  folio  edit. 

i  Ernesti,  Inst.  Ititerp.  Nov.  Test.  pp.  151 — 150.  Gardner's  Works,  8vo. 
vol.  vi.  pp.  650— 672. ;  lio.  vol.  iii.  pp.  459 — 470.  Stosch,  De  Canone,  pp.  85. 
r,l  sec/.  Moldenhawer,  Introd.  ad  Lib.  Bibl.  pp.  196— 193.  Less,  pp.  243— 
266.  Dr.  Harwood's  Introd.  to  the  New  Test.  vol.  i.  pp.  120—126.  Michae 
lis,  vol.  i.  pp.  23— 69.  and  vol.  ii  pp.  362 — 374.  Dr.  Nares's  Remarks  on  the 
Uniiarian  Version  of  the  New  Testament,  pp.  xxix.  xxx.  258,  259.  Dr.  Ry- 
an's Evidencesof  the  Mosaic  and  Christian  Codes,  pp.  152 — 159.  Abbadie, 
Trait''  de  la  Verite  de  la  Religion  Chretienne,  vol.  ii.  pp.  45 — 57.  Vernet, 
Traite  de  la  Verite  de  la  Religion  Chretienne,  vol.  iii.  pp.  48—76.  Dr. 
Bentley's  Remarks  on  Freethinking,  remark  xxxii.  (in  Enchirid.  Theol. 
vol.  v.  pp.  154—175.) 

•  Joseph.  Antiq.  Jud.  lib.  xii.  c.  7.    See  also  1  Mace.  i.  56.  67. 


warm  zeal  and  diligent  care  of  the  faithful  preserved  them ;  and 
although  the  emperor  Dioclesian  in  his  imperial  edict,  among 
other  cruelties,  enacted,  that  all  the  sacred  books  should  be  burnt 
wherever  they  were  found  ;3  yet  as  the  courage  and  resolution 
of  the  Christians  baffled  and  frustrated  the  design  of  his  rage  in 
all  other  instances,  so  they  frustrated  it  very  remarkably  in  this 
instance.     Nor  indeed  could  it  be  otherwise,  when  we  consider, 

3.  That  the  canonical  books,  either  in  the  original  lan- 
guages or  by  means  of  versions,  were  dispersed  into  the 
most  countries,  and  in  the  possession  of  innumerable  persons. 

As  the  truth  of  this  fact  has  been  demonstrated  in  the  two 
preceding  sections  of  this  chapter,  we  are  authorized  to  in- 
fer how  improbable  it  is,  nay,  almost  impossible,  that  any 
book,  so  esteemed  as  the  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Tes- 
tament were  and  still  are,  both  by  Jews  and  Christians,  and 
which  they  severally  believe  to  be  divinely  inspired,  so  dif- 
fused into  the  most  distant  countries,  the  copies  of  which, 
or  of  translations  from  them,  would  also  be  continually  mul- 
tiplying and  increasing,  could  by  any  accident  or  chance,  by 
any  human  force  or  power,  or  much  less  by  any  careless 
neglect,  be  lost  and  irrecoverably  perish. 

IV.  With  regard  to  the  Old  Testament,  more  particularly 
we  may  observe,  that  what  has  given  credit  to  the  objection, 
that  some  of  the  canonical  books  of  Scripture  are  lost,  is  the 
common  notion,  that,  the  books,  so  supposed  to  be  lost,  were 
volumes  of  some  size,  and  all  of  them  indited  by  the  Holy 
Spirit.  Now,  in  opposition  to  this  erroneous  notion,  it  is  to 
be  considered, 

1.  That  the  Hebrew  word  (idd  seppHeii),  which  we  render 
book,  properly  signifies  the  bare  rehearsal  of  any  thing,  oi 
any  kind  of  writing,  however  small ;  and  it  was  the  custom 
of  the  Jews  to  call  every  little  memorandum  by  that  name. 

Thus,  what  we  translate  a  bill  of  divorcement  (Deut.  xxiv.  1.) 
is  in  the  original  a  book-  of  divorcement ;  and  the  short  account 
of  the  genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ  (Matt.  i.  1.)  is  termed  in  the 
Hebrew  idiom  the  book  of  the  generation  of  Jesus  Christ.  So 
in  Matt.  xix.  7.  and  Mark  x.  4.  it  is  in  the  Greek  a  book  of  di- 
vorcement. In  like  manner,  David's  letter  to  Joab  in  2  Sam. 
xi.  14,  15.  is  a  book  in  the  Hebrew  and  Greek ;  as  also  the  king 
of  Syria's  letter  to  the  king  of  Israel,  mentioned  in  2  Kings  v.  6.1 

2.  That  several  of  these  tracts,  which  are  now  extant, 
were  written,  not  by  persons  pretending  to  any  supernatural 
assistance,  but  by  those  who  were  styled  recorders  or  writers 
of  chronicles,5  an  office  of  great  honour  and  trust,  but  of  a 
different  kind  from  that  of  the  prophets. 

3.  But,  supposing  that  the  books  in  question  were  written 
by  those  who  were  truly  pronhets,  yet  they  were  not  written 
by  inspiration. 

This  argument  is  forcibly  stated  by  Augustine3  in  the  follow- 
ing manner : — "  In  the  histories  of  the  kings  of  Judah  and  Is- 
rael, several  things  ire  mentioned,  which  are  not  there  explained, 
and  are  referred  to  as  contained  in  other  books  which  the  pro- 
phets wrote :  and  sometimes  the  names  of  these  prophets  are 
mentioned ;  and  yet  these  writings  are  not  extant  in  the  canon 
which  the  church  of  God  receives.  The  reason  of  which  I  can 
account  for  in  no  other  way,  than  by  supposing,  that  those  very 
persons  to  whom  the  Holy  Spirit  revealed  those  things  which 
are  of  the  highest  authority  in  religion,  sometimes  wrote  only 
as  faithful  historians,  and  at  other  times  as  prophets  under  the 
influences  of  divine  inspiration  ;  and  that  these  writings  are  so 
different  from  each  other,  that  the  one  sort  are  to  be  imputed 
to  themselves  as  the  authors,  the  other  to  God,  as  speaking  by 
them  ;  the  former  are  of  service  to  increase  our  knowledge,  the 
other  of  authority  in  religion,  and  canonical."  In  addition  to 
this  observation,  we  may  remark,  that  the  books  of  prophecy 
always  have   their   authors'   names   expressed,  and  commonly 

3  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  viii.  c.  2. 

«Many  similar  instances  are  to  be  found  in  ancient  profane  writers,  in 
which  letters  are  called  books.  Two  of  the  most  striking  are  the  following, 
taken  from  the  father  of  profane  history,  as  Herodotus  is  frequently  called  : 
—Relating  the  conspiracy  of  Harpagus  against  Astyages,  king  of  Media,  h  • 
says,  that  Harpagus  communicated  his  intentions  to  Cyrus  in  a  letter, 
which,  as  all  the  roads  leading  to  Persia  were  guarded  bv  the  king's  troops, 
he  sewed  up  in  the  belly  of  a  hare,  and  sent  it  to  him  by  one  of  his  most 
trusty  domestics.— Aayev  MX*»«'r*ftevos,*-x<  xvxrx'rx;  toutou  Tiii-  yx.npx, 
x*.  olSiv  «a-0T.*.*5,  is  X*  t'Xi,  o6t«,  ,TiAn*t  BIBAION,  yywtyxi;  rx  o.  sJoxis. 
lib.  i.  c.  124.  torn.  i.  p.  57.  Oxon.  1809.— Again,  speak. ag  of  Histiaeus's  at. 
tempt  to  excite  a  conspiracy  against  Darius,  he  saj  -His  next  measure 
was  to  send  letters  to  certain  persons  at  Sardi-,  with  whom  he  had  pre- 
viously communicated  on  the  subject  of  a  revolt.  To<o-<  ev  £xj>Ji<r.  tcvn 
Hif<riuv  i-rift-i  BIBAIA,  ii  7T(0KtKi<rt  %n»6u/«evo)»  mt»  *7rocrToed-<o,-  ^.pi.  lib. 
vi.  c.  4.  vol.  ii.  p.  62. 

•  See  2  Sam.  viii.  lfi.  (marginal  rendering)  and  2  Kings  xviii.  18. 

«  De  Civitate  Dei,  lib.  xviii.  c.  38. 


Sect. 


ur  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 


57 


they  arc  repeated  in  the  books  themselves.  But  in  the  histori- 
Csl  books  there  was  not  the  same  reason  for  specifying  tin- 
names  of  their  authors;  because,  in  math  rs  of  fad  which  are 
past,  an  author  may  easily  be  disproved,  if  In-  relates  what  is 
false  concerning  his  own  times,  or  concerning  times  of  which 
(hen   are    memorials   still  extant.      But   the   credit  of  prophecies 

concerning  things  which  are  nol  t"  come  to  past  for  a  very 

long  time  must  depend  on  the  mission  and  authority  of  the 
prophet  only  ;  and  therefore  it  was  necessary  that  the  names  of 
the  prophets  should  he  annexed,  iii  oi.ler  that  their  predictions 
might  he  depended  upon,  when  they  were  known  to  he  delivered 

i>\  men,  who,  i>\  other  prediction!  ahead}  fulfilled,  hail  shown 

themselves  to  he  true  prophets. 

1.  The  bare  citation  of  any  hook  in  an  allowedly  canoni- 
cal writing  is  not  sufficient  to  prove  that  such  book  ever  was 
canonical. 

II  tbil  w.ie  to  he  admitted,  we  must  receive  as  the  word  of 
God)  the  Greek  poems  of  Aratus,  Menander,  and  Epimenidcs  ; 
lor  passage!  are  quoted  from  them  by  Paul.1 

5.  Lastly,  we  may  observe  that  most  of  the  pieces  sup- 
posed to  be  lost  are  still  remaining  in  the  Scriptures,  though 
under  different  appellations;  and  that  such  as  are  not  to  be 
found  there  wore  never  designed  for  religious  instruction, 
nor  arc  they  essential  to  the  salvation  of  mankind.  In  il- 
lustration ot  this  remark,  we  may  adduce  the  following  ex- 
amples, which  are  taken  exclusively  from  the  Old  Testament. 
Thus, 

[i.]  The  Book  of  the  Covenant,  mentioned  in  Exod.  xxiv.  7., 
which  is  supposed  to  he  lost,  is  not  a  distinct  book  from  the 
body  of  the  Jewish  laws;  for  whoever  impartially  examines  that 
passage  will  find  that  the  book  referred  to  is  nothing  else  but  a 
collection  of  such  injunctions  and  exhortations  as  are  expressly 
laid  down  in  the  four  preceding  chapters. 

[ii.]  The  Book  of  the  Wars  of  the  Lord,  cited  in  Num.  xxi. 
14.,  and  supposed  also  to  he  lost,  is,  in  the  opinion  of  an  emi- 
nent critic,2  that  very  record,  which,  upon  the  defeat  of  the 
Amalekites,  Moses  was  commanded  to  make  as  a  memorial  of  it, 
and  to  rehearse  it  in  the  ears  of  Joshua.  So  that  it  seems  to 
be  nothing  more  than  a  short  account  of  that  victory,  together 
with  some  directions  for  Joshua's  private  use  and  conduct  in  the 
management  of  the  subsequent  war,  but  in  no  respect  whatever 
dictated  by  divine  inspiration,  and  consequently  no  part  of  the 
canonical  Scriptures. 

[iii.]  The  Book  of  Jasher,  mentioned  in  Josh.  x.  13.,  is  sup- 
pose I  by  some  to  be  the  same  with  the  book  of  Judges,  because 
we  find  mention  therein  of  the  sun's  standing  still ;  but  the  con- 
jecture of  Josephus3  seems  to  be  better  founded,  viz.  that  it  was 
composed  of  certain  records  (kept  in  a  safe  place  at  that  time, 
and  afterwards  removed  into  the  temple),  which  contained  an 
account  of  what  happened  to  the  Jews  from  year  to  year,  and 
particularly  of  the  sun's  standing  still,  and  also  directions  for 
the  use  of  the  bow  (sec  2  Sam.  i.  18.),  that  is,  directions  for 
instituting  archery  and  maintaining  military  exercises.  So  that 
this  was  not  the  work  of  an  inspired  person,  but  of  some  com- 
mon historiographer,  who  wrote  the  annals  of  his  own  time,  and 
might  therefore  deserve  the  name  of  Jasher,  or  the  upright; 
because  what  he  wrote  was  generally  deemed  a  true  and  au- 
thentic account  of  all  the  events  and  occurrences  which  had  then 
happened. 

[iv.]  Once  more,  the  several  books  of  Solomon,  mentioned  in 
1  Kings  iv.  32,  33.,  were  no  part  of  the  canonical  Scriptures. 
His  '  Three  thousand  Proverbs'  were  perhaps  only  spoken,  not 
committed  to  writing.  His  '  Songs'  which  were  one  thousand 
and  five  in  number,  were  in  all  probability  his  juvenile  com- 
positions; and  his  universal  history  of  vegetables,  and  that  of 
animals  of  all  kinds,  belonged  to  philosophy.  It  was  not  necessary 
for  every  one  to  be  acquainted  with  them;  and  though  the  loss 
of  them  (considering  tin-  unequalled  wisdom  conferred  upon 
their  author)  is  to  he  deplored,  yet  it  is  a  loss  which  only  the 
busy  investigators  of  nature  have  cause  to  lament. 


boo! 


Upon  the  whole,  therefore,  we  may  conclude,  that  if  any 
oks  of  the  Old  Testament  seem  to  be  wanting  in  our  nre- 


our  pre- 


sent canon,  they  are  either  such  as  lie  unobserved  under 
other  denominations ;  or  they  are  such  as  never  were  ac- 
counted canonical,  such  as  contained  no  points  essential  to 
the  salvation  of  man,  and  consequently  such  of  which  we 

»  Aratus  is  cited  in  Acts  xvii.  28.  ;  Menander  in  1  Cor.  rv.  33. ;  and  Epi- 
•nenides  in  Tilus  i.  Ii 
••»  Dr.  Lightfoot.  »  Joseph.  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  v.  c.  2. 

H 


may  safely  live  ignorant  here,  and  for  which  we  shall  nevct 
be  responsible  hereafter.4 

V.  Equally  satisfactory  is  the  evidence  to  show  that  none 
of  the  hooks  of  the  New  Testament  have  at  any  time  been 
lost.  Some  learned  men,  indeed,  have  imagined  that  they 
have  found  allusions  to  writings  in  the  New  Testament. 
from  which  they  have  been  persuaded  that  Paul  wrote  se- 
veral other  epistles  to  the  Christian  churches  bes.des  those 
we  now  have:  hut  a  little  examination  of  the  passages  re- 
lerred  to  will  show  that  their  conjectures  have  no  foundation. 

1.  Thus  in  1  Cor.  v.  !).  the  following  words  occur — Eypx-\.x 
Cjun  tv  tji  iT/s-iA*,  which  in  our  version  is  rendered — /  have  writ- 
tin  in  i/,,ii  in  an  epittle.  From  this  text  it  has  been  inferred 
that  Paul  had  already  written  to  the  Corinthians  an  epistle 
which  is  no  longer  extant,  and  to  which  he  alludes;  while 
others  contend  that  by  tn  t.-nrc/.-i  he  means  only  the  epistle 
which  he  is  writing.  A  third  opinion  is  this,  viz.  that  Paul 
refers  to  an  epistle  which  he  had  written,  or  begun  to  write, 
but  had  not  sent;  for,  on  receiving  further  information  from 
Stephanas,  Kortunatus,  and  Aehaicus,  he  suppressed  that, 
and  wrote  this,  in  which  In-  considers  the  subject  more  at 
large. 

[i.]  To  the  hypothesis,  which  supposes  that  Paul  wrote  a 
former  letter  which  is  now  lost,  there  is  this  formidable  objection, 
that  no  such  epistle  was  ever  mentioned  or  cited  by  any  ancii  at 
writer,  nor  has  any  one  even  alluded  to  its  existence,  though 
both  the  received  epistles  are  perpetually  quoted  by  the  fat!  en 
from  the  earliest  period.  To  which  we  may  add,  that  the  reve- 
rence of  the  first  professors  of  Christianity  for  the  sacred  writings, 
and  their  care  for  the  preservation  of  them,  were  so  great,  a.-  to 
render  it  extremely  improb-ible  that  a  canonical  book  should  be 
lost.5  From  the  third  hypothesis  the  praise  of  ingenuity  cannot 
be  withheld  ;  but  as  it  is  a  mere  conjecture,  unsupported  by  facts, 
we  therefore  apprehend  that  this  first  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians, 
and  no  other,  was  intended  by  the  Apostle.  The  grounds  on 
which  this  opinion  rests  are  as  follow : — 

(1.)  The  expression  t»  vth-okm  does  not  mean  an  epistle,  but 
that  which  Paul  is  writing.  Thus  Tertius,  who  was  Paul's 
amanuensis,  speaking  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  says,  "  I 
Tertius,  who  wrote  this  epistle  (<r>tv  vrinKm),  salute  you."  (Rom. 
xvi.  22.)  Similar  expressions  occur  in  Col.  iv.  16.  1  Thess.  v. 
27.  and  2  Thess.  iii.  14. 

(2.)  With  regard  to  the  word  typ*^.*,  I  wrote,  some  commen- 
tators refer  it  to  what  the  Apostle  had  said  in  verses  5.  and  6.  of 
this  chapter :  hut  it  may  also  be  considered  as  anticipative  of 
what  the  Apostle  will  be  found  to  have  written  in  subsequent 
parts  of  this  epistle,  viz.  in  vi.  13.,  again  in  v.  18.,  and  also  in 
vii.  2.  It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  Paul,  on  reading  over  this 
letter  after  he  had  finished  it,  might  add  the  expression  in  verse 
9.,  and  take  notice  of  what  he  says  afterwards,  "  /  have  (says 
he)  -written  to  you  in  this  epistle,"  viz.  in  some  of  the  following 
chapters,  against  fornication,  and  joining  yourselves  to  persons 
addicted  to  that  sin. 

(3.)  The  word  iyp*-\.*,  however,  is  not  necessarily  to  be  un- 
derstood in  the  past  tense.  There  are  nearly  one  hundred  in- 
stances in  the  New  Testament  in  which  the  past  is  put  for  the 
present  tense.  Thus,  in  John  iv.  38.,  Jesus  Christ,  speaking  of 
the  mission  of  the  apostles,  says,  x-rt?u>.ii,  /  sent  you,  though  it 
had  not  yet  taken  place.  A  more  material  example  occurs  in  a 
subsequent  chapter  of  this  very  epistle  (ix.  15.),  where  Paul  uses 
eypx-^x  in  the  sense  of  y^^a,  I  -write.  J\'eithcr  (says  he)  have 
J  written  these  things,  that  is,  at  this  time,  in  this  epistle  which 
I  am  now  writing.  In  the  passage  now  under  consideration, 
therefore,  the  expression  «5§»4'x  liu,v  tv  T"  B*W»**i  is  equivalent  to 
}g*9&>  Cjuut,  I  write  unto  you  in  this  epistle,  not  to  associate  -with 
fornicators  :  and  that  this  view  of  the  passage  is  correct,  is  evi- 
dent from  v.  11.  of  this  chapter,  which  is  only  a  repetition  of  v. 
9.  timi  it  «jg«^i,  Now  I  write  unto  you.  The  adverb  nti,  no-w, 
shows  that  it  is  spoken  of  the  present  time,  though  the  verb  be  in 
the  past  tense.  The  following,  then,  is  the  plain  sense  of  the  text 
and  context :  "  I  -write  unto  you,"  says  the  Apostle,  "in  this  my 
letter,  not  to  associate  (literally,  he  mingled  J  -with  fo-ni caters, 
yet  not  altogether  with  the  fornicators  of  this  ivorld,  or  -with 
the  covetous,  or  extortioners,  or  idolaters,  since  then  indeed  ye 

4  Edwards's  Discourse  concerning  the  Authority,  Style,  and  Perfection 
of  the  Old  and  Ne\vTt?stament,  vol.  iii.  pp.  451 — 4&J.'  Jenkins's  Reasonable- 
id  CYnainty  of  the  Christian  Religion,  vtJL  ii.  pp.  95 — 97.  Jones  on 
the  Canon  of  the  New  Testament,  vol.  i.  pp.  130 — 135. 

»  This  observation  is  so  applicable  to  the  epistle  of  Paul  to  the  Corin- 
thians, which  is  extant  in  the  Armenian  tongue,  that  any  further  notice  of 
that  pseudo-epistle  is  unnecessary.  The  curious  reader  may  find  an 
English  translation  of  it,  as  also  of  a  pretended  episile  of  Paul  to  the  Co 
rinlhians,  accompanied  with  satisfactory  observations  to  prove  their  spu- 
riousness,  in  Jones  on  the  Canon,  vol.  i.  pp.  143 — 147. 


38 


OIS  THE  UN  CORRUPTED  PRESERVATION,  &c 


[Chap.  II 


must  go  out  of  the  world  (renounce  all  worldly  business  what- 
ever, there  being  so  great  a  multitude  of  them).  But  I  mean 
this — that  ye  should  avoid  the  company  of  a  brother  (that  is, 
a  professed  Christian),  if  he  be  given  to  fornication,  covetous- 
ness,  or  idolatry.  This  is  the  thing  which  I  at  this  time  write 
unto  you." 

Putting  all  these  circumstances  together,  we  conclude  that 
die  internal  evidence  seems  to  be  unfavourable  to  the  hypo- 
thesis, that  a  letter  to  the  Corinthians  had  preceded  that 
which  Paul  was  now  writing.  The  external  evidence  is  de- 
cidedly against  such  hypothesis.  Upon  the  whole,  therefore, 
we  have  no  doubt  that  the  two  epistles  still  preserved  are  the 
only  epistles  which  Paul  ever  addressed  to  the  Corinthians.1 

2.  In  2  Cor.  x.  9 — 11.  we  read  as  follows :  That  I  may 
not  seem  as  if  I  would  terrify  you  by  letters.  For  his  let- 
ters, say  they,  are  weighty  and  powerful,  but  Ids  bodily  pre- 
sence is  weak,  and  his  speech  contemptible.  Let  such  an  one 
think  this,  that  such  as  we  are  in  word  by  letters  when  ive  are 
absent,  such  will  we  be  also  in  deed  when  we  are  present.  Hence 
it  has  been  argued  that  Paul  had  already  written  more  than 
one — even  several  letters  to  the  Corinthians. 

But  to  this  it  is  answered,  that  it  is  very  common  to  speak  of 
one  epistle  in  the  plural  number,  as  all  know  ;  and  Paul  might 
well  write  as  he  here  does,  though  he  had  hitherto  sent  only  one 
epistle  to  the  persons  to  whom  he  is  writing.  And  from  so  long 
a  letter  as  the  first  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians  is,  men  might  form 
a  good  judgment  concerning  his  manner  of  writing  letters, 
though  they  had  seen  no  other.2 

3.  In  Col.  iv.  16.  Paul  desires  the  Colossians  to  send  to 
Laodicea  the  epistle  which  they  themselves  had  received, 
and  to  send  for  another  from  Laodicea,  which  was  also  to  be 
read  at  Colossae.  His  words  are  these  :  When  this  epistle  is 
read  among  you,  cause  that  it  be  read  also  in  the  church  of  the 
Laodiceans,  and  that  ye  likewise  read  the  epistle  from  Laodicea : 
— k-m  tuv  a.  And  mux;  iv*  K*i  C/uus  avcLyvuni.  Now  the  former  part 
of  this  verse  is  clear  :  but  it  is  not  so  clear  what  epistle  St. 
Paul  meant  by  »  w<rcx»  u.  AucSuux;.  These  words  have  been 
interpreted  three  different  ways. 

(1.)  'H  vriroh»  tx.  Aa.rftx.uu;  has  been  explained,  as  denoting 
"  an  epistle,  which  had  been  written  from  Laodicea  to  Paul." 
This  epistle  has  been  supposed  to  have  contained  several  ques- 
tions, proposed  to  the  apostles  by  the  Laodiceans,  which  he 
answered  in  the  epistle  to  the  Colossians  ;  and  hence  it  has  been 
inferred  that  Paul  ordered  them  to  read  the  former,  as  being  ne- 
cessary toward  a  right  understanding  of  the  latter. 

But  this  opinion  is  erroneous:  for  if  Paul  had  received  an 
epistle  from  Laodicea,  the  capital  of  Phrygia,  he  would  have  re- 
turned the  answer  to  the  questions  which  it  contained  to  Lao- 
dicea itself,  and  not  to  a  small  town  in  the  neighbourhood.  Be- 
sides, there  would  have  been  a  manifest  impropriety  in  sending 
to  the  Colossians  answers  to  questions,  with  which  they  were  not 
acquainted,  and  then,  after  they  had  the  epistle  which  contained 
the  answers,  desiring  them  to  read  that  which  contained  the 
questions. 

(2.)  Another  opinion  is,  that  Paul  meant  an  epistle  which  he 
himself  had  written  at  Laodicea,  and  sent  from  that  place  to 

'  Michaelis,  vol.  iv.  pp.  62—68.  Ferdinandi  Stosch,  AnosTOAlKON 
oaokahpon,  sive  Tractatus  Theologicus  de  Epistolis  Apostolorum  non 
deperditis,  pp.  75—94.  (Groningen,  12roo.  1753.)  Rosenmiiller,  Scholia  in 
N.  T.  torn.  iv.  pp.  71,  72.  Bishop  Middleton  on  the  Greek  Article,  pp.  469. 
4(4.  Dr.  Gardner's  Works,  8vo.  voL  vi.  pp.  668—671. ;  4to.  vol.  iii.  pp  468 
•i->9.  Dr.  John  Edwards  on  the  Authority,  &c.  of  Scripture,  vol.  iii.  pp.467— 
4ii9.  Dr.  Storr,  Opuscula  Academics,  vol.  ii.  pp.  279.  Jones  on  the  Canon, 
»ol.  i.  pp.  136 — 142.  ' 

»  Lardner's  Works,  8vo.  vol.  vi.  pp.  668. ;  4to.  toI.  iii.  pp.  467  468. 


Timothy,  because  the  Greek  subscript!-  A  to  the  first  epistle  tc 
Timothy  is  T\gct  Ti/tcbew  eyg*<p»  a.no  A*c/«aar.  This  opinion  is 
defended  by  Theophylact :  but  it  is  undoubtedly  false.  For  it  is 
evident  from  Col.  ii.  1.  that  Paul  had  never  been  at  Laodicea, 
when  he  wrote  his  epistle  to  the  Colossians  ;  and  if  he  had,  he 
would  not  have  distinguished  an  epistle,  which  he  had  written 
there,  by  the  place  where  it  was  written,  but  by  the  person  or 
community  to  which  it  was  sent.  It  was  not  Pa  ll's  custom  to 
date  his  epistles ;  for  the  subscriptions,  which  we  now  find  an- 
nexed to  them,  were  all  added  at  a  later  period,  and  by  unknown 
persons.  If,  therefore,  he  had  meant  an  epistle,  which  he  him- 
self had  written  at  Laodicea,  he  certainly  would  not  have  de- 
noted it  by  the  title  of  i  &rirc\>i  at  AaxSautu.;. 

(3.)  There  remains,  therefore,  no  other  possible  interpretation 
of  these  words,  than  an  "  epistle,  which  the  Laodiceans  had  re- 
ceived from  Paul,"  and  which  the  Colossians  were  ordered  to  pro- 
cure from  Laodicea,  when  they  communicated  to  the  Laodiceans 
their  own  epistle. 

But,  as  among  the  epistles  of  Paul  in  our  own  canon,  not 
one  is  addressed  to  the  Laodiceans  in  particular,  the  question 
again  occurs :  Which,  and  where  is  this  epistle  1 

1.  There  exists  an  epistle,  which  goes  by  the  name  oi 
Paul's  epistle  to  the  Laodiceans. 

This,  however,  is  undoubtedly  a  forgery,  though  a  very  an- 
cient one  ;  for  Theodoret,  who  lived  in  the  fifth  century,  in  his 
note  to  the  passage  in  question,  speaks  of  it  as  then  extant.  But 
this  is  manifestly  a  mere  rhapsody,  collected  from  Paul's  othei 
epistles,  and  which  no  critic  can  receive  as  a  genuine  work  of  the 
Apostle.  It  contains  nothing  which  it  was  necessary  for  the  Co- 
lossians to  know,  nothing  that  is  not  ten  times  better  and  more 
fully  explained  in  the  epistle  which  Paul  sent  to  the  Colossians  ; 
in  short,  nothing  which  could  be  suitable  to  Paul's  design. 

2.  As  the  epistle,  therefore,  which  now  goes  by  the  name 
of  the  epistle  of  Paul  to  the  Laodiceans,  is  a  forgery,  the 
Apostle  might  mean  an  epistle,  which  he  had  sent  to  the  Lao- 
diceans, and  which  is  now  lost. 

An  objection,  however,  to  this  opinion  (namely,  that  he  had 
sent  an  epistle  to  the  Laodiceans  in  particular),  may  be  made 
from  Col.  iv.  15.,  where  Paul  requests  the  Colossians  to  salute 
Nymphas,  who  was  a  Laodicean.  If  he  had  written  a  particu- 
lar epistle  to  the  Laodiceans  he  would  have  saluted  Nymphas 
rather  in  this  epistle,  than  in  that  to  the  Colossians. 

3.  There  remains  a  third  explanation,  which  is  not  clogged 
with  the  preceding  difficulty,  namely,  that  Paul  meant  an 
epistle,  which  he  had  written  partly,  but  not  solely  for  the 
use  of  the  Laodiceans. 

This  epistle,  in  all  probability,  is  that  which  is  called  the  epis- 
tle to  the  Ephesians  ;  because  Laodicea  was  a  church  within  the 
circuit  of  the  Ephesian  church,  which  was  the  metropolitan  of  all 
Asia.  And  as  Ephesus  was  the  chief  city  of  Proconsular  Asia, 
this  epistle  may  refer  to  the  whole  province.3 

The  preceding  are  the  most  material  instances  which  have 
afforded  occasion  for  the  supposition  that  Paul  wrote  epistles 
which  are  now  lost.  There  are  indeed  three  or  four  other 
examples,  which  have  been  conjectured  to  refer  to  lost  epis- 
tles ;  but  as  these  conjectures  are  founded  on  misconceptions 
of  the  Apostle's  meaning,  it  is  unnecessary  to  adduce  them 
We  have,  therefore,  every  reason  to  conclude  that  no  part  of 
the  New  Testament  is  lost,  and  that  the  canon  of  Scripture 
has  descended  to  our  times,  entire  and  uncorrupted. 

*  Michaelis,  vol.  iv.  pp.  124—127.  Edwards  on  the  Perfection,  &c.  ol 
Scripture,  vol.  iii  pp.  470,  471.  Alber.  Hermeneutica  NoviTestamenti,tom 
i.  pp.  233,  234. 


Sect.  I.J 


DIRECT  EVIDENCES  OF  THE  CREDIBILITY,  Ac. 


CHAPTER  III. 


ON   THE    CREDIBILITY    OF   THE    OLD    AND    NEW   TESTAMENTS. 

SECTION  1. 

DIRECT  EVIDENCES  OF  THE  CREDIBILITY  OF  THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENTS. 

Thetr  Credibility  shown,  I.  From  the  Writer*  having  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  subjects  they  relate. — II.  From  the  Moral 
Certainty  of  Falsehood  Icing  detected,  if  there  had  been  any.  This  proved  at  large,  1.  Concerning  the  (F.d  Testament  ; 
and,  2.  Concerning  the  New  Testament. — III.  From  the  subsistence,  to  this  very  day,  of  Monuments  instituted  to  perpetu- 
ate  the  memory  of  the  principal  facts  and  events  therein  recorded. — And,  IV.  From  the  wonderful  Establishment  and  Pro- 
pagation of  Christianity. 


Satisfactory  as  the  preceding  considerations  are,  in  de- 
monstrating the  genuineness,  authenticity,  and  uncorrupted 
preservation  of  the  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments 
as  tincit at  writings,  yet  they  are  not  of  themselves  sufficient 
■  determine  their  credibility.  An  author  may  write  of  events 
which  have  happened  in  his  time  and  in  the  place  of  his  re- 
sidence, but  should  he  be  either  credulous  or  a  fanatic,  or 
should  we  have  reason  to  suspect  his  honesty,  his  evidence 
is  of  no  value.  In  order,  therefore,  to  establish  the  credibility 
of  an  author,  we  must  examine  more  closely  into  his  particu- 
lar character,  and  inquire  whether  he  possessed  abilities  suf- 
ficient to  scrutinize  the  truth,  and  honesty  enough  faithfully 
to  relate  it  as  it  happened. 

That  the  histories  contained  in  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ments are  credible  ;  in  other  words,  that  there  is  as  great  a 
regard  to  be  paid  to  them,  as  is  due  to  other  histories  of  al- 
lowed character  and  reputation,  is  a  fact,  for  the  truth  of 
which  we  have  as  great,  if  not  greater,  evidence  than  can  be 
adduced  in  behalf  of  any  other  history.  For  the  writers  of 
these  books  had  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  subjects  which 
they  relate,  and  their  moral  character,  though  rigidly  tried, 
was  never  impeached  by  their  keenest  opponents  :  if  there 
had  been  any  falsehoods  in  the  accounts  of  such  transactions 
re  public  and  generally  known,  they  would  easily  have 
been  detected  ;  and  their  statements  are  confirmed  by  monu- 
ments subsisting  to  this  very  day,  as  also  by  the  wonderful 
propagation  ancf establishment  of  Christianity. 

I.  In  the  first  place,  The  writers  of  the  books  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testament  had  a  perfect  knowledge  of 
the  subjects  which  they  relate  ;  AND  their  moral  cha- 
racter, THOUGH  RIGIDLY  TRIED,  WAS  NEVER  IMPEACHED  BY 
THEIR  KEENEST  OPPONENTS. 

The  authors  of  these  books  were,  for  the  most  part,  con- 
temporary with  and  eye-witnesses  of  the  facts  which  they 
have  recorded,  and  concerning  which  they  had  sufficient  op- 
portunity of  acquiring  full  and  satisfactory  information  ;  and 
those  transactions  or  things  which  they  did  not  see,  they  de- 
rived from  the  most  certain  evidences,  and  drew  from  the 
purest  sources.  If  a  man  be  deemed  incompetent  to  record 
any  thing  but  that  which  he  sees,  history  is  altogether  use- 
less :  but  a  satisfactory  degree  of  certainty  is  attainable  on 
events,  of  which  we  were  not  eye-witnesses ;  and  no  one  who 
reads  these  pages  doubts  the  signing  of  Magna  Charta,  or  the 
battles  of  Agincourt  or  Waterloo,  any  more  than  if  he  had 
stood  by  and  seen  the  latter  fought,  and  the  seals  actually 
affixed  to  the  former.  We  owe  much  to  the  integrity  of  others ; 
and  the  mutual  confidence,  on  which  society  is  founded, 
requires,  with  justice,  our  assent  to  thousands  of  events  which 
took  place  long  before  we  were  born,  or  which,  if  contempo- 
rary with  ourselves,  were  transacted  at  some  remote  spot  on 
the  face  of  the  globe.  Who  will  affirm  that  Rapin  or  Hume 
were  incompetent  to  produce  a  history,  which,  making  some 
allowances  for  human  prejudices,  is  worthy  the  confidence 
and  tire  credit  of  our  countrymen  ]  Yet  neither  the  one  nor 
the  other  was  the  witness  of  more  than  an  insignificant  por- 
tion of  his  voluminous  production.  But  if,  by  drawing  from 
pure  sources,  a  man  is  to  be  deemed  competent  to  relate  facts, 
of  which  he  was  not  an  eye-witness,  then  the  writers  of  the 
Bible,  in  those  particular  events  of  which  they  were  not  eye- 
witnesses, but  which  they  affirm  with  confidence,  are  entitled 
to  our  credit.1 

1.  With  regard  to  the  authors  of  the  several  books  of  the  Old 
Testament,  it  is  evident  in  the  four  last  books  of  the  Pen- 
tateuch, tint  Moses  had  a  chief  concern  in  all  the  transac- 

i  Dt    Cnllver's  Lectures  on  Scripture  Facta,  p.  5G3. 


tions  there  related,  as  legislator  and  governor  of  the  Jews. 
Every  thing  was  done  under  his  eye  and  cognizance;  so 
that  this  part  of  the  history,  with  the  exception  of  the  last 
chapter  of  Deuteronomy  (which  was  added  by  a  later  writer), 
may,  not  improperly,  be  called  the  history  of  his  life  and 
times.  He  speaks  of  himself,  it  is  true,  in  the  third  person; 
but  this  affords  no  ground  for  suspecting  either  the  genuine- 
ness of  his  writings  or  the  credibility  of  their  author.  Xe- 
nophon,  Caesar,  and  Josephus  write  of  themselves  in  the 
third  person ;  yet  no  one  ever  questions  the  genuineness  or 
credibility  of  their  writings  on  that  account.  And  for  tho 
first  book  of  the  Pentateuch,  or  that  of  Genesis,  we  have 
already  seen  that  he  is  competent  to  the  relation  of  every 
event,  and  that  he  had  sufficient  authority  for  all  the  facts 
therein  recorded.2 

In  like  manner,  the  authors  of  the  subsequent  historical 
books,  as  Joshua,  Samuel,  Ezra,  and  Nehemiah,  relate  the 
transactions  of  which  they  were  witnesses ;  and  where  they 
treat  of  events  prior  to  their  own  times,  or  in  which  they  did 
not  actually  participate,  they  derived  their  information  from 
ancient  coeval  and  public  documents,  with  such  care  as  fre- 
quently to  have  preserved  the  very  words  and  phrases  of 
tneir  authorities ;  and  very  often  they  have  referred  to  the 

fiublic  annals  which  they  consulted.  Moreover,  they  pub- 
ished  their  writings  in  those  times  when  such  documents 
and  annals  were  extant,  and  might  be  appealed  to  by  their 
readers;  who  so  highly  approved  of  their  writings,  and 
recommended  them  to  posterity,  that  they  were  preserved 
with  more  care  than  the  more  ancient  and  coeval  monuments, 
which  were  lost  in  the  lapse  of  time.  So  also  the  prophets 
Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  Daniel,  and  others,  where  they 
relate  events  that  took  place  before  their  own  times,  derived 
their  narratives  of  them  from  the  authentic  documents  just 
noticed ;  but  concerning  the  facts  that  occurred  in  their  own 
times,  which  indeed,  for  the  most  part,  relate  to  the  degene- 
racy, corruption,  or  idolatry  of  their  countrymen,  whom  they 
reproved  for  those  crimes,  and  urged  them  to  repentance, 
they  are  contemporary  and  native  witnesses.  But,  suppos- 
ing the  authors  of  any  of  these  books,  as  those  of  Josnua 
and  Samuel,  were  not  known,  it  would  not  follow  (as  some 
have  objected)  that  because  it  was  anonymous,  it  was  there- 
fore of  no  authority.  The  venerable  record,  called  Doomsday 
Book,  is  anonymous,  and  was  compiled  from  various  surveys 
(fragments  of  some  of  which  are  still  extant)  upwards  of 
seven  hundred  and  thirty  years  since ;  yet  it  is  received  as 
of  the  highest  authority  in  the  matters  of  fact  of  which  it 
treats.  If  this  book  has  been  preserved  among  the  records 
of  the  realm,  so  were  the  Jewish  records,  several  of  which 
(as  the  books  of  Jasher,  Abijah,  Iddo,  Jehu,  and  others  that 
might  be  mentioned)  are  expressly  cited.  The  books  above- 
mentioned  are  therefore  books  of  authority,  though  it  should 
be  admitted  that  they  were  not  written  by  the  persons  whose 
names  they  bear.3 

»  See  pp.  34—36.  supra. 

•  ''If  any  one  having  access  to  the  journals  of  the  lords  and  commons,  to 
the  books  of  the  treasury,  war  office,  privy  council,  and  other  public  docu- 
ments, should  at  this  day  write  an  history  of  the  reigns  of  George  the  first 
and  second,  and  should  publish  it  without  his  name,  would  any  man,  three 
or  four  hundreds  or  thousands  of  years  hence,  question  the  authority  of 
that  book,  when  he  knew  that  the  whole  British  nation  had  received  it  as 
an  authentic  book,  from  the  time  of  its  first  publication  to  the  age  in  which 
he  live-!  This  supposition  is  in  point.  The  books  of  the  Old  Testament 
were  composed  from  the  records  of  the  Jewish  nation,  and  they  have  been 
received  as  true  bv  that  nation,  from  the  time  in  which  they  were  written  to 
the  present  day.  Dodsley's  Annual  Register  is  an  anonymous  book,  we  only 
know  the  nam'-  -f  its  editor j  the  New  Annual  Register  is  an  anonymous 
book  ;  the  Reviews  are  anonymous  books  ;  but  do  we,  or  will  our  posterity 
esteem  these  books  as  of  no  authority  7  On  the  contrary,  they  are  admit 
tod  at  present,  and  will  be  received  in  afW-ngea.  as  authoritative  records  » 


60 


DIRECT  EVIDENCES  OF  THE  CREDIBILITY 


[Chai-.  111. 


2.  In  like  manner,  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament 
were  contemporary  with  the  facts  which  they  have  recorded, 
and  had  sufficient  means  of  acquiring  correct  information 
concerning  them.  The  chief  writers  of  the  New  Testament 
.ire  Matthew,  John,  Peter,  James,  and  Jude,  all  Jews  by 
birth,  and  resident  at  Jerusalem,  the  scene  of  the  history 
which  they  relate.  They  were  all  the  immediate  disciples 
of  Jesus  Christ,  and  eye-witnesses  of  his  miracles  as  well 
as  of  the  wonderful  effects  produced  by  his  discourses  on 
the  people.  Paul,  it  is  true,  was  a  native  of  Tarsus,  and 
not  among  those  who  had  been  the  friends  of  Jesus  and  the 
eye-witne"sses  of  his  actions ;  but  he  had  lived  a  long  time 
at  Jerusalem,  had  studied  theology  under  Gamaliel  (a  Jew- 
ish teacher  at  that  time  in  the  highest  repute),  and  diligently 
employed  himself  in  acquiring  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the 
Jewish  religion.  Mark,  it  is  well  known,  composed  his 
Gospel  under  the  immediate  inspection  of  Peter,  and  Luke 
composed  his  Gospel  and  Acts  under  the  immediate  inspec- 
tion of  Paul.  Their  histories,  therefore,  are  of  as  great  au- 
thority as  if  they  had  been  written  by  the  above-mentioned 
eye-witnesses.1  It  is  an  extraordinary  but  singular  fact  that 
no  history  since  the  commencement  of  the  woild  has  been 
written  by  an  equal  number  of  contemporary  authors.  We 
consider  several  histories  as  authentic,  though  there  has  not 
been  transmitted  to  our  times  any  authentic  monument  in 
writing,  of  equal  antiquity  with  those  facts  of  which  we  are 
fully  persuaded.  The  history  of  Alexander,  king  of  Mucedon, 
and  conqueror  of  Asia,  is  not  attested  by  any  contemporary  au- 
thor. And  the  same  remark  may  be  made  on  the  history  of 
Augustus,  Tiberius,  and  others,  of  which  no  doubt  can  be 
entertained,  though  it  has  been  written  by  authors  who  were 
not  witnesses  of  the  facts  therein  contained.  It  is  exceed- 
ingly rare,  when  the  facts  are  ancient,  to  have  well  circum- 
stantiated proofs  of  the  same  date  and  age. 

That  all  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament  were  contem- 
poraries with  the  events  which  they  have  related,  is  mani- 
fest from  the  following  considerations.  So  many  facts  and 
circumstances  indeed  are  recorded,  that,  if  the  narrative  were 
not  true,  they  might  have  been  easily  confuted.  The  scenes 
of  the  most  material  events  are  not  laid  in  remote,  obscure, 
or  unfrequented  places ;  the  time  fixed  is  not  some  distant 
age ;  nor  is  the  account  given  obscure  and  general.  The 
facts  are  related  as  of  recent  occurrence,  some  of  them  as 
having  taken  place  at  Jerusalem,  then  subject  to  the  Roman 
government,  and  garrisoned  by  a  band  of  Roman  soldiers ; 
others  as  having  happened  at  Caesarea;  others,  in  cities  of 
great  resort  in  Syria,  and  elsewhere.  The  Gospels  are  a 
history  of  no  obscure  person.  Jesus  Christ  was  a  subject 
of  universal  curiosity :  he  preached  and  wrought  miracles  in 
the  presence  of  thousands,  and  was  frequently  attended  by 
great  numbers  of  persons  of  all  ranks  and  characters.  W  hen 
the  high-priest  interrogated  him  concerning  his  disciples  and 
doctrine,  ne  answered,  "I  spake  openly  to  the  world;  I  ever 
taught  in  the  synagogue,  and  in  the  temple,  whi'.her  the  Jews 
always  resort,  and  in  secret  have  I  said  nothing"  (John  xviii. 
20.) ;  and  he  appealed  to  those  who  had  heard  him,  for  the 
publicity  of  his  conduct.  Both  Jews  and  Gentiles  severely 
scrutinized  his  character  and  conduct ;  and  he  was  ultimately 

Sut  to  death  publicly,  and  during  a  solemn  festival,  when  the 
ews  were  assembled  at  Jerusalem.  While  the  principal 
facts,  related  in  the  Gospels,  were  fresh  in  the  memory  of 
their  countrymen,  the  four  evangelists  published  their  seve- 
ral memoirs  of  the  life  and  death  of  Jesus  Christ.  In  relating 
his  miraculous  operations,  they  mention  the  time,  the  place, 
the  persons  concerned,  and  the  names  of  those  whom  he 
healed  or  raised  from  the  dead.  They  delivered  their  his- 
tories to  the  people  among  whom  he  had  lived,  while  that 
generation  was  alive  who  beheld  the  scenes  which  they  had 
described.  Now  the  enemies  of  Christ  and  his  disciples  were 
sufficiently  able  and  willing  to  detect  falsehoods,  if  there  had 
been  any,  in  these  publications :  their  credit  was  at  stake, 
and  for  their  own  vindication,  it  was  incumbent  on  those  who 
put  him  to  death,  and  persecuted  his  disciples,  to  contradict 
their  testimony,  if  any  part  of  it  had  been  false.  But  no  at- 
tempt was  ever  made  to  contradict  or  to  refute  such  testimony  .■ 
on  the  contrary  (as  will  be  shown  in  a  subsequent  page),2  it 
is  confirmed  by  the  historical  testimony  of  adversaries,  and 

ihe  civil,  military,  and  literary  history  of  England,  and  of  Europe.  So  lin  It- 
foundation  is  there  for  our  being  startled  by  the  assertion, '  It  is  anonymous 
and  without  authority.'  "  lip.  Watson's  Apology,  in  answer  to  Paine'a  Age 
of  Reason,  p.  36.  12ino.  London,  1820. 

»  See  the  testimonies  of  Origen,  Tertullian,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  and 
Papias,  in  Dr.  Lardner's  Credibility  of  the  (iospel  History,  part  li.  chapti  rs 
*S.  27.  22.  and  9. 

»  awe  §  2.  of  the  following  section 


consequently  the  circumstantiality  of  iie  evange.  ical  histori- 
ans establishes  their  credibility.  The  same  remark  is  appli- 
cable to  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  which,  like  the  Gospels. 
were  published  in  the  place  and  among  the  people  when  the 
facts  recorded  were  transacted,  and  were  attested  by  those 
who  opposed  Christianity. — "  What  shall  we  do  to  these  men? 
for  that  indeed  a  notable  miracle  hath  been  done  by  them  is  mani- 
fest to  all  them  that  dwell  at  Jerusalem,  and  we  cannot  DENT 
it."  (Acts  iv.  16.) 
II.  Secondly,  If  there  had  been  any  falsehoods  in  Tiit 

ACCOUNTS  OF  SUCH  TRANSACTIONS  AS  WERE  PUBLIC  AND  GENE- 
RALLY KNOWN,  THEY  WOULD  HAVE  BEEN  EASILY  DETECTED  : 
FOR  THESE  ACCOUNTS  WERE  PUBLISHED  AMONG  THE  PEOPLE 
WHO  WITNESSED  THE  EVENTS  WHICH  THE  HISTORIANS  RELATED. 
But  NO  SUCH  DETECTION  ever  WAS  OR  COULD  BE  MADE  in  TH6 
WRITINGS  OF  THE  AUTHORS  OF  THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTA- 
MENTS. 

In  fact,  we  cannot  charge  Moses  with  having  asserted 
falsehoods  in  the  writings  that  bear  his  name,  without 
charging  him  with  being  the  greatest  knave  as  well  as  the 
most  wicked  impostor  that  ever  lived.  The  injustice  and  im- 
possibility of  such  charges  as  these  (which,  however,  the  im- 
pugners  of  the  Scriptures  persist  in  asserting,  regardless  of 
the  convincing  evidence  to  the  contrary)  will  readily  i  | 
from  the  following  considerations  : — 

[i.]  It  is  almost  incredible  that  so  great  an  impostor  as 
Moses  must  have  been,  if  he  had  asserted  such  falsehoods, 
could  have  given  to  men  so  perfect  and  holy  a  law  as  he  did  ; 
wrhich  not  only  does  not  allow  of  the  smallest  sins,  but  also 
condemns  every  evil  thought  and  every  criminal  desire. 
This  at  least  must  be  conceded,  that  no  impostor  has  ever  yet 
been  seen,  who  enacted  such  excellent  laws  as  Moses  did. 

[ii.]  As  Moses  did  not  impose  upon  others,  so  neither  was 
he  imposed  upon  himself;  in  other  words,  he  was  neither  an 
enthusiast  (that  is,  one  labouring  under  the  reflex  influence 
of  a  heated  imagination),  nor  a  dupe  to  the  imposition  of 
others.  This  will  be  evident  from  a  brief  view  of  his  early 
education  and  apparent  temper  of  mind. 

Moses  was  educated  in  all  the  learning  of  Egypt,  which  coun 
try  (we  know  from  profane  writers)  was  at  that  time  the  seat 
of  all  the  learning  in  the  then  known  world ;  and  though  we 
cannot,  at  this  distant  period,  ascertain  all  the  particulars  of 
which  that  learning  consisted,  yet  we  are  told  that  he  learned 
arithmetic,  geometry,  rhythm,  harmony,  medicine,  music,  philo- 
sophy as  taught  by  hieroglyphics,  astronomy,  and  the  whole  cir- 
cle of  the  sciences  in  which  the  kings  of  Egypt  were  wont  to  be 
instituted.  Now  the  effects  of  a  profound  knowledge  of  philo 
sophy  are  very  seldom  either  enthusiasm  or  superstition.  iSuci. 
knowledge,  in  an  age  when  it  was  exclusively  confined  to  the 
kings  and  priests  of  Egypt,  might  admirably  qualify  a  man  to 
make  dupes  of  others,  but  it  would  have  no  tendency  to  make 
the  possessor  himself  an  enthusiast ;  though,  for  the  purposes 
of  deception,  he  might  affect  to  view  his  own  experiments  in  the 
light  of  miraculous  interpositions  from  heaven.  Moreover,  the 
Hebrew  legislator  was  brought  up  in  all  the  luxury  and  refine- 
ment of  a  splendid  court,  which  is  obviously  very  far  from  being 
favourable  to  enthusiasm;  and  the  temper  of  mind  with  which 
he  describes  himself  to  have  received  his  commission,  was  not 
that  of  an  enthusiast.  The  history  of  past  ages  shows  us  thai 
an  enthusiast  sees  no  difficulties,  dangers,  or  objections,  no  pro- 
babilities of  disappointment  in  any  thing  he  wishes  to  under- 
take. With  him  the  conviction  of  a  divine  call  is  sufficient  to 
silence  every  rational  argument.  But  no  such  precipitate  for- 
wardness or  rash  confidence  is  to  be  traced  in  the  conduct  of 
Moses ;  on  the  contrary,  we  may  plainly  observe  in  him  a  very 
strong  degree;  of  reluctance  to  undertake  the  office  of  liberating 
the  Israelites  from  their  Egyptian  bondage.  Repeatedly  did  he 
request  to  be  excused  from  the  ungrateful  task,  and  start  every 
difficulty  and  objection  which  the  wit  of  man  can  imagine 
"First,  he  asks,  Who  am  I  that  I  should  go  unto  Pharaoh, 
and  that  I  should  bring  forth  the  children  -of  Israel  out  of 
Egypt?  (Exod.  iii.  11.)  Next  he  urges,  When  I  come  unto 
the  children  of  Israel,  and  shall  say  unto  them,  The  God  oj 
your  fathers  hath  sent  me  unto  you,  and  they  shall  say  unto 
me,  What  is  his  name?  What  shall  I  say  unto  them?  (Exod. 
iii.  13.)  Then  he  objects,  Behold,  they  ivill  not  believe  me, 
nor  hearken  unto  my  voice  ;  for  they  ■mill  say,  The  Lord  hath 
not  appeared  unto  thee.  (Exod.  iv.  1.)  Aft*  wards  his  pica  is, 
0  my  Lord,  I  am  not  eloquent,  neither  ht  retofore,  nor  since 
thou  hast  spoken  to  thy  servant ;  but  I  am  stoto  of  speech,  and 
of  a  slow  tongue.  (Exod.  iv.  10.)  At  length,  when  all  his  ob- 
jections are  overruled,  he  fairly  owns  his  utter  dislike  of  the 


^KIT.     I.] 


OF  THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENTS. 


61 


task,  and  beseeches  God  to  appoint  another.  O  my  Lord,  send 
J  pray  thee  by  the  hand  of  him  whom  thou  ivilt  send.  (Exod. 
iv.  13.)"  This  reluctance  is  unaccountable  on  the  supposition 
hat  Moses  was  a  discontented  and  impatient  enthusiast;  but  it 
is  perfectly  intelligible,  if  we  allow  him  to  have  been  free  from 
that  mental  disorder,  as  the  whole  of  his  conduct,  together  with 
the  sound  moral  feeling,  and  the  deep  political  wisdom  tint  per- 
vade his  code  of  laws,  proclaim  him  to  have  been.1 

[iii.]  It  is  absolutely  incredible  that  he  should  have  im- 
posed on  the  Israelites,  as  true,  things  that  were  notoriously 
false,  and  of  the  falsehood  of  which  they  could  convict 
him. 

For  he  relates  facta  and  events  which  had  taken  place  in  the 
presence  of  six  hundred  thousand  men,  and  urges  the  reality 
and  truth  of  those  facts  upon  them  as  motives  to  believe  and 
obey  the  new  religion,  which  he  introduced  among  them  :  Ye 
know  this  day,  says  he,  for  I  speak  not  unto  your  children 
•which  have  not  known  them ;  and  after  relating  a  number  of 
awful  events,  he  concludes  by  saying,  for  your  kyes  have  seen 
all  these  great  acts  of  the  Lord  -which  he  did.  (Deut.  xi.  2 — 7.) 
Is  it  likely  that  Moses  could  have  established  his  authority  among 
the  Israelites  (who  on  many  occasions  rebelled  against  him)  by 
relating  that  he  had  performed  various  miracles  in  their  behalf 
previously  to  their  departure  from  Egypt,  and  that  they  had  seen 
rivers  turned  into  blood, — frogs  filling  the  houses  of  the  Egyp- 
tians,— their  fields  destroyed  by  hail  and  locusts, — their  lands 
covered  with  darkness, — their  first-born  slain  in  one  night, — the 
Red  Sea  forming  a  wall  for  the  Israelites,  but  overwhelming  their 
enemies, — a  pillar  of  a  cloud  and  of  fire  conducting  them, — 
manna  falling  from  heaven  for  their  food, — the  earth  opening 
and  destroying  his  opponents, — if  all  these  things  had  been  false  ] 
The  facts  and  events  related  by  Moses  are  of  such  a  nature,  as 
precludes  the  possibility  of  any  imposition  ;  and,  by  appealing 
to  his  adversaries,  who  witnessed  the  transactions  he  records, 
ho  has  given  the  world  the  most  incontestable  evidences  of  his 
veracity  as  an  historian,  and  also  of  his  divine  commission.  In- 
deed, if  Moses  had  not  been  directed  and  supported  by  super- 
natural aid,  and  by  a  divine  commission,  his  attempt  to  release 
'.he  Israelitish  nation  from  their  servitude  in  Egypt  must  have 
been  characterised  by  no  other  term  than  adventurous  folly  ;  and 
all  his  subsequent  proceedings  must,  in  any  other  view  of  the 
fact,  be  regarded  as  imprudent  and  insane.2 

[iv.]  We  cannot  concpive  for  what  end,  or  with  what 
view,  Moses  could  have  invented  all  these  things.  Was  it 
to  acquire  glory  or  riches  1  he  does  not  appear  to  have  sought 
either  riches  or  profit.  Though  he  had  ample  opportunities 
of  aggrandizing  his  family,  he  left  not  to  his  own  children 
etiiy  office  of  honour  or  emolument ;  and,  on  his  decease,  he 
appointed  an  individual  from  another  tribe  to  be  the  general 
who  was  to  conduct  the  Israelites  into  the  promised  land. 
On  the  contrary,  his  writings  are  marked  by  the  strictest 
veracity,  candour,  and  impartiality. 

If  we  consider  those  apologists  for  themselves,  who  have 
left  us  memoirs  of  their  own  lives,  we  shall  find  in  most  of 
them  an  ambitious  display  of  those  moral  virtues,  by  which 
they  desire  to  be  distinguished  :  they  lose  no  opportunity  of 
setting  forth  the  pnrUy  of  their  designs,  and  the  integrity  of 
their  practice.  The  rest  may  do  this  with  less  pomp  and 
affectation  ;  they  may  preserve  a  modesty  in  the  language, 
and  a  decent  reserve  in  the  air  and  cast  of  their  narration  ; 
still,  howrever,  the  same  purpose  is  discoverable  in  all  these 
writers,  whether  they  openly  proclaim  or  nicely  suggest  and 
insinuate  their  own  importance.  When  men  are  actuated  by 
a  strong  desire  of  appearing  in  the  fairest  light  to  others,  it 
unavoidably  breaks  out  in  some  shape  or  other,  and  all  the 
indirect  ways  of  address  cannot  conceal  it  from  the  intelli- 
gent observer.  This  remark  we  see  exemplified  in  Xeno- 
phon  and  Julius  Csesar,  two  of  the  most  extraordinary  per- 
sons of  the  pagan  world.  They  thought  fit  to  record  their 
own  acts  and  achievements,  and  have  none  it  with  that  air  of 
neglect  and  unpretending  simplicity,  which  has  been  the 
wondei  of  mankind.      Yet,  through  all  this  apparent  indif- 

•  Faber's  Home  Mosaicoe,  vol.  i.  pp.  210 — 234.  in  which  the  topics,  above 
briefly  noticed,  are  treated  at  length  with  great  force  of  argument. 

»  Si>e  this  argument  fully  considered  and  Illustrated  in  M.  Du  Voisin's 
Autorite  des  Livres  de  Moyse,  pp.  157 — 169. ;  end  in  Mr.  Bryant's  Disserta- 
tion on  the  Divine  Mission  of  Moses,  forming  the  fourth  part  of  his  Treatise 
on  the  Plagues  inflicted  upon  the  Egyptians  (pp.  175—271),  London,  1810. 
9vo.  M.  Cellerierhas  also  collected  many  circumstances  in  the  character 
and  conduct  of  Moses  (some  few  of  which  are  similar  to  those  above 
stated),  but  all  of  which,  taken  together,  confirm  his  credibility  as  a  writer, 
besides  affording  a  strong  evidence  of  his  divine  mission.  Del' Olivine 
ivuthentique  et  Divine  de  l'Ancien  Testament,  pp.  181—221.  Geneve, 
I8K.  12mo. 


fen  nee,  every  one  sees  tl*  real  drift  of  these  elaborate 
volumes  ;  every  one  sees  that  they  are  composed  in  such  a 
way  as  to  excite  the  highest  opinion,  not  only  of  their  abili- 
ties as  generals,  but  also  of  their  justice,  generosity,  and 
benevolence,  and,  in  short,  of  the  moral  qualities  of  their 
respective  authors.  It  evidently  appears  that  they  designed 
to  l.e  tin  ir  own  panegyrists  ;  though  nonebutsuch  men  could 
have  executed  that  design  in  so  successful  and  inoffensive  a 
manner.  Hut,  however  accomplished  these  great  men  were, 
can  we  doubt  hut  that  many  exceptionable  steps  were  taken 
by  them  in  the  affiiirs  they  managed]  that,  on  some  occa- 
sions, their  prudence  failed  them,  and  their  virtue  in  others] 
that  their  counsels  and  measures  were  conducted,  at  times, 
with  too  little  honesty  or  too  much  passion  1  Yet,  in  vain 
shall  we  look  for  any  thing  of  this  sort  in  their  large  and 
particular  histories.  There,  all  is  fair,  judicious,  and  well 
advised ;  every  thing  speaks  the  virtuous  man  and  able  com- 
mander, and  the  obnoxious  passages  are  either  suppressed,  or 
they  are  turned  in  such  a  way  as  to  do  honour  to  their  rela- 
tors.3 

But  now,  if  we  turn  to  the  authors  of  the  Bible,  we  shall 
find  no  traces  of  their  thus  eulogizing  themselves.  They 
narrate  their  story  unambitiously,  and  without  art.  We  find 
in  it  no  exaggerations  of  what  may  be  thought  praiseworthy 
in  themselves ;  no  oblique  encomiums  on  their  own  best 
qualities  or  actions ;  no  complacent  airs  in  the  recital  of  what 
may  reflect  honour  on  their  own  characters  ;  no  studied  re- 
serve and  refinement  in  the  turn  and  language  of  their  his- 
tory. 

More  particularly,  with  respect  to  Moses,  whom  we  find  men- 
tioned by  ancient  writers  with  very  high  encomiums,  we  see  him 
taking  no  advantage  of  his  situation  or  talents,  or  placing  them 
in  the  most  advantageous  point  of  view.  On  the  contrary,  he 
takes  very  particular  notice  of  his  own  infirmities,  as  his  want 
of  eloquence,  and  being  slow  of  speech  (Exod.  iv.  10.)  ;  of  hia 
impatience  (Num.  xi.  10.)  ;  his  unbelief  (Num.  xx.  12.)  ; 
his  rebelling  against  the  commandment  of  God,  for  which  he 
was  excluded  from  entering  the  promised  land  (Num.  xxvii. 
14.)  ;  of  his  great  anger  (Exod.  xi.  8.)  ;  and  of  his  being  very 
wroth.  (Num.  xvi.  5.)  He  takes  notice  of  his  repeated  declin- 
ing of  the  measures  to  which  he  was  called,1  and  ascribes  the 
new  modelling  of  the  government  to  Jethro's  advice,  and  not  to 
his  own  wisdom  and  policy.  In  short,  he  spares  neither  him- 
self, nor  his  people,  nor  their  ancestors  the  patriarchs,  nor  his 
own  family  or  relatives. 

"  Of  the  patriarchs  he  speaks  in  such  a  way  as  not  only  did 
not  gratify  the  vanity  of  his  countrymen,  but  such  as  must  most 
severely  wound  their  national  pride  :  he  ranks  some  of  theii 
ancestors  very  high  indeed,  as  worshippers  of  the  true  God,  and 
observers  of  his  will,  in  the  midst  of  a  world  rapidly  degenerat- 
ing into  idolatry ;  yet  there  is  not  one  of  them  (Joseph  perhapi 
excepted)  of  whom  he  does  not  recount  many  weaknesses,  which 
a  zealous  partisan  would  have  been  careful  to  suppress ;  and  to 
many  he  imputes  great  crimes,  which  he  never  attempts  to  palli- 
ate or  disguise.  In  this  point,  the  advocates  of  infidelity  may 
be  appealed  to  as  judges  ;  they  dwell  upon  the  weaknesses  and 
crimes  of  the  patriarchs  with  great  triumph  ;  let  them  not  deny, 
then,  that  the  Scripture  account  of  them  is  impartial  and  true  in 
all  its  points,  good  as  well  as  bad  ;  and  we  fear  not  but  it  will 
be  easily  proved,  that  notwithstanding  their  weaknesses  and  even 
crimes,  they  were  upon  the  whole,  and  considering  the  moral 
and  religious  state  of  the  human  mind  in  that  age,  characters 
not  unworthy  of  pardon  and  acceptance  with  God,  and  fit  instru- 
ments for  the  introduction  of  the  divine  dispensations.  Of  the 
Jew  ish  nation  in  general,  the  author  of  the  Pentateuch  speaks, 
it  may  be  said,  not  only  impartially,  but  even  severely  ;  he  does 
not  conceal  the  weakness  and  obscurity  of  their  first  origin,  that 
'  a  Syrian  ready  to  perish  was  their  father  ;'5  nor  their  long  and 
degrading  slavery  in  Egypt:  their  frequent  murmurings  and 
criminal  distrust  of  God,  notwithstanding  his  many  interposi 
tions  in  their  favour  ;  their  criminal  apostacy,  rebellion,  and 
resolution  to  return  to  Egypt,  first,  when  they  erected  the  golden 
calf  at  Mount  Sinai ;'  and  next,  on  the  return  of  thp  .spies  from 
the  land  of  Canaan,  when  they  were  so  afraid  of  the  inhabitants, 
that  they  durst  not  attack  them ;"  he  repeatedly  reproaches  the 
people  with  these  crimes,  and  loads  them  with  the  epithets  of 
stiff-necked,  rebellious,  and  idolatrous  :8  he  inculcates  upon  them 
most  emphatically,  that  it  was  not  for  their  own  righteousnesi 

«  Bp.  Hurd's  Works,  vol.  vii.  pp.  179.  181. 

•  See  the  passages  given  in  pp.  60,  61.  supra. 

•  Deut.  xxvi.  5.  •  Exod.  xxii.  '  Numb.  xiii.  and  xr» 

•  Vide  in  particular  Deut.  ix.  also  Exod.  xxxii. 


62 


DIRECT  EVIDENCES  OF  THE  CREDIBILITY 


[Chap.  III. 


that  God  gave  them  possession  of  the  promised  land  :  he  de- 
clares to  them  his  conviction,  that  in  their  prosperity  they  would 
again1  relapse  into  their  rebellions  and  idolatries,  and  imitate  the 
foul  vices  of  those  nations  whom  God  had  driven  out  from  before 
them  for  these  very  crimes.  Here  again  we  may  appeal  to  the 
judgment  of  infidels  :  they  triumph  in  the  apostacies  and  crimes 
of  the  Jews,  and  represent  them  as  totally  unworthy  the  divine 
protection  and  regard  :  surely  then,  they  must  confess,  that  the 
historian  who  has  thus  described  them  is  strictly  impartial ;  and 
that  as  he  has  concealed  nothing  that  would  disgrace,  we  may  also 
be  confident  that  he  has  feigned  nothing  to  exalt  his  country- 
men ;  and  admitting  this,  we  may  easily  show  that,  notwith- 
standing the  crimes  and  the  stubbornness  of  the  Jews,  it  was 
yet  not  unworthy  of  the  divine  wisdom  to  employ  them  as  the 
medium  of  preserving  the  worship  of  the  true  God  amidst  an 
idolatrous  world,  and  of  preparing  the  way  for  the  introduction 
of  a  pure  and  universal  religion. 

"  The  impartiality  of  the  author  of  the  Pentateuch  is  not  less 
remarkable  in  the  mode  in  which  he  speaks  of  the  nearest  rela- 
tions and  connections  of  the  Jewish  Lawgiver.  His  brother2 
Aaron  is  related  to  have  been  engaged  in  the  great  crime  of 
setting  up  the  golden  calf,  to  have  joined  with  his5  sister  Miriam 
in  an  unjustifiable  attack  on  the  authority  of  Moses,  and  to  have 
offended  God  so  much,  that  he  was  excluded  from  the  promised 
land  ;  and  the4  two  eldest  sons  of  Aaron  are  related  to  have  been 
miraculously  put  to  death  by  God  himself,  in  consequence  of 
their  violating  the  ritual  law.  The  tribe  and  kindred  of  the 
lawgiver  are  not  represented  as  exempt  from  the  criminal  rebel- 
lion of  the  Jews  on  the  return  of  the  twelve  spies :  Caleb  and 
Joshua,  who  alone  had  opposed  it,  were  of  different  tribes,  one 
of  Judah,  and  the  other  of  Ephraim.  In  a  word,  nothing  in  the 
narrative  of  the  Pentateuch  exalts  the  character  of  any  of  the 
near  relatives  of  Moses  and  Aaron,  except  only  in  the  instance 
ofr  Phinehas,  the  grandson  of  Aaron :  who,  for  his  zeal  in  re- 
straining and  punishing  the  licentiousness  and  idolatry  into 
which  the  Midianitish  women  had  seduced  his  countrymen,  was 
rewarded  by  the  high  priesthood  being  made  hereditary  in  his 
family.  Of  the  family  of  the  legislator  we  are  told  nothing,  but 
that  his'  father-in-law  Jcthro  was  a  wise  man,  who  suggested  to 
Moses  some  regulations  of  utility  :  that  his7  wife  was  an  ^Ethio- 
pian woman,  and  as  such  the  object  of  contempt  and  opposition 
even  to  his  own  brother  and  sister  ;  and  that  he  had  two  sons, 
of  whom,  or  their  families,  the  history  takes  no  notice ;  so  that 
nothing  about  them  is  known,  but  that  they  were  undistinguished 
from  the  rest  of  the  Levitical  tribe.  How  different  is  all  this 
from  the  embellishments  of  fiction  or  the  exaggerations  of  vanity  ! 
How  strongly  does  it  carry  with  it  the  appearance  of  humility 
and  truth  !"« 

The  preceding  observations  are  equally  applicable  to  the 
writers  who  succeeded  Moses ;  and  who  exhibit  every  mark 
of  integrity  in  their  character,  temper,  and  manner  of  writ- 
ing. They  relate  facts  with  the  utmost  simplicity.  They 
appear  to  have  no  secular  interest  in  view ;  nor  can  we  con- 
ceive that  they  could  possibly  be  under  any  such  influence. 
On  the  contrary,  they  exposed  themselves  to  many  disad- 
vantages. In  relating  the  most  wonderful  facts,  they  make 
n.°  aP°l°gies.  They  use  no  panegyric.  There  is  nothing 
like  flattery  or  reserve  in  their  narrations,  or  their  addresses! 
4  Their  own  frailties  and  follies,  and  the  misconduct  of  their 
greatest  heroes  and  sovereigns,  are  recorded  with  singular 
and  unexampled  fidelity.  They  offer  no  palliation  of  their 
conduct ;  they  conceal  nothing ;  they  alter  nothing,"  how- 
ever disgraceful  to  the  Hebrew  worthies  and  to  the  Hebrew 
nation.  No  candid  reader  can  peruse  their  writings  atten- 
tively, without  observing  that  this  is  a  just,  though  imperfect 
representation  of  their  character  ;  nor  can  any  one  suppose 
that  men  of  such  a  character  would  wish  to  deceive  their 
readers.  And  would  the  transactions  recorded  by  them  have 
been  received  as  true  by  those  who  had  the  best  means  and 
opportunities  of  examining  the  truth  of  them,  if  they  had 
not  really  and  truly  taken  place  1 

2.  Let  us  now  direct  our  attention  to  the  writings  of  the 
evangelists  and  apostles  contained  in  the  New  Testament ; 
a-id  we  shall  see  their  credibility  established  upon  evidence 
equally  conclusive  with  that  adduced  for  the  Old  Testa- 
ment.    For, 

[i.l  The  actions  ascribed  to  Jesus  Christ  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment are  of  that  description  that  they  could  not  have  been 
recorded,  if  they  had  not  been  true. 

>  Vide  Deut.  xxxi.  »  Exod.  xxxii. 

>  Num.  xii.  *  Num.  iii.  4.  and  Lev.  x.  1 — 7. 

i  Nuin  xxv.  7—13.  •  Exod.  xviii.  i  Num.  xii.  1. 

Dr  Graves's  Lectures  on  the  Pentateuch,  vol.  i.  pp.  54 — 67. 


Independently  of  the  miratlcs  performed  by  Jesus  Christ 
(which  are  fully  investigated  in  a  subsequent  chapter),9  "  his 
general  conduct,  as  described  by  the  evangelists,  is  that  of  a  per- 
son surpassing  both  in  wisdom  and  in  goodness  the  most  perfect 
character,  that  was  evor  drawn  by  Roman  or  by  Grecian  elo- 
quence. The  character  of  our  Saviour,  as  represented  by  the 
evangelists,  is  not  drawn  in  a  formal  manner,  exhibiting  a! 
one  view  the  various  qualities  of  which  that  character  is  com- 
posed. The  character  of  our  Saviour  must  be  learnt  by  com- 
paring the  facts  recorded  of  him,  with  the  situations  in  which 
he  was  placed,  and  the  circumstances  under  which  he  acted 
This  comparison  exhibits  unshaken  fortitude  in  the  severest 
trials,  calmness  undisturbed  by  provocation,  kindness  returned 
for  injury,  and  dignity  maintained  inviolate  through  every  action 
of  his  life.  Nor  is  the  wisdom  and  the  judgment  displayed  on 
every  trying  occasion  less  conspicuous  in  the  character  of  our 
Saviour.  At  the  same  time  we  perceive  the  gradual  unfolding 
of  a  scheme  for  the  general  welfare  of  mankind,  a  scheme  uni- 
form and  consistent  in  all  its  parts,  yet  misunderstood  at  first 
by  the  apostles  themselves,  as  being  opposed  to  the  general  pre- 
judices of  the  Jews.  Facts  of  this  description  could  not  have 
been  invented  by  the  apostles.  Plain  and  unlettered  Jews,  as 
the  twelve  apostles  were,  though  adequate  to  the  office  of  record- 
ing what  they  had  seen  and  heard,  were  incapable  of  fabricating 
a  series  of  actions  which  constitute  the  most  exalted  character 
that  ever  existed  upon  earth.  If  the  learning  and  the  ingenuity 
of  Plato  or  Xenophon  might  have  enabled  them  to  draw  a  pic- 
ture of  Socrates  more  excellent  than  the  original  itself,  it  was 
not  in  the  power  of  unlettered  Jews  to  give  ideal  perfection  to  a 
character  which  was  itself  imperfect,  and  to  sustain  that  ideal 
perfection,  as  in  a  dramatic  representation,  through  a  series  of 
imaginary  events.  Indeed  it  is  highly  probable,  that  the  apostles 
and  evangelists  were  not  wholly  aivare  of  that  perfection  which 
they  themselves  have  described.  For  that  perfection  is  not  con- 
tained in  any  formal  panegyric,  expressive  of  the  writer's  opin- 
ion, and  indicating  that  opinion  to  the  reader.  It  is  known  only 
by  comparison  and  by  inference.  We  are  reduced,  therefore,  to 
this  dilemma  : — either  the  actions,  which  are  ascribed  to  our 
Saviour,  are  truly  ascribed  to  him ;  or  actions  have  been  invented 
for  a  purpose  of  which  the  inventors  themselves  were  probably 
not  aware,  and  applied  to  that  purpose  by  means  which  the  in- 
ventors did  not  possess.  And  when  we  further  consider  that 
the  plan  developed  by  those  facts  was  in  direct  opposition  to  the 
notion  of  the  Jews  respecting  a  temporal  Messiah,  we  must  be- 
lieve in  what  was  wholly  impossible,  if  we  believe  that  unlettered 
Jews  could  have  invented  them."10 

[ii.]  The  apostles  could  not  be  deceived  in  the  facts  which  they 
have  recorded.  This  will  appear  from  the  following  consider- 
ations : — 

(1.)  They  were  competent  witnesses  of  the  facts  which  they 
attested,  and  on  which  the  Christian  religion  is  founded. 

Their  testimony  did  not  relate  to  certain  abstract  points,  in 
forming  a  judgment  of  which  they  might  have  been  misled  by 
the  sophistry  of  others,  or  have  erred  through  their  own  inad- 
vertence and  incapacity  ;  nor  to  events  which  had  happened  be- 
fore their  birth,  or  in  a  distant  region  of  the  earth,  concerning 
which,  therefore,  they  might  have  received  false  information.  It 
respected  facts  which  they  had  witnessed  with  their  eyes  and 
with  their  ears.  They  had  lived  with  Christ  during  his  ministry, 
they  had  heard  his  discourses,  and  seen  his  wonderful  works, 
and  consequently  received  them  on  the  testimony  of  their  own 
senses.  They  all  had  the  same  knowledge,  and  in  the  same  de- 
gree, and  they  agree  in  the  same  essential  testimony.  Now  we 
may  seek  in  vain  for  any  thing  of  a  similar  nature  in  the  whole 
universe.  Contemporary  authors  themselves  rarely  see  the  facts 
which  they  relate ;  they  are  often  in  a  distant  country  from  that 
in  which  the  event  happened,  and  are  informed  of  it  only  by 
public  reports,  which  are  seldom  faithful  in  all  points.  And  their 
want  of  exactness  will  be  evident  to  any  one  who  may  under- 
take to  compare  the  relations  of  different  though  contemporary 
writers."  If,  indeed,  it  happens  that  an  author  be  at  the  same 
time  both  historian  and  witness ; — that  he  has  accompanied  the 
prince  or  general  whose  actions  he  relates  (as  Polybius,  the  his- 
torian, accompanied  the  illustrious  Roman  general  Scipio), — that 
he  has  been  his  particular  confidant,  and  has  participated  in  his 
deliberations  and  councils  ; — in  such  a  case  we  set  a  high  value 
upon  his  memoirs  ;  and  should  consider  it  an  act  of  injustice,  as 

s  See  chap.  iv.  sect.  ii.    §  vii.  viii.  ix.  infra. 

"  Bp.  Marsh's  Lectures,  part  vi.  pp.  71—73 

"  Witness  the  contradictory  statements,  in  numerous  particulars,  pub 
lished  by  various  French,  German,  and  English  writers,  relative  to  the  mo- 
mentous transactions  of  the  campaigns  of  1812— 1S14. 


Nf.it.  I.} 


OF  THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENTS. 


63 


well  as  a  want  of  common  honesty,  to  call  them  in  question  or 
doubt  them,  without  solid  proofs,  even  though  such  a  writer's 
testimony  be  tingle.  Further,  we  likewise  highly  value  histo- 
ries written  by  generals  or  princes,1  who  relate  their  own  ac- 
tions with  an  air  of  sincerity  and  modesty,  which  leaves  an  ap- 
pearance of  probability  in  their  writings,  though  otherwise  their 
testimony  might  naturally  be  suspected. 

What  then  must  we  think  of  the  joint  testimony  of  so  many 
historians,  who  relate  nothing  hut  what  they  saw  with  their 
eyes,  who  were  present  at  all  the  transactions,  who  heard  each 
particular,  and  are  themselves  a  great  part  of  the  history  which 
they  have  written  1  Who  can  refuse  to  believe  persons  who 
write,  as  one  of  them  does,  in  the  following  manner: — "  That," 
says  he,  "  -which  ivas  from  the  beginning"  (of  Christ's  minis- 
try), "  -which  we  have  iik*uii,  which  we  have  seex  -with  our 
f.yks,   and  our  hamis    have    uamh.kd    of  the   ivord  of  life" 

(Christ  and  his  Gospel) "  that  -which  we  have  seen  and 

heard,  declare  we  unto  you?"  (1  John  i.  1 — 3.)  If  Plato  has 
been  deemed  a  competent  witness,  and  in  every  respect  qualified 
to  compose  the  biographical  account  of  his  master  Socrates,  and 
of  his  discourse  in  prison  before  he  drank  of  the  poisoned  bowl, 
because  he  was  present  on  those  occasions  ;  or,  to  come  nearer 
to  our  own  times,  if  Mr.  Boswell  is  considered  as  a  competent 
witness  to  compose  the  life  of  the  illustrious  English  moralist 
Dr.  Johnson,  because  he  was  present  at  most  of  the  conversa- 
tions, &c.  which  he  has  related  ;  or,  if  Sir  William  Forbes  be 
considered  a  competent  witness  for  writing  the  life  of  the  acute 
detector  of  the  sophistry  of  Hume,  Dr.  Bcattic  ;  or,  Mr.  Hayley, 
.or  the  life  of  the  amiable  poet  Cowper,  because  they  knew  them 
intimately,  conversed  and  corresponded  with  them,  and  had  au- 
thentic information  from  the  friends  and  correspondents  of  the 
eminent  men  whose  lives  they  have  written  ;  surely  the  evan- 
gelical historians  were  equally  competent  witnesses  of  the  facts 
which  they  have  related  ! 

(•3.)  Moreover,  they  were  not  enthusiasts  or  fanatics. 

The  characteristics  of  enthusiasm  or  fanaticism  are,  a  blind 
credulity,  in  consequence  of  which  its  subject  is  led  to  imagine 
himself  always  to  be  the  favourite  of  Heaven,  and  actuated  by 
divine  inspiration; — disorder  and  contradiction  in  the  religious 
system  proposed  by  the  enthusiast ;  and  obscurity  and  absurdity 
in  his  exposition  of  it,  accompanied  with  dictatorial  positiveness, 
requiring  an  implicit  credence  of  his  pretensions,  or  at  least  on 
grounds  as  vain  and  delusive  as  those  which  have  satisfied  him- 
self;— a  morose,  unsocial,  and  severe  system  of  morality  ; — and 
contempt  of  all  written  revelation.  But  none  of  these  charac- 
te-:stics  is  to  be  traced  in  the  character  or  writings  of  the  apos- 
tles. They  became  the  disciples  of  Jesus  Christ  upon  rational 
conviction, — not  upon  internal  persuasion  alone,  but  o  l  the  irre- 
fragable  evidence  of  clear  and  stupendous  mirarles,  proofs  sub- 
mitted to  their  senses,  and  approved  by  their  reason,  which  en- 
thusiasm could  not  have  counterfeited,  and  neve;  would  h&?9  re- 
quired ;  and  at  every  step  of  their  progress,  as  their  fai'.h  was 
called  to  signalize  itself  by  new  exertions,  or  to  sustain  new 
trials,  it  was  fortified  by  new  proofs.  The  slowness  and  caution 
with  which  the  apostles  received  the  fact  of  their  Lord's  resur- 
rection from  the  dead  fully  exempt  them  from  all  suspicion  of 
being  the  dupes  of  delusion  and  credulity.  Throughout  their 
various  writings,  the  utmost  impartiality,  sobriety,  modesty,  and 
humility  prevail.  In  the  most  frank  and  artless  manner  they  do 
that  which  enthusiasts  never  do  ;  they  record  their  own  mistakes, 
tollies,  and  faults,  and  those  of  very  serious  magnitude,  acknow- 
ledged to  be  such  by  themselves,  and  severely  censured  by  their 
Master.  No  example  of  this  nature  can  be  found  in  the  whole 
history  of  enthusiasm,  and  no  other  such  example  in  the  whole 
history  of  man.  Enthusiasts  also,  in  all  their  preaching  and  con- 
versation on  religious  .subjects,  pour  out  with  eagerness  the  dic- 
tates of  passion  and  imagination  ;  and  never  attempt  to  avail 
themselves  of  the  facts  or  arguments,  on  which  reason  delights  to 
rest.  Strong  pictures,  vehement  effusions  of  passion,  violent  ex- 
clamations, loudly  vociferated  and  imperiously  enjoined  as  ob- 
jects of  implicit  faith  and  obedience,  constitute  the  sum  and  sub- 
stance of  their  addresses  to  mankind.  They  themselves  believe, 
because  they  believe,  and  know,  because  they  know  ■  their  con- 
viction, instead  of  being  (as  it  ought  to  be)  the  result  of  evidence, 
is  the  result  of  feeang  merely.  If  any  one  attempt  to  persuade 
them  that  they  arc  in  error,  by  reasoning,  facts,  and  proofs,  they 

'  Such  are  Xenophon's  History  of  the  Y  Jtreat  of  tlie  Ten  Thousand 
Greeks,  ami  Caesar's  Commentaries  on  the  Wars  of  the  Romans  with  the 
Gauls,  among  the  ancients ;  and,  among  the  moderns,  the  Archduke  Charles 
of  Austria's  Principles  of  Strategy,  or  the  Science  of  War,  as  opposed  to 
Military  Tactics,  or  tht  Art  of  War,  in  which  he  ha*  given  the  history  of  the 
*»mpmgn  of  1796,  inUcrmany. 


regard  him  with  a  mixture  of  pity  and  contempt,  for  weakly  op 
posing  his  twilight  probabilities  to  the  noonday  certainty,  and 
for  preposterously  labouring  to  illumine  the  sun  with  a  taper. 
How  contrary  is  all  this  to  the  conduct  of  the  apostles  !  When 
a  proof  of  their  mission  or  doctrine  was  required  of  them,  they 
appealed  instantly  and  invariably  to  arguments,  facts,  and  mira- 
cles. These  convinced  mankind  then,  and  they  produce  the 
same  conviction  now.  The  lapse  of  more  than  seventeen  cen 
turies  have  detected  them  in  no  error,  and  in  no  degree  enfeebled 
their  strength.  Their  discourses  were  then,  and  are  now,  the 
most  noble,  rational,  and  satisfactory  discourses  on  moral  and  re- 
ligious subjects  ever  witnessed  by  mankind.  There  is  not  one 
single  instance  in  them  all,  in  which  belief  is  demanded  on  any 
other  grounds  than  these ;  and  on  these  grounds  it  is  always 
rightfully  demanded  ;  but  on  these  grounds  it  is  never  demanded 
by  enthusiasts.  There  is  not  in  the  world  a  stronger  contrast 
to  the  preaching  of  enthusiasts,  than  that  of  Christ  and  hi» 
apostles. 

Further,  the  style  of  fanatics  is  always  obscure,  arrogant, 
and  violent.  The  style  of  the  New  Testament  is  the  very 
reverse  of  this. 

The  utmost  harmony  exists  through  every  part  of  the  system 
of  religion  inculcated  by  its  authors.  The  historical  books  are 
plain,  calm,  and  unexaggeratcd ;  detailing  the  facts  which  es- 
tablish the  unparalleled  perfection  of  their  Divine  Lord,  with  the 
particularity  and  consistency  of  truth.  Some  trifling  discrepan- 
cies, it  is  true,  are  found  in  the  collateral  circumstances  related 
by  the  historians  of  Jesus  Christ  (and  this  is  an  evident  proof 
that  they  did  not  copy  one  from  another)  ;  but  in  all  essential 
matters  they  entirely  and  perfectly  agree ;  and  though  scarcely 
one  among  them  had  read,  or  could  have  read,  the  writings  of 
the  others,  yet  their  histories  and  doctrines  arc  perfectly  accord- 
ant. And  the  epistles — though  written  at  different  and  distant 
times,  on  various  occasions,  from  different  places,  and  addressed 
to  very  different  communities,  and  persons — never  contradict 
each  other.  On  the  contrary,  they  are  uniformly,  in  the  highest 
degree,  natural,  rational,  and  affectionate,  admirably  adapted  to 
the  occasions  which  produced  them,  and  to  the  relations  which 
their  several  writers  bore  to  the  various  churches  and  persons 
whom  they  addressed : — instructing  their  ignorance,  and  encou- 
raging their  virtues, — rebuking  their  offences  without  bitterness, 
— vindicating  their  own  character  from  calumny,  without  betray- 
ing any  excessive  resentment, — and  maintaining  their  own  au 
thority,  as  religious  instructors  and  guides,  without  any  trace  of 
spiritual  pride,  any  arrogant  claims  to  full  perfection  of  virtue. 
So  far  are  they  from  inculcating  a  gloomy  devotion,  or  a  morose, 
unsocial,  or  selfish  system  of  morality,  that,  while  they  insist  on 
the  necessity  of  sincere,  fervent,  and  heartfelt  piety  to  God,  with- 
out any  affectation  of  rapturous  ecstasy  or  extravagant  fervour, 
— a  piety,  in  short,  chastened  and  controlled  by  humility  and 
discretion, — they  at  the  same  time  inculcate  the  strictest  equity 
and  justice  in  our  intercourse  with  our  fellow-men,  together  with 
the  purest,  most  active,  and  most  diffusive  benevolence.  "While 
the  just  pre-eminence  is  allowed  to  internal  sincerity,  outward 
rites  and  observances  have  their  due  importance  preserved  ;  every 
grace,  and  every  virtue,  that  can  form  a  part  of  the  Christian 
character,  has  its  just  order  and  value  assigned  to  it  in  the  Chris- 
tian scheme ;  every  civil,  relative,  and  social  duty  is  taught  in  the 
clearest  manner,  and  enforced  by  the  strongest  motives.  So  far 
are  the  authors  of  the  New  Testament  from  contemning  all  writ- 
ten revelation,  that  in  their  writings  they  uniformly  evince  the 
greatest  reverence  for  the  written  revelation  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, which  they  exhort  their  disciples  to  study  diligently,2  and 
point  out  its  friendly  harmony  with  the  Christian  system.3  And 
though  they  insist  on  the  necessity  of  receiving  and  believing 
that  system^  yet  they  equally  condemn  all  spirit  of  persecution, 4 
and  all  religious  indifference." 

[iii.]  They  were  neither  deceived  themselves,  nor  did  or 
could  they  deceive,  or  impose  upon,  others. 

We  have  already  remarked,7  that  the  evangelical  histo- 
rians were  eye-witnesoes  of  the  facts  they  recorded  :  conse- 

»  2  Tim.  iii.  14—17.   2  Pet.  i.  19,  20. 

J  Actsii   14-3o.  xiii.  15 — 41-  Rom.  iv.  10.  19—21,  &c. 

«  Acts  iv.  12.  Rom.  iii.  20—26.  «  Rom.  xiv.  3—23. 

•  Dr.  Graves's  Essay  on  the  Character  of  the  Apostles,  to  prove  that  they 
were  not  enthusiasts,  passim  :  Dr.  Less  on  the  Authenticity,  &c  of  the 
New  Testament,  pp.  280—299. ;  by  both  of  whom  the  topics  above  glanced 
at  are  fully  and  ably  illustrated.  Lord  Lyttleton  has  also  applied  similar 
considerations  to  the  conversion  of  St.  Paul,  which  he  has  shown  to  be  an 
irrefragable  argument  for  the  truth  of  the  Christian  religion-  See  his  "Ob- 
servations on  the  Conversion  of  St.  Paul,"— an  inestimable  little  treatise,  to 
which  scepticism  could  never  frame  a  reply. 

'  See  pp.  62,  63.  tuvra 


64 


DIRECT  EVIDENCES  OF  THE  CREDIBILITY 


[Chap.  Ill 


quently  they  could  not  be  deceived  as  to  the  actual  occurrence 
of  the  facts  and  miracles  related  in  the  Gospels  and  Acts. 

That  they  could  not  be  imposed  upon  themselves  is  evident 
from  the  nature,  number,  and  publicity  of  the  miracles  said  to 
have  been  performed,  first  by  Jesus  Christ,  and  afterwards  by  his 
apostles.  They  saw  diseases  healed,  the  dumb  made  to  speak, 
the  power  of  hearing  given  to  the  Ueaf,  the  lame  made  to  walk, 
the  maimed  (that  is,  those  who  -wanted  a  limb)  made  perfect  or 
whole,  and  the  dead  raised  to  life.  They  had  the  best  possible 
information,  and  were  fully  convinced  of  the  reality  of  such  mira- 
cles. Neither  did  they  deceive  or  impose  upon  others.  The 
whole  tenor  of  their  lives  demonstrated,  and  even  their  ad- 
versaries confessed,  that  they  were  men  of  piety  and  integrity. 
They  never  would  have  pretended  to  persuade  (nor  could  they 
have  succeeded  in  persuading)  their  countrymen  and  contempo- 
raries, that  a  man,  whose  death  was  public  and  notorious,  was 
risen  again, — that  darkness  had  covered  the, land  at  the  time  of 
his  execution, — and  that  there  had  been  an  earthquake  at  the 
moment  of  his  decease, — if  these  events  had  not  taken  place.  Be- 
sides, when  it  is  recollected  that  the  writers  in  question  were 
men  who  had  not  received  a  learned  education,  and  who  were 
also  of  a  very  humble  class  in  society,  it  is  utterly  improbable  that 
they  could  pretend  to  speak  foreign  languages  and  upbraid  an 
entire  and  numerous  society  with  making  a  bad  use  of  the  same 
extraordinary  gift,  if  that  society  had  not  received  it.1  Such  pre- 
tensions, if  false,  could  never  have  been  admitted  ;  and  it  were 
absurd,  not  to  say  impossible,  that  so  many  men  should  conspire 
to  propagate  a  falsehood,  especially  at  a  time  when  even  attend- 
ance on  the  ministers  of  Christ,  much  less  the  profession  of  his 
faith,  exposed  them  to  the  severest  persecutions  and  most  immi- 
nent danger  of  their  lives.  Moreover,  it  rarely  happens  that  any 
one  will  propagate  a  deliberate  falsehood,  without  having  some 
advantage  in  view,  either  immediate  or  remote.  Now  the  first 
teachers  of  Christianity  could  have  no  prospect  whatever  of  any 
advantage.  They  could  expect  none  from  him  in  whom  they 
professed  to  believe.  Jesus  Christ,  indeed,  had  warned  them  to 
expect  persecution,  ignominy,  and  death  in  this  world,  if  they 
continued  to  be  his  disciples.  They  could  not  therefore  aspire  to 
honours  or  emoluments,  for  the  distribution  of  these  was  in  the 
hands  of  Jews  and  heathens,  who  reviled  and  persecuted  them 
with  unrelenting  severity.  Still  less  could  they  expect  to  ac- 
quire wealth ;  for  their  profession  of  the  Christian  faith  sub- 
jected them  to  the  loss  of  all  things.  According  to  their  own 
principles,  either  as  Jews  or  Christians,  they  involved  themselves 
in  eternal  misery,  if  they  deliberately  persevered  in  propagating 
falsehoods.  Further,  if  the  evangelists  and  apostles  had  con- 
federated to  impose  upon  mankind,  it  is  incredible  that  none  of 
their  associates  should  not  have  confessed  the  fraud  before  the 
tribunals.  It  is  equally  incredible  that  so  many  precepts  of  piety 
and  virtue  should  have  been  delivered  by  men  of  such  abandoned 
principles,  as  they  must  have  been  if  they  had  really  been  im- 
postors ;  and  it  is  still  more  incredible  that  they  should  have 
been  willing  to  die  for  the  cause  of  Christ,  who,  if  he  had  not 
risen  again  from  the  dead,  would  have  miserably  deceived  them. 
Still  less  is  it  to  be  credited  that  they  performed  miracles  (the 
reality  of  which  was  acknowledged  by  their  enemies)  in  con- 
firmation of  their  doctrine.  Lastly,  if  the  apostles  and  evan- 
gelists had  designed  to  impose  upon  mankind,  they  would  have 
accommodated  themselves  to  the  humours  of  the  people  whom 
they  addressed  ;  they  would  have  indulged  their  passions,  and 
would  carefully  have  avoided  saying  or  doing  any  thing  that 
might  shock  or  offend  them.  Nothing  of  the  kind  was  done  by 
the  apostles.  They  did  not  accommodate  themselves  to  the  dis- 
positions of  mankind  ;  they  boldly  impugned  the  traditions  of  the 
Jews,  and  the  religion  of  the  Gentiles ;  nor  would  they  suffer 
the  law  to  be  confounded  with  the  Gospel,  or  the  Mosaic  cere- 
monies to  be  retained.  They  spared  not  the  corruptions  that 
prevailed  in  their  times ;  they  sought  not  to  clothe  their  dis- 
courses or  writings  in  the  attractive  garb  of  human  eloquence 
nor  did  they  gratify  the  passions  of  their  hearers.  Would  per- 
sons, deliberately  confederating  to  impose  upon  the  world,  have 
pursued  a  conduct  so  little  calculated  to  secure  success  to  their 
designs  1  And  as  the  evangelical  historians  were  neither  de- 
?eived  nor  imposed  upon  themselves,  nor  did  deceive  or  impose 
upon  others,  so  neither  could  they  have  successfully  carried  on 
iuch  deceit  or  imposition,  if  they  had  been  ever  so  much  dis- 
posed or  desirous  to  do  it.  For,  as  we  have  already  had  oc- 
^sion  incidentally  to  remark,  the  facts  recorded  by  them  were 
public  facts.  They  were  not  done  in  a  corner,  but  performed 
>penly ;    and   were  openly  related  before  all   mankind.     They 

<  As  Saint  Paul  upbraided  the  chureh  at  Corinth.     See  1  Cor.  xiv. 


were  declared,  not  merely  to  the  ignorant  and  illiterate,  but  Jo 
men  of  learning,  leisure,  sagacity,  and  power.  Thousands  could 
examine  the  truth  of  their  story,  and  were  under  obligations  to 
examine  it ;  and  if  it  had  been  false,  to  refute  it.  The  im- 
portance and  strangeness  of  the  subject  thus  announced  would 
naturally  excite  curiosity ;  and  on  this  account  it  would  certainly 
be  examined  by  multitudes.  If  the  report  of  the  apostles  and 
evangelists  had  not  been  true,  it  would  have  been  the  most 
ridiculous  that  can  be  imagined.  If  it  -were  true,  it  was  the  moat 
important  that  ever  sounded  in  the  ears  of  mortals.  He  must 
therefore  be  a  strange  man,  indeed,  who  could  hear  such  things 
reported  and  repeatedly  asserted  (in  whatever  light  he  might 
consider  them),  without  investigating  the  truth  of  them,  the 
grounds  on  which  the  report  was  made,  and  the  evidence  by 
which  it  was  confirmed.  So  far,  however,  were  the  apostles 
from  being  either  deceived  themselves  or  deceivers  of  others,  that, 

[iv.]  On  the  contrary,  they  were  men  of  the  strictest  in- 
tegrity and  sincerity. 

This  is  evident  from  the  style  and  manner  of  their  writings, 
which  are  characterized  by  the  most  rigid  impartiality  and 
fidelity.  They  were  not  ambitious  of  Being  known  to  the 
world  by  their  writings,  hut  wrote  only  as  they  were  in- 
duced by  necessity,  for  the  further  propagation  of  the  Gos- 
pel.2 "  A  statuary  works  upon  marble :  an  historian  upon 
iacts  :  both  cut  them  to  their  fancy,  and  pare  off  all  that  will 
not  serve  for  their  purpose.  The  writers  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament stand  remarkably  clear  from  this  imputation." 

There  is  no  preparation  of  events  ;  there  are  no  artful  transi- 
tions or  connections ;  no  set  character  of  persons  to  be  in- 
troduced ;  no  reflections  on  past  actions,  or  on  the  authors  of 
them ;  no  excuses  or  apologies  for  such  things,  as  a  writer 
might  probably  foresee  would  shock  and  disturb  his  readers ;  no 
specious  artifices,  no  plausible  arguments  to  set  off  a  doubtful 
action,  and  reconcile  it  to  some  other,  or  to  the  character  of  the 
person  that  did  it.  In  short,  it  does  not  appear  that  it  ever  en- 
tered the  minds  of  these  writers,  to  consider  how  this  or  the 
other  action  would  appear  to  mankind,  or  what  objections  might 
be  raised  against  it.  But,  without  at  all  attending  to  such  a 
consideration,  they  lay  the  facts  before  the  world,  at  no  pains  to 
think  whether  they  will  appear  credible  or  not.  If  the  reader 
will  not  credit  their  testimony,  there  is  no  help  for  it :  they  tell 
the  truth  and  nothing  else.  Greater  marks  of  sincerity  than 
these  it  is  impossible  to  find  in  any  historical  compositions  that 
are  extant ;  and  they  show  that  they  published  nothing  to  the 
world  but  what  they  believed  themselves.  They  never  attempt 
to  astonish  their  readers,  but  uniformly  endeavour  to  enlighten 
and  convince  them :  regardless  of  themselves,  they  seem  en- 
grossed by  the  great  truths  which  they  were  commissioned  to 
promulgate.  They  do  not  dissemble  certain  circumstances  in 
the  life  and  sufferings  of  their  Master,  which  have  no  tendency 
to  enhance  his  glory  in  the  eyes  of  the  world:  such  are  the 
low  circumstances  of  his  parents, — the  mean  accommodations  of 
his  birth — that  when  he  appeared  publicly  to  the  world,  his 
townsmen  and  near  relations  despised  and  rejected  him, — that 
few  among  his  followers  were  men  conspicuous  for  wealth, 
dignity,  or  knowledge, — that  the  rulers,  the  scribes  and  Phari- 
sees, disowned  his  pretensions  and  opposed  him  continually, — 
that  some,  who  for  a  time  followed  him,  afterwards  deserted 
him, — that  he  was  betrayed  into  the  hands  of  the  high-priests 
and  rulers  by  one  of  those  who  had  been  selected  for  his  con- 
stant companions, — and  that  he  was  crucified  in  the  most  ig- 
nominious manner  with  two  malefactors.  Had  they  been  silent 
concerning  such  events,  their  adversaries  assuredly  never  could 
have  discovered  them,  nor,  consequently,  have  taken  any  ad- 
vantage of  them.  They  have,  however,  not  failed  to  relate  them 
with  all  their  minutest  circumstances.  Impostors  would  cer- 
tainly have  acted  differently.  They  would  either  have  kept  back 
such  facts  as  appear  so  disrespectful  to  their  leader;  or  they 
would  have  endeavoured  to  assign  some  cause  in  order  to  ob- 
viate any  bad  impressions  that  might  arise  from  them.  They 
would  enter  into  a  laboured  detail  of  the  intellectual  endow- 
ments or  moral  excellences  of  their  Master.  But  the  evan- 
gelists do  no  such  thing.  They  utter  no  lofty  panegyrics ;  they 
pronounce  no  eloquent  encomiums.  They  depart  from  the  com- 
mon line  of  historians,  and  give  an  artless  narrative  of  every 
circumstance,  however  apparently  unfavourable  to  their  Master 
and  leave  the  truth  to  support  itself. 

Again,  when  they  relate  any  of  the  m^acles  of  Jesus  Christ, 
they  announce  them  with  the  same  dispassionate  coolness  as  if 

*  Eusebius  Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  Hi.  c.  23. 


S.ci.L] 


OF  THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENTS. 


65 


they  had  been  common  transactions;  Baying  nothing  previously 
to  raise  expectation,  nor,  after  the  recital  of  them,  breaking  out 
into  exclamations;  but  they  leave  the  reader  t<>  draw  his  own 
..inclusion.  Does  he  confound  and  triumph  over  his  enemies  1 
We  see  no  symptoms  of  exultation.  Is  he  in  the  lowest  dis- 
On  their  parts  we  can  collect  no  tokens  ol  Tear,  of  grief, 
or  indignation.  Do  they  record  his  giving  of  sitjlit  to  the  blind, 
restoring  the  lame,  feeding  many  thousands  with  a  few  loaves 
.1  nil  fishes,  calming  the  raging  sea,  and  even  raising  the  dead? 
They  seem  perfectly  calm  and  unconcerned.  Do  they  narrate 
his  resurrection  ami  ascension  ?  They  afford  no  explanation  of 
any  difficulties  ;  they  never  offer  a  single  argument  to  enforce 
their  credit ;  they  leave  the  bare  facts  with  their  readers,  who 
may  receive  or  reject  then  as  they  please.  In  perusing  the  sim- 
ple and  unadorned  narratives  of  the  evangelists,  it  IB  impossible 
not  to  feel  that  the  purport  of  their  writings  was  to  bear  witness 
of  the  truth. 

The  conduct  of  the  evangelists,  when  speaking  of  their  ene- 
mies, is  characterized  by  the  same  striking  integrity.  Of  all  who 
were  concerned  in  the  persecution  and  death  of  Christ,  they 
mention  by  name  only  the  high-priest  Caiaphas,  and  his  co- 
adjutor Annas,  the  Roman  procurator  Pilate,  and  the  treacherous 
disciple  Judas;  because  the  suppression  of  their  names  would 
have  impaired  the  evidence  of  their  history  to  posterity.  Not 
the  slightest  tincture  of  party-spirit  is  observable  in  the  notice 
of  these  persons ;  who  are  barely  mentioned  without  censure 
and  without  resentment.  The  epithet  attached  to  Judas  by  all 
tlie  evangelists  (i  ira^aJsv?,  -who  delivered  him  up)  is  expressive 
of  the  simple  fact,  rather  than  of  its  criminality  ;  which  would 
more  aptly  be  signified  by  -nrgcsfiTxc,  traitor,  as  he  is  styled  on  one 
solitary  occasion.    (Luke  vi.  16.)' 

Further,  it  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  the  evangelical  his- 
torians pay  no  regard  to  what  others  had  before  written  on  the 
same  subject. 

"Had  they  written  in  concert,  and  with  the  direct  view  of 
promoting  the  same  cause,  they  would  have  taken  proper  care 
to  have  preserved  some  uniformity  in  their  arrangement ;  to  have 
supported  the  same  facts,  and  not  to  have  contradicted,  in  their 
narration,  any  of  those  facts  or  circumstances  that  had  been  re- 
corded by  their  colleagues  or  friends.  But  if  any  one  will  read, 
with  attention,  their  several  histories,  he  will  find  a  difference  of 
arrangement,  different  facts  and  circumstances  also  brought  for- 
ward by  different  historians,  the  same  fact  differently  told,  and 
many  things  so  altered  and  changed  in  their  different  relations, 
that  we  are  sometimes  at  a  loss  to  determine,  whether  it  be  in 
reality  the  same  fact,  that  any  two  or  more  cf  them  arc  telling, 
or  some  other  one  nearly  resembling  it  in  some  leading  features. 
Matthew  and  Luke  give  us  even  different  pedigrees  of  Jesus 
Chiist.2  We  mention  this  only  to  show  that  we  have  no  rea- 
son to  suppose,  that  they  wrote  in  collusion  ;  and  also  to  show 
how  inattentive  they  were  to  what  others  had  written  on  the 
same  subject  before.  Each  appears  to  have'  written  what  struck 
him  the  most  forcibly,  and  what  Beamed  the  most  proper  to  make 
us  acquainted  with  the  character  and  doctrines  of  Jesus  Christ. 
They  are  only  careful  to  give  them  upon  the  best  authority, 
either  from  their  own  personal  knowledge,  or  as  they  had  them 
from  those,  who  from  the  beginning  were  eye-witnesses  and 
ministers  of  the  word.  Like  honest  and  faithful  historians, 
they  are  concerned  about  nothing  but  the  truth.  In  their  his- 
tories, you  meet  with  just  such  accounts  as  you  may  naturally 
expect  from  different  observers  of  the  same  fact.  No  two  men 
of  equal  capacity  and  attention  ever  yet  related  the  same  fact 
precisely  in  the  same  manner  and  words.  Without  the  smallest 
prejudice  or  partiality,  and  with  the  strictest  regard  to  truth,  they 
will  give  you  the  circumstances  of  the  same  action  with  con- 
siderable difference." 

The  inferences,  then,  that  we  have  a  right  to  draw  from 
this  apparent  honesty  and  impartiality  of  the  sacred  histo- 
rians are,  First,  that  the  Gospel  bears  all  the  marks  of  a  true 
history,  and  that  the  differences  and  trifling  disagreements 
among  the  historians  are  a  strong  evidence  of  the  truth  of  the 
whole.  It  is  much  more  likely  to  be  true,  than  if  the  whole 
had  been  transmitted  to  us  by  a  single  writer  of  the  greatest 
ability.     Secondly,  that  though  we  meet  with  differences  and 

<  The  argument,  here  necessarily  treated  with  brevity,  is  prosecuted  at 
•  uiisiderable  length,  and  in  the  very  words  of  the  most  learned  defenders 
>f  Christianity,  in  Mr.  Simpson's  Internal  and  Presumptive  Evidences  of 
Ohristianitr,  pp.  12*>—  14A 

,J  See  a  solution  of  this  and  other  supposed  difficulties,  infra.  Vol.  I. 
I'n  .  II  in  the  Chapter  on  the  Interpretation  ofthe  Contradictions  falsely  al- 

:    :  iu  exist  in  the  Holy  Scriptures. 
Vou  1.  I 


difficulties  in  the  relation  of  some  material  facts,  yet  none  of 
these  difficulties  affect  the  main  cause,  or  the  leading  prin- 
ciples of  our  religion.  We  are  left  in  the  full  possession  of 
all  these.  They  all  agree  that  Jesus  Christ  was  upon  this 
earth,  that  he  was  a  (ii\  ine  teacher,  and  a  great  example,  thai 
In-  died  and  rose  again.  On  the  contrary,  had  they  been  all 
uniform  in  their  narration,  we  should  have  had  good  cause  u 

suspect  fraud  and  collusion.  Had  they  in  the  relation  ol 
each  particular  sermon,  prayer,  and  great  work,  expressed 
themselves  in  the  very  same  words,  would  not  unbeliever* 
have  found  good  0SU86  to  allege,  "these  men  are  no  more 
but  copyists  of  one  another,  a  company  of  men  under  the 
pretended  direction  of  the  spirit  of  truth,  imposing  a  most 
impudent  fraud  on  the  world  \n 
These  differences  bear  all  the  marks  of  candour,  of  honesty, 

and  integrity.  We  know  from  them,  that  Jesus  Christ  was 
On  this  earth,  that  lie  Wrought  great  works,  that  he  delivered 

remarkable  prophecies,  that  he  died  and  rose  again,  that  his 
disciples,  immediately  alter  his  resurrection,  with  firmness 
embraced  his  cause;  and  in  obedience  to  his  last  commands. 
went  and  baptized  all  nations.  We  know,  in  short,  that  he 
brought  life  and  immortality  to  light,  and  placed  our  hopes 
upon  the  best  foundation.  Let  the  Teamed,  tnen,  settle  lesser 
differences,  and  let  cavillers  dispute  about  dark  expressions 
and  darker  tenets  ;  we  will  hold  fast  by  the  main  pillars ;  and 
if  the  world  itself  should  sink,  these  will  support  us  :  this 
is  our  joy  and  rejoicing :  in  the  strength  of  this,  let  us  march 
onwards  towards  heaven.3 

If,  from  the  consideration  of  the  narratives  of  the  evangeli- 
cal historians  concerning  their  Master,  we  proceed  to  what- 
ever is  recorded  concerning  themselves,  we  shall  find  the 
same  integrity  and  fidelity  every  where  prevail.  When 
Cicero  had  offended  against  the  capital  law  of  his  moral 
code — that  which  enjoined  the  love  of  his  country — first,  by 
his  backwardness  to  join  the  camp  of  Pompey,  and  after- 
wards by  his  prompt  submission  to  the  tyranny  of  Caesar, 
what  was  the  conduct  of  that  illustrious  Roman  on  this 
pressing  occasion1?  Did  he  frankly  condemn  those  false 
steps,  or  did  he  content  himself  with  the  simple  relation  of 
them  1  He  did  neither  of  these  things.  He  softened  and 
disguised  the  truth ;  and  employed  all  nis  wit  and  eloquence 
to  palliate  this  inglorious  desertion  of  his  principles  to  him- 
self and  to  others.  What  a  striking  contrast  is  this  to  the 
ingenuousness  of  the  evangelical  writers !  They  study  no 
arts  of  evasion  or  concealment.  They  honestly  acknowledge 
not  only  the  lowness  of  their  station,  but  also  the  meanness 
of  their  original  employments,  the  indigence  of  their  circum- 
stances, the  inveteracy  of  their  national  prejudices,  the  slow- 
ness of  their  apprehension  under  so  excellent  a  teacher,  the 
weakness  of  their  faith,  the  ambition  of  some  of  the  disciples, 
the  intolerant  temper  of  others,  and  the  worldly  views  of  all. 
They  even  tell  us  of  their  cowardice  in  deserting  their  Mas- 
ter when  he  was  seized  by  his  enemies;  and  that  after  his 
crucifixion  they  all  resumed  their  secular  employments, — for 
ever  resigning  those  hopes  which  they  had  once  fondly 
cherished,  ana  abandoning  the  cause  in  which  they  had  been 
so  long  engaged  ;  notwithstanding  all  the  proof  that  had  been 
exhibited,  and  the  conviction  which  they  had  before  enter- 
tained, that  Jesus  was  the  Messiah,  and  his  religion  was 
from  God.  They  mention,  with  many  affecting  circum- 
stances, the  incredulity  of  one  of  their  associates,  who  was 
not  convinced  of  the  reality  of  their  Lord's  resurrection  but 
by  ocular  and  sensible  demonstration.  They  might  have 
concealed  their  own  faults  and  follies  from  the  world ;  or. 
if  they  had  chosen  to  mention  them,  they  might  have  al- 
leged plausible  reasons  to  soften  and  extenuate  them.  But 
they  did  no  such  thing :  they  related,  without  disguise,  events 
and  facts  just  as  they  happened,  and  left  them  to  speak  for 
themselves.  In  like  manner,  when  recording  the  exercise 
ofthe  miraculous  powers  with  which  they  were  endowed, 
they  relate  these  astonishing  facts,  without  any  ornaments  of 
language,  in  the  most  concise  and  simple  manner.  They  do 
nothing,  they  assume  nothing,  in  their  own  character.  In 
short,  they  speak  with  such  certainty,  with  so  much  self- 
conviction,  and  with  such  confidence  in  the  truth  of  their 
history,  that  assuredly  we  can  no  longer  depend  on  any  his- 
torian whatever,  if  we  entertain  the  least  doubt  concerning 
the  integrity  ofthe  writers  of  the  New  Testament.  And  if 
we  compare  their  merits  as  historians  with  that  of  other 
writers,  we  shall  be  convinced  that  they  are  inferior  to  none 
who   ever  wrote,  with   regard   to  knowledge   of   persons, 

»  Popular  Evidences  of  Natural  Religion  and  Christia:..ty,  by  llifl  B>» 

Thomas  Watson,  pp.  415 — i  18. 


66 


DIRECT  EVIDENCES  OF    THE  CREDIBILITY 


[Chap.  III. 


acqjaintance  with  f>t<*.  candour  of  mind,  or  reverence  for 
truth.1 

Lastly,  in  the  epistles  of  the  apostles  which  have  been 
transmitted  to  us,  there  are  preserved  memorials  of  many 
particulars  which  are  not  very  honourable  to  the  first  converts 
to  Christianity.  Such  are  the  readiness  of  the  churches  of 
Galatia  to  depart  from  the  purity  and  simplicity  of  the  Gos- 
pel; the  scandalous  disorders  of  the  church  of  Corinth  in 
some  solemn  parts  of  their  worship;  the  contentious  among 
them  in  behalt  of  their  teachers  ;  the  preposterous  use  of  the 
gift  of  tongues,  proceeding  f  <nn  vanity  and  ostentation;  and 
trie  unaccountable  conceits  of  others,  who  depended  upon  an 
empty  faith  without  works,  and  a  speculative  knowledge  with- 
out a  suitable  holy  practice,  referred  to  in  the  epistle  of 
James  and  John,  Upon  the  whole,  it  is  most  evident  from 
the  facts  that  were  disadvantageous  to  Christ  himself,  to  the 
writers  themselves,  and  also  to  the  first  Christians,  that 
those  persons  from  whom  we  have  received  these  accounts 
had  a  very  particular  regard  to  truth,  and  preferred  its  inte- 
rest before  all  selfish  considerations. 

[v.]    They  appealed  to  notorious  proofs. 

Whatever  internal  marks  of  credibility  the  evangelical  writings 
possess  (and  which  could  not  but  carry  conviction  to  those  to 
whom  they  were  addressed),  their  authors  confirm  the  veracity 
of  their  statements  by  an  appeal  to  the  miracles  wrought  by 
themselves,  and  to  the  extraordinary  gifts  conferred  by  them  upon 
many  other  persons.  This  is  evident  from  their  epistles,  which 
were  written  and  directed  to  those  who  had  beheld  those  miracles, 
and  had  participated  in  those  gifts,  and  which  also  contain  re- 
proofs for  the  mismanagement  of  such  gifts,  and  various  direc- 
tions respecting  the  better  use  and  employment  of  them.2  If 
these  persons  had  not  received  such  gifts,  would  this  mode  of 
writing  and  arguing  have  recommended  the  persons  or  doctrines 
of  the  apostles  to  them  who  were  declining  from  both  1  Would 
they  not  have  contradicted  the  apostles,  as  asserting  deliberate 
falsehoods  ?     But  this  was  never  attempted. 

[vi.]  They  suffered  every  th:ng  for  the  truth  of  their  narra- 
tion, even  death  itself  ,■  and  brought  many  of  their  contempora- 
ries to  a  conviction  of  its  truth. 

The  history  of  the  first  professors  of  Christianity  bears  wit- 
ness to  the  afflictions,  sufferings,  and  painful  deaths  to  which 
they  were  constantly  exposed,  and  which  they  cheerfully  endured 
for  the  sake  of  their  testimony.  If  the  things  which  they  attested 
had  been  false,  it  would  have  been  unparalleled  madness  for  any 
one  to  persist  in  them  to  the  loss  of  life  ;  and  it  would  have  been 
incredible,  that  so  many  should  conspire  in  the  same  unreason- 
able and  unaccountable  folly  ;  especially  when  the  religion  which 
they  professed  excluded  all  liars  from  trie  happiness  and  rewards 
of  the  next  life,  of  which  they  pretended  to  be  persuaded  ;  so  that, 
whatsoever  those  persons  might  otherwise  be,  and  however  they 
might  falsify,  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  of  their  truth  and  fidelity 
in  this  report,  because  they  died  for  the  testimony  of  it.  There- 
fore the  highest  attestation  of  a  thing  is  called  martyrdom,  and 
the  most  credible  witnesses  martyrs ;  and  though  bare  martyrdom 
be  not  an  argument  of  the  infallible  truth  of  a  testimony,  or  of 
the  infallibility  of  a  person  that  gives  it,  yet  it  is  one  of  the  highest 
arguments  that  can  be  of  his  honesty  and  integrity  in  that  thing, 
and  that  he  believes  it  himself,  otherwise  he  would  not  die  for  it ; 
and  it  is  a  good  evidence  of  the  general  integrity  of  these  per- 
sons, as  to  all  other  things,  that  they  were  so  conscientious  as 
not,  for  fear  of  death,  to  deny  what  they  believed  to  be  a  truth, 
nor  to  conceal  what  they  believed  to  be  of  importance. 

Further,  history  shows,  that,  by  their  testimony,  the  first  disci- 
ples of  Christianity  so  convinced  a  vast  number  of  their  contem- 
poraries, who  could  without  any  trouble  have  proved  the  truth 
or  falsehood  of  their  statements,  that  even  these  encountered 
great  persecutions,  and  cheerfully  ventured  estate,  libertv,  and 
even  life  itself,  on  the  truth  of  the  facts  they  asserted.  Nor' were 
the  persons  who  thus  embraced  the  Christian  faith  (notwithstand- 
ing all  the  sufferings  which  they  knew  that  such  profession 
would  infallibly  bring  upon  them)  merely  ignorant  or  illiterate 
individuals,  who  might  be  supposed  to  be  hurried  into  a  belief 
of  it,  through  a  blind  and  thoughtless  enthusiasm.  On  the  con- 
trary, among  the  first  professors  of  Christianity,  we  have  in- 
stances of  many  persons  of  quality  and  rank,  men  capable  of  in- 

•  Bonnet,  CEuvrcs.  torn.  x.  pi>.  493—501.  Dr.  Halcs's  Analysis  of  Chro- 
nology, vol.  ii.  pp.  693.  el  scq.  Dr.  Harwood's  Introduction  to  the  New 
Test.  vol.  i.  pp.  6—10.  Less  on  the  Authenticity  of  the  New  Testament, 
pp.  267— 330.  Vernet,  Traite  de  la  Veritii  do  la  Rel.  Chret.  toin.  iii.  through- 
out, and  torn.  iv.  pp.  9—137. 

»  Seel  Cor.  1.4  5.  ii.  !,  5  '.  3-5.  xii.  xiii.  8.  xiv.  1—33.  2Cor.  xii.  7—11. 
Bit  iii.  5.   1  Theso  I  a. 


vestigating  truth,  and  judging  of  its  evidences,  some  of  whom 
were  philosophers  and  accurately  acquainted  with  the  best  writ- 
ings, and  with  all  the  learning  of  the  Gentiles.3 

III.  Thirdly,  The  credibility  of  the  Old  and  New 
Testaments  is  further  attested  by  the  principal  facts 
contained  in  tiiem  being  confirmed  by  certajn  commemo- 
rative ordinances  or  monuments  of  great  celebrity, 
that  existed  among  the  jews  and  christians  from  thb 
time  when  the  events  took  place,  which  they  are  said 
to  commemorate,  and  which  ordinances  or  monuments 
subsist  to  the  present  day,  wherever  either  jews  or 
Christians  are  to  be  found. 

1.  For  instance,  among  the  Jews,  there  are  the  ordinance 
of  Circumcision,  and  the  feasts  of  the  Passover,  of  Taberna- 
cles, and  of  Pentecost. 

[i.]  Circumcision  is  the  seal  of  the  covenant  with  Abraham, 
the  great  progenitor  of  the  Jews,  on  all  whose  posterity  it  was 
enjoined.  This  rite  was  adopted  by  the  Egyptians,  Colchians, 
the  Ethiopians,  the  Phoenicians,  and  one  or  two  other  ancient 
nations ;  but  though  its  high  antiquity  ascended  beyond  the 
records  of  the  pagans,  no  particular  reason  was  assigned  for  it, 
except  that  some  professed  their  adherence  to  it  for  the  sake  of 
cleanliness.  Now  it  is  this  precise  want  of  reason  which  consti- 
tutes the  grand  difference  between  the  circumcision  of  the  Gen- 
tiles and  that  of  the  Israelites.  In  the  case  of  the  Gentiles  it 
proved  no  one  historical  fact :  in  the  case  of  the  Israelites,  it 
proved  the  historical  fact  that  Abraham  was  commanded  to  adopt 
the  rite,  and  to  hand  it  down  to  his  posterity,  as  a  badge  of  theii 
being,  in  certain  chosen  lines,  the  peculiar  people  of  Jehovah. 
This  fact,  which  is  a  vital  one  in  the  Mosaic  history,  it  decidedly 
and  incontrovertibly  establishes.  For  though  the  Israelites,  like 
any  other  nation,  might  have  simply  adopted  the  rite  of  circum- 
cision, yet  they  could  not  have  adopted  it  as  a  commemorative 
ordinance,  professing  to  commence  from  the  time  when  the  com- 
memorative fact  occurred,  unless  that  fact  really  had  occurred. 
The  reason  is  obvious.  If  the  belief,  associated  with  the  rite,  had 
commenced  at  any  given  point  of  time  subseqxient  to  the  adop- 
tion of  the  rite  itself,  the  persons  who  first  embraced  the  belief 
must  unaccountably  have  suffered  themselves  to  be  persuaded, 
not  only  that  such  was  the  origin  of  the  rite,  but  that  they  and 
their  fathers  before  them,  from  the  very  time  of  its  primeval  insti- 
tution, always  knetv  and  believed  that  such  was  its  origin. ' 

[ii.]  The  Passover  was  instituted  to  commemorate  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Israelites,  when  all  the  first-born  of  the  Egyptians 
were  destroyed,  and  their  deliverance  from  bondage  in  Egypt, 
which  was  its  immediate  consequence.  To  this  was  added  the 
solemn  consecration  of  the  first-born  of  man  and  beast  to  God ; 
and  in  further  commemoration  of  the  destruction  of  the  first-born 
of  the  Egyptians,  the  tribe  of  Levi  was  set  apart.  The  month 
in  which  this  feast  was  solemnized,  from  being  the  seventh,  was 
reckoned  as  the  first  month  of  the  year,  in  order  to  mark  it  as  the 
sera  of  this  illustrious  deliverance.  The  passover  was  eaten,  with 
bitter  herbs,  to  remind  the  Israelites  of  their  severe  bondage  and 
servile  food  in  Egypt : — with  unleavened  bread,  because  the 
Egyptians,  in  their  terror,  urged  them  to  depart,  and  would  no 
allow  them  time  to  leaven  their  bread,  for  they  said,  We  be  at. 
dead  men.  And  it  was  likewise  eaten  in  the  posture  of  travel- 
lers just  prepared  for  a  journey,  to  mark  its  having  immediately 
preceded  their  sudden  and  final  departure  from  the  house  of 
bondage. 

[iii,]  The  Feast  of  Tabernacles  was  instituted  to  perpetuate 
the  deliverance  of  the  Israelites,  and  their  journeyings  in  the  desert 
On  this  occasion  they  were  commanded  to  dwell  in  tabernacles  or 
booths,  "  made  of  the  boughs  of  goodly  trees."     And, 

[iv.]  The  Feast  of  Pentecost  was  appointed  fifty  days  after 
the  passover,  to  commemorate  the  delivery  of  the  Law  from 
Mount  Sinai,  which  took  place  fifty  days  after  their  departure 
from  Egypt.  At  this  festival,  which  was  celebrated  at  that  season 
of  the  year  when  their  harvest  usually  closed,  each  head  of  a 
family  was  enjoined  by  the  Jewish  law  to  take  some  of  the  first- 
fruits  of  the  earth,  and  bring  it  to  the  place  which  the  Lord 

■»  Such  were  Sergius  Paulus,  proconsul  of  Cyprus  (Acts  xin.  7—12.); 
Dionysius,  a  member  of  the  senate  or  council  of  Areopagus,  anil  many 
others  of  the  polished  and  inquisitive  Athenians  (Acts  xvii.  34.);  Erpstus, 
treasurer  of  Corinth  ;  and  even  persons  belonging  to  the  imperial  com' 
(Rom.  xvi.  23  );  Justin  Marlyr,  once  a  Platonic  philosopher:  and  Athena- 
goras,  an  Athenian  philosopher,  who  at  first  entertained  so  unfavourable  an 
opinion  of  the  Christian  religion,  that  he  determine!  to  write  against  il,  but 
on  inquiring  inlo  the  facts  that  supported  il,  wa.  onvinced  by  the  blaze  of 
evidence  in  its  favour,  and  turned  his  designed  mvective  into  an  elabointe 
apology.  Lardner,  8vo.  vol.  ii.  pp.  180— 187  ,  ii.i.  vol.  i.  pp.  379—381.)  Tc 
these  may  be  added  the  eminent  writers  whose  testimonies  to  the  authee 
ticity  of  the  New  Testament  have  already  been  cited,  pp.  70—82.  supra 

*  Faber's  Hora;  Mosaics;,  vol.  i.  pp.  337—341. 


Nr.rr.  1.] 


OF  THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TB8TAMENT8. 


67 


should  choose,  and  to  set  it  down  before  the  altar  of  the  Lord, 
making  the  solemn  acknowledgment  of  the  whole  scries  of  pecu- 
liar and  miraculous  providences  experienced  by  the  nation,  which 
is  prescribed  in  Dcut.  xxvi.  5 — 10.1 

Now  all  those  institutions  have  been  held  Mcred  among 
the  Jews  in  all  ages  since  their  appointment,  and  are 
solemnly  and  sacredly  observed  among  theui  to  this  day. 
Can  these  observances  be  accounted  for,  on  any  principle  but 
the  evidence  of  the  FACTS  on  which  they  were  founded  1 
We  have  not  more  certain  evidence  of  the/aetoof  the  murder 
of  king  Charles  I.,  contrary  to  all  law  and  justice,  and  of  the 
restoration  of  the  profligate  Charles  II.,  and   of  the  dfiiver- 

ince  of  king  James  I.  and  the  English  parliament  from  de- 
struction by  gunpowder  (conspired  by  certain  incendiaries), 
of  the  arrival  of  kin<r  William  111.,  which  terminated  the 
odious  tyranny  of  James  II.,  all  which  events  are  respectively 
lemorated  on  the  thirtieth  day  of  January,  the  twenty- 
ninth  day  of  May,  and  the  fifth  of  November  in  each  year. 

'2.  In  like  manner,  the  principal  facts  contained  in  the  Gos- 
pels  are  confirmed  by  monuments,  which  subsist  to  this  day 
among  Christians,  and  which  are  the  objects  of  men's  senses. 
These  monuments  are  the  ordinances  of  Baptism,  the  Lord's 
Supper,  and  the  festival  observed  on  the  first  day  of  the  week. 

[i.]  It  is  a  well  known  fact,  that,  in  all  countries  where  the 
Christian  faith  is  held,  its  professors  are  initiated  by  Baptism  ; 
and  that,  by  submitting  to  this  rite,  they  renounce  every  other 
religious  institution,  and  bind  themselves  to  the  profession  of  the 
t  rospel  alone.  Now  Baptism,  being  performed  in  the  name  of  the 
Father,  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  plainly  signifies  the 
firm  persuasion  of  the  Christian  church  that  their  religion  is 
from  God,  the  fountain  of  all  good  ;  that  it  was  published  to  man- 
kind by  Jesus  Christ  the  Son  of  God,  the  voluntary  messenger 
of  this  dispensation  ;  and  that  it  was  confirmed  by  many  great 
signs,  miracles,  and  gifts  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  Particularly,  on  the 
part  of  those  who  administer  this  rite,  it  signifies  that  they  act 
ably  to  the  will  of  the  Father  who  appointed  the  Christian 
religion,  and  by  express  commandment  from  him,  and  from  his 
Son  who  published  it.  as  well  as  from  the  Holy  Ghost,  who  con- 
firmed it,  when  they  baptize  men  into  the  belief  and  profession 
if  Christianity.  On  the  part  of  God,  this  rite  is  a  declaration, 
by  bis  ministers.  ^'.iat  he  accepts  and  pardons  the  baptized  person, 
provided  he  r;ives  the  answer  of  a  good  conscience,  and  in  his 
subsequent  life  nets  agreeably  to  the  obligations  of  baptism. 
And.  lasily,  on  the  part  of  the  baptized,  their  receiving  of  this 
rifr  is  understood  to  be  an  affectionate  and  solemn  public  decla- 
ration of  their  sense  of  the  relation  in  which  they  stand  to  God 
the  Father  as  their  Creator,  to  God  the  Son  as  their  Redeemer, 
)tiil  to  God  the  Holy  Ghost  as  their  Sanctilier,  according  to  the 
views  which  the  Christian  religion  gives  of  these  relations;  and 
also  of  their  firm  resolution  faithfully  to  perform  all  the  duties 
resulting  from  these  relations. 

[ii.]  That  the  Loan's  SuppKn  is  often  celebrated  in  all  Chris- 
tian countries  is  a  fact  that  cannot  be  questioned  ;  neither  can  it 
be  questioned,  that  Christians  consider  this  rite  to  be  essentially 
connected  with  the  profession  of  their  religion.  Our  fathers 
entertained  the  same  opinion  of  Its  importance  ;  and  their  fathers 
viewed  it  in  the  same  light.  But  what  claims  and  deserves  par- 
ticular notice  with  reference  to  this  institution  is,  that  by  the 
common  consent  of  Christians  now  living,  and  of  all  in  former 
aires  of  whose  opinion  we  have  any  knowledge,  the  importance 
■if  the  Lord's  Supper  arises  from  its  being  a  commemoration 
of  the  life,  sufferings,  death,  and  resurrection,  and  second  coming 
of  the  founder  of  their  religion,  and  from  its  having  been  ex- 
pressly enjoined  to  all  his  disciples  by  his  dying  request,  with  a 
view  to  perpetuate  the  memory  and  demonstrate  the  truth  of 
these  events. 

[iii.]  The,  stated  observance  of  tmf.  kikst  Dat  of  hi  Wf.kk, 
is  a  sacred  festival  in  honour  of  Christ's  resurrection  from  the 
dead, — on  which  day  Christians  abstain  from  all  secular  labours 
and  affairs,  and  hold  solemn  assemblies  for  the  public  worship 
if  God, — preserves  that  grand  event  from  falling  into  oblivion. 

Now,  as  these  monuments  perpetuate  the  memory,  so  they 
demonstrate  the  truth  of  the  facts  contained  in  the  Gospel 
history  beyond  all  reasonable  contradiction;  because,  unless 
the  events  of  which  the  Christian  rites  are  commemorations 
had  really  existed,  it  is  impossible  to  conceive  how  those 
rites  could  have  come  into  general  use.  For,  if  Jesus  Christ 
neither  lived,  nor  taught,  nor  wrought  miracles,  nor  died,  nor 
rose  again  from  the  dead,  it  is  altogether  incredible  that  so 
many  men,  in  countries  so  widely  distant,  should  have  con- 

'  Du  Voisin,  Autoritc  ties  Livres  de  Moyse,  pp.  169— 17'2. 


spired  together  to  perpetuate  such  a  series  of  falsehoods,  by 
commenetng  the  observation  of  the  institutions  of  Baptism, 
the  Lord's  Supper,  and  the  Lord's  day  ;  and  it  is  equally  in- 
credible that,  by  continuing  to  observe  them,  they  should 
have  imposed  those  falsehoods  on  posterity.2 

IV.  Lastly,  The  wonderful  establishment  and  propa 

GATION  OF  ClIRlSTIANlTV  IS  A  MOST  CONVINCING  PROOF  OF  THE 
BHTIBI  CREDIBILITY  Of  THE  Nkw  TESTAMENT,  AND  OF  THE 
RELIGION  WHICH  IT  ESTABLISHES. 

Ueforc  the  second  century  was  completed,  the  Christian  doc- 
trine was  propagated  through  the  whole  Roman  empire,  which 
th.  n  comprised  almost  the  whole  known  world.  It  prevailed 
without  the  assistance  of  any  temporal  power.  "Destitute  of 
all  human  advantages,  protected  by  no  authority,  assisted  by  no 
art,  not  recommended  by  the  reputation  of  its  author,  not  en- 
forced by  eloquence  in  its  advocates,  the  word  of  God  grew 
mightily  and  prevailed.  We  behold  twelve  men,  poor,  artless, 
and  uneducated,  triumphing  over  the  fiercest  and  most  determined 
opposition,  over  the  tyranny  of  the  magistrate,  and  the  subtleties 
of  the  philosopher,  over  the  prejudices  of  the  Gentile,  and  the 
bigotry  of  the  Jew."  In  progress  of  time  the  church  became 
divided  by  heretics,  as  well  as  exposed  to  a  series  of  the  most 
sanguinary  persecutions  ;  yet  still  the  truths  she  professed  con- 
tinued to  spread,  in  defiance  of  all  these  impediments.  And 
notwithstanding  that  those  truths  are  repugnant  to  every  bad 
passion  of  the  human  heart,  and  require,  from  those  who  pro- 
fess them,  the  most  exalted  piety,  together  with  the  strictest 
possible  regard  to  every  civil,  moral,  and  relative  duty,  as  well  as 
the  purest  and  most  diffusive  benevolence, — still  Christianity  has 
continued  to  spread  (as  its  founder  had  predicted)  in  every  part 
of  the  known  world,  and,  at  the  present  day,  is  embraced  and 
confessed  by  a  tenth  part  of  the  human  race.3 

In  considering  these  direct  evidences  of  the,  credibility  of  the 
writers  of  the  New  Testament,  it  is  of  importance  to  observe, 
that  there  is  no  opposite  testimony  to  contradict  the  positive 
credible  testimony  of  the  apostles,  evangelists,  and  multitudes 
of  others,  to  the  history  and  miracles  of  Jesus. 

Now  is  it  probable,  or  even  possible,  that  so  many  character- 
istic marks  of  truth  as  we  have  mentioned,  derived  from  such 
various  quarters,  should  all  so  exactly  coincide  in  favour  of  a 
false  story  !  Is  not  the  supposition  of  the  truth  of  a  history 
thus  accredited  much  more  natural,  more  consonant  to  general 
observation  and  experience,  to  the  laws  of  evidence,  and  of  the 
human  mind,  than  is  the  supposition  of  its  falsity  ?  A  belief 
in  the  Christian  Scriptures  is,  indeed,  a  belief  in  the  reality  o! 
past  miracles,  to  confirm  a  religion  worthy  of  God  and  useful 
to  man.  Such  a  belief  implies  no  absurdity,  or  contradiction  to 
any  truth  or  any  fact.  But  by  rejecting  the  Gospel,  persons  ar« 
compelled  to  maintain,  in  opposition  to  positive  credible  testi- 
mony, that  extensive  important  events  have  taken  place  without 
an  adequate  cause.  They  must  maintain  the  reality  of  mira- 
cles, greater  than  Christians  believe,  and  which  accord  neithei 
with  the  nature  of  God,  nor  the  condition  of  man,  but  which 
'  involve  absurdities,  contradictions,  and  impossibilities. 

To  explain  the  most  wonderful  and  extraordinary  appearances 
in  the  natural  world,  philosophers  without  hesitation  admit  a 
cause  which  accounts  for  them  clearly,  and  with  the  fewest  diffi- 
culties ;  c-jvcially  when  every  other  supposition  necessarily 
leads  to  absurdities  and  contradictions.  Upon  what  rational 
ground,  then,  can  the  truth  of  the  Gospel  history  be  doubted  1 
Ami  its  truth  establishes  the  divine  authority  of  Jesus  and  hii 
religion. 

The  full  force  cf  the  arguments,  which  we  have  brought  to- 
gether to  prove  the  truth  of  the  Christian  Scriptures,  would  b* 
more  obvious  and  impressive,  if  we  were  to  compare  the  New 
Testament  with  other  sacred  writings,  or  with  accounts  of  othei 
persons  who  have  been  represented  as  divine  messengers.  Con- 
fucius, tin  writer  of  the  Chinese  canonical  books,  ingenuously 
acknowledges  that  his  doctrine  was  not  his  own,  but  taken  from 
legislators  who  lived  centuries  before  him.  The  ancient  sacred 
code  of  the  Hindoos,  the  Koran  of  Mohammed,  the  lives  ol 
Pythagoras,  of  Proclus,  and  cf  Apollonius  of  Tyana,  and  the 
Popish  Legends,  all  bear  many  stamps  of  fiction.  We  shall  in- 
stance in  Philostratus's  life  of  Apollonius,  for  the  followin" 
reasons  :  Hierocles,  an  ancient  opponent  of  Christianity,  has 
drawn  a  parallel  between  him  and  Jesus,  and  preferred  Apollo- 
nius.4  Eunapius,  the  biographer  of  several  ancient  philosophers, 

»  Macknislu's  Harmony,  vol.  i.  prelim,  el.s.  viii.and  his  Credibility  of»h« 
Gospel  Historv.  pp.  555— 563. 

»  The  difficulties,  which  Christianity  had  to encounter  at  its  frst  props- 
gation,  are  considered  in  the  Appenxix.  No.  V. 

*  Lard.  Heath.  Test.  chap,  xxxix.  sect.  4.  5  7. 


rtK 


CREDIBILITY  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


'Chap.  III. 


imagined  Apollonius  to  lie  a  kind  of  middle  being  between  the 
god.s  and  men  ;  on  which  account  he  thought  that  "  the  sojourn- 
ing of  Gob  amongst  mankind"  would  have  been  a  more  proper 
title  for  Philostratus's  history  than  that  which  it  now  bears.  In 
modern  times,  Lord  Herbert  of  Cherbury,  and  Mr.  Blount,  have 
taken  the  pain.-,  of  making  favourable  comments  upon  Apollo- 
nius'a  history. 

Philoatratus's  account  is  the  only  one  that  we  have  of  Apollo- 
nius, who  lived  upwards  of  one  hundred  years  before  him. 
He  tells  us,  thai  be  took  his  narrative  partly  from  common  re- 
oort,  and  partly  from  memoirs  of  Apollonius,  said  to  have  been 
written  by  one  Damis,  bis  companion.  Some  other  person  having 
shown  these  memoirs  to  Julia  the  wife  of  Severus,  she  gave  them 
to  Philostratus.  Before  this  time  they  were  not  known  to  the 
world.  PhiloBtratus  endeavoured  to  gain  the  favour  of  Julia, 
and  of  Antoninus  Caracalla,  who  were  both  great  admirers  of 
the  marvellous.  The  latter  was  so  prejudiced  in  favour  of  Apollo- 
nius. that  he  paid  him  the  honours  which  Pagans  thought  due 
to  heroes.  Philostratus,  to  gratify  his  humour,  when  his  subject 
required  it,  added  all  the  ornament  he  could,  and  made  quite  a 
romance  of  it.  The  narrative  shows  that  he  was  fond  of  dis- 
playing his  parts  and  genius.  It  contains  laboured  discussions 
of  trilling  questions ;  such  as,  which  is  the  most  ancient,  the 
earth  or  the  trees  1  which  composes  to  sleep  best,  water  or  wine  1 
Impertinent,  ridiculous,  and  absurd  relations  are  often  introduced 
in  it.  For  example,  of  beasts  with  a  human  head  and  a  lion's 
body  ;  of  women  half  white  and  half  black  ;  of  wool  growing 
like  corn  out  of  the  earth ;  of  countries  abounding  with  phoe- 
nixes, griffins,  and  dragons.  In  the  description  of  his  miracles, 
he  unwarily  mentions  his  cure  of  a  dropsy  to  have  been  effected 
by  prescribing  abstinence  to  the  patient. — Though  Apollonius  be 
made  to  tell  Damis,  that  he  understood  all  languages  without 
learning  them,  yet  in  India,  when  he  came  before  King  Phraortes, 
he  wanted  an  interpreter.  In  an  account  of  his  raising  a  young 
lady  seemingly  dead,  at  Rome,  he  mentions  that  it  was  still  a 
secret,  whether  there  were  some  remaining  sparks  of  life  ;  be- 
sides this,  the  miracle  was  unknown  to  any  who  lived  at  that 
time.  The  history  tells  us,  that  Apollonius  appeared  after  his 
death  to  Aurelian,  when  he  besieged  Tyana;  of  which  we  have 
no  other  proof  than  the  testimony  of  this  romance  writer. 
Apollonius  is  represented  as  manifesting  the  greatest  vanity,  and 
pretending  to  universal  knowledge.  He  taught  the  doctrine  of 
transmigration.  He  said,  "  It  was  wise  to  speak  well  of  all  the 
gods,  especially  at  Athens,  where  altars  of  unknown  demons  were 
erected."  He  attempted  to  deify  a  lion.  Three  instances  are 
given  of  his  pretended  prophetic  spirit.  Two  of  them  evidently 
imply  nothing  superior  to  human  knowledge.  The  third,  that 
Nerva  should  one  day  be  emperor,  one  is  not  surprised  at,  when 
the  feigned  prophet  was,  by  flattery  and  advice,  actually  encourag- 
ing him,  at  that  time,  to  a  revolt ;  and  what  totally  destroys  the 
authority  of  the  prediction  is,  that  he  denied  it  before  Domitian. 
"  His  wonder-working  faculty  he  pretends  to  have  fetched  from 
the  East  Indies  ;  yet  the  account  which  he  has  given  of  those 
parts  is  so  grossly  fabulous,  that  that  alone  convicts  him  of  im- 
posture."1 

These  instances  will  suffice  to  manifest  the  striking  contrast 
that  subsists  between  the  memoirs  of  Apollonius  and  those  which 
we  have  of  Jesus.  Genuine  marks  of  truth  distinguish  the  nar- 
ratives of  the  evangelists,  while  characters  of  fiction  abound  in 
the  history  written  by  Philostratus. 

Such  are  the  evidences,  both  external  and  internal,  direct 
and  collateral,  lor  the  Genuineness  and  Authenticity  of  the 
New  Testament ;  and  when  their  number,  variety,  and  the 
extraordinary  nature  of  many  of  them  are  impartially  con- 
sidered, it  is  impossible  not  to  come  to  this  convincing  con- 
clusion, that  the  Scriptures  of  the  New  Testament  are 

GENUINE  AND  AUTHENTIC,  AND  WERE  ACTUALLY  WRITTEN  BY 
THE  PERSONS  WHOSE  NAMES  THEY  BEAR,  AND  THAT  THEY  DID 
APPEAR  IN  THE  TIMES  TO  WHICH  THEY  REFER. 

We  shall  conclude  this  section  with  the  concessions  of 
three  writers  concerning  the.  Christian  records,  whose  senti- 
ments will  not  be  suspected  to  have  arisen  from  an  unrea- 
sonable partiality  in  favour  of  them. 

Mr.  Hobbes  acknowledges,  that  "  the  writings  of  the  New 
Testament  are  as  ancient  as  the  times  of  the  apostles;  and 
that  they  were  written  by  persons  who  lived  in  those  times, 
some  of  whom  saw  the  things  which  they  relate.  And 
though  he  insinuates  that  the  copies  of  the  Scriptures  were 

1  Lard.  Heath.  Test.  chap,  xxxix.  sect.  5,  0  and  append,  to  chap,  xxxix. 
near  the  end— Bp.  Douglas's  Criterion,  pp.  65,  etstq. — Houtteville's  Diss, 
nn  the  Life  of  Apollonius.— Palev's  Evid.  vol.  ii.  part'.',  chap.  6.  sect.  41 
i>  180 


hut  few,  and  in  the  first  ages  in  the  hands  of  the  ecclesias- 
tics only  ;  yet  he  adds,  that  he  sees  no  reason  to  doubt,  but 
that  the  books  of  the  New  Testament,  as  we  have  them,  are 
the  true  registers  of  those  things  which  were  dmie  and  said 
by  the  prophets  and  apostles."2  He  says  also,  "  That  he- is 
persuaded  the  ecclesiastics  did  not  falsify  the  Scriptures; 
because  if  they  had  had  an  intention  so  to  do,  they  would 
surely  have  made  them  more  favourable  to  their  power  over 
Christian  princes  and  civil  sovereignty  than  they  are."-' 

Mr.  Chubb  left  the  following  sentiments  : — "  That  there 
was  such  a  person  as  Jesus  Christ,  and  that  he,  in  the  main, 
did  and  taught  as  is  recorded  of  him,  appears  probable,  be- 
cause it  is  improbable  that  Christianity  should  take  place  in 
the  way  and  to  the  degree  that  it  did  (or  at  least  that  we  are 
told  it  did),  supposing  the  history  of  Christ's  life  and  minis- 
try to  be  a  fiction."  He  adds,  that  "  if  such  power  attended 
Jesus  Christ  in  the  exercise  of  his  ministry  as  the  history 
sets  forth,  then,  seeing  his  ministry,  and  the  power  that  at- 
tended it,  seems  at  least  in  general  to  have  terminated  in  the 
public  good,  it  is  more  likely  that  God  was  the  primary 
agent  in  the  exercise  of  that  power,  than  any  other  invisible 
being.  And  then  it  is  probable  that  Jesus  Christ,  upon 
wrhose  will  the  immediate  exercise  of  that  power  depended, 
would  not  use  that  power  to  impose  upon  and  mislead  man- 
kind to  their  hurt ;  seeing  that  power  appears  to  have  been 
well  directed  and  applied  in  other  respects,  and  seeing  he 
was  accountable  to  his  Principal  for  the  abuse  of  it.  He 
adds,  "  From  these  premises,  or  from  this  general  viewr  of 
the  case,  I  think  this  conclusion  follows,  viz.  it  is  probable 
Christ's  mission  was  divine ;  at  least  it  so  appears  to  me, 
from  the  light  or  information  I  have  received  concerning  it."J 
Lord  Bolingbroke  grants,  that  "  Christianity  has  all  the 
proofs  which  the  manner  in  which  it  was  revealed,  and  the 
nature  of  it,  allowed  it  to  have."5  He  further  acknowledges, 
that  "  it  is  out  of  dispute  that  we  have  in  our  hands  the 
Gospels  of  Matthew  and  John,  who  give  themselves  out  for 
eye  and  ear  witnesses  of  all  that  Christ  did  and  taught.  That 
two  channels  were  as  sufficient  as  four  to  convey  those  doc- 
trines to  the  world,  and  to  preserve  them  in  their  original 
purity.  The  manner,  too,  in  which  these  evangelists  re- 
corded them,  was  much  better  adapted  to  this  purpose  than 
that  of  Plato,  or  even  of  Xenophon,  to  preserve  the  doctrines 
of  Socrates.  The  evangelists  did  not  content  themselves 
with  giving  a  general  account  of  the  doctrines  of  Jesus 
Christ  in  their  own  words,  nor  presume  in  feigned  dialogues 
to  make  him  deliver  their  opinions  in  his  own  name,  and  as 
his  own  doctrines.  They  recorded  his  doctrines  in  the  very 
words  in  which  he  taught  them,  and  they  were  careful  to 
mention  the  several  occasions  on  which  he  delivered  them 
to  his  disciples  or  others.  If,  therefore,  Plato  and  Xenophon 
tell  us  with  a  good  degree  of  certainty  what  Socrates  taught, 
the  two  evangelists  seem  to  tell  us  with  much  more  what 
the  Saviour  taught,  and  commanded  them  to  teach."6 

What  but  the  irresistible  force  of  truth  could  have  extorted 
such  concessions  from  men  of  learning  and  ability,  who  have 
written  several  things  to  depreciate  the  Christian  religion, 
and  the  Divine  authority  of  its  author  1 

From  the  preceding  observations,  it  is  evident  that  we 
have  all  the  evidence  mat  can  be  reasonably  desired  in  favour 
of  the  credibility  of  the  Scripture  History,  and  particularly 
of  what  the  evangelical  historians  relate  concerning  Jesus 
Christ.  It  is  manifest  that  they  were  every  way  qualified 
to  give  an  account  of  the  transactions  which  they  have  re- 
corded ;  they  had  no  design  to  impose  on  mankind ;  they 
could  have  no  inducement  whatever  to  attempt  an  imposture, 
but  every  imaginable  inducement  to  the  contrary ;  nor  could 
they  possibly  have  succeeded,  if  they  had  made  the  attempt 


SECTION  Ii. 

TESTIMONIES  TO  THE  CREDIBILITY  OF    THE    OLD  AND  NEW  TES- 
TAMENTS FROM   NATURAL  AND  CIVIL  HISTORY. 

The  evidences  for  the  credibility  of  the  Old  and  New  Tes- 
taments, which  have  been  stated  in  the  preceding  section, 
have  been  drawn  principally  from  an  examination  of  those 
books  compared  with  facts  that  have  existed,  and  many  of 

»  Leviathan,  p.  204.— Leland's  Viewof  Deisticai  Writ.  vol.  i.  p.  58.  let.  iii 
3  Leviathan,  p.  203.— Leland,  ib.  let.  v.  p.  101 

*  Chubb's  Posthumous  Works,  vol.  ii.  p,  li.  t>  43.;  compared  with  r 
394.  to  396.— Leland,  ib.  letter  xii.  p.  338.  to  339. 

»  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  91.  4to.  edit. 

•  Bolingbroke's  Works,  vol.  It.  ess.  4.  sect.  18.  p.  360 


Sk. :t.  II.  §    1.] 


CONFIRMED  BY  NATURAL  AND  CIVIL  HISTuRY 


69 


which  continue,  to  exist  to  the  present  day.  We  might  safely 
rest  the  credibility  of  the  Scriptures  upon  those  evidences; 
but  then?  is  an  additional  testimony  to  their  on  dibiliiy  and 
truth  as  well  as  to  their  genuineness,  which  i.^  afforded  l<\ 
their  agreement  with  natural  and  civil  history^  and  which  is 
too  valuable  to  be  passed  in  a  cursory  manner. 

§   1.    TESTIMONIES  PROM  NATURAL  AND  CIVIL  HISTORV  TO  THE 
CREDIBILITY  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

«.  Testimonies  to  the  Mosaic  account  of  the.  creation  of  the 
■world. — II.  Particularly  of  man. — III.  Of  the  fall  of  man. 
—IV.  Of  the  translation  of  Enoch, — V.  Of  the  longevity 
of  the  antediluvian  patriarchs. — VI.  Men  of  a  gigantic 
stature. — VII.  Of  the  deluge, —  1.  Proofs  of  that  event  from 
the  fossilized  remains  of  the  animals  of  a  former  -world; — 

2.  From  civil  history,  particularly  from  the  paucity  of  man- 
kind, and  vast  tracts  of  uninhabited  land,  mentioned  in  the 
accounts  of  the  first  ages,  the  late  invention  and  progress 
of  arts  and  sciences,  and  from  the  universal  tradition  of  the 
deluge ; — Refutation  of  objections  to  the  Mosaic  history  of 
that  catastrophe. —  VIII.  Testimonies  of  profane  history  to 
the  building  of  the  lower  of  Jiabel. — IX.  To  the  destruction 
of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah. — X.  To  the  Mosaic  account  of 
the  patriarchs. — XI.  To  the  reality  of  the  person  and  cha- 
racter of  Moses,  and  to  the  departure  of  the  Israelites  from 
Egypt. — XII.  jYotice  of  various  customs  borrowed  by  an- 
cient nations  from  the  Hebrews. — XIII.  And  of  certain  per- 
sonal histories,  which  may  be  traced  to  the  Old  Testament 
history. — XIV.  Testimonies  of  ancient  and  modern  writers 
to  the  truth  of  the  Scripture  account  of  the  fertility  of  Pa- 
lestine.—  Concluding  observations. 

The  Scripture  history  agrees,  in  a  surprising  manner,  with 
the  most  authentic  records  that  remain  of  the  events,  customs, 
and  manners  of  the  countries  and  ages  to  which  it  stands  re- 
lated. The  rise  and  fall  of  empires,  the  revolutions  that  have 
taken  place;  in  the  world,  and  the  grand  outlines  of  chrono- 
logy, as  mentioned  or  referred  to  in  the  Scriptures,  are  coin- 
cident with  those  stated  by  the  most  ancient  writers  that  are 
extant:  while  the  palpable  errors  in  these  respects,  which 
are  detected  in  the  apocryphal  books,  constitute  one  of  the 
most  decisive  reasons  for  rejecting  them  as  spurious.  The 
history  of  the  Bible  is  of  far  greater  antiquity  than  any  other 
records  extant  in  the  world :  and  it  is  remarkable  that,  in 
numerous  instances,  it  shows  the  real  origin  of  those  absurd 
fables  which  disgrace  and  invalidate  all  other  histories  of 
those  remote  times ;  which  is  no  feeble  proof  that  it  was  de- 
rived from  some  surer  source  than  human  tradition.  The 
facts  recorded  in  the  Old  Testament  cannot  be  disproved; 
but,  on  the  contrary,  they  are  confirmed  by  the  traditionary- 
accounts  of  almost  all  nations.  Mr.  Hume,  indeed,  affirmed 
that  the  Pentateuch  was  "  wrote  [written]  in  all  probability 
long  after  the  facts  it  relates."  That  this  book  was  written 
long  after  some  of  the  facts  which  it  relates,  is  not  denied ; 
but  that  it  was  written  long  after  all  or  even  most  of  those 
facts,  there  is  (as  we  have  already  shown)  no  reason  to  be- 
lieve. If,  as  Dr.  Campbell  forcibly  remarked  (and  Mr.  Hume 
neither  did  nor  could  refute  the  remark),  this  writer  meant  to 
signify  by  the  expression  quoted,  that  this  was  in  all  proba- 
bility the  case,  why  did  he  not  produce  the  grounds  on  which 
such  probability  is  founded]  Shall  a  bold  assertion  pass  for 
argument]  or  can  it  be  expected  that  any  one  should  consider 
reasons,  which  are  only  in  general  supposed,  but  not  specified. 

Mr.  Hume  added,  that  the  Pentateuch  was  M  corroborated 
by  no  concurring  testimony."  To  which  we  may  reply,  that 
it  is  as  little  invalidated  by  any  amiradicttmy  testimony;  and 
both  for  this  plain  reason,  Decause  there  is  no  human  compo- 
sition that  can  be  compared  with  this  in  respect  of  antiquity. 
It  were  absurd  to  require  that  the  truth  of  Moses's  history 
should  be  attested  by  heathen  writers  of  the  sum'  or  nearly 
the  same  antiquity  with  himself;  since  we  knew  that  those 
who  affected  to  fix  upon  other  nations  the  name  of  barbarians, 
were  in  his  time,  and  for  several  centuries  afterwards,  them- 
selves barbarians.  Hut  though  the  Pentateuch  is  not  corro- 
borated by  the  concurrent  testimonies  of  any  coeval  histories, 
because  if  such  histories  were  ever  extant,  they  have  long 
since  perished,  yet  it  is  not  on  that  account  destitute  of  col- 
lateral evidence.  On  the  contrary,  its  authority  is  legible  in 
the  few  fragments  that  remain  of  the  earliest  writers:  and 
subsequent  nistorians  have  fully  confirmed  it  by  the  accounts 
which  they  give,  though  evidently  mixed  with  depravation, 
of  the  history  of  the  Jews,  and  of  the  legislation  of  Moses; 
id  will  appear  from  the  following  insl  inces,  selected  out  of  a 


f greater  number  which  have  been  pointed  out,  andftreated  at 
ength  by  various  learned  men. 

I.  Testimonies  to  the  Mosaic  Account  of  the  Crea- 
i  ion  oi  the  World. 

1.  The  heathens  had  a  tradition  among  them  concerning  the 
primeval  chaos  whence  the  world  arose,  and  the  production  of 
all  things  by  the  efficiency  of  a  supreme  mind,  which  bears  so 
close  a  resemblance  to  the  Mosaic  account  of  the  creation,  as 
proves  that  tiny  all  originated  from  one  common  source;  while 
the  striking  contrast  between  the  unadorned  simplicity  of  the 
one,  and  the  allegorical  turgidity  of  the  others,  accurately  distin- 
guishes the  inspired  narrative  from  the  distorted  tradition.  This 
remark  applies  particularly  to  the  ChaUuean,  Egyptian,  Phoeni- 
cian, Hindoo,  Chinese,  Etruscan,  Gothic,  Greek,  and  American 
Cosmogonies.1 

2.  One  of  the  most  striking  collateral  confirmations  of  the 
Mosaic  history  of  the  creation,  is  the  general  adoption  of  the 
division  of  time  into  weeks,  which  extends  from  the  Christian 
States  of  Europe  to  the  remote  shores  of  Hindostan,  and  has 
equally  prevailed  among  the  Hebrews,  the  Egyptians,  Chinese, 
Greeks,  Romans,  and  northern  barbarians; — nations,  some  of 
whom  had  little  or  no  intercourse  with  others,  and  were  not  even 
known  by  name  to  the  Hebrews.  It  is  to  be  observed,  that  there 
is  a  great  difference  between  the  concurrence  of  nations  in  the 
division  of  time  into  weeks,  and  their  concurrence  in  the  other 
periodical  divisions  into  years,  months,  and  days.  These  divi- 
sions arise  from  such  natural  causes  as  are  every  where  obvious, 
viz:  the  annual  and  diurnal  revolutions  of  the  sun,  and  the  re- 
volution of  the  moon.  The  division  into  weeks,  on  the  con- 
trary, seems  perfectly  arbitrary :  consequently,  its  prevailing  in 
distant  countries,  and  among  nations  which  had  no  communica- 
tion with  one  another,  affords  a  strong  presumption  tha:  it  must 
have  been  derived  from  some  remote  tradition  (as  that  of  the 
creation),  which  was  never  totally  obliterated  from  the  memory 
of  the  Gentiles,  and  which  tradition  has  been  older  than  the  dis- 
persion of  mankind  into  different  regions.  It  is  easy  to  conceive, 
that  the  practice,  in  rude  and  barbarous  ages,  might  remain 
through  habit,  when  the  tradition  on  which  it  was  founded  was 
entirely  lost:  it  is  easy  to  conceive,  that,  afterwards,  people  ad- 
dicted to  idolatry,  or  who,  like  the  Egyptians,  had  become  profi- 
cients in  astronomy,  should  assign  to  the  different  days  of  the 
week  the  names  of  their  deities  or  of  their  planets.2 

3.  Even  the  Mosaic  method  of  reckoning  by  nights  in-tead  of 
days  has  prevailed  in  more  than  one  nation.  Thus,  the  polished 
Athenians  computed  the  space  of  a  day  from  sunset  to  sunset  ;3 
and  from  a  similar  custom  of  our  Gothic  ancestors,  during  their 
abode  in  the  forests  of  German}',  words  expressive  of  such  a  mode 
of  computing  time  have  been  derived  into  our  own  language.4 
The  same  custom  also  prevailed  among  the  Celtic  nations.5 

II.  Of  the  Formation  of  Man  in  the  Moral  Image  of 
God,  and  his  being  vested  with  dominion  over  other  animals, 
similar  traditionary  vestiges  remain  in  the  widely  diffusei" 
notion,  that  mankind  formerly  lived  in  complete  happiness 
and  unstained  innocence;  that  spring  reigned  perpetually, 
and  that  the  earth  spontaneously  gave  her  increase. 

Tins  was  the  origin  of  the  fabled  golden  age,  so  exquisitely 
described  by  the  classic  poets,  and  which  may  also  be  distinctly 
traced  in  the  legends  of  our  Scythian  forefathers,  and  in  the  age 
of  perfection  of  the  Hindoos;  and  in  the  classical  story  of  the 
garden  of  the  Hesperides,  we  may  equally  discover  an  evident 
tradition  of  the  Mosaics]  paradise  and  of  the  promised  Saviour, 
who  should  bruise  the  head  of  the  infernal  dragon.  Nor -is  it 
improbable  that,  from  the  holiness  of  the  garden  of  Eden,  the 
pagans  borrowed  their  ancient  custom  of  consecrating  groves  to 
the  worship  of  their  various  deities. ' 

III.  The  Fall  of  Man  and  the  Introduction  of  Sin 
into  thi"  World  are  related  in  the  third  chapter  of  the  book 
of  Genesis.    It  has  been  the  fashion  with  minute  philosophers 

u  account  of  these  various  Cosmogonies  in  Mr.  Faber's  Horae 
Mosaics,  vol.  i.  pp.  17 — 10.  The  Greek  and  Latin  Cosmogonies  are  parti- 
cularly considered I  in  Edwards  on  the  Truth  ami  Authority  of  the  Scnp- 
lures,  voL  i.  pp.  88—102.  The  testimonies  at  profane  writers  lo  the  trut!; 
of  the  principal  bets  related  in  the  Scriptures  are  adduced  and  fully  consi- 
dered l>\  Dr.  Collyer  in  his  "Lectures  on  Scripture  Facts."  8vo.  2d  edit. 
London,  1809.  The  .subjects,  noticed  in  this  section,  ]>;micularly  the  Crea- 
tion and  the  Deluge,  are  likewise  copiously  treated  of  in  the  notes  to  Grr. 
tius,  De  Veritate  feel.  Christ.  Kb. i.  c  16. 
»  Dr.  Campbells  Dissertation  on  Miracles,  p.  219.  note. 

*  Aulus  Gellius,  Noctes  Attica*,  lib.  hi.  c.  2. 

*  Tacitus,  deMor.  Ger.  c.  11.  The  expressions  of  fortnight  and  sennight, 
for  fourteen  nights  and  seven  nights,  are  still  in  use  among  us  in  England 

»  Cajsar,  de  Hell.  Gall.  lib.  »i  .  ,  . 

«  Faber's  Hor.  Mos.  vol  i.  pp.  i  I  —50.  Edwards  on  Scripture,  vo  t  pp. 
103—106 


70 


CREDIBILITY  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


[Chap.  Ill 


and  philosophizing-  divines  to  endeavour  to  explain  away  the 
reality  of  the  fall,  and  to  resolve  it  all  into  allegory,  apologue, 
or  moral  fahle;  but  the  whole  scheme  of  redemption  by 
Christ  is  founded  upon  it,  and  must  stand  or  fall  with  it;  a 
figurative  fall  requiring  only  a  figurative  redemption.  Even 
Lord  iiolingbroke  (than  whom  Revelation  never  had  a  more 
subtle  opposer)  justly  rejects  the  allegorical  interpretation. 
"  //  cannot,"  says  he,  "be  admitted  by  Christians;  for,  if  it 
was,  what  would  become  of  that  famous  text  [that  the  seed 
jf  the  woman  should  crush  the  serpent's  head,  Gen.  in.  15], 
a-hereon  the  doctrine  of  our  redemption  is  founded1?"' 

Indeed  the  Mosaic  account,  from  its  simplicity  and  conso- 
lance  with  the  whole  tenor  of  the  Scriptures,  was  evidently 
designed  to  represent  a  real  transaction;-'  and  it  has  been 
received  as  such  by  the  writers  of  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ments, who  certainly  were  more  competent  to  decide  than 
men  who  have  lived  several  thousands  of  years  after  the 
transaction,  and  whose  bold  contradictions  of  the  best  attested 
matters  of  fact  render  their  unsupported  assertions  of  no 
effect  Modern  opposers  of  revelation  have  ridiculed  the 
account  of  the  fall  as  a  fahle.  But  nothing  is  easier  than 
ridicule  to  men  who  pay  no  regard  to  piety,  equity,  and  com- 
mon decency.  Whatever  they  may  assert  (and  let  it  be  re- 
membered that  assertions  without  proof  are  not  facts),  and 
however  they  may  attempt  to  explain  away  the  Mosaic  ac- 

m:t  of  the  fall,  or  attempt  to  prove  it  false,  yet  the  evi- 
dently ruined  condition  of  the  human  race  would  still  remain 
aa  an  undeniable  fact.  And  the  narrative  of  the  fall  is 
confirmed  both  by  natural  and  civil  history,  Thus,  it  agrees 
in  an  eminent  manner  both  with  the  obvious  facts  of  labour, 
sorrow,  pain,  and  death,  and  also  with  what  we  see  and  feel 
every  day,  and  with  all  our  philosophical  inquiries  into  the 
fame  of  the  human  mind,  the  nature  of  social  life,  and  the 
origin  of  evil.  The  several  powers  of  the  little  world  within 
.  man's  own  breast  are  at  variance  with  one  another,  as  well 
as  those  of  the  great  world;  and  we  are  utterly  unable  to 
give  a  complete  solution  of  the  origin  of  the  evils  which  flow 
from  these  discords,  and  from  the  jarring  elements  of  the 
natural  world.  But  the  Mosaic  narrative  accounts  for  all 
these  otherwise  unaccountable  phenomena,  and  is  corrobo- 
rated by  various  traditions,  more  or  less  agreeable  to  it. 

1 .  "  The  commencement  of  this  moral  taint  is  ascribed  by 
the  author  of  the  Pentateuch  to  the  Disobedience  of  our 
First  Parents. 

"  An  evil  spirit,  the  origination  of  whose  malignity  itself  is  a 
mystery  which  can  never  be  fathomed,  speaking  through  the  or- 
gans of  a  serpent,  tempted  them  to  transgress  the  command  of 
God  by  tasting  the  forbidden  fruit  of  a  distinctly  specified  tree. 
The  penalty  of  their  rebellion  was  death."  Though  Moses  gives 
no  account  of  Satan  or  the  tempter,  yet  we  learn,  from  other  pas- 
sages of  Scripture,  that  he  was  first  made  like  other  celestial 
spirits,  perfect  in  his  kind,  and  happy  in  his  condition ;  but  that, 
through  pride  or  ambition,  falling  into  a  crime  (the  circumstances 
)t'  which  are  unknown  to  us),  he  thence  fell  into  misery,  and, 
together  with  his  accomplices,  was  banished  from  the  regions  of 
bliss.  Of  this  fall  of  wicked  angels,  the  ancients  had  some  no- 
tion, as  is  mani'.est  from  their  tradition  of  the  Titans  and  Giants 
invading  heaven,  fighting  against  Jupiter,  and  attempting  to  de- 
pose him  from  his  throne,  for  which  reason  he  cast  them  head- 
long into  hell,  where  they  are  tormented  with  incessant  fire. 
Ami  therefore  Empedocles,  in  some  verses  cited  by  Plutarch, 
makes  mention  of  the  fate  of  some  demons,  who  for  their  rebel- 
lion were,  from  the  summit  of  heaven,  plunged  into  the  bottom 
of  the  great  abyss,  there  to  be  punished  as  they  deserved.3 

The  fictions  of  Indian  mythology,  with  regard  to  contending 
powers  and  their  subordinate  ministers,  both  benevolent  and  ma- 
lignant, are  erected  on  the  same  basis  of  truth. 

%  The  Introduction  of  Physical  Evil  into  the  world, 

By  the  disobedience  of  our  first  mother  Eve,  is  plainly  alluded 
to  by  the  well-known  heathen  legend  of  Pandora;  who  being 
V  I  by  a  fatal  curiosity  to  open  a  casket  that  had  been  given  her 
By  Jupiter,  out  of  it  flew  all  the  evil  into  the  world,  and  she  be- 
came the  original  cause  of  all  the  miserable  occurrences  that  be- 
fall mankind.  Hope  alone — the  hope  in  a  promised  and  long 
'emembered  deliverer — remaining  at  the  bottom  of  the  casket. 

".  Original  Sin,  the  early  corruption  and  depravation  of 
■nan's  nature,  in  consequence  of  our  first  parents'  transgres- 

i  Bolingbroke's  Works,  vol.       p.  372.  8vo.  edit 
»  Dr.  Hale's  Chronology,  vol.  ii.  book  i.  p.  10. 

•  Iluet,  Qucesfiones  Alnetanae,  lib.  2.  Edwards  on  Scripture,  vol.  i.  pp. 
wOO   107. 


sion,  is  a  subject  of  complaint  among  the  ancient  heathen 
moralists,  philosophers,  and  poets. 

Thus,  Pythagoras  termed  it  the  fatal  companion,  the  noxious 
strife  that  lurks  -within  us,  and  -which  -was  born  along  -with 
us  ; — Sopater  called  it,  the  sin  that  is  born  with  mankind ; — 
Plato,  natural  -wickedness  ; — Aristotle,  the  natural  repugnancy 
of  maiis  temper  to  reason ;  and  all  the  Greek  and  Roman  phi- 
losophers, especially  the  Stoics  and  Platonists,  complain  of  the 
depraved  and  degenerate  condition  of  mankind,  of  their  propen- 
sity to  every  thing  that  is  evil,  and  of  their  aversion  from  every 
thing  that  is  good.  Thus,  Cicero  lamented,  that  men  are  brought 
into  life  by  nature  as  a  step-mother,  -with  a  naked,  frail,  and 
infirm  body,  and  with  a  soul  prone  to  divers  lusts.  Seneca,  one 
of  the  best  of  the  Roman  philosophers,  observes,  We  are  born 
in  such  a  condition,  that  ive  are  not  subject  to  fewer  disorders 
of  the  mind  than  of  the  body  ; — that  The  seeds  of  all  the  vices 
are  in  all  men,  though  they  do  not  break  out  in  every  one  ,— 
and  that  To  confess  them  is  the  beginning  of  our  cure.  And 
Hierocles  called  this  universal  moral  taint,  The  domestic  evil  of 
mankind.  Even  some  of  the  sprightliest  poets  bear  their  testi- 
mony to  the  same  fact.  Propertius  could  say,  Every  body  has  a 
vice  to  ivhich  he  is  inclined  by  nature.  Horace  declared  that 
JVo  man  is  born  free  from  vices,  and  that  He  is  the  best  man 
■who  is  oppressed  -with  the  least;  that  Mankind  rush  into 
wickedness,  and  always  desire  -what  is  forbiddden  ;  that  Youth 
has  the  softness  of  -wax  to  receive  vicious  impressions,  and  the 
hardness  of  rock  to  resist  virtuous  admonitions  ;  and,  in  short, 
that  We  are  mad  enough  to  attack  heaven  itself,  and  that  Our 
repeated  crimes  do  not  suffer  the  God  of  Heaven  to  lay  aside 
his  -wrathful  thunderbolts.  And  Juvenal  has  furnished  a  striking 
corroboration  to  the  statement  of  Paul  of  Tarsus  concerning  the 
carnal  mind  (Rom.  vii.  18 — 23.),  when  he  says  that  JYature, 
unchangeably  fixed,  runs  back  to  -wickedness,  as  bodies  to 
their  centre. 

Further,  there  is  reason  to  suppose,  that  the  ancient  Celtic 
Druids  expressly  taught  the  defection  of  the  human  soul  from  a 
state  of  original  rectitude  ;  the  invariable  belief  of  the  Brahmins, 
in  Hindostan,  is,  that  man  is  a  fallen  creature ;  and  it  is  well 
known  that  a  similar  opinion  was  inculcated  by  the  classical  my- 
thologists,  and  especially  by  Hesiod,  in  their  descriptions  of  the 
gradual  corruption  of  the  human  race,  during  the  period  subse- 
quent to  the  golden  age.  Catullus  represents  the  unhallowed 
period,  when  justice  was  put  to  flight,  and  brothers  imbrued  their 
hands  in  fraternal  blood,  while  incest  and  sacrilege  alienated  the 
mind  of  God  from  man  ;  and  Tacitus  marks  out  the  progress  of 
depravity,  from  a  period  free  from  offence  and  punishment,  to  a 
flagitious  and  abandoned  wickedness,  devoid  even  of  fear.  Thus, 
"  Providence  seems  to  have  drawn  evidence  of  the  guilt  of  mei. 
from  their  own  confessions,  and  to  have  preserved  their  testi- 
mony for  the  conviction  of  subsequent  times."4 

4.  The  Form  assumed  by  the  Tempter, 

When  he  seduced  our  first  parents,  has  been  handed  down  in 
the  traditions  of  most  ancient  nations,  particularly  the  Persians, 
Hindoos,  Greeks,  the  Egyptians,  and  the  Scythians  or  Goths  ; 
and  though  animals  of  the  serpent  tribe  were  worshipped  by  some 
of  the  Pagans,  as  the  Egyptians,  Phoenicians,  and  Greeks,  as 
symbols  of  the  good  demon6,  yet  they  were  more  generally  re- 
garded as  types  or  figures  of  the  evil  principle.6 

There  is  nothing  in  which  the  traditions  and  opinions  of 
the  heathens  bear  stronger  testimony  to  the  doctrines  of 
Scripture,  than  the  conviction  which  prevailed,  of  the  neces- 
sity of  an  Atonement  for  Sin,  and  of  the  Intervention 
of  a  Divine  Mediator,  and  the  universal  practice  of  devot- 
ing piacular  victims,  which  has  at  one  period  or  other  equally 
prevailed  in  every  quarter  of  the  globe. 

It  has  been  alike  adopted  by  the  most  barbarous,  and  by  the 
most  savage  nations.  "  The  rude  idolater  of  the  recently  dis- 
covered hemisphere,  and  the  polished  votary  of  polytheism, 
equally  concur  in  the  belief  that  without  shedding  of   blood 

«  Faber,  vol  i.  pp.  65—71.  ;  Edwards,  vol.  i.  pp.  108—110. ;  Bp.  Grays 
Connection  between  Sacred  and  Profane  Literature,  vol.  i.  pp.  163—165.  ; 
Fletcher's  Appeal  to  Matter  of  Fact,  pp.  143—147. ;  Cormack's  Inquiry  into 
the  Doctrine  of  Original  Sin,  pp.  24—20. ;  in  which  works  the  proofs  of  the 
fads  above  stated  are  given  in  detail. 

*  This  is  a  manifest  relic  of  the  tempter's  assuming  the  form  of  a  goodly 
serpent,  and  appearing  like  a  good  demon  or  angel  of  light,  when  he 
tempted  Eve. 

s  Faber,  vol.  i.  pp  71—76.  Edwards,  vol.  i.  pp.  11 1  -114.  Gray,  vol.  i.  pp. 
161,  162.  The  fullest  view -of  this-  subject  will  b^  found  in  the  Rev.  J.  B. 
Deane's  elaborate  treatise,  entitled  "The  Wm  ihip  of  the  Serpent  traced 
throughout  the  World,  and  its  Traditions  refprred  to  the  Events  in  Para 
disc  ;  proving  the  Temptation  and  Fall  of  Man  i»r  the  Instrumentality  of  i 
Serpent  Tempter.    London,  1830."  8vo. 


I).  §  1.] 


CONFIRMED  BY  NATURAL  AND  CIVIL  HISTORY. 


there  can  be  no  remission  of  sins.  Nor  was  the  life  of  the  brute 
creation  always  deemed  sufficient  to  remove  the  taint  of  guilt, 
and  to  avert  the  wrath  of  heaven.  The  death  Of  a  QOblei  victim 
w.is  frequently  required  ;  and  the  altan  of  paganism  were  he- 
dewed  vvitll  torrents  Ol  human  blond."  Thus,  the  ('.infinites 
caused  their  first-born  to  pass  through  the  (ire,  in  order  to  ap- 
pease the  anger  of  their  false  deities  ;  and  one  of  the  kings  of 
Moab  is  said  to  have  offered  up  his  eldest  son  as  a  burnt-ollcring, 
when  in  danger  from  the  superior  power  of  the  Edomitcs.1 
"Nor  was  the  belief  that  the  gods  wire  rendered  propitious  by 

this  peculiar  mode  of  sacrifice  confined  to  the  nations  which 

were  more  immediately  contiguous  to  the  territories  of  Israel. 
We  learn  from  Homer,  that  a  whole  hecatomb  of  firstling  lambs 

was  no  uncommon  offering  among  bis  countrymen;1  and  the 

ancient  Goths  having  laid  it  down  as  a  principle,  that  the  effusion 
of  the  blood  of  animals  appeased  the  anger  of  the  gods,  and  that 
their  justice  turned  aside  upon  the  victims  those  strokes  which 
were  destined  for  men,3  soon  proceeded  to  greater  lengths,  and 
adopted  the  horrid  practice  of  devoting  human  victims.  In 
honour  of  the  mystical  number  three,  a  number  deemed  particu- 
larly dear  to  heaven,  every  ninth  month  witnessed  the  groans 
and  dying  struggles  of  nine  unfortunate  victims.  The  fatal  blow 
being  struck,  the  lifeless  bodies  were  consumed  in  the  sacred  fire 
which  was  kept  perpetually  burning ;  while  the  blood,  in  singu- 
lar conformity  with  the  Lcvitical  ordinances,  was  sprinkled,  part- 
ly upon  the  surrounding  multitude,  partly  upon  the  trees  of  the 
hallowed  grove,  and  partly  upon  the  images  of  their  idols.1 
Even  the  remote  inhabitants  of  America  retained  similar  cus- 
toms, and  for  similar  reasons.  It  is  observed  by  Acosta,  that  in 
cases  of  sickness,  it  was  usual  for  a  Peruvian  to  sacrifice  his  son 
to  Virachoca,  beseeching  him  to  spare  his  life,  and  to  be  satisfied 
with  the  blood  of  his  child.5 

"  Whence,  then,"  we  may  ask  with  the  learned  author, 
to  w  hose  researches  this  section  is  so  deeply  indebted : 
"  Whence,  then,  could  originate  this  universal  practice  of 
devoting  the  first-born,  either  of  man  or  beast,  and  of  offering 
it  up  as  a  burnt-offering'?  Whence,  but  from  a  deep  and  an- 
cient consciousness  of  moral  depravation]  Whence,  but 
from  some  perverted  tradition,  respecting  the  true  sacrifice 
to  be  once  offered  for  the  sins  of  all  mankind  1  In  the  obla- 
tion of  the  first-born,  originally  instituted  by  God  himself, 
and  faithfully  adhered  to  both  by  Jew  and  Gentile,  we  be- 
hold the  death  of  him,  who  was  the  first-born  of  his  virgin- 
mother,  accurately  though  obscurely  exhibited.  And  in  the 
constant  use  of  fire,  the  invariable  scriptural  emblem  of 
wrath  and  jealousy,  we  view  the  indignation  of  that  God 
who  is  a  consuming  fire  averted  from  our  guilty  race,  and 
poured  out  upon  the  immaculate  head  of  our  great  Interces- 
sor. Had  a  consciousness  of  purity  reigned  in  the  bosoms 
of  the  ancient  idolaters,  it  does  not  appear,  why  they  should 
have  had  more  reason  to  dread  the  vengeance  of  the  deity, 
than  to  expect  and  to  claim  his  favour ;  yet  that  such  a  dread 
did  universally  prevail,  is  too  well  known  to  require  the 
formality  of  a  laboured  demonstration."6 

IV.  The  Translation  of  Enoch 

May  be  traced  in  the  Grecian  fables  of  the  translation  of  their 
heroes  or  demigods,  and  particularly  of  Hesperus  and  Astrea 
(among  the  ancient  Greeks),  who  arc  fabled  to  have  ascended  to 
heaven  alive,  and  to  have  been  turned  into  stars  and  celestial 
signs ;  of  Dhruva  among  the  Hindoos  ;  of  Buddha  among  the 
Ceylonese,  and  of  Xaca  (another  name  for  Buddha)  among  the 
Calmucks  of  Siberia/ 

V.  The  Longevity  of  the  Antediluvian  Inhabitants, 
mentioned  by  Moses,  is  confirmed  by  various  heathen 
writers. 

"  All,"  says  Josephus,  "  who  have  committed  to  writing  the 
antiquities  cither  of  the  Greeks  or  Barbarians,  attest  this  longevity 
of  the  men  before  the  flood."  And  he  immediately  subjoins, — 
'  Manetho,  who  wrote  an  account  of  the  Egyptians,  Berosus, 
who  compiled  [an  account  of]  the  affairs  of  Chaldaa,  and  Mo- 
chus,  and  Hestisus,  and  with  them  Hieronymus  the  Egyptian, 
who  had  treated  of  the  affairs  of  Egypt,  agree  with  me  in  this. 
Also  Hesiod,  and  Hecatams,  and  Hellanicus,  and  Acusilaus,  and 

1  2  Kings  iii.  27.  Oilier  instances  of  human  sacrifices  may  be  seen  in  p. 
t~.  supra,  note  4. 

•  Iliad,  lib.  iv.  ver.  202.  »  Mallet's  North.  Antiq.  vol.  i.  c.  7. 
«  Mallet's  North.  Antiq.  vol.  i.  c.  7.— Olai  Magni  Hist.  lib.  iii.  c.  7. 

»  Acost.  apud.  Purch.  Pilgr.  book  ix.  c.  11.  p.  8S5. 

•  Fader's  Hor.  Mos.  vol.  i.  pp.  64,  65. 

Pi  l.er,  vol.  i.  pp.  89—91.    Fdwards,  vol.  i.  p.  117 


Ephorus,  and  Nicolaus,  relate  that  the  ancients  lived  a  thousand 
Similar  traditions  of  the   longevity  of  men,  in  formei 
ages,  are  still  to  be  found  among  the  Burmans  of  the  further  la 
dian  Peninsula,  and  also  among  the  Chinese.9 

\  1.  The  Mosaic  account  of  Men  of  a  Gigantic  Stature, 
who  were  inured  to  deeds  of  lawless  violence  and  rapine, 

Is  confirmed  by  the  Greek  and  Latin  poets,  who  relate  that  there 
were  giants  in  the  first  ages  of  the  world,  and  also  by  the  Greek 
and  Latin  historians,  particularly  by  Pausanias  and  Philostratus 
among  the  Greeks,  and  Pliny  among  the  Romans,  who  have  re- 
corded that,  on  opening  some  sepulchres,  the  bodies  of  men  were 
found  to  be  much  larger  in  old  limes.  Josephus  also  speaks  ot 
bones  seen  in  bis  days,  of  a  magnitude  almost  exceeding  credi- 
bility.10 These  testimonies  of  historians  of  former  ages  to  the 
generally  gigantic  stature  of  men,  furnish  a  satisfactory  answer 
to  the  petty  cavils  of  those  who  object  to  the  credibility  of  Moses, 
from  his  mentioning  the  gigantic  size  of  Og's  bedstead.  (Dcut. 
iii.  11.)  But  men  of  very  large  size  are  occasionally  seen  even 
in  our  days.  Some  allowance  may  alio  be  made  for  royal  vanity  ; 
as  Alexander  the  Great  ordered  his  soldiers  to  enlarge  the  size  ot 
their  beds,  that  they  might  give  to  the  Indians,  in  succeeding 
ages,  a  great  idea  of  the  prodigious  stature  of  the  Macedonian 
soldiers." 

VII.  No  part  of  the  Mosaic  history  has  been  more  ridi- 
culed by  the  opposers  of  revelation,  than  the  narrative  of  the 
Deluge  ;  though  no  fact  that  ever  occurred  in  the  world  is 
so  well  attested  both  by  natural  and  civil  history. 

1.  Proofs  of  that  event  from  Natural  History. 

It  has  been  asserted  that  the  relation  of  the  deluge,  con 
tained  in  the  seventh  chapter  of  the  book  of  Genesis,  is 
contrary  to  philosophy,  and  that  the  deluge  could  not  be 
universal,  because  no  stock  of  water  could  be  found  sufficient 
to  overflow  the  earth  to  the  degree  represented  by  Moses. 
The  Hebrew  historian,  however,  expressly  asserts  that  it 
was  universal,  and  his  relation  is  confirmed  by  the  fossilized 
remains  of  animals  belonging  to  a  former  world,  which  are 
found  in  every  quarter  of  ike  globe. 

Thus,  the  highest  eminences  of  the  earth,  as  the  Andes,  the 
Alps,  the  Apennines,  the  Pyrenees,  Libanus,  Atlas,  and  Ararat, 
in  short,  all  the  mountains  of  every  region  under  heaven,  where 
search  has  been  made,  conspire  in  one  uniform  and  universal 
proof  that  the  sea  was  spread  over  their  highest  summits  ;  for 
they  are  found  to  contain  shells,  skeletons  of  fish,  and  marine 
animals  of  every  kind.  The  bones  of  extinct  animals  have  been 
found  in  America,  at  an  elevation  of  7,800  feet,  and  in  the  Cor- 
dilleras, at  7,200  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  In  central  Asia, 
the  evidence  is  still  more  decisive  ;  the  fossilized  remains  of  the 
horse,  deer,  and  bear  species,  having  been  brought  to  England 
from  the  Himalaya  mountains,  from  _  an  elevation  of  more  than 
16,000  feet.12  Further,  skeletons  of  the  elephant  and  rhinoceros, 
natives  of  Africa  and  southern  Asia,  have  been  dug  up  on  the 
steppes  or  table-lands  of  Tartary  and  Siberia ;  and  remains  of 
elephants  have  been  found  in  various  parts  of  England.'3  Croco- 
diles, chiefly  of  the  Asiatic  6pecies,  have  been  discovered  in  va- 
rious parts  of  Europe:  the  gigantic  mammoth  (an  animal  which 
has  hitherto  been  supposed  exclusively  to  belong  to  the  antedilu- 
vian world)  has  been  found  in  the  most  northern  parts  of  Russia, 
and  also  in  North  America,  and  in  Ireland.     The  fossil  bone> 

•  Josephus,  Antiq  Ju.l.  lib.  i.  c.  3.  (al.  4.)  On  the  authors  above  cited 
by  Josephus,  it  lias  been  well  remarked  that  "these  men  either  were  in 
possession  of  traditions  relating  to  this  fact,  or  that  lliey  borrowed  them 
from  doses;  and  in  either  case  our  purpose  is  answered.  For,  if  they  re- 
ceived them  from  prevalent  traditions,  it  will  he  granted  that  these  traditions 
bad  originally  some  foundation  in  fact;  and  they  correspond  with  the  sa 
cred  history.  But  if  they  borrowed  them  from  Moses,  two  pom 
gained  on  our  part.  It  is  proved  that  such  a  man  as  Moses  did  really  exi<: 
that  his  writings  were  then  extant ;  that  they  were  in  substance  what  lhe\ 
now  are;  and  that  they  bear  an  antiquity  more  remote  than  these,  which 
are  allowed  to  be  the  most  ancient  of  the  heathen  writers.  It  is  provet! 
further,  that  his  history  was  highly  esteemed,  and  that  it  was  supposed  b\ 
these  writers  to  contain  facts.  Whether  they  drew  from  Moses  or  froiii 
tradition  ;  and  whether  their  testimony  sprang  from  this  narration,  or  from 
any  other  source ;  either  w,ay,  the  Mosaic  account  of  these  early  ages  i; 
corroborated  by  the  oldest  fragments  of  antiquity."  C'ollyer's  Lectures  on 
Scripture  Facts,  p.  104. 

»  Faber,  vol.  i.  pp.  92,  93. 

>•  The  passages  from  the  historians  above  mentioned  are  given  at  length 
in  Grotius  de  Veritate,  lib.  i.  c.  16. 

"  Rp.  Watson's  Apology  in  answer  to  Paine,  p.  34.  "My  philosophy.7' 
he  adds,  "teaches  me  to  doubt  of  many  things,  but  it  does  not  teach  me  to 
reject  every  testimony  which  is  opposite  to  experience.  Had  I  been  born 
in  Shetland,  1  could,  on  proper  testimony,  have  believed  in  the  existence 
of  the  Lincolnshire  ox,  or  the  largest  dray-horse  in  London  :  though  th» 
oxen  and  horses  of  Shetland  had  not  been  bigger  than  mastiffs."  Ibid.  p.  ,"$ 

11  Quarterly  Review,  vol.  x.xix.  p.  155. 

»>  Prof.  Buckland  s  Reliquia?  Diluviana?,  p.  1"3 


7-J 


CREDIBILITY  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


[Chip.  Ill 


am',  teeth  of  the  rhinoceros,  hippopotamus,  tiger,  and  hyena1 
^animals  found  in  Africa  and  the  east),  aid  of  the  bear  and  nu- 
merous other  animals,  have  been  found  in  England:  to  which 
we  may  add  trees  of  vast  dimensions  w  th  their  roots  and  tops, 
and  some  also  with  leaves  and  fruit,  discovered  at  the  bottom  of 
mines  and  marle-pits,  not  only  in  regions  where  no  trees  of  such 
kind  were  ever  known  to  grow,  but  also  where  it  is  demonstrably 
impossible  that  they  should  grow;  which  effect  could  only  be 
produced  by  the  fountains  of  the  great  deep  being  broken  up. 
Further,  the  drifting  of  the  ark  northwards,  from  Noah's  settle- 
ment to  mount  Ararat,  leads  us  to  infer  that  the  main  current  of 
the  waters  of  the  deluge  came  from  the  south  ;  and  that  this  was 
the  case  is  most  evident  from  the  present  appearance  of  the  great 
continents  of  the  terraqueous  globe ;  whose  deep  southern  inden- 
tations and  bold  projecting  capes  on  the  north,  together  with  the 
chaotic  subversions  of  the  ghauts  of  Hindostan,  as  well  as  of  the 
mountains  of  Abyssinia  and  Caffraria,  and  of  those  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  streights  of  Magellan, — all  conspire  to  prove 
that  such  tremendous  disruptions  were  originally  caused  by  the 
waters  of  the  great  deep  ;  which  rushed  northwards  with  conside- 
rable fury  at  first,  though  they  afterwards  grew  less  violent  towards 
the  end  of  their  progress.  There  are  also  traces  of  prodigious 
disruptions  of  the  earth  in  high  northern  regions,  as  if  on 
purpose  to  absorb  the  redundant  waters  from  the  south  :  and  in 
some  parts,  as  in  Norway,  whole  countries  have  been  uplifted  on 
one  side,  and  half  buried  on  the  other  in  vast  gulphs  which 
opened  to  receive  them.  To  these  facts  we  may  add,  that  all  the 
researches  of  the  most  eminent  geologists  tend  to  prove  the  re- 
cent population  of  the  world,  and  that  its  present  surface  is  not 
of  very  ancient  formation.2 

Physical  Objection  to  the  Mosaic  History  of  the 
Deluge  refuted. 

Decisive  as  these  facts  are,  it  has  been  attempted  to  set 
aside  the  Mosaic  narrative,  by  some  alleged  marks  of  an- 
tiquity, which  certain  continental  philosophers  have  affirmed 
to  exist  in  the  strata  of  the  lava  of  Mount  ./Etna.  Thus 
Count  Borch  has  attempted  to  prove  that  volcanic  mountain 
to  be  eight  thousand  years  old,  by  the  different  strata  of  lava 
which  have  been  discovered.  And  in  the  vaults  and  pits 
which  have  been  sunk  to  a  great  depth  about  iEtna,  the 
Canon  Kecupero  affirmed  tha  seven  strata  of  lava  have  been 
found,  each  with  a  surface  of  soil  upon  them,  which  (he  as- 
sumes) would  require  two  thousand  ytars  to  accumulate  upon 
each  stratum  ;  and  reasoning  from  analogy,  he  calculates 
that  the  lowest  of  these  strata  must  have  flowed  from  the 
mountain  fourteen  thousand  years  ago.' 

Answer. — Nothing  can  be  more  fallacious  than  this  ar- 
gument, if  indeed  it  deserves  to  be  dignified  with  the  name  of 
an  argument.  For,  who  knows  what  causes  have  operated  to 
produce  volcanic  eruptions  at  very  unequal  periods  1  Who  has 
kept  a  register  of  the  eruptions  of  any  burning  mountain  for  one 
thousand  years,  to  say  nothing  of  three  or  four  thousand  !  Who 
can  say  that  the  strata  of  earth  were  formed  in  equal  periods  1 
The  time  for  the  formation  of  the  uppermost  and  last  is  proba- 
bly not  known,  much  less  the  respective  periods  of  the  lower 
strata.  One  might  have  been  formed  in  a  year,  another  in  a 
century.  The  philosophers  above  mentioned  are  wholly  ignorant 
of  the  cause  of  any  one  of  these  earthy  strata.  They  build  one 
hypothesis  upon  another,  and  to  believe  their  whole  argument 
requires  stronger  faith  than  to  believe  a  miracle.  Faith  in  a 
miracle  rests  upon  testimony ;  but  faith  in  their  scheme  must 
be  founded  on  an  extreme  desire  to  prove  a  falsehood.  But  the 
analogy,  on  which  it  has  been  attempted  to  build  the  hypothesis 
just  mentioned,  is  contradicted  by  another  analogy,  which  is 
grounded  on  more  certain  facts. 

»  The  reader  will  find  a  copious  and  interesting  account  of  the  antedilu- 
vian remains  of  hyaenas,  discovered  in  a  cave  at  Kirkdale,  in  Yorkshire,  in 
the  year  1821,  by  the  Rev.  Professor  Buckland,  in  the  Philosophical  Trans- 
actions of  the  Royal  Society  of  London,  for  1822,  Parti,  pp.  171—236,  and 
also  in  his  "Reliquiai  Diluviamc,  or  Observations  on  the  Organic  Remains 
contained  in  Caves,  Fissures,  and  Diluvial  Gravel,  and  on  other  Geological 
Phenomena,  attesting  the  Action  of  an  Universal  Deluge."  London,  182.% 
Ito.  That  the  Mosaic  history,  particularly  of  the  deluge,  is  not  inconsistent 
with  geological  discoveries,  is  clearly  proved  by  Bp.  Sumner,  in  his  "Trea- 
tise on  the  Records  of  the  Creation."  vol.  i.  pp.  207— 283.  But  the  fullest 
view  of  the  harmony  between  geological  discoveries  and  the  Mosaic  history 
.vill  be  found  in  Mr.  Granville  Perm's  "Comparative  Estimate  of  the  Mine- 
ral and  Mosaical  Geologies,"  a  work  abounding  in  sound  doctrine,  founded 
upon  close  reasoning,  find  admirably  opposed  to  the  tampering  facility  of 
some  writers  on  geology,  and  to  the  scepticism  and  incredulity  of  others 
Second  Edition,  2  vols.  Bvo.  Loudon,  1825),  and  the  Rev.  James  Kennedy's 
Lectures  on  the  Philosophy  of  the  Mosaic  Records  of  the  Creation.  Lon- 
don, 1827.  2  vols.  8vo. 

»  The  proofs  of  this  important  fact  are  stated  in  M.  Cuvier's  Essay  on 
ihe  Theory  of  the  Earth,  sect.  22.  of  Mr.  Kerr's  translation 


^Etna  and  Vesuvius  resemble  each  other  in  the  causes  that 
produce  their  eruptions,  in  the  nature  of  their  lavas,  and  in  the 
time  necessary  to  mellow  them  into  soil  fit  for  vegetation.  This 
being  admitted,  which  no  philosopher  will  deny,  the  Canon 
Recupero's  analogy  will  prove  just  nothing  at  all.  We  car. 
produce  an  instance  of  seven  different  lavas,  with  inteiy'acent 
strata  of  vegetable  earth,  which  have  flowed  from  mount  Ve- 
suvius within  the  space,  not  of  fourteen  thousand,  but  of  some- 
what less  than  fourteen  hundred  years ;  for  then,  according 
to  our  analogy,  a  stratum  of  lava  may  be  covered  with  vegetable 
soil  in  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  years,  instead  of  requiring 
two  thousand  for  that  purpose.  The  eruption  of  Vesuvius,  which 
destroyed  Herculancum  and  Pompeii,  is  rendered  still  more 
celebrated  by  the  death  of  the  elder  Pliny,  recorded  in  his 
nephew's  letter  to  Tacitus.  This  event  happened  A.  D.  79  ;  but 
we  are  informed  by  unquestionable  authority,3  that  the  matter 
which  covers  Herculancum  is  not  the  produce  of  one  eruption 
only,  for  there  are  evident  marks,  that  the  matter  of  six  erup- 
tions has  taken  its  course  over  that  which  lies  immediately 
over  the  town,  and  which  was  the  cause  of  its  destruction  :  and 
these  strata  are  either  of  lava  or  of  burnt  matter,  with  veins  of 
good  soil  between.  Whence  it  is  evident,  with  what  ease  a 
little  attention  and  increase  of  knowledge  may  remove  a  great 
difficulty.'1 

2.  But  the  fact  of  the  universality  of  the  deluge  does  no' 
rest  on  the  evidence  arising  from  the  organic  remains  of  the 
former  world  which  have  been  discovered  :  nor  is  its  history 
confined  to  the  Scriptures.  Civil  History  likewise  affords 
many  evidences  which  support  the  Mosaic  account  of  the  deluge. 
Thus, 

[i.j  The  Paucity  of  Mankind,  and  the  vast  tracts  ot 
uninhabited  land,  which  are  mentioned  in  the  accounts  of 
the  first  ages,  show  that  mankind  are  sprung  lately  from  a 
small  stock,  and  even  suit  the  time  assigned  by  Moses  before 
the  floods  To  which  we  may  add,  that  the  great  number  of 
small  kingdoms  and  petty  states,  in  the  first  ages,  concur  to 
the  same  purpose. 

"  Most  eminent  nations,"  it  has  been  well  observed,  "  like 
great  families,  have  at  all  times  been  fond  of  extolling  up  their 
pedigree,  and  carrying  it  as  high  as  possible ;  and  where  no 
marks  remain  of  the  successive  alterations  in  their  state,  are  apt 
to  imagine  that  it  has  been  always  the  same.  Hence  the  many 
foolish  pretences  among  the  ancients,  to  their  being  aborigines 
of  the  countries  they  had  inhabited  time  out  of  mind :  hence 
they  were  led  to  make  their  several  gods  the  founders  of  their 
government.  They  knew  but  very  little  of  the  world;  and  the 
tradition  which  they  had  of  that  little  was  so  far  mixed  and  cor 
rupted  with  romance,  that  it  served  only  to  confound  them. 
Upon  the  removal  of  this  cloud  by  the  more  diligent  and  ac 
curate  inquiry  of  the  moderns,  we  see  ancient  history  beginning 
to  clear  up,  the  world  puts  on  a  very  different  face,  and  all  parts 
of  it  appear  conformable  to  each  other,  and  to  the  late  better 
known  course  of  things ;  as  is  proved,  very  clearly,  in  various 
instances,  by  a  learned  and  ingenious  writer.6 — We  find  the 
marvellous  in  all  the  annals  of  those  times,  and  more  especially 
in  the  great  point  of  their  antiquity,  exceedingly  reduced,'  and 

'  Sir  W.  Hamilton's  Remarks  on  the  Nature  of  the  Soil  of  Naples  and  its 
Vicinity,  in  the  Philosophical  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Society,  vol.  Ixi.  p.  7 

«  Bp.  Watson's  Apology  for  Christianity,  in  reply  to  Gibbon,  pp.  255 — 2(30. 
London,  1776;  or  pp.  151 — 156.  of  the  8vo.  edition,  London,  1806. 

»  "The  grounds  of  the  uncertainty  of  ancient  history  may  be  seen  in 
Stillingfleet,  Or.  Sac.  book  i.  ch.  1.  sect.  16.  18,  &c.  Comp.  Bryant's  accu- 
rate account  of  it,  passim.  Of  the  Egyptian  in  particular,  see  Shaw's 
Travels,  pp.  417.  442.  4to.  Comp.  Baker  on  Hist,  and  Chron.  Reflect,  ch. 
10  and  11.  Shuckford's  Connection,  vol.  ii.  book  viii.  Winder's  History 
of  Knowledge,  vol.  ii.  ch.  10.  sect.  4,  <fcc.  Bp.  Clayton's  Remarks  on  the 
Origin  of  Hieroglyphics,  p.  58,  •fee.  Goguet,  vol.  iii.  diss.  iii.  p.  269.  That 
the  Babylonish  empire  was  not  so  old  as  has  been  pretended,  see  Le 
Clerc  on  Gen.  x.  Concerning  the  fabulous  antiquity  of  the  Chinese,  see 
Conclusion  of  Mod.  Hist.  ii.  p.  95.  fol." 

«  See  Bryant's  Analysis  of  Ancient  Mythology,  passim. 

i  "  Till  men  come  to  a  scrutiny,  they  are  very  apt  to  imagine  that  a  mini 
ber  is  vastly  greater  than  it  is.  I  have  often  asked  people  to  guess  how 
many  men  there  have  been  in  a  direct  line  between  the  present  king  of 
England  [George  II.]  and  Adam,  meaning  only  one  man  in  a  generation  , 
the  king's  father,  grandfather,  &c.  The  answer  made  upon  a  sudden  con 
jecture,  has  always  been  some  thousand;  whereas  it  is  evident  from  a  cal 
culation,  there  have  not  been  two  hundred.  Forthe  spaeeof  time  between 
Adam  and  Christ,  let  us  take  the  genealogy  of  our  Saviour,  preserved  bj 
St.  Luke,  in  which  the  names  between  Adam  and  Christ,  exclusive  of  both. 
are  but  seventy-four.  From  the  birth  of  Christ  to  the  birth  of  the  king, 
were  sixteen  hundred  and  eighty  years.  Let  it  be  supposed,  that  in  the 
list  of  the  king's  progenitors,  every  son  was  born  when  his  father  was 
twenty-five  years  old,  which  is  as  early  as  can  n«  supposed,  one  with 
another.  According  to  this  supposition,  there  were  four  generations  in 
every  hundred  years:  i.  e.  in  those  sixteen  undred  and  eighty-three 
years,  there  were  sixty-seven  generations;  winch  .  ixty-seven,  added  to  the 
foregoing  seventy-four,  will  make  no  more  than  a  hundred  and  forty  one.' 
Hallet  on  lleb.  xi.  7.  note  a.  p.  17.  Comp.  Goguet,  vol.  iii.  diss.  iii.  pr.  Br" 
ant's  Analysis,  passim. 


Sect.  II.  4  1.] 


CONFIRMED  BY  NATURAL  AND  CIVIL  HISTORY. 


73 


our  own  plain  accounts  still  more  and  more  confirmed  :  whence 
we  may  be  convinced,  that  both  the  peopling  and  cultivation  of 
the  earth  arose  at  first  from  a  few  low  beginning!;  that  it  wry 
gradually  spread  itself  from  some  one  centre  ;'  and  that  it  has 
at  all  limes  proceeded  by  pretty  near  the  same  slow  regular  steps 
as  it  does  at  present."2 

Sir  William  Jones  has  shown  that  the  traditions  of  the  present 
ht.ithcn  nations  of  Asia  are  no!  of  more  authority  than  the  tradi- 
tions of  the  ancient  nations  of  Asia  and  Furope.  "  We  find," 
he  says,  "  no  certain  monument  ,,r  even  probable  tradition  of 
nations    planted,    empires   and   states   raised,   laws  enacted,  cities 

built,  navigation  improved,  commerce  encouraged,  arts  invented, 

or  letters  contrived,  above  twelve  or  at  most  fifteen  or  sixteen 
centuries  before  the  birth  of  Christ."  And  it  is  a  well  known 
fact,  that  for  the  first  thousand  years  of  that  period  wc  have  no 
history  unmixed  with  fable,  except  that  of  the  turbulent  arid 
variable,  but  eminently  distinguished  nation  descended  from 
Abraham.  The  Chinese  do  not  pretend  that  any  historical 
monument  existed  among  them,  in  the  age  of  Confucius,  more 
ancient  than  eleven  hundred  years  before  the  Christian  epoch. 
And  the  researches  of  those  who  are  most  deeply  skilled  in  the 
literature  and  antiquities  of  the  Hindoos,  have  shown  that  the 
dawn  of  (rue  Indian  history  appears  only  three  or  four  centuries 
before  the  Christian  aira ;  the  preceding  ages  being  clouded  by 
allegory  or  fable. a 

[ii.]  The  lute  Invention  and  Progress  of  Arts  and  Sciences 
also  concur  to  confirm  the  Mosaic  history  of  the  antedi- 
luvians :  lor,  as  the  Jewish  legislator  mentions  little  of  their 
arts,  so  it  appears  from  the  late  invention  of  these  after  the 
Hood  that  those  who  were  preserved  from  it  were  possessed 
but  of  few  arts. 

Since  the  history  of  past  ages  has  been  more  narrowly  ex- 
amined, it  has  been  proved  that  the  ancients  were  far  less  know- 
ing and  expert,  than,  by  a  superstitious  reverence  for  every  thing 
remote,  we  once  were  accustomed  to  suppose.  Some  of  them, 
indeed,  have  described"  their  knowledge  in  lofty  strains,  and  per- 
haps for  their  times,  and  in  comparison  with  some  of  their  neigh- 
bours, it  may  have  been  considerable :  and  yet  it  is  more  than 
probable  that  such  accounts  are  chiefly  owing  to  their  ignorance 
of  the  true  state  of  mankind.  This  is  particularly  the  case  with 
the  Egyptians,  whose  learning  has  been  so  much  extolled. 
Though  this  country  has  been  styled  the  Mother  of  Arts,  as 
well  as  Mistress  of  Religion,  and  was,  no  doubt,  as  early  polished 
as  most  countries  ;  yet  if  we  be  allowed  to  judge  of  her  im- 
provement in  other  parts  of  science,  from  that  most  important 
one,  and  that  which  in  all  reason  should  have  been  most  cul- 
tivated,  viz.  that  of  medicine,  of  which  she  also  claims  the  first 
invention,  wc  shall  not  have  much  room  to  admire  her  highest 

i  "This  has  been  observed   by  Is.  Casaubon  in  one  respect,  viz.  in  re- 
!  inguage.     'Est  enim  verissimum,'  says  he,  'linguas  caueras  eo 
monifestiora  et  magis  expressaoriginis  Hebraicn  vestigia  servasse,  et  nunc 
servare,  quo  propiua  ah  antiqua  el  prima  bominum  seas  abfuerunt,'  <kc. 
1 1  nialion  of  it.  in  some  other  respects,  may  be  had  from  the  fol- 
lowing  very  remarkable  particular,  as  Hartley  justly  calls  it:  (Observ.  on 
Man,  vol.it  p.  113.)    '  It  appears  from  history,  thai  the  different  nations  of 
ii  Id  hive  had,  catena  paribus,  more  or  less  Knowledge,  civil  and  re- 
ligious, in  proportion  as  they  were  nearer  to,  or  had  more  intimate  com- 
munication with  Egypt,  Palestine,  Cbaldsa,  and  the  other  countries  that 
i  ibited  by  the  most  eminent  persons  amongst  the  first  descendants 
of  Noah;  and  by  those  who  are  said  In  Scripture  to  have  had  particular 
revelations  made  to  them  by  God:  and  that  the  first  Inhabitants  of  the 
extreme  parts  of  the  world,  reckoning  Palestine  as  the  centre,  were  in 
general  mere  savages.    Now  all  this  is  utterly  inexplicable  upon  the  footing 
of  infidelity  ;  of  the  exclusion  of  all  divine  communications.    Why  should 
nol  human  nature  he  as  sagacious,  and  make  as  many  discoveries,  civil  and 
religious,  at  the Gbpe  of  Good  Hope,  or  In  America,  as  m  Egypt,  Palestine, 
Mesopotamia,  Greece,  or  Rome  1    Nay,  why  should  Palestine  so  tar  ex- 
ceed them  all,  as  it  did  confessedly.     Allow  the  Scripture  accounts,  and 

<!l  will  be  clear  and  easy.    Mankind  after  the  il I  were  Bra)  dispersed 

from  the  plains  of  Mesopotamia.  Some  of  the  chief  heads  of  families  settled 
there,  in  Palestine  and  in  Egypt.  Palestine  had  afterwards  extraordinary 
illuminations  bestowed  upon  its  inhabitants,  the  Israelites  and  Jews 
us  inhabitants  bad  the  purest  notions  of  God,  and  the  wisest  civil 
shment.  Next  after  them  come  the  Egyptians  and  Chaldeans ;  who, 
no)  being  removed  from  their  Brat  habitations,  and  living  In  fertile  countries 
wateri  d  by  the  Nile,  Tigris,  and  Euphrates,  maj  l"-  supposed  to  have  pre- 
I  more  both  of  the  antediluvian  and  postdiluvian  revelations;  also  to 
have  had  more  leisure  for  invention,  and  more  free  communication  with 
the  Israelites  and  Jews  than  any  other  nations.  Whereas  those  small 
partes  which  were  driven  farther  and  farther  from  each  other  into  the 
extremities  of  heat  and  cold,  entirely  occupied  in  providing  necessaries  for 
themselves,  and  also  eul  off  by  rivers,  mountains,  or  distance,  from  all  com- 
munication with  Palestine,  Egypt,  and  Chaldsa,  would  lose  much  of  their 
original  stock,  and  have  neither  inclination  nor  ability  to  invent  more.' 
Compare  Bryant's  Analysis,  passim.  Of  the  several  arts,  customs,  rc- 
'.igious  rites,  and  civil  institutions  which  first  arose  in  Asia,  see  Conclusion 
of  Mod.  Hist.  p.  120.  fol.  Any  one  that  fairly  examines  history  will  find  those 
accounts  more  probable,  than  that  extraordinary  supposition  of  Lord  Bo- 
linghruke,  viz.  that  science  may  have  come  originally  from  west  to  east. 
Lord  Bolingbroke's  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  14." 

•>  Hp.  Law's  Theory  of  Religion,  pp.  238—241.  Svo.  1820. 

*  Sir  W.  Jones's  Works,  vol.  iii.  pp.  191.  145. 8vo.  edit. 
Voi.  I.  HK 


advances.  "  It  must  evidently  ap]  car,"'  says  a  learned  writer, 
'•  that  the  Egyptians  could  have  no  such  physician  in  the  days 
of  Moses,  as  Diodorus  and  Herodotus  seem  to  suppose  :  it  is 
much  more  probable  that  long  after  these  times,  they  were  like 
the  Babylonians,  entirely  destitute  of  persons  skilful  in  curing 
any  diseases  that  might  happen  amongst  them  ;  and  that  the 
best  method  they  could  think  of,  after  consulting  their  oracles, 
was,  when  any  one  was  sick,  to  have  as  man)1  persons  sec  and 
speak  to  liim  lis  possibly  could  ;  so  that  if  any  one  who  saw  the 
sick  person  had  had  the  like  distemper,  he  might  say  what  was 
proper  to  be  done  in  that  condition."1 

The  pretences  which  the  Egyptians  made  to  antiquity,  so 
much  beyond  the  times  recorded  in  the  Scriptures,  proceeded 
from  their  calculating  by  lunar  years  or  months ;  or  from  their 
reel. oning  the  dynasties  of  their  kings  in  succession,  which  were 
contemporary.  For  Herodotus  mentions  twelve  Egyptian  kings 
reigning  at  one  time.  They  had  such  different  accounts,  how- 
ever, of  chronology,  that,  as  it  is  affirmed,  some  of  them  com- 
puted about  thirteen  thousand  years  more  than  others, ^roni  the 
original  of  their  dynasties  to  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great.1 
The  solar  year,  in  use  among  the  Egyptians,  who  were  most 
celebrated  lor  astronomy,  was  so  imperfect,  that  they  said  l!, 
had  several  times  changed  its  course  since  the  beginning  of  their 
dynasties  ;  imputing  the  defect  of  their  own  computation  to  the 
sun's  variation ;  or  else  affecting  to  speak  something  wonderful  and 
extravagant.  And  Cassini  has  found  the  account  of  eclipses,  at 
the  beginning  of  Diogenes  Laeitius,  to  be  false  ;  which  is  a  fur- 
ther confutation  of  the  fabulous  pretences  of  the  Egyptians  to  an- 
tiquity. The  earliest  astronomical  observations  to  be  met  with, 
which  were  made  in  Egypt,  are  those  performed  by  the  Greeks 
of  Alexandria,  less  than  three  hundred  years  before  Christ,  as 
Dr.  Halley  has  observed  ;"  and,  since  the  recent  discoveries  in 
the  Egyptian  Hieroglyphics  of  our  great  archaeologist  Dr.  Young, 
and  of  MM.  Letronne  and  Champollion  in  France,  it  has  been 
ascertained  that  the  celebrated  zodiacs  of  Esne  and  Dendera.  to 
which  some  modern  antagonists  of  divine  revelation  had  assigned 
an  incalculable  antiquity,  are  posterior  to  the  time  of  Jesus 
Christ,  as  well  as  the  edifices  on  the  ceilings  of  which  they  were 
painted  \- 

The  pretensions  of  the  Chaldaeans  to  profound  attainments  in 
science  have  been  shown  to  be  equally  unfounded.  According 
to  Berosus,  they  supposed  the  moon  to  be  a  luminous  body, 
whence  it  is  evident  that  they  could  have  no  great  skill  in  as- 
tronomy :  besides,  they  wanted  instruments  for  making  exact 
calculations.  All  that  remains  of  their  boasted  astronomical  dis- 
coveries is  only  seven  eclipses  of  the  moon  ;  and  even  those  are 
but  very  coarsely  set  down,  the  oldest  not  being  more  than  seven 
hundred  years  before  Christ :  whence  it  is  evident  that  they  had 
made  but  little  progress  in  this  science.  And  though  Callisthenes 
is  said,  by  Porphyry,  to  have  brought  observations  from  Baby- 
lon to  Greece,  upwards  of  nineteen  hundred  years  older  than 
Alexander;  yet,  as  the  proper  authors  of  those  observations  nei- 
ther made  any  mention  nor  use  of  them,  this  circumstance  ren- 
ders his  report  justly  suspected  for  a  fable.9  So  little  ground  is 
there  for  us  to  depend  upon  the  accounts  of  time  and  the  vain 
boasts  of  antiquity,  which  these  nations  have  made,. 

The  Greeks  had  their  astronomy  from  Babylon  ;10  and  the 
Athenians  had  but  three  hundred  and  sixty  days  in  their 
year,  in  the  time  of  Demetrius  Phalereus ;"  yet  Dr.  Halley  fur- 
ther observes,  that  the  Greeks  were  the  first  practical  astrono- 
mers, who  endeavoured  in  earnest  to  make  themselves  masters 

«  Shuckford,  Connect,  book  ix.  p.  107.  Bp.  Law's  Theory  of  Religion. 
p.  246. 

»  Lib.  ii.  c.  151.  •  Diodor.  Sic.  lib.  i. 

i  Wotton  on  Ant.  and  Mod.  Learning,  ch.  23.  Jenkin's  Reasonableness 
of  Christianity,  voL  i.  pp.  335 — 337. 

•  Cellerier,  de  I'Origine  Authentique  el  Divine  de  l'Ancien  Testament, 
pp.  100—104.  On  the  planisphere  or  zodiac  of  Dendera,  M.  Champollion 
discovered  an  evidently  Roman  title,  thut  of  ATOKPTP,  A»ri«pi«f,  or  em- 
pcior;  which,  most  probably,  may  indicate  Claudius  or  Nero,  as  both 
those  sovereigns,  in  their  medals  struck  in  Egypt,  are  very  often  de- 
signated by  that  identical  appellation.  On  prosecuting  his  researches  still 
farther,  M.  Champollion  read  on  that  great  edifice,  in  the  ceiling  of  which 
that  planisphere  had  been  placed,  the  titles,  names,  and  surnames  of  the 
emperors  Tiberius,  Claudius,  Nero,  and  Domitian  ;  and  on  the  portico  of 
Esne,  the  zodiac  of  which  was  reputed  to  be  older  than  that  of  Dendera, 
by  several  ages,  he  read  the  imperial  Roman  names  of  Claudius  and  Anto- 
ninus Pius.  Consequently  these  monuments,  for  which  Volney  and  other 
infidel  literati  had  claimed  an  incalculably  remote  antiquity,  belong  to  that 
period  when  Egvpt  was  under  the  domination  of  the  Romans,  and  they  can- 
not be  dated  earlier  than  the  first  or  second  century  of  the  Christian  ecra. 
Groppo,  Easel  sur  le  Systeme  Hieroglyphique  de  M.  Champollion,  pp.  262, 
263.  Paris,  1829,  8vo. 

s  Dr.  Halley,  in  Wotton's  Observations  on  Learning,  ch.  23.  btanley.  in 
his  History  of  Philosophy  (pp.  757,  753.  Lond.  1753),  has  shown  that  Por- 
phyry's account  is  entitled  to  little  credit ;  since  there  is  nothing  extant  in 
the  Chaldrean  astrology  more  ancient  than  the  aera  oi  Nabonassar,  which 
begins  only  747  years  before  Christ.  

»•  Herodotus,  lib.  ii.  c.  109.  »  Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  lib.  xxxiv.  c.  I. 


74 


CREDIBILITY  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


[Chap.  Ill 


of  the  science  ;  and  that  Thales  was  the  first  who  could  predict 
an  eclipse  in  Greece,  not  six  hundred  years  before  Christ ;  and 
that  Hipparchus  made  the  first  catalogue  of  the  fixed  stars  not 
above  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  before  Christ. 

According  to  the  well  known  observation  of  Varro,1  there  was 
nothing  that  can  deserve  the  name  of  history  to  be  found  among 
the  Greeks  before  the  Olympiads ;  which  commenced  only  about 
twenty  years  before  the  building  of  Rome  :  and  Plutarch  informs 
us,  how  little  the  tables  of  the  Olympiads  are  to  be  relied  on.2 
Whatever  learning  or  knowledge  of  ancient  times  the  Romans 
had,  they  borrowed  it  from  the  Greeks.  For  they  were  so  little 
capable  of  transmitting  their  own  affairs  down  to  posterity,  with 
any  exactness  in  point  of  time,  that  for  many  ages  they  had  nei- 
ther dials  nor  hour-glasses,  by  which  to  measure  their  days  and 
nights,  for  common  use ;  and  for  three  hundred  years  they  knew 
no  such  things  as  hours,  or  the  like  distinctions,  but  computed 
their  time  only  from  noon  to  noon. 

The  pretensions  of  the  Chinese  to  antiquity  appear  equally 
vain,  and  upon  the  same  grounds.  They,  too,  understand  little 
or  nothing  of  astronomy.  Indeed,  they  themselves  confess  that 
their  antiquities  are  in  great  part  fabulous,  and  they  acknow- 
ledge that  their  most  ancient  books  were  in  hieroglyphics ;  which 
were  not  expounded  by  any  one  who  lived  nearer  than  one  thou- 
sand seven  hundred  years  to  the  first  author  of  them ;  that  the 
numbers  in  computation  are  sometimes  mistaken,  or  that  months 
are  put  for  years.  But  of  what  antiquity  or  authority  soever 
their  first  writers  were,  there  is  little  or  no  credit  to  be  given  to 
the  books  now  remaining,  since  the  general  destruction  of  all 
ancient  books  by  the  Emperor  Xi  Hoam  Ti.  He  lived  only 
about  two  hundred  years  before  Christ,  and  commanded,  upon 
pain  of  death,  all  the  monuments  of  antiquity  to  be  destroyed, 
relating  either  to  history  or  philosophy,  especially  the  books  of 
Confucius  :  and  killed  many  of  their  learned  men  :  so  that  from 
his  time,  they  have  only  some  fragments  of  old  authors  left. — 
The  Chinese  are  a  people  vain  enough  to  say  any  thing  that 
may  favour  their  pretences  to  antiquity,  and  love  to  magnify 
themselves  to  the  Europeans ;  which  makes  them  endeavour  to 
have  it  believed  that  their  antiquities  are  sufficiently  entire,  not- 
withstanding this  destruction  of  their  books.  But  the  fact  is 
well  known  to  be  otherwise  :3 — and,  upon  inspection,  it  was 
found  that  their  instruments  were  useless ;  and  that  after  all  their 
boasted  skill  in  astronomy,  they  were  not  able  to  make  an  exact 
calender,  and  their  tables  of  eclipses  were  so  incorrect,  that  they 
could  scarcely  foretell  about  what  time  that  of  the  sun  should  hap- 
pen.1 In  like  manner,  the  boasted  antiquity,  claimed  for  the 
science  and  records  of  the  Hindoos  over  those  of  Moses  by  some 
modern  writers,  has  been  fully  exposed  since  scientific  Euro- 
peans have  become  thoroughly  acquainted  with  their  language. 
"  The  Hindoos,  perhaps  the  most  anciently  civilized  people  on 
the  face  of  the  earth,  and  who  have  least  deviated  from  their  ori- 
ginally established  forms,  have  unfortunately  no  history.  Among 
an  infinite  number  of  books  of  mystical  theology  and  abstruse 
metaphysics,  they  do  not  possess  a  single  volume  that  is  capable 
of  affording  any  distinct  account  of  their  origin,  or  of  the  various 
events  that  have  occurred  to  their  communities.  Their  Maha- 
Bharata,  or  pretended  great  history,  is  nothing  more  than  a  poem. 
The  Pouranas  are  mere  legends ;  on  comparing  which  with  the 
Greek  and  Latin  authors,  it  is  excessively  difficult  to  establish  a 
few  slight  coincidences  of  chronology,  and  even  that  is  continu- 
ally broken  off  and  interrupted,  and  never  goes  back  farther  than 
the  time  of  Alexander.5  It  is  now  clearly  proved,  that  their  fa- 
mous astronomical  tables,  from  which  it  has  been  attempted  to 
assign  a  prodigious  antiquity  to  the  Hindoos,  have  been  calcu- 
lated backwards  ;6  and  it  has  been  lately  ascertained,  that  their 
Surya-Siddhanta,  which  they  consider  as  their  most  ancient  as- 
tronomical treatise,  and  pretend  to  have  been  revealed  to  their 
nation  more  than  two  millions  of  years  ago,  must  have  been 
composed  within  the  seven  hundred  and  fifty  years  last  past.7 
Their  Vcdas,  or  sacred  books,  judging  from  the  calendars  which 
are  conjoined  with  them,  and  by  which  they  are  guided  in  their 

«  Censorinur,  He  Die  Natali,  c.  21.  »  Plutarch,  in  Nuraa,  initio. 

»  Martinii  Hist.  Sin.— Le  Compte's  Memoir. 

*  Jenkin's  Reasonableness  of  Christianity,  vol.  i.  pp.  339—343. ;  and  see 
also  Winder's  History  of  Knowledge,  vol.  ii.  chapters  x— xx.,  where  the 
facts  above  stated  are  confirmed  by  proofs.  Additional  testimonies  to  the 
late  date  and  imperfect  progress  of  knowledge  among  the  Chinese  may  be 
seen  in  the  facts  and  authorities  collected  by  Bp.  Law,  in  his  Theory  of 
Religion,  pp.  243—245.  note  (z). 

»  Consult  the  elaborate  memoir  of  Mr.  Paterson,  respecting  the  kings  of 
Magadaha  emperors  of  Hindostan,  and  upon  the  epochs  of  Vicramadityia 
and  Salahanna,  in  the  Calcutta  Memoirs,  vol.  ix. 

«  See  Expos,  du  Syst.  du  Monde,  by  Count  Laplace,  p.  330. 

'  See  the  Memoirs,  by  Mr.  Bentley,  on  the  Antiquity  of  the  SuryaSidd- 
hanta,  in  the  Calcutta  Memoirs,  vol.  vi.  p.  537.  and  the  Memoir  by  the  same 
withoron  the  Astronomical  Systems  of  the  Hindoos,  ibid.  vol.  ix.  n.  195. 


religious  observances,  and  estimating  the  i.'lures  indicated  in 
these  calendars,  may  perhaps  go  back  abou  three  thousand  two 
hundred  years,  which  nearly  coincides  with  the  epoch  of  Moses.8 
Yet  the  Hindoos  are  not  entirely  ignorant  of  the  revolutions 
which  have  affected  the  globe,  as  their  theology  has  in  some 
measure  consecrated  certain  successive  destructions  which  its 
surface  has  already  undergone,  and  is  still  doomed  to  experi- 
ence :  and  they  only  carry  back  the  last  of  those,  which  have 
already  happened,  about  five  thousand  years  ;9  besides  which, 
one  of  these  revolutions  is  described  in  terms  nearly  correspond- 
ing with  the  account  given  by  Moses.10  It  is  also  very  remarka- 
ble, that  the  epoch,  at  which  they  fix  the  commencement  of  the 
reigns  of  the  first  human  sovereigns  of  the  race  of  the  sun  and 
moon,  is  nearly  the  same  at  which  the  ancient  authors  of  the 
west  have  placed  the  origin  of  the  Assyrian  monarchy,  or  about 
four  thousand  years  ago.11 

From  all  these  particulars  it  is  evident  how  little  credit  is 
to  be  given  to  the  pretences  which  the  several  nations  among 
the  heathens  have  made  to  antiquity,  without  any  ground 
from  history,  but  upon  uncertain  calculations  of  astronomy, 
in  which  science  they  actually  had  but  little  or  no  skill. 

[iii.]  The  truth  of  the  Mosaic  history  of  the  deluge  is  con- 
firmed by  the  Tradition  of  it,  which  universally  obtained. 
If  such  an  event  had  ever  happened,  it  is  natural  to  expect 
that  some  traces  of  it  will  be  found  in  the  records  of  Pagan 
nations  as  well  as  in  those  of  Scripture.  Indeed  it  is  scarcely 
probable,  not  to  say  possible,  that  the  knowledge  of  so  great 
a  calamity  should  be  utterly  lost  to  the  rest  of  the  world,  and 
should  be  confined  to  the  Jewish  nation  alone.  "We  find, 
however,  that  this  is  by  no  means  the  case :  a  tradition  of 
the  deluge,  in  many  respects  accurately  coinciding  with  the 
Mosaic  account  of  it,  has  been  preserved  almost  universally 
among  the  ancient  nations.  It  is  indeed  a  very  remarkable 
fact  concerning  the  deluge,  that  the  memory  of  almost  all 
nations  ends  in  the  history  of  it,  even  of  those  nations  which 
were  unknown  until  they  were  discovered  by  enterprising 
voyagers  and  travellers ;  and  that  the  traditions  of  the  deluge 
were  kept  up  in  all  the  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the  Gentile 
world.  And  it  is  observable,  that  the  farther  we  go  back, 
the  more  vivid  the  traces  appear,  especially  in  those  coun- 
tries which  were  nearest  to  the  scene  of  action.  The  reverse 
of  this  would  happen,  if  the  whole  were  originally  a  fable. 
The  history  would  not  only  be  less  widely  diffused  ;  but,  the 
more  remote  our  researches,  the  less  light  we  should  obtain ; 
and  however  we  might  strain  our  sight,  the  objects  would  by 
degrees  grow  faint,  and  the  scene  would  terminate  in  clouds 
and  darkness.  Besides,  there  would  not  have  been  that  cor- 
respondence and  harmony  in  the  traditions  of  different  na- 
tions, which  so  plainly  subsisted  among  them :  now  this 
could  not  be  the  result  of  chance,  but  must  necessarily  have 
arisen  from  the  same  history  being  universally  acknow- 
ledged. These  evidences  are  derivedto  us  from  people  who 
were  of  different  ages  and  countries,  and,  in  consequence, 
widely  separated  from  each  other :  and,  what  is  extraordi- 
nary, they  did  not  know,  in  many  instances,  the  purport  of 
the  data  which  they  transmitted,  nor  the  value  and  conse- 
quence of  their  intelligence.  In  their  mythology  they  ad- 
hered to  the  letter,  without  considering  the  meaning;  and  ac- 
quiesced in  the  hieroglyphic,  though  they  were  strangers  to 
the  purport  of  it.    "With  respect  to  ourselves,  it  is  a  happy 

»  See  the  Memoir  by  Mr.  Colebrooke  upon  the  Vedas,  and  particularly  p. 
493.,  in  the  Calcutta  Memoirs,  vol.  viii. 

a  Voyage  to  India  by  M.  le  Gentil,  i.  235.  Bentley  in  the  Calcutta  Memoirs, 
vol  ix.  p.  222.  •  Paterson  in  ditto,  ibid.  p.  86.  ... 

'o  Sir  William  Jones  says,  "  We  may  fix  the  time  of  Buddah,or  the  ninth 
great  incarnation  of  Vishnu,  in  the  year  1014  before  the  birth  of  Christ. 
The  Cashmirians,  who  boast  of  his  descent  in  their  kingdom,  assert  that 
he.  appeared  on  the  earth  about  two  centuries  after  Crishna,  the   Indian 

Ap0n.o. We  have  therefore  determined  another  interesting  epoch,  by 

fixin°  the  age  of  Crishna  near  the  year  1214  before  Christ.  As  the  three 
first  "avatars  or  descents  of  Vishnu  relate  no  less  clearly  to  an  universal 
deluge,  in  which  eight  persons  only  were  saved,  than  the  fourth  and  filth 
do  to  the  punishment  of  impiety  and  the  humiliation  of  the  croud;  we  may 
for  the  present  assume  that  the  second,  or  silver  age  of  the  Hindoos,  was 
subsequent  to  the  dispersion  from  Babel ;  so  that  we  have  only  a  dark  in 
terval  of  about  a  thousand  years,  which  were  employed  in  the  settlt  in.  i-i 
of  nations,  and  the  cultivation  of  civilized  society."  Works  ol  Ssir  V\  nliain 
Jones,  vol.  i.  p.  29.  London,  1799,  4to.  .     . 

"  Cuvier's  Theory  of  the  Earth,  pp.  156-159.  The  extravagant  priority 
claimed  for  the  Hindoo  records  and  sciences  over  the  writings  of  Wcues  by 
M.  Bailly  and  some  other  modern  infidel  writers,  has  been  fully  disproved 
by  Count  Laplace,  in  his  Exposition  du  Systeme  du  Monde,  pp.  293,  894. 
4to.  or  vol.  ii.  pp.  253,  254.  of  Mr.  Pond's  English  translation;  and  by  Capl 
Wilford,  and  Mr.  Bentley,  in  their  elaborate  Memoirs  on  Hindoo  Chrono. 
logy,  inserted  in  the  fifth  volume  of  the  Calcutta  il;moirs  or  Asiatic  Ke 
searches.  The  subject  is  also  considered  by  Mr.  Carwithen  in  the  second 
cf  his  Bampton  Lectures;  but  the  most  cm.  ,  ^n-us  view  of  it  is  to  bo 
found  in  Dr.  Nares's  Hampton  Lectures,  pp.  222—227.  and  especially  Ins 
lucid  and  satisfactory  note,  pp.  256—273. ;  which,  depending  upon  uiinulo 
calculations  ace  deductions,  will  not  admit  of  abridgment. 


Sect.  II.  §  1.] 


CONFIRMED  BY  NATURAL  AND  CIVIL  HISTORY. 


75 


circumstance,  not  only  that  these  histories  have  been  trans- 
mitted to  us,  but  also  that,  after  an  interval  of  so  long  a  date, 
we  should  be  able  to  see  into  the  hidden  mystery,  and  from 
these  crude  materials  to  obtain  such  satisfactory  truths.  We 
now  proceed  to  notice  a  few  of  the  most  striking  of  these 
traditional  narratives. 

Thus  Berosus,  the  Chalda;an  historian,  following  the  ino.st  an- 
cient writings,  as  Josephua  affirm*,1  has  related  tin1  same  thinga 

as  Moses  of  the  deluge,  and  of  mankind  perishing  in  it,  and  like- 
wise of  the   ark  in  which  Nochut,  tin     restorer  of  the    human 

race,  was  preserved,  being  carried  to  the  lummit  of  the  Armenian 

mountains.  HieronymUfl  tie'  Egyptian,  who  wrote  the  antiqui- 
ties of  the  Phoenicians,  Nicolaus  of  Damascus,  and  many  others, 
mention  these  things,  as  Joscphus'-'  also  testifies.  Further,  there 
ia  a  fragment  preserved  of3  Abydcnus,  an  ancient  Assyrian  his- 
torian, in  which  mention  is  made  of  the  deluge  being  foretold, 
before  it  happened,  and  of  the  birds  being  sent  forth  three  differ- 
ent times  U<  see  whether  the  earth  was  dried,  and  of  the  ark  be- 
ing driven  into  Armenia.  He  and  others  agree  with  Moses  in 
the  main  circumstances,  but  in  lesser  particulars  sometimes  adul- 
terate the  truth  with  fabulous  mixtures.  Alexander  Polyhistor, 
another  ancient  historian,  is  cited  by  Cyril1  of  Alexandria,  to- 
gether  with  Abydenes,  and  both  to  the  same  purpose.  He  says, 
that  in  the  reign  of  Xisuthrus  (the  same  as  Noah)  was  the  great 
deluge  ;  that  Xisuthrus  was  saved.  Saturn  having  predicted  to 
him  what  should  happen,  and  that  he  ought  to  build  an  ark,  and, 
together  with  the  fowls  and  creeping  things,  and  cattle,  to  sail  in  it. 

Among  the  Greeks,  Platos  mentions  the  great  deluge,  in 
which  the  cities  were  destroyed,  and  useful  arts  were  lost;  and 
suggests  that  there  was  a  great  and  universal  deluge  before  the 
particular  inundations  celebrated  by  the  Grecians.  He  plainly 
thought  that  there  had  been  several  deluges,  but  one  greater  than 
the  rest.  Moreover,  it  was  the  tradition  of  the  Egyptians,  as 
Diodorus '  informs  us,  that  most  living  creatures  perished  in  the 
deluge,  which  was  in  Deucalion's  time.  Ovid's7  description  of 
Deucalion's  flood  is  so  well  known  and  remembered  by  every 
scholar,  that  it  is  needless  to  point  out  its  identity  with  Noah's 
Hood  to  any  one  who  has  received  the  least  tincture  of  letters. 
Plutarch,8  in  his  treatise  of  the  sagacity  of  animals,  observes,  that 
a  dove  was  sent  out  by  Deucalion,  which  entering  into  the  ark 
agaic,  was  a  sign  of  the  continuance  of  the  flood,  but  afterwards 
Hying  away,  was  a  sign  of  serene  weather.  Homer  also  plainly 
alludes  to  the  particular  of  the  rainbow,"  by  calling  it  a  sign  or 
token  to  men,  t^xc  /uep'j7ra>v  <*yflg&>;rav. 

Lucian  mentions1^  more  than  once  the  great  deluge  in  Deuca- 
lion's time,  and  the  ark  which  preserved  the  small  remnant  of 
human  kind.  He  describes  also  the  particulars  of  Deucalion's 
flood  after  the  example  of  Noah's  flood :  the  present  race  of  men 
was  not  the  first,  but  the  former  generation  was  all  destroyed ; 
this  second  race  sprang  from  Deucalion :  the  former  was  a  wicked 
and  profligate  generation,  for  which  reason  this  great  calamity 
befell  them ;  the  earth  gave  forth  abundance  of  water,  great 
showers  of  rain  fell,  and  the  rivers  increased,  and  the  sea  swelled 
to  such  a  degree,  that  all  things  were  water,  and  all  men  perish- 
ed :  Deucalion  alone  was  left  for  a  second  generation,  on  account 
of  his  prudence  and  piety ;  and  he  was  preserved  in  this  manner; 
he  built  a  great  ark,  and  entered  into  it,  with  his  wife  and  chil- 
dren, and  to  him  swine,  and  horses,  and  lions,  and  serpents,  and 
all  other  creatures  which  the  earth  maintains,  came  in  pairs:  he 
received  them  all,  and  they  hurt  him  not ;  on  the  contrary,  there 
was  by  divine  instinct  great  friendship  among  them,  and  they 
sailed  altogether  in  the  same  ark,  as  long  as  the  water  prevailed. 
At  the  beginning,  and  in  the  conclusion,  he  professes  to  have 
received  this  account  from  the  Grecians,  so  that  he  cannot  be 
suspected  of  borrowing  it  from  Scripture." 

The  orthodox  among  the  ancient  Persians  believed  in  a  de- 
and  that  it  was  universal,  and  overwhelmed  the  whole 
earth,  similar  traditions  have  prevailed  in  the  east  among  the 
Hindoos,  Burmans,  and  Chinese:  of  these,  the  tradition  of  the 
Chinese  is  particularly  worthy  of  note,  as  it  not  only  refers,  both 
directly  and  indirectly,  to  the  deluge  itself,  but  also  to  the  cause 
of  it.     The  same  tradition  of  a  general  flood  is  also  to  be  traced 

1  Josephus  contra  Apion,  lib.  i.  §  19.  edit.  Hudson. 
■>  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  i.  cap.  3. 

I.  hi  Kuseb.  Prscp.  Evans,  lib.  ix.  cap.  12.  edit.  Vigeri. 
•  Cyril  contra  Jul.  lib.  i.  p.  8.  edit.  Spanhemtt. 

■  Plato de Leg.  lib.  iii.  p.  677.  torn.  ii.  Tinianis,  p.  23.  torn.  iii.  edit.  Serrani. 
c  Diod.  Sic.  lib.  i.  p.  10.  edit.  Rhodomani.  '  Ovid.  Metamor.  lib.  i. 

'  Plutarch,  de  Solertla  Animalium,  p.  963.  torn.  ii.  edit.  Paris,  1624. 

''   11  a.  I.  ,xi,  28. 

1:1  Lucian  in  Timon,  p.  -r>9.   De  Saltatione,  p.  930.  torn.  i.  et  de  Syria  Dea, 
in.  ii.  edit.  Benedicti. 
liishnp  Newton's  Works,  vol.  i.  pp.  1S8— 191. 


among  the  ancient  Goths  and  Druids,  as  well  as  am  »ng  the 
Mexicans,  Peruvians,  Brazilians,  and  Nicaraguans;  to  whom 
may  be- added  the  very  lately  discovered  inhabitants  of  Western 
Caledonia,12  the  Cree  Indians,  in  the  polar  regions  of  North 
America,13  the  Otaheitans  before  their  conversion  to  Christianity 
and  also"  the  Sandwich  Islanders.15 

From  these  various  evidences  it  is  manifest,  that  the  hea- 
thens  wrere  well  acquainted  with  all  the  leading  circumstances 
of  the  universal  deluge;  that  their  traditions  (though  largely 
blended  with  fable)  bear  a  striking  resemblance  to  the  narra- 
tivr  of  Moses;  and  that  the  moral  certainty  of  that  great 
event  is  established  on  a  basis  sufficiently  firm  to  bid  defiance 
to  the  cavils  of  scepticism.  Instead,  therefore,  of  asserting 
(as  it  has  recently  been  asserted,  contrary  to  all  the  evidence 
furnished  by  natural  and  civil  history)  that  we  have  no  suf- 
ficient evidence  to  induce  us  to  believe  that  the  deluge  ever 
took  place, — "  let  the  ingenuity  of  unbelief  first  account  satis- 
factorily for  this  universal  agreement  of  the  pagan  world,  and 
sin  may  then,  with  a  greater  degree  of  plausibility,  impeach 
the  truth  of  the  scriptural  narrative  of  the  deluge.  M 

Notwithstanding  all  these  testimonies,  the  Mosaic  history 
of  the  deluge  has  been  objected  to,  as  an  improbable  event, 
contrary  to  matter  of  fact. 

Objection  1. — The  ark  (Gen.  vi.  15,  1G.)  could  not  con- 
tain all  the  animals  which  are  said  to  have  entered  it,  toge- 
ther with  the  proper  provisions  for  them  during  the  time  of 
the  deluge. 

Answer. — On  accurate  computation,  the  contrary  has  been 
proved ;  so  that  what  was  thought  an  objection  becomes  even  an 
evidence  for  the  truth  of  the  Mosaic  history.  The  dimensions 
of  the  ark  were  three  hundred  cubits  in  length,  fifty  in  breadth, 
and  thirty  in  height;  and  it  consisted  of  three  stories  or  floors. 
Reckoning  the  cubit  at  eighteen  inches,  Dr.  Hales  proves  the  ark 
to  have  been  of  the  burthen  of  42,4 1 3  tons.  "  A  first-rate  man- 
of-war  is  between  2200  and  2300  tons:  and,  consequently,  the 
ark  had  the  capacity  or  stowage  of  eighteen  of  such  ships,  the 
largest  in  present  use,  and  might  carry  20,000  men,  with  provi- 
sions for  six  months,  besides  the  weight  of  1800  cannons,  and 
of  all  military  stores.  Can  we  doubt  of  its  being  sufficient  to 
cojitain  eight  persons,  and  about  two  hundred  or  two  hundred 
and  fifty  pair  of  four-footed  animals  ;  a  number  to  -which,  ac- 
cording to  J\f.  Bnffon,  all  the  various  distinct  species  may  be 
reduced,  together  with  all  the  subsistence  necessary  for  a  twelve- 
month?" '  To  these  are  to  be  added  all  the  fowls  of  the  air,  and 
such  reptiles  and  insects  as  cannot  live  under  water.17  Other 
calculations  have  been  made,  to  show  that  the  ark  was  of  suffi- 
cient capacity  for  all  the  purposes  for  which  it  was  designed  ; 
but  as  they  are  larger  than  that  above  given,  they  are  here  de- 
signedly omitted.1* 

Obj.  2.  As  the  same  causes  must  always  produce  the 
same  effects,  it  is  objected  as  an  absurdity  in  the  Mosaic 
history  (Gen.  ix.  13.),  to  speak  of  the  rainbow  as  formed 
after  the  flood,  and  as  the  sign  of  a  covenant  then  made ;  be- 
cause, as  that  phenomenon  results  from  the  immutable  laws 
of  the  refraction  and  reflection  of  the  sun's  rays  in  drops  0i 
fallino-  rain,  it  is  certain  that  the  rainbow  must  have  been 
occasionally  exhibited  from  the  beginning  of  the  world. 

Answer.  But  the  original  does  not  say  that  God  set  thi 
rainbow  in  the  clouds.     The  word  translated,  /  do  set  my  bo-u 

•  »  Harman's  Journal  of  Voyages  and  Travels  in  Western  Caledonia, 
abridged  in  the  Quarterly  Review,  vol.  xxvi.  p.  415. 

"  L'apt.  Franklin's  Journey  to  the  Polar  Sea,  p.  73.  London,  1823.  Ito.  oi 
vol.  i.  pp.  113, 114.  8vo.  edit. 

»«  Kllis's  Polynesian  Researches,  vol.  i.  pp.  62,  63. 

»»  Most  of  the  above  noticed  traditions  are  given  at  length  in  Mr.  Faber'i 
Horae  Mosaicae,  vol.  i.  pp.  93—136.  with  references  to  various  authoritiei 
for  each.  Mr.  Bryant's  Analysis  of  Ancient  Mythology  (3  vols.  4to.  or  6 
vols.  Svo.),  however,  is  the  completest  work  on  the  subject  of  the  deluge, 
as  preserved  in  the  traditions  of  the  ancients;  an  abstract  of  his  system  ia 
riven  in  the  Encyclopaedias,  Britannica,  and  Perthensis,  article  Deluge. 
Dr.  Hales  has  concentrated  the  more  important  geological  facts  in  his  Ana- 
lysis of  Chronology,  vol.  i.  pp.  327 — 337.  But  the  reader  who  is  desirous 
of  prosecuting  this  subject,  is  referred  to  Mr.  Howard's  History  of  the 
Earth  and  Mankind,  4lo. ;  Mr.  Kirwan's  Memoirs,  in  the  Transactions  of 
the  Royal  Irish  Academy,  vols.  v.  vi.  and  viii. ;  to  Mr.  Townsend's  elabo- 
rate work  on  the  Character  of  Moses  as  an  Historian,  4to. ;  or  to  Mr.  Park- 
inson's Organic  Remains  of  a  Former  World,  4  vols.  4to. ;  and  especially 
to  M.  Cuvier's  great  work  on  the  same  subject,  of  which  Professor  Jame- 
son has  given  an  interestins  abstract  at  the  end  of  Mr.  Kerr's  translation 
of  Cuvier's  Essav  on  the  Theory  of  the  Earth,  pp.  229—267.  Some  very 
acute  remarks  and  proofs  on  the  subject  of  the  deluge  are  also  to  be  fount 
in  Dr.  Nares's  Hampton  Lectures,  serm.  vi.  pp.  293.  etseq- 

«c  Faber's  Hone  Mosaics;,  vol.  i.  p.  136. 

"  Dr.  Hales's  Analysis  of  Chronology,  vol.  i.  p.  329. 

is  See  Bp.  Wilkins'a  Essay  towards  a  Real  Character  and  a  Philosophies^ 
Language,  part  ii.  c.  5.  §  6.  pp.  162—168.  Calmet's,  Robinson's,  or  Jonee'f 
Dictionaries  of  the  Bible,  article  Ark,  and  Taylor's  Scripture  Illustrated, 
Expository  Index,  p.  18. 


76 


CREDIBILITY  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


OlIAI     III. 


in  the  cloud*  may  be  (as  indeed  it  ought  to  be)  rendered,  with 
great  propriety,  I  do  appoint  my  bow  in  the  cloud,  to  be  a  6ign 
or  token  of  the  covenant  between  me  and  the  earth  ;  and  a  fit 
sign  it  certainly  was,  because  the  patriarch  knew  that  there  never 
was,  nor  ever  can  be,  a  rainbow,  but  when  there  is  sunshine  as 
well  as  rain.  "  What  purpose  then  was  served  by  the  rainbow? 
The  very  best  purpose,  so  well  expressed  by  the  sacred  historian, 
when  he  represents  God  as  saying,  This  is  the  token  of  the  co- 
venant, which  I  will  make  between  me  and  you,  and  every 
living  creature  that  is  with  you,  for  perpetual  genera- 
tions; for  natural  and  inanimate  objects — such  as  pillars  and 
heaps  of  stones — were  considered  as  tokens,  and  even  a  kind  of 
witnesses,  in  the  contracts  of  all  the  civilized  nations  of  remote 
antiquity.  Of  this  we  have  several  instances  in  the  books  of  the 
Old  Testament,  but  surely  not  one  so  apposite  as  that  of  the 
rainbow.  Noah  and  his  sons  undoubtedly  knew — either  by  the 
science  of  the  antediluvian  world,  or  by  the  immediate  teaching 
of  God — that  the  rainbow  is  a  physical  proof,  as  long  as  it  is 
seen,  that  a  general  deluge  is  not  to  be  dreaded:  and  therefore, 
if  their  minds,  filled  with  terror  and  astonishment  at  what  they 
had  escaped,  should  ever  have  become  fearfully  apprehensive  of  a 
future  deluge,  the  sight  of  the  bow  would  immediately  dissipate 
their  fears.  The  science  of  Noah  and  his  sons,  which  taught 
them  the  physical  connection  of  the  sign  and  the  thing  signified, 
was  soon  lost,  with  other  truths  of  greater  importance,  when 
their  descendants  were  scattered  in  small  tribes  over  the  face  of 
the  whole  earth :  but  the  remembrance  of  the  flood,  as  well  as 
some  confused  notions  of  the  rainbow  being  a  kind  of  informa- 
tion from  the  gods  to  men,  appear  to  have  been  preserved  by  tra- 
dition among  all  nations;  and  thousands  of  pious  Christians, 
without  knowing  any  thing  of  the  physical  causes  of  the  rain- 
bow, consider  it  at  this  day  as  a  token,  and  even  a  pledge  (as  in 
truth  it  is),  that  the  earth  will  not  again  be  destroyed  by  a  de- 
luge."' 

Obj.  3.  If  all  mankind  sprang  from  Noah,  the  second  pa- 
rent of  the  human  Tace,  it  is  impossible  to  account  for  the 
origin  of  the  blacks,  if  the  patriarch  and  his  wife  were  white. 

Answer.  But  this  difference  in  colour  does  not  invalidate  the 
narrative  of  Moses:  for  it  has  been  ascertained  that  the  influence 
of  climate,  and  the  local  circumstances  of  air,  water,  food,  cus- 
toms, &c.  are  sufficient  to  account  for  the  dissimilarity  which  is 
discovered  in  the  appearance  of  different  nations.  If  dogs,  taken 
to  the  frigid  zone,  grow  shaggy ;  and  if  sheep,  transported  to  the 
torrid  zone,  exchange  their  wool  for  hair,  why  may  not  the  hu- 
man species  gradually  partake  of  the  influence  of  climate]  as 
experience  shows  that  it  does.'! 

Man  was  formed  to  reside  in  all  climates.  "  Man,"  says  an 
eminent  naturalist,3  who  was  by  no  means  a  bigot  in  favour  of 
the  Scripture  history,  "though  white  in  Europe,  black  in  Afri- 
ca,4 yellow  in  Asia,  and  red  in  America,  is  still  the  same  animal, 
tinged  only  with  the  colour  of  the  climate.  Where  the  heat  is 
excessive,  as  in  Guinea  and  Senegal,  the  people  are  perfectly 
black;  where  less  excessive,  as  in  Abyssinia,  the  people  are  less 
black,  where  it  is  more  temperate,  as  in  Barbary  and  Arabia, 
they  aie  brown;  and  where  mild,  as  in  Europe  and  Lesser  Asia, 
they  are  fair."  In  further  corroboration  of  the  influence  of  cli- 
mate on  the  human  complexion,  we  may  remark,  that  there  is  a 
colony  of  Jews,  who  have  been  settled  at  Cochin  on  the  Malabar 
coast  from  a  very  remote  period,  of  which  they  have  lost  the 
memory.  Though  originally  a  fair  people  from  Palestine,  and 
from  their  customs  preserving  themselves  unmixed,  they  are  now 
become  as  black  as  the  other  Malabarians,  who  are  scarcely  a 
shade  lighter  than  the  negroes  of  Guinea,  Benin,  or  Angola.  At 
Ceylon,  also,  the  Pjrtugucsc,  who  settled  there  only  a  few  cen- 

'  Bp.  Gleig's  edition  of  Btackbouse's  History  of  the  Bible,  vol.  i.  p.  204. 
note. 

»  The  testimony  of  M.  De  Pages,  who  himself  experienced  this  change 
is  particularly  worthy  of  notice.  In  his  travels  round  the  world,  during 
the  years  1707 — 1771,  speaking  of  his  passage  over  the  Great  Desert  he 
says,— "The  tribes,  which  frequent  the  middle  of  the  desert,  have  locks 
somewhat  crisped,  extremely  fine,  and  approaching  the  woolly  hair  of  the 
negro.  My  own,  during  the  short  period  of  my  travels  in  those  regions, 
became  more  dry  and  delicate  than  usual,  and  receiving  little  nourishment! 
from  a  checked  perspiration,  showed  a  disposition  to  assume  the  same 
frizzled  and  woolly  appearance:  an  entire  failure  of  moisture,  and  the 
excessive  heat  of  climate  by  which  it  was  occasioned,  seem  to  he  the  prin- 
cipal causes  of  those  symptoms;  my  blood  was  become  extremely  dry. 
and  my  complexion  at  length  differed  Utile  from  that  of  a  Hindoo  or 
Arab." — De  Pages'  Voyages,  cited  in  Dr.  Eveleigh's  Bampton  Lectures, 
pp.  276.  292. 

*  Count  BufTon. 

«  Black  is  not  the  colour  of  the  negro  when  first,  horn.  It  is  ii  remarka- 
ble fact,  that  the  negro  infant  comes  into  the  world  white,  only  with  a 
yellowish  tinge;  and  that  it  becomes  progressively  darker,  until  the  tenth 
day,  when  it  is  perfectly  black.  Caillie,  Voyage  A  Tembuctoo,  torn,  i.  p.  1*5. 
Varis,  1830. 


turies  ago,  are  become  blacker  than  the  natives:  and  the  Portu- 
guese, who  settled  near  the  Mundingoes,  about  three  hundred 
years  since,  differ  so  little  from  them  as  to  be  called  negroes, 
which  they  resent  as  a  high  indignity. 

In  short,  to  adopt  the  memorable  conclusion  of  the  indefatiga- 
ble philosopher  above  cited  (who  deduced  it  after  a  minute  in- 
quiry from  a  great  number  of  the  best  attested  observations)  : — 
"  From  every  circumstance,  proof  may  be  obtained,  that  mankind 
are  not  composed  of  species  essentially  different  from  each  otber, 
that,  on  the  contrary,  there  was  originally  but  one  individual 
species  of  men,  which,  after  being  multiplied  and  diffused  over 
the  whole  surface  of  the  earth,  underwent  various  changes,  from 
the  influence  of  climate,  from  the  difference  of  food  and  the  mode 
of  living,  from  epidemical  disorders,  as  also  from  the  intermix- 
ture, varied  ad  infinitum,  of  individuals  more  or  less  resembling 
each  other:  that  these  alterations  were  at  first  less  considerable, 
and  confined  to  individuals;  that  afterwards,  from  the  continued 
action  of  the  above  causes  becoming  more  general,  more  sensible, 
and  more  fixed,  they  formed  varieties  of  the  species;  and  that 
these  varieties  have  been  and  still  are  perpetuated  from  genera- 
tion to  generation,  in  the  same  manner  as  certain  disorders  and 
certain  maladies  pass  from  parents  to  their  children."4 

Obj.  4  The  peopling  of  America  and  of  several  islands,  in 
which  mischievous  terrestrial  animals  are  found,  has  alsi 
been  urged  as  an  objection  against  the  universality  of  the  de- 
luge, and  consequently  against  the  credibility  of  the  Mosaic: 
history. 

Answer.  Modern  geographical  discoveries  have  removed  the 
weight  of  this  objection.  The  straits  which  divide  North  Ame- 
rica from  Tartary  are  so  narrow  as  to  admit  a  very  easy  passage 
from  one  continent  to  the  other ;  and  it  is  not  impossible  that 
they  might  even  have  been  united  by  an  isthmus,  which  the 
combined  influence  of  time  and  the  waves  has  demolished.  The 
resemblance  found  between  the  inhabitants  of  the  opposite  sides 
of  that  passage  and  their  uncivilized  state  and  rude  ignorance  of 
the  arts,  prove  them  to  have  had  one  common  origin.6  So  fully 
convinced  was  M.  Buffon  of  this  fact,  long  before  the  last  and 
most  important  discoveries  on  the  subject,7  that  he  declares  he- 
has  "  no  doubt,  independently  of  every  theological  consideration, 
that  the  origin  of  the  Americans  is  the  same  with  our  own."8 

The  parts  of  the  new  world  which  are  disjoined  from  the 
others,  and  which  have  been  represented  by  ignorance  and  in 
fidelity  as  vast  continents,  are  by  the  most  recent  and  complete 
researches  reduced  to  a  few  inconsiderable  islands  ;9  whose  in- 
habitants were,  in  all  probability,  conveyed  to  their  present  settle- 
ments from  islands10  adjacent  to  the  continent  of  Asia,  from  which 
continent  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  new  world  (excepting  the  Es- 
quimeaux  and  a  few  other  American  tribes  that  are  evidently  de- 
scended from  the  Greenlanders)  have  migrated.  Nor  can  it  ex- 
cite surprise,  that  we  are  unacquainted  with  the  circumstances 
of  their  migration,  when  we  consider  that  this  event  probably 
happened  at  no  great  distance  from  the  time  when  our  own  an- 
cestors set  out  from  the  same  regions,  to  people  the  western  world, 
by  an  opposite  route.11 

»  Buffon's  Nat.  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  291.  (Kenrick's  and  Murdoch's  translation . ' 
Dr.  Hales  has  collected  a  number  of  very  important  observations,  confirm- 
ing the  above  remarks,  and  vindicatory  of  the  Mosaic  narrative,  in  his  Ana- 
lysis of  Chronology,  vol.  i.  pp.  358—363. — See  also  Dr.  J.  M.  Good's  excel- 
lent Lecture  on  the  Varieties  of  the  Human  Race,  in  his  Book  of  Nature, 
vol.  ii.  pp.75 — 113.  But  the  fullest  discussion  of  the  subject  is  to  be  found 
in  the  elaborate  work  of  the  American  Professor,  Dr.  Samuel  Stanhope 
Smith,  entitled,  "An  Essay  on  the  Causes  of  the  Variety  of  Complexion 
and  Figure  in  the  Human  Species,"  8vo.  London,  17S9.  An  abstract  of  the 
arguments  adduced  in  this  work  may  be  seen  in  Dr.  Rees's  Cyclopaedia 
vol.  ix.  article  Complexion.  The  descent  of  mankind  from  a  single  pair  is 
clearly  proved  by  Bp.  J.  B.  Sumner,  in  his  Treatise  on  the  Records  of  th* 
Creation,  vol.  i.  pp.  286 — 317. 

«  The  Esquimeaux  resemble  their  neighbours  on  the  north-west  extre 
niity  of  Europe  ;  and  the  same  resemblance  is  also  found  to  subsist  between 
the  inhabitants  of  the  north-east  of  Asia,  and  both  the  Americans  opposite 
to  them,  and  all  the  other  Americans,  except  those  few  tribes,  which,  ti 
gcther  with  the  Esquimeaux,  appear  to  have  descended  from  the  Grec;> 
landers.    Robertson's  History  of  America,  vol.  ii.  pp.  45—49. 

*  Those  of  Captains  Cook  and  King.  The  latter  had  an  opportunity  of 
seeine,  at  the  same  moment,  the  coasts  of  Asia  and  America.  Conk  an  < 
King's  Voyases,  vol.  iii.  p.  244. 

•  Buffon's  Nat  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  229. 

»  New  Holland,  though  very  considerable  in  size,  is  not  at  all  so  in  its  po- 
pulation. It  was,  however,  known,  in  part,  before  the  other  islands  above 
referred  to.  . 

»°  The  inhabitants  of  these  islands  are  supposed  to  have  been  all  deriv, 
from  the  Malays.     See  the  Introduction  to  Cook  and  King's  Voyages,  vol.    . 
pp.  Ixxi. — lxxiii.  4to  and  also  pp.  116 — 202. 

11  Dr.  Eveleigh's  Bampton  Lectures,  p.  282.  Respecting  the  peopling  of 
North  America,  the  reader  may  consult  the  researches  of  Dr.  Robertson, 
in  his  History  of  America,  vol.  ii.  pp  25— 49.  and  ;'  Abbe  Clavigeto, 
History  of  Mexico,  translated  by  Mr.  Cullen,  vol  K:  dissertation  i.  Th  r< 
are  also  some  valuable  hints  pn  the  origin  of  I  Worth  American  Indians, 
in  "A  Discourse  on  the  Religion  of  the  Indian  Trihesof  North  America,  (Is 
livered  before  the  New  York  Historical  Socieiy,  by  Samuel  Farmei  Jarvis 
D.D."      New  York.  1820.  8vo 


Sect.  II.  §  1.] 


CONFIRMED  BY  NATURAL  AND  CIVIL  HISTORY. 


77 


VIII.  The  first  remarkable  occurrence  after  tin  flood  was 
(he  attempt  to  build  the  Tower  of  Babel  (Gen.  xi.  1 — 4.);  and 
this  is  not  omitted  in  pagan  records. 

Berosus,  the  Chaldee  historian,  mentions  it,  with  the  following 
additional  circumstances,  that  it  was  erected  ley  giants  who  (raged 
war  against  the  gods,  and  were  at  length  dispersed,  and  that  the 
edifice  was  beaten  down  by  a  great  wind.  According  to  Joeephus, 
the  building  of  this  tower  is  also  mentioned  by  llestia'us,  and  by 
one  of  the  ancient  sibyls,1  and  also,  as  Eusebius  informs  us,  by 
Abydenus  and  Eupolemus.2  The  tower  of  Betas,  mentioned  by 
Herodotus,  is,  in  all  probability,  the  tower  of  Babel,  repaired  try 
Bclus  II.,  kiny;  of  Babylon,  who  U  frequently  confounded  by  the 
ancient  historians  with  Bclus  I.,  or  Nimrod.  That  it  was  con- 
structed with  burnt  bricks  and  bitumen  (as  we  read  in  Gen.  xi. 
3.)  is  attesteil  by  Justin,  Quintus  Curtius,  Yitruvius,  and  other 
heathen  writers,  and  also  by  the  relations  of  modem  travellers, 
who  have  described  its  ruins.3 

1\.  The  History  of  the  destruction  of  Sodom  and  Gomor- 
rah 

Is  expressly  attested  by  Diodorus  Siculus,  Strabo,  Solinus,  Ta- 
citus, Pliny,  and  Josephus';  whose  accounts  mainly  agree  with 
the  Mosaic  narrative  ;  and  their  reports  concerning  the  physical 
appearance  of  the  Dead  Sea  are  confirmed  in  all  material  points 
by  the  relations  of  modern  travellers.1 

X.  Berosus,  Alexander  Polyhistor  from  Eupolemus  and 
Melo  (writers  more  ancient  than  himself),  Nicolaus  Da- 
mascenus,  Artapanus,  and  other  ancient  historians  cited  by 
Josephus  and  Eusebius,  make  express  and  honourable  men- 
tion of  Abraham,  Isaac,  Jacob,  and  Joseph,  agreeing  with  the 
accounts  of  Moses  ;  and  Josephus  states  that  Hecatseus  wrote 
a  book  concerning  Abraham,  which  was  extant  in  his  time, 
though  it  is  now  lost.5 

XI.  That  Moses  was  not  a  mythological  person  (as  has  re- 
cently been  affirmed,  contrary  to  all  history},  but  a  real 
character  and  an  eminent  legislator,  we  have  already  shown 
in  a  preceding  page.6  To  the  testimonies  there  adduced,  we 
may  add,  that  the  departure  of  the  Israelites  from  Egypt,  and 
their  miraculous  passage  of  the  Red  Sea,  is  attested  by  Be- 
rosus, Artapanus,  Strabo,  Diodorus  Siculus,  Numenius,  Jus- 
tin, and  Tacitus.  Of  these,  the  testimonies  of  Artapanus  and 
Diodorus  are  particularly  worthy  of  notice. 

According  to  Artapanus,  the  Hcliopolitans  gave  the  following 
account  of  the  passage  of  the  Rod  Sea : — "  The  king  of  Egypt, 
as  soon  as  the  Jews  had  departed  from  his  country,  pursued  them 
with  an  immense  army,  beting  along  with  him  the  consecrated 
animals.  But  Moses  having  by  the  divine  command  struck  the 
waters  with  his  rod,  they  parted  asunder,  and  afforded  a  free  pas- 
sage to  the  Israelites.  The  Egyptians  attempted  to  follow  them, 
when  fire  suddenly  flashed  in  their  faces,  and  the  sea  returning 
to  its  usual  channel,  brought  an  universal  destruction  upon  their 
army."  A  similar  tradition,  though  less  minutely  particular,  is 
mentioned  by  Diodorus,  as  subsisting  even  at  the  time  when  he 
wrote  He  relates,  that  among  the  Ichthyophagi,  the  natives  of 
the  spot,  a- tradition  is  given,  which  is  preserved  from  their  an- 
cestors, that  by  a  great  ebb  of  the  waters,  the  whole  bosom  of  the 
gulf  became  dry,  disclosing  its  weeds,  the  sea  rolling  upon  the 
opposite  shore.  But  the  bare  earth  having  been  rendered  visible 
from  the  very  bottom  of  the  abyss,  the  tide  returning  in  its 
Strength  restored  the  passage  once  more  to  its  former  condition.8 
Nor  is  the  old  tradition  of  the  country  even  yet  extinct  Accord- 
irtg  to  a  learned  and  respectable  modern  traveller,  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Corondcl  and  its  neighbourhood  (on  the  eastern  side  of 
the  Red  Sea)  to  this  day  preserve  the  remembrance  of  the  de- 
liverance of  the  Israelites ;  which  event  is  further  confirmed  by 
the  Red  Sea  being  called,  by  the  Arabian  geographers,  the  sea 

'  Josephus,  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  i.  c.  4.  (at.  c.  5.)  §  3. 

•  Eusebius,  tie  Priep.  Evang.  lib.  ix.  c  11. 

•  The  testimonies  above  noticed  r.re  riven  al  Length  by  Mr.  Faber,  Hors 
Mosaics,  vol.  i.  pp.  146—170.  See  also  Dr.  Holes'!  Analysis,  vol  i.  pp.  350 
— 3o.">.  and  Mr.  Rich's  Memoirs  on  the  Rumsoi"  Babylon,  8vo.  1818;  and  par- 
ticularly Sir  R.  K.  Porter's  Travels  in  Georgia,  Persia.  Ac  vol.  ii.  pp.  308 — 
332.  where  these  ruins  are  described  as  they  appeared  in  November,  1818. 

•  Died.  Si,-.  Hb.  xix.  c.  98.  torn.  viii.  pp.  418 — 121.  edit  Ili|H>m.  Strabo,  lib. 
xvi.  pp.  10S7,  1083.  edit. Oxon.  Solinus,  c.  30.  Tacitus,  Hist  lib.  v.  c.  6.  (al. 
7.)  Pliny,  Hist.  Nat  lib.  v.  c  16.  lib.  xxxv.  c.  15.  Josephus,  de  Bell.  Jud.  lib. 
hr.  c.  viii.  §4.   Faber,  vol.  i.  pp.  171—174. 

•  Josephus.  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  i.  c.7.  Eusebius,  Prap.  Evang.  lib.  ix.  cc.  17— 
83>  The  passages  above  referred  to  are  given  at  length  in  Mr.  Faber's 
Burse  Mosaics,  vol.  i.  pp.  174  —186. 

•  See  pp.  31.  35,  supra. 

1  Eusebius,  Pra?p.  Evang.  lib.  ix.  c.  27.  This  circumstance  (Mr.  Faber 
remarks)  of  the  Egyptians  being  struck  with  lightning,  as  well  as  being 
overwhelmed  by  the  waves,  is  mentioned  in  Psal.  Ixxvi.  17.,  although  un- 
rtuiiced  in  the  Kenuieuch. 

•  Uio.i  Sic.  lib  iii  i-  39.  l  vol.  iii.  p.  279.  edit.  Bipont) 


nf  A"'jlzum,  that  is,  of  destruction.9  "  The  ery  country,  indeed 
where  the  event  is  said  to  have  happened,  bears  testimony  in 
some  degree  to  the  accuracy  of  the  Mosaical  narrative.  Still  is 
the  scriptural  El  ham  denominated  Etti ;  the  wilderness  of 
Shur,  the  mountain  of  Sinai,  and  the  country  of  Paran,  are  still 
known  by  the  same  names  ;'°  and  Marah,  Elath,  and  Midian 
are  still  familiar  to  the  cars  of  the  Arabs.  The  grove  of  Elim 
yet  remains  ;  and  its  twelve  fountains  have  neither  decreased  nor 
diminished  in  number  since  the  days  of  Moses."11 

XII.  Farther,  the  heathen  whiters  borrowed  images 
from  the  accounts  communicated  in  the  Scriptures,  and  attri- 
buted to  their  di  ities  distinctiona  similar  to  those  which  are 
ascribed  to  the  Divine  Majesty,  when  God  manifested  himself 
to  the  world.  Thus,  both  poets  and  historians  represented 
the  heathen  deities  to  be  veiled  in  clouds,  as  Jehovah  ap- 
peared. 

Many  of  their  religious  institutions  were  likewise  evidently  de- 
rived from  the  Mosaic  appointments,  as  that  of  marriage  and  the 
observance  of  stated  days,  particularly  of  the  Sabbath,  among  the 
Greeks  and  Romans,  and,  indeed,  among  almost  all  nations.  The 
rite  of  circumcision,  which  was  appointed  by  God  as  a  sign  of  a 
distinctive  covenant  with  Abraham,  and  designed  to  be  expres- 
sive of  spiritual  purity,12  was  adopted  by  several  nations  not  de- 
scended from  that  patriarch,  as  the  Egyptians,  Colchians,  and 
others.13  There  are  likewise  other  particulars  in  which  the 
Greeks  and  Romans  appear  to  have  borrowed  customs  from  the 
Jews.  Thus,  Solon,  conformably  to  the  Jewish  practice,  decreed 
that  the  time  of  the  sun  setting  on  the  mountains  should  be 
deemed  the  last  hour  of  the  day.  This  law  was  copied  into  the 
laws  of  the  twelve  tables,  and  observed  by  the  Romans;  whose 
laws  concerning  the  inheritance  and  adoption  of  children,  retribu- 
tion in  punishment  of  corporeal  injuries,  and  other  points,  seem 
to  have  been  framed  on  principles  sanctioned  by  Moses  ;  and 
traces  of  resemblance  between  the  Hebrew  and  Roman  codes  are 
still  to  be  discovered  in  the  Institutes  of  Justinian.  The  Jewish 
custom  of  orphan  girls  marrying  their  next  of  kin  also  obtained 
among  the  heathens.  The  appropriation  of  a  tenlh  part  of  the 
spoils,  of  the  produce  of  lands,  and  of  other  things,  to  religious 
purposes,  is  mentioned  by  many  pagan  writers.  Lycurgus  distri- 
buted the  possession  of  lands  by  lot,  and  rendered  them  inalien- 
able. Those  feasts,  in  which  servants  were  put  on  an  equality 
with  their  masters,  were  apparently  borrowed  from  the  Jews,  and 
from  the  feast  of  tabernacles  :  and  the  reverence  which  the  Jews 
paid  to  the  state  of  the  moon  also  influenced  the  Lacedemonians, 
who  are  supposed  to  have  been  early  connected  with  the  Jews ; 
and  who,  in  consequence  of  their  superstition,  having  delayed  the 
march  of  their  army  till  after  the  new  moon,  were  thus  deprived 
of  participating  in  the  honour  of  the  celebrated  battle  of  Mara- 
thon, as  they  did  not  arrive  till  the  day  after  it  had  taken  place." 

The  preceding  statements  and  facts  are  surely  sufficient  to 
satisfy  any  candid  inquirer,  that  the  principal  facts  related  in 
the  books  of  Moses  do  not  depend  upon  his  solitary  testimony  ; 
but  that  they  are  supported  by  the  concurrent  voice  of  all  na- 
tions. Upon  what  principle  can  this  coincidence  be  accounted 
for,  if  Moses  had  not  been  a  real  person,  and  if  the  events  re- 
corded by  him  had  not  actually  occurred  ! 

XIII.  Many  other  things,  which  the  Old  Testament  relates 
to  have  happened,  subsequently  to  the  giving  of  the  law  until 
the  Babylonish  captivity,  are  to  be  found  among  profane  writ- 
ers.    A  few  of  these  shall  be  adduced  : — Thus, 

»  Dr.  Shaw's  travels  in  Barbary  and  the  Levant,  vol.  ii.  pp.  99,  100.  Edinb. 
1808. 

'•  Niebuhr's  Travels,  vol.  i.  pp.  189.  191. 

•'  Faber,  vol.  i.  pp.  189—191.  See  also  Huet's  Demonstratio  Evangelica, 
prop.  iv.  vol.  i.  pp.  73 — 153.,  where  very  numerous  additional  collateral  tes- 
timonies are  given  to  the  credibility  of  the  Mosaic  writings. 

«•  Compare  Gen.  xvii.  12.  Rom.  ii.  28,  29.  Phil.  iii.  3. 

»•  A  modern  opposer  of  the  Bible  has  affirmed,  contrary  to  all  history,  that 
the  Jews  borrowed  the  rite  of  circumcision  from  the  Egyptians.  From  an 
obscure  passage  in  Herodotus,  who  wrote  several  hundred  years  after 
Moses  (and  who  collected  his  information  from  the  Egyptian  priests,  whose 
extravagant  claims  to  antiquity  have  long  since  been  reluled),  »ome  learned 
men  have  conjectured  that  the  Hebrews  derived  it  from  the  Egyptians ;  but 
conjectures  are  not  proofs.  Indeed,  so  little  dependence  can  be  placed  on 
the  historical  traditions  of  the  Egyptians,  the  falsehood  of  which  has  been 
exposed  by  Sir  John  Marsham,  that  it  is  more  than  probable  that  the  Egyp- 
tians derived  it  from  the  Hebrews  or  Ishmaclites;  although,  at  this  distance 
of  time,  it  is  impossible  to  account  for  the  way  in  which  circumcision  be- 
came established  among  the  Egyptians.  It  is,  moreover,  worthy  of  remark, 
that  the  practice  of  this  rite  among  the  Hebrews  differed  very  considerably 
from  that  of  the  Egyptians.  Among  the  former,  it  was  a  religious  ce^e~ 
mony  performed  on  the  eighth  day  after  the  birth  of  the  male  child  ;  but 
among  the  latter  it  was  a  point  of  mere  decency  and  cleanliness,  and  wa» 
not  performed  until  the  thirteenth  year,  and  then  upon  persons  of  both 
sexes.  See  Marsham's  Chronicus  Canon  .Egyptiacus,  and  spencer,  de  Le 
gibus  He;ra:orum. 

»«  Dp.  Gray's  Connection  between  Sacred  and  Profane  Literature,  vol.  i 
pp.  187—193.  Huet.  Demonstrauo  Evangelica,  M  supra. 


7B 


CREDIBILITY  OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT 


[CEAf. 


1.  From  the  story  of  Moses's  rod  (Exod.  iv.  17.)  the  heathens 
invented  the  fables  of  the  Thyrsus  of  Bacchus,  and  the  Caduceus 
of  Mercury. 

2.  The  circumstance  of  Jephthalis  devoting  his  daughter  gave 
rise  to  the  story  of  Iphigenia  being  sacrificed  by  her  father  Aga- 
memnon. 

3.  The  story  of  Scylla  having  cut  off  the  purple  lock  of  her 
father  Nisus,  king  of  Megara,  and  given  it  to  his  enemy,  Minos 
(with  whom  he  was  then  at  war),  and  by  that  means  destroyed 
both  him  and  his  kingdom,  was  in  all  prohability  taken  from  the 
history  of  Samson's  being  shaved. 

4.  When  Herodotus,  the  father  of  profane  history,  tells  us,  from 
the  priests  of  Egypt,  that  their  traditions  had  informed  them,  that 
in  very  remote  ages  the  sun  had  four  times  departed  from  his  re- 
gular course,  having  twice  set  where  he  ought  to  have  risen,  and 
twice  risen  where  he  ought  to  have  set ;  it  is  impossible  to  read 
this  most  singular  tradition,  without  recollecting  the  narrative  in 
the  book  of  Joshua,  which  relates,  "  That  the  sun  stood  still  iti 
the  midst  of  heaven,  and  hasted  not  to  go  down  about  a  whole 
day ,-"  and  the  fact  related  in  the  history  of  Hezekiah,  "  that  the 
sun  -went  back  ten  degrees,  on  the  dial  of  Ahaz."  The  priests 
of  Egypt  professed  to  explain  the  revolutions  of  the  Nile,  the  fer- 
tility of  their  country,  and  the  state  of  public  health,  by  the  in- 
fluence of  the  sun ;  and,  therefore,  in  mentioning  the  unexampled 
traditional  phenomena  alluded  to,  they  adverted  to  a  circum- 
stance, which  to  them  appeared  as  remarkable  as  the  facts  them- 
selves, that  those  singular  deviations  of  the  sun  from  his  course 
had  produced  no  sensible  effects  on  the  state  of  the  river,  on  the 
productions  of  the  soil,  on  the  progress  of  diseases,  or  on  deaths. 
The  circumstances  are  not  mentioned  in  the  same  form  by  Joshua 
and  Herodotus,  but  they  are  in  substance  the  same  in  both  the 
narratives.  And,  supposing  the  traditions  to  have  been  founded 
on  facts,  it  can  scarcely  be  doubted  that  they  relate  to  the  same 
events  ;  especially  when  we  recollect,  that  where  so  much  was 
ascribed  to  the  influence  of  the  sun,  such  remarkable  deviations  j 
from  the  course  of  ordinary  experience  could  not  fail  to  be  handed 
down  through  many  ages.1 

5.  Eupolemus  and  Dius,  as  quoted  by  Eusebius  and  Grotius, 
mention  many  remarkable  circumstances  of  David  and  Solomon, 
agreeing  with  the  Old  Testament  history  ;2  and  Herodotus  has  a 
remarkable  passage  which  evidently  refers  to  the  destruction  of 
the  Assyrians  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah,  in  which  he  mentions 
Sennacherib  by  name.3  As  we  advance  further  to  the  Assyrian 
monarchy,  the  Scripture  accounts  agree  with  the  profane  ones 
rectified ;  and  when  we  descend  still  lower  to  the  sra  of  Nabon- 
assar  and  to  the  kings  of  Babylon  and  Persia,  who  are  posterior 
to  this  aera,  and  are  recorded  in  Ptolemy's  canon  or  series  of  them, 
we  find  the  agreement  of  sacred  and  profane  history  much  more 
exact ;  there  being  certain  criteria  in  profane  history  for  fixing  the 
facts  related  in  it.  And  it  is  remarkable,  that  not  only  the  direct 
relations  of  the  historical  books,  but  also  the  indirect  mention  of 
things  in  the  prophecies,  correspond  with  the  true  chronology  ; 
which  is  an  unquestionable  evidence  for  their  genuineness  and  truth. 

The  history  contained  in  the  Old  Testament  is  throughout 
distinct,  methodical,  and  consistent ;  while  profane  history 
is  utterly  deficient  in  the  first  ages,  and  full  of  fictions  in 
the  succeeding  ages  ;  and  becomes  clear  and  precise  in  the 
principal  facts,  only  about  the  period  when  the  Old  Testa- 
ment history  ends  :  so  that  the  latter  corrects  and  regulates 
the  former,  and  renders  it  intelligible  in  many  instances 
which  must  otherwise  be  given  up  as  utterly  inexplicable. 
How  then  can  we  suppose  the  Old  Testament  history  not  to 
oe  genuine  and  true,  or  a  wicked  imposture  to  be  made,  and 
not  only  continue  undiscovered,  but  even  to  increase  to  a  most 
audacious  height  in  a  nation,  that,  of  all  others,  kept  the  most 
exact  accounts  of  time?  It  is  further  worthy  of  remark,  that 
this  same  nation,  who  may  not  have  lost  so  much  as  one 
year  from  the  creation  of  the  world  to  the  Babylonish  capti- 
vity, as  soon  as  they  were  deprived  of  the  assistance  of  the 
prophets,  became  the  most  inaccurate  in  their  methods  of 
keeping  time ;  there  being  nothing  more  erroneous  than  the 
accounts  of  Josephus  and  the  modern  Jews,  from  the  time 
of  Cyrus  to  that  of  Alexander  the  Great :  notwithstanding 
that  all  the  requisite  aids  might  easily  have  been  borrowed 
from  the  neighbouring  nations,  who  now  kept  regular  annals. 
Whence  it  appears  that  the  exactness  of  the  sacred  history 
was  owing  to  divine  assistance.4      To  the  preceding  con- 

'  Herodotus,  Euterpe,  pp.  144,  145.  edit.  Vallae. 

*>  Eusebius,  Praep.  Evang.  lib.  ix.  cc.  30 — 34.  39 — 41.  Josephus,  Ant.  Jud. 
lib.  viii.  c.  2.  »  Lib.  ii.  c.  141. 

*  The  various  proofs  of  the  facts  above  stated  may  be  seen  in  Dr.  Ed- 
wards on  Scripture,  vol.  i.  pp.  193—223.  Sir  H.  M.  Wellwood's  Discourses, 
mi.  13  19.    Hartley  on  Man.  vol.  ii.  p.  116. 


siderations  and  facts  we  may  add,  that  the  manners  of  the  ]»er 
sons  mentioned  in  the  Scriptures  are  characterized  by  thai 
simplicity  and  plainness,  which  is  also  ascribed  to  the  first 
ages  of  the  world  by  pagan  writers,  and  both  of  them  con 
cur  to  prove  the  novelty  of  the  then  present  race,  and  conse 
quently  the  defuge. 

XIV.  Lastly,  the  Fertility  of  the  soil  of  Palestine, 
which  is  so  frequently  mentioned  in  the  Scriptures, 

Is  confirmed  by  the  unanimous  testimony  of  ancient  writers,6 
as  well  as  of  most,  if  not  all,  the  travellers  who  have  visited  that 
country.6  Its  present  reduced  and  miserable  state,  therefore, 
furnishes  no  ground  for  the  objection  which  some  modern  oppo- 
sers  of  revelation  have  raised  against  the  Bible.  Were  Palestine 
to  be  as  well  inhabited  and  as  well  cultivated  as  formerly,  its 
produce  would  exceed  all  calculation. 

Besides  these  attestations  from  natural  and  profane  history, 
we  may  consider  the  Jews  themselves  as  bearing  testimony 
to  this  day,  in  all  countries  of  the  world,  to  the  truth  of 
their  ancient  history,  that  is,  to  the  truth  of  the  Old  and  New 
Testaments.  Allow  this,  and  it  will  be  easy  to  see  how  they 
should  still  persist  in  their  attachment  to  that  religion,  those 
laws,  and  those  predictions  which  so  manifestly  condemn 
them,  both  in  past  times  and  in  the  present.  Suppose,  how- 
ever, that  any  considerable  alterations  have  been  made  in 
their  ancient  history, — that  is,  any  such  alteration  as  may 
answer  the  purposes  of  infidelity,  and  their  present  state 
will  be  inexplicable.7 


§  2.    TESTIMONIES  OF  PROFANE  WRITERS  TO  THE  CRED1BIL1TV 
OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 

I.  Testimonies  of  Jewish  arid  Pagan  Authors  to  the  account 
of  Princes  and  Governors  mentioned  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment.— II.  Testimonies  to  the  character  of  the  Jewish  Na- 
tion, which  are  either  directly  mentioned  or  incidentally 
alluded  to  therein. — III.  Similar  Testimonies  to  the  Charac- 
ter of  heathen  Nations. — IV.  Testimonies  of  Jewish  Ad- 
versaries to  the  Name  and  Faith  of  Christ. —  1.  Of  Jose- 
phus.— 2.  Of  the  Talmuds. — V.  Testimonies  of  heathen 
Adversaries  to  the  character  of  Jesus  Christ. — I.Pontius 
Pilate. — 2.  Suetonius. — 3.  Tacitus. — 4.  Pliny  the  Younger. 
— 5.  JElius  Lampridius. — 6.  Celsus. — 7.  Porphyry. — 8. 
Julian. — 9.  Mohammed. — Testimonies  of  heathen  Adver- 
saries to  the  doctrines,  character,  innocency  of  life,  and 
constancy  of  the  First  Christians  in  the  profession  of  their 
faith. — 1.  Tacitus,  confirmed  by  Suetonius,  Martial,  and 
Juvenal. — 2.  Pliny  the  Younger  and  Trajan. — 3.  Celsus. — 
4.  Lucian. — 5.  Epictetus,  Marcus,  Antoninus,  Galen,  and 
Porphyry. — 6.  Julian. — VI.  Refutation  of  the  objection  to 
the  Credibility  of  the  Scripture  History,  which  has  been 
raised  from  the  silence  of  profane  historians  to  the  facts 
therein  recorded. — That  silence  accounted  for,  by  the  facts, 
— 1.  That  many  of  their  books  are  lost. — 2.  That  others 
are  defective. — 3.  That  no  profane  historians  now  extant 
take  notice  of  all  occurrences  within  the  period  described 
by  them. — 4.  Reasons  why  they  would  slight  the  facts  re- 
lating to  Jesus  Christ  as  fabulous. — Result  of  the  preceding 
facts  and  arguments. — No  history  in  the  world  is  so  certain 
as  that  related  in  the  Old  and  New  Testament. 

Striking  as  is  the  evidence  foT  the  credibility  and  truth 
of  the  facts  and  events  related  in  the  Old  Testament,  fur- 
nished by  natural  and  civil  history,  the  books  of  the  New 
Testament  are  verified  in  a  manner  still  more  illustrious ; 
these  books  being  written,  and  the  facts  mentioned  in  them 
being  transacted,  during  the  times  of  Augustus,  Tiberius, 
and  the  succeeding  Ca:sars.  The  learned  and  most  exact 
Dr.  Lardner  has  collected  from  profane  writers  a  variety  of 
important  testimonies  to  the  truth  of  the  New  Testament,  in 
the  first  part  of  his  "Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History," 
and  also  in  his  "Jewish  and  Heathen  Testimonies  ;"  from 
which  elaborate  works  the  following  particulars  are  chiefly 
abridged.     The  results  of  his  observations  may  be  arranged 

«  See  Josephus,  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  v.  c.  1.  §21.  lib.  xv.  c.  5.  SI.  De  Bell.  Jud, 
lib.  iii.  c.  3.  §2.  and  Hecateeus  in  Josephus,  contr.  Apion.lib.i.  §22.  Pliny. 
Hist.  Nat.  lib.  v.  c.  17.  Tacitus,  Hist.  lib.  v.  c.  6  Ifstm,  lib.  xxxvi.  c.  3. 
and  AminianusMarcellinus.  lib.  xiv.  c.  26. 

•  See  particularly  the  testimonies  of  Maun'''  H  and  Dr.  Shaw,  collected 
in  Dr.  Mackniglu's  Harmony,  vol.  i.  discourses  vi.  and  vii.  Dr.  E.  D. 
Clarke's  Travels,  part  ii.  pp.  520,  521  4to.  or  vol.  iv.  pp.  233—285.  8vo.  edit. 
See  also  vol.  ii.  part  i.  chap.  ii.  sect.  ii.  5  iii.  infra. 

i  Hartley  on  Man,  vol.  ii.  p.  117. 


&ECT.    III.    §  2.] 


CONFIRMED  BY  PROFANE  WRITERS. 


79 


under  the  following  heads  ;  viz.  Testimonies  of  Jewish  and 
Pagan  authora  to  tin-  account  of  princes  and  governors  men- 
lioned  in  the  New  Testament ; — Pestimonies  to  the  character 

of  the  Jewish  and  heathen  nations,  wliich  are  either  directly 
mentioned,  or  incidentally  alluded  to  therein: — Testimonies 
of  Jewish  adversaries  to  the  name  and  faith  of  Christ; — 
Testimonies  of  Pagan  adversaries  to  the  character  of  Jesus 
Christ,  and  also  relative  to  the  doctrines,  eharacter,  inno- 
cency  of  life,  and  constancy  of  the  lirst  Christians  in  the 
profession  of  their  faith. 

1.    Tfc.STl.MoN!KS    OK  JkWISII    AMI    pAOAN   AUTHORS    TO    THE 

Account  ok  Princks  and  Governors  mentioned  in  the 
New  Testament. 

Josephiis  and  various  heathen  writers  mention  Herod, 
Archelaus,  Pontius  Pilate,  and  oilier  persons,  whose  napes 
occur  in  the  New  Testament;  and  they  differ  but  little  from 
the  evangelical  historians,  concerning  their  offices  and  cha- 
racters. 

1.  From  the  New  Testament  we  leam  that  Jesus  was  born 
at  Bethlehem  of  J udrea  in  the  days  of  Herod  the  king ;  and 
Josephus  informs  us  that  a  prince  of  that  name  reigned  over  all 
Judsa  lor  thirty-seven  years,  even  to  the  reign  of  Augustus. 
Concerning  this  Herod,  Matthew  (ii.  1 — 16.)  relates  that  he 
commanded  all  the  male  children  in  Bethlehem  and  its  immedi- 
ate vicinity  to  be  put  to  death ;  because  he  had  heard,  that  in 
that  place  was  born  one  who  was  to  be  the  king  of  the  Jews. 
To  us,  who  arc  accustomed  to  the  finer  feelings  of  Christianity, 
this  appears  almost  incredible ;  but  the  character  of  Herod,  as 
portrayed  by  Josephus,  is  such  a  compound  of  ambition  and 
«an'j;ninary  cruelty,  as  renders  the  evangelical  narrative  perfectly 
credible.  Herod  left  three  sons,  Archelaus,  Herod  Antipas,  and 
Philip,  among  whom  his  territories  were  divided.  According  to 
Josephus,  Herod  by  his  will  appointed  Archelaus  to  succeed  him 
in  Judsa,  with  the  title  of  king;  and  assigned  the  rest  of  his 
Jominions  to  Herod  Antipas  as  tctrarch  of  Galilee,  and  to  Philip 
as  tetrarch  of  Trachonitis  and  the  neighbouring  countries  ;  and, 
according  to  the  narrative  of  Luke  (iii.  1.),  these  two  princes 
were  tetrarchs  in  the  fifteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  Tiberius 
Csrar. 

2.  The  will  of  Herod,  however,  being  only  partially  confirmed 
by  Augustus,  Archelaus  was  appointed  ruler  over  Judasa  and 
Itlumea  with  the  title  of  ethnarch,  the  regal  dignity  being  with- 
held until  he  should  deserve  it.  But  Archelaus  soon  assumed 
the  title  ;  and  Josephus,  who  has  given  us  an  account  of  this 
limitation,  rails  him  the  king  that  succeeded  Herod,  and  has 
used  the  verb  reigning  with  reference  to  the  duration  of  his 
government.  It  likewise  appears  from  the  Jewish  historian,  that 
Archelaus  was  a  cruel  and  tyrannical  prince.  All  these  circum- 
stances attest  the  veracity  of  the  evangelist  Matthew,  who  says 
(ii.  22.)  that  when  Joseph  heard  that  Archelaus  did  reign 
in  Judma,  in  the  room  of  his  father  Herod,  he  -was  afraid  to 
go  thither,  and  turned  aside  into  the  parts  of  Galilee,  which 
were  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Herod  Antipas. 

3.  Luke  relates  (Acts  xii.  1 — 3.)  that  Herod  the  king 
stretched  forth  his  hand  to  vex  certain  of  the  church,  and 
that  he  killed  James,  the  brother  of  John,  with  the  word,  and 
because  he  sa-v  that  it  pleased  the  Jews,  he  proceeded  further 
to  take  Peter  also.  The  correctness  of  this  statement  is  also 
confirmed  by  Josephus,  from  whom  we  learn  that  this  Herod 
was  a  grandson  of  Herod  the  Great,  whom  the  favour  of  the 
emperors  Caligula  and  Claudius  had  raised  to  royal  dignity,  and 
to  whom  nearly  all  the  territories  that  had  been  possessed  by 
his  grandfather  were  gradually  restored.  He  was  also  exceed- 
ingly Melons  for  the  institutions  and  customs  of  the  Jews;  and 
this  zeal  of  his  accounts  for  his  putting  .lames  to  death,  and 
causing  Peter  to  be  apprehended.  The  death  of  this  monarch 
is  related  by  Luke  and  Josephus  with  so  much  harmony,  that,  if 
the  latter  had  been  a  Christian,  one  would  have  certainly  be- 
lieved that  he  intended  to  write  a  commentary  on  that  narrative. 
This  haughty  monarch  had  deferred  giving  an  audience  to  the 
Tyrian  and  Sidonian  ambassadors,  who  had  solicited  peace  with 
him,  until  a  certain  day.1  And  upon  a  set  day1  Herod,  arrayed 
in  royal  apparel,  sdt  upon  his  throne,3  and  made  an  oration 

1  Josephus  (Ant.  Jud.  lib  xviii.  c.  S.  §  2.)  has  not  mentioned  this  particu- 
lar circumstance;  but  he  informs  OS,  that  the  termination  of  the  king's 
life  succeeded  a  festival  which  had  been  appointed  in  honour  of  the  empe- 
ror Claudius.  Hence  we  may  conceive  why  Herod  deferred  to  receive 
ihe  ambassadors  from  Tyre  and  Sidon  until  that  particular  day,  viz.  that  he 
■night  show  himself  with"  so  much  greater  pomp  to  the  people. 

»  Josephus  determines  this  dav  expressly.  It  was  the  second  day  of  the 
thows,  which  were  exhibited  at  Ca?sarea,  in  honour  of  the  emperor. 

»  Josephus  says  that  he  came  into  the  theatre,  early  in  the  morning, 
'resell  m  a  robe  or    arment  made  xcholl      f  silver  (c7=m»  ivJuj-x^i.oc  i  j 


unto  them.  And  the  people  gave  a  shout,  saying,  "It  is  the 
voice  of  a  God,  and  not  of  a  man."*  And  immediately  the 
angel  of  the  Lord  smote  him,''  because  he  gave  not  God  the 
glory.'  And  he  -was  eaten  of  -worms,7  and  gave  up  the  ghost 
(Acts  xii.  20 — 23.)  Both  historians  relate  the  fact,  as  to  the 
chief  particulars,  in  the  same  manner.  Luke  describes  the  pride 
of  the  king,  as  well  as  the  nature  of  his  illness,  more  circum- 
stantially ;  and  omits  a  superstitious  addition  which  is  recorded 
!>\  Josephus  : — a  proof  that  the  former  surpasses  in  fidelity,  accu- 
racy, and  judgment,  even  this  learned  historian  of  the  Jews.6 
Herod  had  three  daughters,  Berniee,  Mariamne,  and  Drusilla  ; 
the  last  of  whom,  according  to  Josephus  and  Luke,  was  married 
to  Felix,  who  was  appointed  governor  of  Judaea  on  the  death 
of  Herod. 

4.  According  to  the  testimonies  of  Tacitus  and  Josephus,  this 
Felix  was  an  oppressive,  avaricious,  and  tyrannical  governor, 
who  had  persuaded  Drusilla  to  abandon  her  lawful  husband, 
Azizus,  king  of  the  Emesenes,  and  to  live  with  him.  It  was 
not  unnatural  for  such  a  man  to  tremble,  when  Paul  reasoned 
°f  righteousness,  temperance,  and  judgment  to  come,  and  to 
hope  that  the  Apostle  would  have  given  him  money  to  liberate 
him.     (Acts  xxiv.  25,  26.)* 

5.  Luke  (Acts  xviii.  14— 16.)  gives  an  honourable  character 
of  the  temper  and  manners  of  Gallio  ;lfJ  and  this  account  is 
confirmed  by  Gallio's  brother,  the  celebrated  philosopher  Seneca, 
who  represents  him  as  a  man  of  a  sweet  and  gentle  disposition, 
and  of  much  generosity  and  virtue."  Gallio  is  styled  by  the 
evangelical  historian,  in  our  translation,  the  deputy,  but  in  the 
original  Greek,  the  proconsul  of  Achaia.12  The  accuracy  of 
Luke,  in  this  instance,  is  very  remarkable.  In  the  partition  of 
the  provinces  of  the  Roman  empire,  Macedonia  and  Achaia 
were  assigned  to  the  people  and  senate  of  Rome ;  but,  in  the 
reign  of  Tiberius,  they  were  at  their  own  request  transferred  to 
the  emperor.  In  the  reign  of  Claudius  (a.  u.c.  797,  a.  d.  44), 
they  were  again  restored  to  the  senate,  after  which  time  procon- 
suls were  sent  into  this  country.  Paul  was  brought  before  Gallio, 
a.  i).  52  or  53,  consequently  he  was  proconsul  of  Achaia,  as 
Luke  expressly  terms  him.  There  is  likewise  a  peculiar  pro 
priety  in  the  name  of  the  province  of  which  Gallio  was  procon- 
sul. The  country  subject  to  him  was  all  Greece  ;  but  the  proper 
name  of  the  province  among  the  Romans  was  Achaia,  as  appears 

xpy-upov  nrsiVii-<«  nAi'AN)  of  most  wonderful  workmanship;  and  that 
the  reflection  of  the  rays  of  the  rising  sun  from  the  silver  gave  him  a 
majestic  and  awful  appearance. 

«  In  a  short  time  (says  Josephus)  his  flatterers  exclaimed,  one  from  one 
place  and  one  from  another  (though  not  for  his  good),  that "  he  was  a  God ;" 
and  they  entreated  him  to  be  propitious  to  them,  saying,  "Hiinerto  we 
have  reverenced  Ihee  as  a  man,  but  henceforth  we  acknowledge  thai  thou 
art  exalted  above  mortal  nature." 

»  Josephus  has  here  inserted  a  superstitious  story,  that  Herod,  shortly 
after,  looking  up,  perceived  an  cwl  sitting  on  a  certain  cord  over  his  head, 
which  he  held  to  be  an  evil  omen.  The  fact  itself  he  thus  relates  :— Im- 
mediately after,  Ice  was  seized  with  pains  in  hie  bowels,  extremely  \iolent 
at  the  very  first,  and  was  carried  to  his  palace  !  ! 

«  The  very  same  cause  is  assigned  by  Josephus,  viz.  Because  the  king 
had  neither  reproved  his  Batterers,  nor  rejected  their  impious  adulation. 

■>  Josephus  has  not  described  the  disease  bo  circumstantially  :  he  relates 
thai  Herod  died,  worn  out  by  the  excruciating  pain  in  his  bowels.  Luke 
slates  that  he  teas  eaten  of  icorms.  These  narratives  are  perfectly  con- 
sistent  Luke  relates  the"  cause,  Josephus  the  effect  of  his  disease  ;  on  the 
nature  of  wl  Ich  the  reader  may  consult  Dr.  Mead's  Medics  Sacra,  c.  5. 
is  on  the  Authenticity  of  the  New  Testament  pp.  314,  315. 

5  The  proofs  of  all  the  above  particulars  are  stated,  at  length,  by  Dr. 
Lardncr,  in  \\\<  Credibility  of  Ihe  Gospel  History,  parti,  book  i.  chap,  i.— 
Works,  vol   i.  pp  11—31.  8vo.  or  vol.  i.  pp.  9-JO  <!lo 

io  From  the  conduct  "f  Gallio  on  the  occasion  described  by  the  evange- 
list Lake  in  Acts  xviii.  11— lo.  the  terms  "Qsllionism"  and  "Gallio  like" 
bave  been  Invented,  and  are  net  unfrcqurntly  though  erroneously  Esed,  to 
denote  utter  indifference  to  religion.  But  "that  he  took  not  cognisance 
Of  the  caose  which  was  brought  before  him  proceeded  not  from  his  stu- 
pidity, indolence,  or  negligence,  but  from  his  strict  adherence  to  the  Ro- 
man laws". ..  ."It  is  well  known,  that  the  affairs  of  religion  were  always 
a  principal  part  of  the  care  of  ihe  Roman  magistrates  and  senate  ;  and  as 
they  hail  many  laws  on  that  subject,  so  we  frequently  read  of  their  execu- 
tion. The  true  reason,  why  Gallio  did  not  interpose  in  the  affair  brought 
before  him,  was,  because  the  senate  and  emperors  had  by  various  r!'  i 
and  particularly  the  then  reigning  emperor  Claudius,  allowed  the  Jew* 
everv  where  under  their  dominion  to  govern  themselves  according  to  their 
own  laws  in  all  matters  of  religion.  This  being  such,  he  esteemed  :s  not 
of  his  cognizance  :  therefore  he  says  (verse  \5)'Iu*illbe  no  judge  of 
such  matters:'  had  you  accused  this  man  of  injustice,  violence,  or  crimes 
against  the  state.  I  would  willingly  have  heard  yon  ;  but  I  am  not  sent  here 
as  a  judge  of  your  religious  differences:  these  are  io  be  rectifii  >\  among 
yourselves  "     Biscoeon  the  Acts,  p.  55.    Oxford  edition,  1^-W.  p.  55. 

"  "  Solebam  tibi  dicere,  Gallionem  fratrem  meum  (quern  nemo  nen 
parum  ainat,  etiam  qui  auiare  plus  non  potest),  alia  vitia  nop.  nosse,  hoc 
etiam  (i\  e.  adulationem)  odisse.— Nemo  enim  mortalium  unj  tam  dulcis 
est,  quam  hie  omnibus.— Hoc  quoque  loco  blanditiis  tuis  restitit,  ut  excla- 
mares  invenisse  te  inexpugnabilcm  virum  adversus  insidias,  quas  nemo 
non  in  sinum  recipit."  L.  Ann.  Seneca,  Natural.  Qua?st.  lib.  iv.  in  praef. 
Op.  torn.  iv.  p.  267.  edit  Bipont.  The  learned  John  Selden.  in  a  letter  to 
Archbishop  Usher,  has  collected  the  various  passages,  which  are  to  be 
found  in  the  ancient  classic  authors,  iclative  to  Gallio.  SelJeni  Opera, 
torn.  ii.  part  ii.  cols.  1712  and  1713. 

•»  r*\\e„v3S  ANeTJlATETONTOE  t«  Ax*>*(.     Acts  XV 111    12. 


80 


CREDIBILITY  OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT 


[Chap.  III. 


from  various  passages  of  Roman  historians,  and  especially  from 
the  testimony  of  the  Greek  geographer  Pausanias,  which  are 
given  at  length  by  Dr.  Lardner.1 

II.  Equally  striking  with  the  preceding  testimonies  to  the 
credibility  of  the  New  Testament  history,  is  the  agreement 
between  the  evangelical  historians  and  profane  writers,  rela- 
tive to  the  Sects,  Morals,  and  Customs  of  the  Jews. 

1.  Thus  it  appears  from  Josephus,  that  they  enjoyed  the  free 
exercise  of  their  religion,  with  the  power  of  accusing  and  prose- 
cuting, but  not  of  putting  any  man  to  death.  In  consequence  of 
this  power,  they  importuned  Pilate  to  crucify  Jesus ;  and  when 
he  commanded  them  to  take  him  and  crucify  him,  they  said,  It  is 
not  lawful  for  us  to  put  any  man  to  death.  (John  xviii.  31.) 

2.  Further,  it  appears  from  Philo,  Josephus,  and  other  writers, 
that  the  Jews  were  dispersed  into  many  countries,  before  the  de- 
struction of  Jerusalem ;  and  Luke  tells  us,  in  different  parts  of 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  that  Paul  preached  in  the  Jewish  syna- 
gogues at  Antioch,  Iconium,  Thessalonica,  Athens,  Ephesus, 
and  Rome. 

3.  The  accounts  related  by  the  evangelists,  of  the  sects  of 
Pharisees,  Saducees,  and  Herodians,  as  well  as  of  the  depravity 
of  the  Jewish  nation,  in  the  time  of  Christ,  and  of  the  antipathy 
that  subsisted  between  the  Samaritans  and  the  Jews,  are  all 
confirmed  by  Josephus  ;  and  the  Roman  mode  of  treating  prison- 
ers, and  crucifying  criminals,  as  mentioned  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment, is  corroborated  by  the  testimonies  of  Cicero,  Plutarch,  and 
other  writers,  who  have  incidentally  mentioned  it.2  According 
to  Luke's  narrative  (Acts  ix.  36.),  the  person  whom  Peter  raised 
from  the  dead  at  Joppa  was  named  Tabitha  or  Dorcas  :  and  it 
appears  from  Josephus  that  this  name  was  at  that  time  in  com- 
mon use.3  The  same  evangelist  relates,  that  there  was  a  great 
famine  throughout  the  land  of  Judea,  in  the  reign  of  the  empe- 
ror Claudius  (Acts  xi.  28,  29.)  :  Josephus  also  mentions  this 
calamity,  which  began  in  the  fourth  year  of  that  reign,  but  raged 
chiefly  in  the  two  following  years ;  and  says,  that  many  persons 
died  for  want  of  means  to  procure  food.4 

4.  When  Paul  was  taken  prisoner,  in  consequence  of  an  uproar 
which  the  Jews  at  Jerusalem  had  excited  against  him,  the  Roman 
chiliarch,  according  to  the  relation  of  Luke  (Acts  xxi.  38.),  asked 
him — Art  than  not  that  Egyptian,  ivhich  before  these  days  (or 
a  short  time  since)  madest  a?i  uproar,  and  leddest  out  into  the 
wilderness  four  thousand  men,  that  -were  murderers  ?  Josephus 
has  recorded  at  length  the  transaction  here  incidentally  mention- 
ed. During  the  government  of  Felix,  and  consequently  at  the 
time  alluded  to  by  Luke,  an  Egyptian,  who  pretended  to  be  a 
prophet,  led  into  the  wilderness  several  thousand  men,  and 
marched  against  Jerusalem,  promising  that  the  walls  should  fall 
down  at  his  command.  Bat  Felix  marched  out  of  the  city  with 
a  strong  force,  and  attacked  the  impostor,  who  escaped  with  only 
a  small  part  of  his  army.  There  is  a  remarkable  agreement  be- 
tween the  chiliarch  or  chief  captain  in  the  Acts  and  Josephus. 
The  former  says,  Art  thou  not  that  Egyptian  ]  Josephus  has 
nowhere  mentioned  the  name  of  this  man,  but  calls  him  the 
Egyptian,  and  the  Egyptian  false  prophet.5 

5.  In  Acts  vi.  9.  the  sacred  historian  "  speaks  of  a  synagogue 
at  Jerusalem  belonging  to  a  class  of  persons  whom  he  calls 
Aj=sfnvc<"  (in  our  version  rendered  Libertines),  "a  term  which 
is  evidently  the  same  with  the  Latin  Libertini.  Now,  whatever 
meaning  we  affix  to  this  word  (for  it  is  variously  explained) — 
whether  we  understand  emancipated  slaves,  or  the  sons  of 
amancipated  slaves, — they  must  have  been  the  slaves,  or  the 
sons  of  slaves  to  Roman  masters :  otherwise  the  Latin  word 
Libertini  would  not  apply  to  them.  That  among  persons  of  this 
description  there  were  many  at  Rome,  who  professed  the  Jewish 
religion,  whether  slaves  of  Jewish  origin,  or  proselytes  after 
manumission,  is  nothing  very  extraordinary.  But  that  they 
ihould  have  been  so  numerous  at  Jerusalem  as  to  have  a  syna- 
gogue in  that  city,  built  for  their  particular  use,  appears  at  least 
to  be  more  than  might  be  expected.  Some  commentators,  there- 
fore, have  supposed  that  the  term  in  question,  instead  of  denoting 
emancipated  Roman  slaves,  or  the  sons  of  such  persons,  was  an 
adjective  belonging  to  the  name  of  some  city  or  district :  while 
others,  on  mere  conjecture,  have  proposed  to  alter  the  term  itself. 

'  Lardner's  Credibility,  part  i.  book  i.  chap.  i.  §  xii. — Works,  vol.  i.  p. 
:>;>.  8vo-  or  vol.  i.  p.  20.  4to. 

»  The  above  noticed  particulars  are  illustrated,  infra,  Vol.  II.  Dr.  Lant- 
•  '•  r  has  treated  them  at  full  length  in  his  Credibility,  part.  i.  book  i.  chapters 
ii.  —x.     Works,  vol.  i.  pp.  33—237.  8vo.  ;  or  vol.  i.  pp.  20—130. 4to. 

•  Ottii  Spidlegium  ex  Joseplio  ad  Novi  Testament!  illustrationem,  pp. 
.:«  *79.  8vo.  Lug.  Bat.  1741. 

<   Vnf.  ,Iud  lib.  xx.  c.  2.  fine,  and  c.  5.  §  2. 

*  L»rdncr's  Credibility,  part  i.  book  ii.  chap.  viii.  Works,  vol.  i.  pp. 
i 119.  ?vn. :  or  vol.  i.  pp.  225—228.  4to. 


But  the  whole  difficulty  is  removed  by  a  passage  in  the  second 
book  of  the  "Annals  of  Tacitus;"6  from  which  it  appears  that 
the  persons  whom  that  historian  describes  as  being  libertini 
generis,  and  infected  (as  he  calls  it)  with  foreign — that  is,  with 
Jewish — superstition,  were  so  numerous  in  the  time  of  the  empe- 
ror Tiberius,  that  four  thousand  of  them,  who  were  of  age  to 
carry  arms,  were  sent  to  the  island  of  Sardinia;  and  that  all  the 
rest  of  them  were  ordered,  either  to  renounce  their  religion,  or  to 
depart  from  Italy  before  a  day  appointed.  This  statement  of 
Tacitus  is  confirmed  by  Suetonius,7  who  relates  that  Tiberius 
disposed  of  the  young  men  among  the  Jews,  then  at  Rome  (un- 
der pretence  of  their  serving  in  the  wars)  in  provinces  of  an 
unhealthy  climate ;  and  that  he  banished  from  the  city  all  the 
rest  of  that  nation,  or  proselytes  to  that  religion,  under  penalty 
of  being  condemned  to  slavery  for  life,  if  they  did  not  comply 
with  his  commands.  We  can  now  therefore  account  for  the  num- 
ber of  Libertini  in  Judsea,  at  the  period  of  which  Luke  was 
speaking,  which  was  about  fifteen  years  after  their  banishment 
from  Italy. 

III.  The  Characters  and  Pursuits  of  the  Heathen 
Nations,  which  are  incidentally  introduced  into  the  New 
Testament,  are  equally  corroborated  by  the  testimonies  of 
profane  writers. 

1.  The  diligent  investigation  and  pursuit  of  wisdom  formed 
the  general  character  of  the  Greeks. 

Thus  Paul  declares, — the  Greeks  seek  after  wisdom  (1  Cor. 
i.  22.):  and  this  account  of  them  is  amply  attested  by  all  the  au- 
thors of  those  times,  who  take  notice  of  their  avidity  in  the 
cultivation  of  philosophy  and  literature.  Not  to  multiply  unne- 
cessary evidence,  we  may  remark  that  there  is  a  passage  in 
Herodotus,  which  most  strongly  corroborates  Paul's  character  of 
them.  He  says,  that  the  Peloponnesians  "  affirm,  that  Anachar- 
sis  was  sent  by  the  Scythian  monarch  into  Greece,  for  the  express 
purpose  of  improving  himself  in  science  ;  and  they  add,  that  at 
his  return  he  informed  his  employer,  that  all  the  people  of  Greece 
were  occupied  in  scientific  pursuits,  except  the  Lacedemo- 
7iia}is."s  To  this  general  character  of  the  Greeks,  there  are 
many  allusions  in  the  writings  of  Paul.  He  infoims  us,  that 
they  regarded  the  Christian  doctrine  with  sovereign  contempt,  as 
foolishness,  because  it  was  not  ornamented  with  wisdom  of 
words,  and  with  the  figures  and  flowers  of  a  vain  and  showy 
rhetoric ;  and  he  urges  this  very  circumstance  as  a  signal  proof 
of  the  divine  truth  and  authority  of  the  Christian  religion,  that 
it  made  a  rapid  and  triumphant  progress  in  the  world,  and  even 
among  this  very  refined  and  philosophical  people,  though  totally 
divested  of  all  those  studied  decorations  with  which  their  several 
schemes  of  philosophy  were  so  industriously  embellished.  Thus 
he  tells  the  Corinthians  that  when  he  first  published  the  Gospel 
among  them,  he  studied  not  to  ornament  it  by  elegance  of  diction, 
or  by  the  display  of  superior  wisdom  ;  for  it  was  his  fixed  deter- 
mination to  disclaim  all  knowledge  among  them,  except  the 
knowledge  of  Jesus  Christ  and  his  crucifixion  ;  that  he  appeared 
among  them  in  tremour  and  diffidence,  in  a  plain,  artless,  and 
undisguised  manner ;  and  that  his  public  discourses  did  not  re- 
commend themselves  by  any  elaborate  persuasive  arts  of  human 
erudition,  but  were  confirmed  to  them  by  spiritual  gifts  and  by 
miracles  ;  so  that  their  conviction  of  the  truth  of  the  Gospel  did 
not  stand  in  learned  arguments  philosophically  expressed,  but  in 
the  power  of  God.9 

2.  With  regard  to  the  Athenians  in  particular,  St.  Paul 
represents  them  as  very  devout,  greatly  addicted  to  religious 
practices,  and  entirely  devoted  to  the  worship  of  the  multiplicity 
of  deities  which  they  had  received ;  and  he  takes  notice  that 
their  city  was  full  of  idols.   (Acts  xvii.  22,  23.) 

To  the  correctness  of  this  description  of  the  Athenian  charac- 
ter, all  antiquity  bears  testimony  ;  and  that  they  adopted  the 
gods  of  all  nations,  and  crowded  into  their  capital  all  the  divini- 
ties of  the  then  known  world.  Their  streets  were  encumbered 
with  statues,  so  that  it  was  said  to  be  easier,  at  Athens,  to  find  a 
god  than  a  man.'0  The  account  given  of  the  Athenians  by  St. 
Luke, — that  all  the  Athenians  and  strangers  which  were  in 
their  city  spent  their  time  in  ?iothing  else,  but  to  tell  or  hear 
some  new  thing  (Acts  xvii.  21.), — is  confirmed  by  the  testimony 
of  Demosthenes,11  who  describes  them  as  loitering  about  and  in- 

•  Annal.  lib.  ii.  c.  85.     Up.  Marsh  Lectures,  Part  VI.  p.  70. 
'  In  Tiberio,  c.  36. 

•  Hnrodoius,  lib,  iv.  c.  77.  torn.  i.  p.  277.    Oxon 

•  1  Cor.  ii.  1-5. ' 

10  I)r   Harwood's  introduction  to  the  New T<--:   vol   ii.  p.  69. 

11  The  passage  of  Demosthenes  above  alluded  to  occurs  in  his  first 
oration  against  Philip  king  of  Macedon,  and  is  noticed  by  Longinus  (sect 
18.]  as  a  fine  specimen  of  the  use  of  interrogations  in  the   sublime. — "I* 


Stcr.  II.  §  2.] 


CONFIRMED  BY  PROFANE  WRITERS. 


81 


quiring  iii  the  places  of  public  resort,  il  then'  be  any  news  1 
[amblicbue  passes  a  similar  censure  upon  the  Greeks  in  general.1 

3.  The  general  character  of  the  Ciikta.nk,  noticed  in  Paul's 
"pistle  to  Titus,  is  confirmed  by  the  testimony  of  antiquity. 

The  Apostle,  writing  to  Titus,  who  had  been  left  in  Crete  to 
regulate  the  affairs  df  the  Christian  church  in  that  island,  com- 
plains of  many  disorderly  men  there, — many  uni-uly  and  vain 
talkers  ami  deceivers,  who  subvert  whole  houses  (or  families), 
teaching  things  which  they  ought  not,  for  Jilthy  lucre's  sake 
(Tit.  i.  10,  11.)  ;  and  he  quotes  the  following  verse  from  one  of 
themselves,  a  prophet  of  their  own,  viz.  Epimenides,  who  was  a 
Cretan  poet,  and  whose  writings  were  by  the  ancients  termed 
XPH2M01,  or  oracles. 

The  genen]  import  of  which  passage  is,  that  the  Cretans  were 
a  false  people ;  and  united  in  their  character  the  ferocity  of 
the  wild  beast  with  the  luxury  of  the  domesticated  one.  The 
circumstance  of  Paul's  styling  Epimenides  a  prophet  is  sufficient- 
ly explained  by  the  fact  of  the  words  poet  and  prophet  being 
often  used  promiscuously  by  the  Greeks  and  Romans, — probably 
because  their  poets  pretended  to  he  inspired,  and  were  by  some 
believed  to  be  so.  The  Apostle  adds,  that  the  testimony  of 
Epimenides  is  but  too  true, — this  witness  is  true.  How  true 
the  first  part  of  it  is,  with  respect  to  their  deceit  and  lying,  the 
following  facts  will  attest.  From  the  time  of  Homer,  the  island 
of  Crete  was  regarded  as  the  scene  of  fiction.  Many  authors 
allirni,  that  as  a  people,  its  inhabitants  were  infamous  for  their 
violation  of  truth ;  and  at  length  their  falsehood  became  so  noto- 
rious, that  K/»iti£iiv,  to  cretisc,  or  imitate  the  Cretans,  was  a  pro- 
verbial expression  among  the  ancients  for  lying. 

IV.  The  Testimonies  furnished  by  Jewish  Adversaries 
to  the  Name  and  Faith  of  Christ  ake  further  Corrobo- 
rations of  the  New  Testament. 

1.  Thus  JosEFiirs, — in  a  passage  of  his  Jewish  Antiquities, 
which  the  opposers  of  Christianity  (unable  to  resist  its  force) 
have,  contrary  to  all  evidence,  affirmed  to  be  spurious, — bears  the 
following  testimony  to  the  character,  miracles,  and  doctrines  of 
Jesus  Christ.' 

After  relating  a  sedition  of  the  Jews  against  Pontius  Pilate, 
which  the  latter  had  quelled,  he  says, — "  Now  there  was  about 
this  time  Jesus  a  wise  man,  if  it  be  lawful  to  call  him  a  man  ; 
for  he  performed  many  wonderful  works.  He  was  the  teacher 
of  such  men  as  received  the  truth  with  pleasure.  He  drew  over 
to  him  many  of  the  Jews,  and  also  many  of  the  Gentiles.  This 
was  the  Christ.  ('O  X/wtdj  cCtoc  »v) — And  when  Pilate,  at  the 
instigation  of  the  principal  men  among  us,  had  condemned  him 
to  the  cross,  those  who  had  loved  him  from  the  first  did  not 
cease  to  adhere  to  him.  For  he  appeared  to  them  alive  again,  on 
the  third  day  ;  the  divine  prophets  having  foretold  these  and  ten 
thousand  other  wonderful  things  concerning  him.  And  the 
tribe  (or  sect)  of  Christians,  so  named  from  him,  subsists  to  this 
time." 

2.  The  Talmuds,4  though  blended  with  much  falsehood,  and 

it,"  says  the  orator, — "Is  it  your  sole  ambition  to  wander  through  the  pub- 
lic places,  each  inquiring  of  the  other,  '  What  News  V  Can  any  thing  be 
more  new,  than  that  a  man  of  Macedon  should  conquer  the  Athenians,  and 
five  law  to  Greece  1" — [Oratores  Grarci,  a  Rciske,  torn.  i.  p.  43.]  Towards 
the  close  of  Demosthenes's  oration  on  Philip's  Letter  to  the  Athenians,  the 
orator,  speaking  of  the  successes  of  Philip,  has  the  following  passage  : — 
"How  is  it  that,  in  the  late  war,  his  arras  had  such  BUperior  fortune?  This 
is  the  cause  [for  I  will  speak  with  undaunted  freedom],  be  takes  the  field 
himself;  endures  its  toils  and  shares  its  dangers ;  no  favourable  incident 
pea  him.  While  we  (for  the  truth  must  Dot  be  con.-  ealed]  are  confined 
within  our  walls  in  perfect  inactivity,  delaying,  ami  voting,  and  inquiring 
in  the  public  places,  whether  there  u  any  thing  m.w  I  < '  m  any  thing  bet- 
ter deserve  the  name  of  new,  than  that  a  Macedon  ian  should  insult  Athens?" 
[Ibid.  pp.  156, 157.)  The  modern  Athenians  are  not  less  inquisitive  than  their 
ore.  See  an  instance  in  Mr.  Hughes's  Travels  in  Sicily,  itc.vol.il. 
p.  306. 

'  They  are,  says  this  philosopher,  greatly  addicted  to  novelty,  perpetu- 
ally running  about  from  one  place  to  another  In  pursuit  of  it, — unstable, 
and  without  ballast.    Iamhlichus,  I)e  Mysteriis,  sect  vii.  §5. 

»  Epimenides,  apud  Fabricil  Bibliothec.  Grsc.  lib.  i.  c  G.  §3.  Har- 
wood's  Introduction  to  the  New  Test.  vol.  ii.  pp.  TK  71  Dodd's  Translation 
of  Callimachus's  Hymns,  p.  3.  note,  where  it  is  shown  that  Paul  did  not  cite 
Callimachus,  as  some  learned  men  have  thought;  and  some  additional  tes- 
timonies, from  classic  authors,  are  produced,  for  the  bad  character  of  the 
ancient  Cretans. 

■  Josephus,  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  xviii.  c.  3.  §3.  That  the  passage  referred  to 
ia  genuine,  see  the  Appendix  to  this  volume,  No.  VII.  infra. 

*  The  Talmuds  are  two  in  number,  and  consist  of  two  parts,  viz.  the 
Mishna  and  the  Gemara. — The  Mishna  is  a  collection  of  Jewish  traditions, 
which  were  committed  to  writing  by  Rabbi  Jehudah,  surnamed  Hakkadosh 
or  the  Holy,  about  the  middle  of  the  second  century.  On  this  there  are 
extant  two  commentaries,  by  the  Jews,  called  Gemara,  i.e.  perfection; 
viz.  that  of  Jerusalem  ;  which  was  compiled  in  the  third  or  fourth  century, 
and  that  of  Babylon,  compiled  in  the  sixth  century.  When  the  Mishna  or 
text,  and  the  Gemara  or  commentary,  accompany  each  other,  they  are 
tailed  the   Tahnnd ;   aid  accordingly  a«  ,v,°  .'e-oc.il-  ■        -   Bari 


with  malicious  insinuations  against  Jesus  Christ,  refer  to  his  na- 
tivity, relate  his  journey  into  Egypt,  and  do  not  deny  that  he 
performed  numerous  eminent  miracles. 

But  they  absurdly  ascribe  them  to  his  having  acquired  the 
right  pronunciation  of  the  Shemmaphoresh,  or  the  ineffable  natm 
of  God,  which  (they  say)  he  clandestinely  stole  out  of  the  tem- 
ple ;  or  tiny  impute  it  to  the  magic  arts,  which  be  learnt  in 
Egypt  (whence  they  affirm  that  he  brought  them,  having  it, 
6crted  them  in  his  llesh),  and  exercised  with  greater  dexteiir. 
than  any  other  impostor  ever  did  !  They  call  him  Jesus  of  Na- 
zareth, the  son  of  Mary,  the  daughter  of  Eli,  whose  son  he  wat 
without  the  knowledge  of  her  husband.  After  this,  they  say, 
he  fled  into  Egypt,  and  there  learned  those  magic  arts,  by  whicn 
he  was  enabled  to  perform  all  his  miracles.  Again,  they  own 
two  witness'  s  were  .suborned  to  swear  against  him,  and  declare 
thai  he  was  crucified  on  the  evening  of  the  passover.  Mentic: 
is  alio  made  in  those  writings  of  several  of  his  disciples,  of  Mat- 
thew, Thaddams,  and  Bauni,  the  name  of  him  who  was  after- 
wards called  Nicodemus,  and  of  whom,  as  a  very  great,  and  good, 
and  pious  ruler,  much  is  related  in  these  books.  In  one  of  them 
Eliezer  tells  his  friend  Akiba,  that  he  met  with  James,  a  disciple 
of  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  in  Zippor,  a  town  in  Galilee  ;  who  gave 
him  the  interpretation  of  a  passage  in  the  Old  Testament,  which 
he  had  received  from  Jesus,  and  with  which  Eliezer  was  at  that 
time  pleased.  That  the  disciples  of  Jesus  had  the  power  of 
working  miracles,  and  the  gift  of  healing,  in  the  name  of  their 
Master,  is  confessed  by  these  Jews ;  who  give  an  instance  of  it 
in  the  grandson  of  Rabbi  Joshua,  the  son  of  Levi,  who  being  in 
great  danger,  one  of  the  disciples  came  and  would  have  cured 
him  in  the  name  of  Jesus.  This  power  is  again  acknowledged 
in  the  case  of  the  son  of  Dama,  grandson  of  Ishmael,  who  was 
dying  of  the  bite  of  a  serpent,  when  James,  the  same  who  had 
the  conference  with  Eliezer,  came  and  offered  to  cure  the  young 
man,  but  the  grandfather  forbad  it,  and  he  died.  In  a  much 
later  work  of  the  Jews  (the  Toledoth  Jesu),  and  that  the  most 
virulent  of  all  the  invectives  against  Jesus,  his  power  of  raising 
from  the  dead,  and  healing  leprous  persons,  is  repeatedly  ac- 
knowledged.5 Further,  it  appears  from  the  Talmuds,  that  Christ 
was  put  to  death  on  the  evening  of  the  passover,  and  that  a  crier 
preceded  him  for  forty  days,  proclaiming,  "  This  man  comes  forth 
to  be  stoned,  because  he  dealt  in  sorcery,  and  persuaded  and 
seduced  Israel."  But  the  Talmudical  acknowledgments  of  the 
miracles,  of  his  preaching,  and  of  his  suffering  as  a  malefactor, 
are  blended  with  most  virulent  aspersions  of  his  character,  of  hit 
mother  Mary,  and  also  of  the  Christians.'3  The  falsehood  of 
these  assertions  has  been  well  exposed  by  Professor  Vernet7 
Concerning  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Vespasian  and  Titus, 
the  testimony  of  the  Talmuds  is  very  valuable. 

V.  Nor  are  the  testimonies  of  heathen  adversaries  to 
Christianity  less  explicit  or  less  satisfactory  than  those 
stated  in  the  preceding  pages  :  these  may  be  arranged  under 
two  classes,  viz.  1.  Testimonies  to  the  life  and  charac 
ter  of  Jesus  Christ,  and,  2.  Testimonies  relative  to  the 
Christians. 

1.  Testimonies  to  the  Life  and  Character  of  Jesus 
Christ. 

(1.)  Pontius  Pilate. — The  ancient  Romans  were  pai 
ticularly  careful  to  preserve  the  memory  of  all  remarkable 
events  which  happened  in  the  city;  and  this  was  done 
either  in  their  Jets  of  the  Senate  (Jet a  Senatus),  or  in  the 
Daily  jBeta  if  the  People  (Jlctn  Dittrna  Pcpuli,)  which  were 
diligently  made  and  kept  at  Rome.5  In  like  manner,  it  was 
customary  for  the  governors  of  provinces  to  send  to  the  em- 
peror an  account  of  remarkable  transactions  that  occurred  in 
the  places  where  they  resided,  which  were  preserved  as  the 
nets  of  their  respective  governments.  In  conformity  with 
this  usage,  Pilate  kept  memoirs  of  the  Jewish  affairs  during 


throughout 

late  informed  the"  emperor  of  it,  as  likewise  of  his  miracles, 
of  which  he  had  heard ;  and  that,  being  raised  up  after  he 

commentary  accompanies  the  Mishna,  it  is  called  the  Jerusalem  or  Baby 
Ionian  Talmud.  See  a  full  account  of  them,  infra,  Part  II.  Book  I.  Chap.  IL 
Sect.  III.  §  6.  II.  ,       , 

»  Dr.  Gregory  Sharpe's  Argument  in  Defence  of  Christianity  taken  trom 
the  concessions  of  the  most  ancient  adversaries,  pp.  40— 48  (London, 
1755,  8vo.)  In  the  notes  he  has  given  the  passages  from  the  laimuoica 
writers  at  length,  in  Hebrew  and  English.  .   __  1Qa_ 

«  Dr.  Lardner's  Jewish  Testimonies,  chap.  v.  Works,  vol.  vn.  pp.  wtt- 
161.  8vo.  or  vol.  iii.  pp.  547— 560.  4to.  lm   _„„<*-, 

i  In  his  Traite  de  la  Verite  de  la  Religion  ChreUenne.  torn.  x.  pp.  ZW- 
264 

,g     ,^tuf^-  *    ■    M sRonwnAntt.SfciiW.p.111 


H2 

had  been  put  to  death.,,  he  was  already  believed  by  many  to 
be  a  God."'  These  accounts  -were  never  published  for 
general  perusal,  but  were  deposited  among  the  archives  of 
the  empire,  where  they  served  as  a  fund  of  information  to 
historians.  Hence  we  find,  long  before  the  time  of  Euse- 
bius,  that  the  primitive  Christians,  in  their  disputes  with 
the  Gentiles,  appealed  to  these  acts  of  Pilate  as  to  most  un- 
doubted testimony.  Thus,  Justin  Martyr,  in  his  first  apology 
for  the  Christians,  which  was  presented  to  the  emperor 
Antoninus  Pius  and  the  senate  of  Rome,  about  the  year  140, 
liaving  mentioned  the  crucifixion  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  some 
jf  its  attendant  circumstances,  adds, — "  And  that  these  things 
were  so  done,  you  may  know  from  Ihe  Acts  made  in  fhe  time 
nf  Pontius  Pilate.*'  Afterwards,  in  the  same  apology, 
having  noticed  some  of  our  Lord's  miracles,  such  as  healing 
id  raising  the  dead,  he  says, — "  And  that  these  things 
were  done  by  him,  you  may  know  from  ihe  Acts  made  in  the 
time  if  Pontius  Pilate."2 

The  learned  Tertullian,  in  his  Apology  for  Christianity, 
about  the  year  200,  after  speaking  of  our  Saviour's  cru- 
cifixion and.  resurrection,  and  his  appearance  to  the  disciples, 
and  ascension  into  heaven  in  the  sight  of  the  same  disciples, 
who  were  ordained  by  him  to  publish  the  Gospel  over  the 
world,  thus  proceeds  : — "  Of  all  these  things  relating  to 
Christ,  Pilate  himself,  in  his  conscience  already  a  Christian, 
sent  an  account  to  Tiberius,  then  emperor."3  The  same 
writer,  in  the  same  Apology,  thus  relates  the  proceedings 
of  Tiberius  on  receiving  this  information  : — "  There  was 
an  ancient  decree  that  no  one  should  he  received  for  a  deity, 
unless  he  was  first  approved  by  the  senate.  Tiberius,  in 
whose  time  the  Christian  name"  (or  religion)  "  had  its  rise, 
having  received  from  Palestine  in  Syria,  an  account  of  such 
things  as  manifested  the  truth  of  his"  (Christ's)  "  divinity, 
proposed  to  the  senate  that  he  should  be  enrolled  among  the 
Roman  gods,  and  gave  his  own  prerogative  vote  in  favour  of 
the  motion.  But  the  senate" — (without  whose  consent  no 
deification  could  take  place) — "rejected  it,  because  the  em- 
peror himself  had  declined  the  same  honour.  Nevertheless, 
the  emperor  persisted  in  his  opinion,  and  threatened  punish- 
ment to  the  accusers  of  the  Christians.  Search  your  own 
commentaries  (or  public,  writings),  you  wilt  there  find  that 
Nero  ivas  the  first  who  raged  with  the  imperial  sword  against 
this  sect,  lohen  rising  most  at  Rome."*  These  testimonies  of 
Justin  and  Tertullian  are  taken  from  public  apologies  for  the 
Christian  religion,  which  were  presented  either  to  the  em- 
peror and  senate  of  Rome,  or  to  magistrates  of  public 
authority  and  great  distinction  in  the  Roman  empire. 
Now  it  is  incredible  that  such  writers  would  have  made 
such  appeals,  especially  to  the  very  persons  in  whose  cus- 
tody these  documents  were,  had  they  not  been  fully  satisfied 
of  their  existence  and  contents. 

(2.)  Suetonius,  a  Roman  historian  who  flourished  in  the 
reign  of  the  emperor  Trajan,  a.  d.  11G,  refers  to  Christ, 
when  he  says  that  "  Claudius  Ccesar  expelled  the  Jews 
from  Rome,  because  they  raised  continual  tumults  at  the  in- 
stigation of  Christ,"5  who  (it  is  well  known)  was  sometimes 

■  Euseb.  Eccl.HisL  lib.  li.  c.  2, 

a  Justin  Martyr,  Apol.  prima,  pp.  03.  72.  edit.  Benedict. 

3  Tertullian,  Apologia,  c.  21. 

4  Tertullian,  Apol.  c.  5.  To  Tertullian's  account,  Eusebiua  adds,  thai 
Tiberius  threatened  the  accusers  of  the  Christians  with  the  punishment 
of  death :  and  he  considers  this  interference  of  the  Roman  emperor  as 

'  ii'utiuUij  designed  to  promote  the  propagation  of  the  Gospel,  in  its 
infancy,  without  molestation  ;  while  both  he  and  Chrysostom  consider  the 
remarkable  refusal  of  the  Roman  senate  to  deify  Christ,  as  equally  owing 
to  the  control  of  Divine  Providence,  in  order  that  the  Divinity  of  Chris" 
might  be  established,  not  by  human  authority,  but  by  the  mighty  power  of 
God  ;  and  that  Jesus  might  not  be  ranked  or  associated  among  the  many 
infamous  characters  who  were  deified  by  the  Romans.  Eusebius,  Hist. 
Eccl.  lib.  ii.  c.  2.  Chrysostom,  Homil.  2b.  in  2  Cor.  Op.  torn.  x.  p.  624.  A. 
V'uc  originals  of  all  the  preceding  passages  are  given  by  Dr.  Lardner~who 
lias  investigated  the  subjects  of  I  he  acts  of  Pi  late,  and  his  letter  to  Tiberius 
with  his  accustomed  minuteness  and  accuracy.  See  Heathen  Testimo- 
nies, chap.  ii.  Works,  vol.  vii  pp.  231—244,  Bvo.  ;  or  vol.  iii.  pp.  599—606. 
ito.  The  same  subject  is  also  copiously  treated  by  Vernet,  in  his  Traite 
de  la  Verite  de  la  Religion  Che  tienne,  torn.  i.v.  pp,  283—354. 

»  Judrens,  impulsore  Chresto,  assidue  tumultuantes  Roma  expulit.  Sue- 
tonius; in  Claudio.  c.  25.  Though  the  Jews  alone  are  mentioned  bv  the 
historian,  yet,  from  the  nature  of  the  thing,  we  understand  that  Christians 
were  comprehended  in  it;  for  the  first  professors  of  Christianity  being  of 
the  Jewish  nation  were  for  some  t'me  confounded  with  the  disciples  of 
Moses,  and  participated  in  all  the  hardships  that  were  imposed  on  them. 
Accordingly,  in  Acts  xviii.  2.  we  read  of  Aquila  and  Priscilla,  two  Jewish 
Christians,  who  had  been  banished  from  Rome  by  the  above-mentioned 
edict  of  Claudius.  The  historian  attributes  the  tumults  of  the  .lews  in  that 
city  to  the  instigation  of  Christ ;  but  the  true  state  of  [he  affair  was  this  : 
—The  admission  of  the  Gentiles  into  the  Christian  church  without  subject- 
ing them  to  the  institutions  of  Moses,  giving  irroat  offence  to  the  Judaizing 
Christians  at  Rome,  they  joined  their  unbelieving  brethren  in  opposing, 
not  only  the  Gentile  Converts,  but  also  such  of  their  own  nation  as 
esDouRec1  'heir  cause.    Of  all  nations,  the  Jews  were  the  most  fierce  and 


CREDIBILITY  OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT 


[Chj 


III. 


called  Chrestus,  and  his  disciples  Chrestians/  This  event 
took  place  a.  d.  52,  within  twenty  years  after  the  crucifixion. 

(3.)  Tacitus,  the  historian,  who  also  flourished  under 
Trajan,  a.  d.  110,  when  writing  the  history  of  Nero  (Clau- 
dius's successor),  and  speaking  of  the  Christians,  a.  d.  64, 
says  that  "  the  author  of  that  (sect  or)  name  was  Christus, 
who  in  the  reign  of  Tiberius  was  punished  with  death,  as  a 
criminal,  by  the  procurator  Pontius  Pilate.""     And, 

(4.)  The  younger  Plinv,  in  his  celebrated  letter  to  Trajan, 
written  a.  d.  107,  says  that  Jesus  was  worshipped  by  his 
followers  as  God. — "  They  sing  among  themselves,  alter- 
nately, a  hymn  to  Christ  as  to  God."'1 

(5.)  The  historian  A)livs  Lampridius  relates,  that  the 
emperor  Alexander  Severus  (who  reigned  from  a.  d.  222  to 
235),  had  two  private  chapels,  one  more  honourable  than  the 
other;  and  that  in  the  former  "were  the  deified  emperors, 
and  also  some  eminently  good  men,  and  among  them  Apoi- 
lonius,  and  as  a  writer  of  his  time  says,  Christ,  Abraham, 
and  Orpheus  (whom  he  considered  as  deities),  and  the  images 
of  his  ancestors."-*     The  same  historian  adds,  that  the  em- 

Eeror  "  wished  to  erect  a  temple  to  Christ,  and  to  receive 
im  among  the  gods.  But  he  was  forbidden  by  those  who 
consulted  the  oracles,  they  having  found  that,  if  that  was 
done,  all  men  would  become  Christians,  and  the  other  tem- 
ples be  forsaken."10 

(6.)  Celsus,  one  of  the  bitterest  antagonists  of  Chris- 
tianity, who  wrote  in  the  latter  part  of  the  second  century, 
speaks  of  the  founder  of  the  Christian  religion  as  having 
lived  but  a  very  few  years  before  his  time,  and  mentions  the 
principal  facts  of  the  Gospel  history  relative  to  Jesus  Christ, 
— declaring  that  he  had  copied  the  account  from  the  writings 
of  the  evangelists.  He  quotes  these  books  (as  we  have 
already  had  occasion  to  remark),11  and  makes  extracts  from 
them  as  being  composed  by  the  disciples  and  companions 
of  Jesus,  and  under  the  names  which  they  now  bear.  He 
takes  notice  particularly  of  his  incarnation  ;  his  being  born 
of  a  virgin ;  his  being  worshipped  by  the  magi ;  his  flight 
into  Egypt,  and  the  slaughter  of  the  infants.  He  speaks 
of  Christ's  baptism  by  John,  of  the  descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit 
in  the  form  of  a  dove,  and  of  the  voice  from  heaven,  de- 
claring him  to  be  the  Son  of  God ;  of  his  being  accounted 
a  prophet  by  his  disciples;  of  his  foretelling  who  should 
Ik  tray  him,  as  well  as  the  circumstances  of  his  death  and 
resurrection.  He  allows  that  Christ  was  considered  as  a 
divine  person  by  his  disciples,  who  worshipped  him ;  and 
notices  all  the  circumstances  attending  the  crucifixion  of 
Christ,  and  his  appearing  to  his  disciples  afterwards.  He 
frequently  alludes  to  the  Holy  Spirit,  mentions  God  under 
the  title  of  the  Most  High,  and  speaks  collectively  of  the 
Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Spirit.  He  acknowledges  the  mira- 
cles wrought  by  Jesus  Christ,  by  which  he  engaged  great 
multitudes  to  adhere  to  him  as  the  Messiah.  That  these 
miracles  were  really  performed,  he  never  disputes  or  denies, 
but  ascribes  them  to  the  magic  art,  which  (he  says)  Christ 
learned  in  Egypt.12 

(?.)  Porphyry,  another  learned  antagonist  of  Christian- 
ity, who  flourished  about  a  century  after  Celsus,  has  alsc 
borne  evidence  to  the  genuineness  of  the  books  received  by 
the  Christians.13  He  not  only  allowed  that  there  was  such 
a  person  as  Jesus  Christ,  but  also  honoured  him  as  a  pious 
person,  who  was  conveyed  into  heaven,  as  being  approved 
by  the  gods.14 

(8.)  About  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century  reigned  the 

obstinate  in  their  religious  disputes;  and  the  preaching  of  Ihe  Gospel 
to  the  Gentiles  was  particularly  offensive  to  them.  In  Asia  Minor  and  in 
Greece  they  opposed  it  by  main  force,  as  we  learn  from  Acts  xvi.— xviii.  : 
whence  it  is  highly  probable  that  in  this  quarrel  they  proceeded  to  similar 
outrages  at  Rome  also.  Macknight's  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History .  p. 
300.  The  decree  above  noticed,  which  was  issued,  not  by  the  serial 
by  the  emperor  Claudius  himself,  continued  in  force  only  during  his  life, 
if  so  long  ;  for,  in  rto  longtime  after  this,  Rome  abounded  again  with  Jews 

•  Perperarn  Chrestianus  pronunciatur  a  vobis.  Tertullian,  Apol.  c  3. 
Sed  exponenda  hujus  nominis  ratio  est,  propter  ignorantiunt  errorem,  qui 
cum  immutata  litera  Chrestum  solent  dicere.  Lactantius,  Instit.  Divin.  lib. 
iv.  c.  7.  Lucian,  or  the  author  of  the  dialogue  entitled  Philopatris,  whicli 
is  ascribed  to  him,  also  calls  Jesus,  Chrestus.  T.ardner,  vol.  viii.p.  78.  8vo 
or  vol.  iv.  p.  154.  ito. 

'  Aucter  nominis  ejus  Christus,  quiTiberio  imperante  nerprocuralorem 
Pontium  Pilatmn  supplicio  alfeclus  erat.    Tacit.  Annal.  lib.  xv.  c.  44. 

»  Carraenque  Chrisfo,  quasi  Deo,  dicere  secum  inviccm.    Plin. 
lib.  x.  ep. '.17.  torn.  ii.  p.  128.  edit,  bipont. 

»  Lampridius,  in  vita  Severi,  c.  29.  apud  Histories  Augustas  Scriptores 
vol.  i.  p.  278.  edit.  Bipont. 

•°  Ibid.  c.  -ks.  vol.  i.  p.  290.  "  ;?rn  ",  •  lli.  47.  supra. 

11  Lardner-'s  Heathen  Testimonies,  chap,  xviii,     Works,  vol.  viii.  pj 
69.  8vo.  or  vol.  iv.  pp.  113—149.  4to. 

»«  Seen.  47.  ttupra. 

14  Lardner's-Heathen Testimonies,  chap,  xxxvii.  Works,  vol.  viii.  up.  i;i; 
—248.  8vo.  ;  or  vol.  iv.  pp.  209—250    Ito. 


Sect   II.   5  2.] 


emperor  Julian.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact,  that  this  very 
learned  and  inveterate  enemy  of  the  Christian  name  and  faith 
could  produce  no  counter  evidence  in  refutation  of  the  truth 
of  the  evangelical  history,  though  (as  we  have  already 
he  attests  the  genuineness  and  early  date  of  the  four  Go 
and  that  he  never  attempted  to  deny  the  reality  of  Christ's 
miracles.  Jesus,  he  says,  did  QOthing  worthy  of  fame,  un- 
less any  one  can  suppose  that  curing  the  Lame  and  the  blind, 
and  exorcising  demons  in  the  villages  of  Bethsaida,  arc  some 
of  the  greatest  works.     He  acknowledges  that  Jesus  had  a 

sovereign  power  over  impure  spirits  ;  that  he  walked  on  the 
surface  of  the  deep,  and  expelled  demons.  He  endeavours 
to  depreciate  these  wonderful  works,  but  in  vain.  The  con- 
enceis  undeniable;  such  works  arc  good  proofs  of  a  di- 
vine mission.'2 
('.'.)  Lastly,  to  omit  the  very  numerous  intervening  < 

monies  that  might  be  adduced,  MOHAMMED  (who  lived  in  the 
latter  end  of  the  fifth  ami  the  former  part  of  the  sixth  cen- 
tury), though  he  assumed  the  honour  of  delivering  toman- 
kind  a  new  revelation,  expressly  acknowledged  the  authority 
of  the  Gospels.  HI  speaks  of  Jesus  Christ  and  of  his  mother 
by  their  names,  and  calls  him  the  Word  of  Ciod.  He  says, 
that  he  was  miraculously  born  of  a  virgin  ;  acknowledges  the 
truth  of  his  miracles  and  prophecies  ;  and  speaks  of  his  death 
and  ascension,  of  his  anostles,  of  the  unbelief  of  the  Jews,  of 
Zecharias  the  father  ot  John  the  Baptist,  and  of  the  Baptist 
himself,  describing  his  character  in  a  manner  perfectly  con- 
!'  'rmable  to  the  Gospels.3 

-'.  Testimonies  ok  Heathen  Adversaries  to  the  Lives 
and  Characters  ok  the  first  Christians. 

(1.)  The  first  persecution  of  the  Christians  was  raised  by 
the  emperor  Nero,  a.  d.  65,  that  is,  about  thirty  years  after 
the  crucifixion  of  Jesus  Christ.  Concerning  this  persecution, 
we  have  the  testimonies  of  two  Roman  historians,  Tacitus 
and  Suetonius. 

Tacitus  was  contemporary  with  the  apostles.     Relating 
the  great  fire  at  Rome,  in  the  tenth  year  of  Nero's  reign,  he 
says,  that  the  people  imputed  that  calamity  to  the  emperor, 
who  (they  imagined)  had  set  fire  to  the  city,  that  he  might 
have  the  glory  of  rebuilding  it  more  magnificently,  and  of 
g  it  after  his  own  name  ;  but  that  Nero  charged  the  crime 
the  Christians,  and,  in  order  to  give  the  more  plausible 
r  to  this  calumny,  he  put  great  numbers  of  them  to 
death  in  the  most  cruel  manner.    With  the  view  of  conciliat- 
ing tin   people,  he  expended  great  sums  in  adorning  the  city, 
•towed  largesses  on  those  who  had  suffered  by  the  fire, 
ad  offered  many  expiatory  sacrifices  to  appease  the  gods. 
The  historian's  words  are  : — "  But  neither  human  assistance, 
nor  the  largesses  of  the  emperor,  nor  all  the  atonements  offer- 
d  to  the  gods,  availed  :  the  infamy  of  that  horrible  transac- 
tion still  adhered  to  him.    To  suppress,  if  possible,  this  com- 
mon  rumour,   Nero   procured   others   to   be  accused,   and 
punished  with  exquisite  tortures  a  race  of  mi  n  detested  for 
Uieir  evil  practices,  who  were  commonly  known  by  the  name 
of  Christians.     The  author  of  that  sect  (or  name)  was  Chris- 
*  ho  in  the  reign  of  Tiberius  was  punished  with  death,  as 
iminal,  by  the  procurator  Pontius  Pilate.     But  this  pesti- 
uporstition,  though  checked  for  ;.u  Idle,  broke  out  afresh, 
not  only  in  Judaea,  where  the  evil  Gist  >  riginated,  but  even  in 
the  city  f  of  Rome),  the  common  sink  into  which  every  thing 
.  and  abominable  flows  from  all  quarters  of  the  "world"! 
At  tirst  those  only  were  apprehended  who  confessed  them- 
selves of  thai  sect ;  afterwards  a  vast  "/'//'/'.'(/'/discovered  by 

;   all  of  whom   were  I  JO  much   for  the 

of  burning  the  city,  as  for  their  enmity   to   mankind. 
rheir  executions  were  BO  contrived  as  to  expose  them  t  i  de- 
ll and  contempt.  Some  were  cover  id  over  with  the  skins 
■I  wild  beasts,  that  they  might  be  t   rn  to  pieces  by  i 
-  me  were  crucified  ;  while  others,  having  been  daubed  over 
combustible  materials,  were  set  up  as  lights  in  the  night- 
time, a;;d  thus  burnt  to  death.  For  these  B]  ectach  S  .Nero  gave 
a  u  gardens,  and,  at  the  same  time,  exhibit,  d  there  the 
tions  of  the  circus  ;  sometinn  s  standing  in  the  crowd  as 
a  spectator,  in  the  habit  of  a  charioteer,  and  at  other  times 
driving  a  chariot  himself;  until  at  length  these  men,  though 
really  criminal  and  deserving  exemplary  punishment,  began 
to  be  commiserated,  as  people  who  were  destroyed,  not  out 

1  See  p.  47.  supra. 

4  Lardner's  Heath.  Test.  chap.  xliv.  Works,  vol.  viii.  pp.355— 423.  Svo.; 
or  vol.  iv.  pp.  311—348.  4to. 

'  Seethe  Koran,  chapter  3,  4,  5,  6.  19.  Dr.  Macknight  has  collected  and 
inserted  the  passages  at  length  in  his  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History,  pp. 


CONFIRMED  BY  PROFANE  WRITERS.  «3 

of  regard  to  the  public  welfare,  but  only  to  gratify  the  cruelty 


of  one  man. 

The  testimony  which  Suetonius  bears  to  this  persecution 
-words: — "  The  Christians  likewise 

pie  addicted  to  a  new  and 
mischi  rstition. 

Theprecedin  ii  n  of  the  Christians 

by  Nero  an-  forth)  r  i firmed  by  Marti  igrammatial 

(who  lived  at  the  close  of  the  first  c  ntur\ ),  and  h\r  Juvenal, 
the  satirist  (who  flourished  during  the  reigns  of  Domitian, 
Nerva,  Trajan,  and  Adrian),  both  of  whom  alluded  to  the 
Neroniau  persecution,  and  especially  to  the  pitched  coat  in 
which  the  <'lm-  tians  were  burnt. 

.Martial  has  an  epigram,  of  which  the  following  is  a  literal 
translation  : — »  Y mi  have,  perhaps,  lately  BO  n  acted  on  the 
theatre,  Mucins,  whothrust  his  hand  into  the  fire  :  if  you  think 
such  a  person  patient,  valiant,  Btout,  V'i  are  a  senseless 
For  it  is  a  much  greater  thing,  when  threaten 


dotard. 


////  troublesome  coat,\  i  say,  '  1  do  not  a  crifice,'  than  to  obey 
the  command,  '  Burn  the  band.' ''  This  troublesome  c 
shirt  of  the  Christians  was  made  like  a  sack,  of  paper  or  coarse 
linen  cloth,  either  besmeared  with  pitch,  wax,  or  sulphur,  and 
similar  combustible  materials,  or  dipped  in  them  ;  it  was  then 
put  upon  the  Christians;  and.  in  order  that  they  might  be 
kept  upright, — the  better  to  resemble  a  flaming  torch,— their 
chins  weresevi  rally  fastened  to  stakes  fixed  inlhe  ground.7 
In  his  firs;  satire,  Juvenal  has  the  following  allusion  : 

Now  dare 
To  glance  at  Tigellinus,  and  you  glare  r 
In  that  pitch'd  shirt  in  which  such  crowds  expire, 
Chain'd  to  the  bloody  stake,  and  wrapp'd  in  lire. * 

Or,  more  literally.  ••  Describe  a  great  villain,  such  as  was 
Tigellinus"  (a corrupt  minister  under  Nero),"  and  you  shall 
Buffer  the  same  punishment  with  those,  who  stand  burning  in 
their  own  flames  and  smoke,  their  head  being  held  up  by  a 
stake  fixed  to  a  chain,  till  they  make  a  long  stream"  (ot  blood 
and  fluid  sulphur)  "  on  the  ground. "■> 

The  above-cited  testimony  of  Tacitus,  corroborated  as  it  is 
by  contemporarj  writers,  is  a  very  important  confirmation  of 
the  evangelical  history.  In  it  the  historian  asserts,  1.  That 
Jesus  Christ  was  put  to  death  as  a  malefactor  by  Pontius  Pi- 
late, procurator  under  Tiberius  ;  2.  That  from  Christ  the  peo- 
ple called  Christians  derived  their  name  and  sentiments;  3. 
That  this  religion  or  superstition  (as  he  terms  it)  had  its  ri>.p 
in  Judea.  where  it  also  spread,  notwithstanding  the  ignomi- 
nious death  r,  and  the  opposition  which  his  follow- 
ers afterwards  experienced  from  the  people  of  that  cou 
4.  That  it,  was  propagated  from  Judea  into  other  parts  of  the 
world  as  far  as  R<  me  ;  where  in  the  tenth  cr  eleventh  yeai 
of  Nero,  and  before  that  time,  the  Christians  were  very  nu- 
merous ;  '  and,  ">.  That  the  prof.  mis  religion  wen 
reproached  and  hated,  and  underwent  many  and  grievous  suf- 
ferings." 

•  Tacitus,  Anna!,  lib.  xv.  c.  11.  Lardner's  Heathen  Testimonies,  chap,  v. 
Works.  \ul.  vii.  pp.201— 259.  Svo.  ;  or  vol.  in. pp. 610— 614.  -Ito. 

•  Su<  tonitu  in  N<  n  ie,  c.  «vi.    Lardner,  (hap.  viii.    Works,  vol.  vii.  pp 

..'.  :  ot  m.I   i  i.  pp.  t',ls_ti'J2.  4to. 

«  In  inatutiiia  nuper  spectatus  arena 

Mucins,  imposnii  qui  sua  membra  tbcis, 
si  nations  foruaque  tibi  durusqne  vjdetur, 
AbderitansB  pectora  ph.-bis  liaL;*. 

urn  dictator,  turned  praeente  molesld, 
tnannm,"  plus  est  dia  H    i  faeio." 

Martial,  lib.  x.  epigr.  \d>. 
i  Lardne  r,  chap.  \  i.  Works,  vol.  vii.  pp.  !j60— 26V.  Svo. ;  or  vol.  ni.  pp.  Olj 
616.   ito. 

•  Mr  I  n,  p.'.>7.    The  original  passage  is  thus  :- 

Tjgellinum,  isedd  tueebis  in  IBs, 
Una  siantes  ardent  cpii  fixo  gutture  futnant, 
Bt  latum  media  su.cum  deducil  ai 

Juven.  Sat.  lib.  i.  15o — 157 
»  Lardner,  ch.  vii.    Works,  vr.1.  vii.  pp.  .  •  or  vol.  iii.  di 

10  Th  .if  Tacit js,    is  ingens  rwltitudo,  a  rasl  mullil 

which  Voliair«,  with  his  accustomed  disregard  of  truth,  has  re]  r 
only  a  f<  Iches,  v.  ho  were  sacrificed  to  public 

on  Histor  .  •    I.  i.  ch.  ■••  i .  60.    Nugent's  translaiion.    Dr. Ma 
completely  exposed  the  falsehood  of  that  profligate  writer,  in  hi 
oftbe  Gospel  History,  i  p.  300— 302.  Mr.  Gibbon's  false  translation  and  mis- 
representations  of  the  passage  of  Tacitus  above  cited  are  ably  expo. 
the  appendix  to  Bish  ip  Watson's  Apology  for  the  Bib!?,  addressed  to  tin 
historian. 

"  On  the  above-cited  passage  of  Tacitus,  Gibbon  lias  the  following  re- 
mark : — "  The  meet  sceptical  criticism  is  obliged  to  respect  the  TRUTH  oj 
this  eitm.nrdinr.ri/  fact  (the  persecution  of  the  Christians  under  Nero), 

AND  THE  INTEGMTY  OF  THIS  CELEBRATED  PASSAGE  OF  TaCITOS.      Thr  FORME". 

(its  truth)  is  confirmed  by  the  diligent  and  accurate  Suetonius,  who  men- 
tions the  puriishment  which  h  upon  the  Christians.  The  lat- 
ter (its  integrity  and  cenuineness)  i  tay  be  p-.oved  *><)  the  consent  of  llu 


B4 


CREDIBILITY  OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT 


[Chap  HI 


(2.)  The  next  testimony  to  be  adduced  is  that  of  Caius 
Plinius  Caecilius  Secundus,  better  known  by  the  name  of  the 
younger  Plwt.  He  was  born  a.  d.  61  or  62  ;  and,  after  hold- 
in.,  rari  >us  distinguished  offices,  was  sent  to  the  provinces  of 
Pontusand  Bithynia,by  the  emperor  Trajan,  a.  d.  106 — 108, 
a8  i,;.  id  propraetor,  with  proconsular  power. 

The  persecution  cf  the  Christians  under  that  emperor  had 
commenced  a.  d.  100  ;  and  in  that  remote  country  there  were 
.ii  this  time  prodigi  »us  numbers  of  Christians,  against  whom 
Pliny,  by  the  emperor's  edict,  was  obliged  to  use  all  manner 
of  severity.  Being,  however,  a  person  of  good  sense  and  mo- 
deration, he  judged  it  prudent  not  to  proceed  to  the  extreme 
ngour  of  the  law,  until  he  had  represented  the  case  to  Trajan, 
and  had  received  his  commands  concerning  it.  He  therefore 
wrote  him  the  foil  >wing  epistle,1  a.  d.  107  (which  is  too  im- 
portant to  be  abridged),  and  in  the  same  year  received  the  em- 
peror's rescript : — 

u  Pliny,  to  the  emperor  Trajan,  wisheth  health  and  happi- 
ness : — 

"  It  is  my  constant  custom,  sir,  to  refer  myself  to  you,  in  all 
matters  concerning  which  I  have  any  doubt.  For  who  can 
better  direct  me  where  I  hesitate,  or  instruct  me  where  I  am  ig- 
norant 1  I  have  never  been  present  at  any  trials  of  Christians ; 
so  that  I  know  not  well  what  is  the  subject-matter  of  punish- 
ment or  of  inquiry,  or  what  strictness  ought  to  be  used  in 
either.  Nor  have  I  been  a  little  perplexed  to  determine 
whether  any  difference  ought  to  be  made  upon  account  of  age, 
or  whether  the  young  and  tender,  and  the  full  grown  and  ro- 
bust, ought  t~>  be  treated  all  alike  ;  whether  repentance  should 
entitle  to  pardon,  or  whether  all  who  have  once  been  Chris- 
tians ougiit  t )  be  punished,  though  they  are  now  no  longer  so ; 
whether  the  name  itself,  although  no  crimes  be  detected,  or 
crimes  only  belonging  to  the  name,  ought  to  be  punished. 
Concerning  all  these  things  I  am  in  doubt. 

"  In  the  mean  time  1  have  taken  this  course  with  all  who 
have  Been  bnught  before  me,  and  have  been  accused  as  Chris- 
tians. I  have  put  the  question  to  them,  Whether  they  were 
Christians.  Upon  their  confessing  to  me  that  they  were,  I 
repeated  the  question  a  second  and  a  third  time,  threatening 
also  to  punish  them  with  death.  Such  as  still  persisted,  I 
ordered  away  to  be  punished  ;  for  it  was.no  doubt  with  me, 
whatever  might  be  the  nature  of  their  opinion,  that  contumacy 
and  inflexible  obstinacy  ought  to  be  punished.  There  were 
others  of  the  same  infatuation,  whom,  because  they  are  Ro- 
man citizens,  I  have  noted  down  to  be  sent  to  the  city. 

"  In  a  short  time,  the  crime  spreading  itself,  even  whilst 
under  persecution,  as  is  usual  in  such  cases,  divers  sorts  of 
people  came  in  my  way.  An  information  was  presented  to 
me,  without  mentioning  the  author,  containing  the  names  of 
many  persons,  who,  upon  examination,  denied  that  they  were 
Christians,  or  had  ever  been  so  ;  who  repeated  after  me  an  in- 
vocation of  the  gods,  and  with  wine  and  frankincense  made 
supplication  to  ycur  image,  which,  for  that  purpose,  I  had 
caused  to  be  brought  and  set  before  them,  together  with  the 
statues  of  the  deities.  Moreover,  they  reviled  the  name  of 
Christ,  none  of  which  things,  as  is  said,  they  who  are  really 
Christians  can  by  any  means  be  compelled,  to  do.  These, 
therefore,  I  thought  proper  to  discharge.  Others  were  named 
by  an  informer,  who  at  first  confessed  themselves  Christians, 
and  afterwards  denied  it ;  the  rest  said  they  had  been  Chris- 
tians, but  had  left  them — some  three  years  ago,  some  longer, 
and  one  or  more,  above  twenty  years.  They  all  worshipped 
your  image,  and  the  statues  of  the  gods  ;  these  also  reviled 
Christ,  riip.y  affirmed  that  the  whole  of  their  fault  or  error  lay 
in  this,  that  they  were  wont  to  meet  together,  on  a  stated  day,  be- 
most  anci".nl  manuscripts  ;  by  the  inimitable  character  of  Tacitus  ;  by  his 
reputation,  which  guarded  his  text  from  the  interpolations  of  pious  fraud; 
and  by  the  purport  of  Ids  narration."  (Decline  and  Fall,  vol  ii.  pp.  407 
408.)  Such  is  tue  observation  of  the  elegant  and  learned  historian,  whose 
hatred  of  Christianity  lias  led  hiin,  in  other  parts  of  his  work,  to  misrepre- 
sent both  it  and  the  Christians  :  yet,  in  defiance  of  all  historical  and  critical 
testimony,  a  modern  opposer  of  revelation  has  affirmed,  that  "the  texts 
which  are  to  be  found  in  the  works  of  Tacitus  are  too  much  suspected  of  in- 
terpolations to  be  adduced  as  an  authority  !"  The  effrontery  of  this  asser- 
tion is  only  surpassed  by  the  wilful  ignorance  which  it  exhibits,  especially 
as  the  writer  alluded  to  reprinted  Gibbon's'misreprcsentations  of"  Christians 
and  Christianity,  in  a  cheap  form,  in  order  to  deceive  and  mislead  the  m> 
wary.— The  reader,  who  is  lesirous  of  prosecuting  this  subject  further 
will  find  the  historical  testimonies  of  Tacitus  and  Suetonius  completely  vin- 
dicated in  pp.  352.  et  seq.  of  Mr.  W.  A.  Hails'a  "Remarks on  Volney's  Ruins" 
(London,  18ir>.  8\">.);  a  learned  and  ably  written  treatise,  in  which  the  so- 
phistry and  false  assertions  of  ttial  most  insidious  and  dangerous  of  infidel 
writers  is  fully  and  satisfactorily  refuted. 

«  Pliny,  Epist.  lib.  z.  ep.  97.  torn  ii.  pp.  127—129.  edit.  Bipont.  It  is  re- 
printed by  Dr.  Lardner,  whose  translation  we  have  given,  and  who  has  illus- 
trated both  the  epistle  of  the  philosopher  and  the  emperor  Trajan's  re- 
script with  numerous  valuable  observations.  Heathen  Testimonies,  chap. 
t«.     Works,  vol.  vii.  pp.  287—344.  8vo. ;  or  vol  iv.  pp.  10—43.  4to. 


fore  it  was  light,  and  sing  among  themselves,  alternately,  a 
hymn  to  Christ  as  God  ,•  and  to  bind  themselves  by  a  solemn  oath 
(  Sacramento) ,  not  to  the  commission  of  any  wickedness,  but  not 
to  be  guilty  of  theft,  or  robbery,  or  adultery,  never  to  falsify  their 
word,  nor  to  deny  a  pledge  committed  to  them,  when  called  upon 
to  return  if.  When  these  things  were  performed,  it  was  their 
to.  separate,  and  then  to  come  together  again  to  a  meal, 
which  tiny  ate  in  common,  iviihout  any  disorder ,-  but  this  they 
had  forborne  since  the  publication  of  my  edict,  by  which,  accc/rd- 
ing  to  your  commands-,  I  prohibited  assemblies. 

"After  receiving  this  account,  1  judged  it  the  more  neces- 
sary to  examine,  and  that  by  torture,  two  maid-servants, 
which  were  called  ministers.  But  I  have  discovered  nothing 
beside  an  evil  and  excessive  superstition.  Suspending 
therefore  all  judicial  proceedings,  I  nave  recourse  to  you  for 
advice ;  for  it  has  appeared  unto  me  a  matter  highly  deserv- 
ing consideration,  especially  upon  account  of  the  great  number 
of  persons  who  are  in  danger  of  suffering,-  for  many  of  all 
ages,  and  every  rank,  of  both  sexes  likewise,  are  accused,  and 
will  be  accused.  Nor  has  the  contagion  of  this  superstition 
seized  cities  only,  but  the  lesser  towns  also,  und  the  open  coun- 
try. Nevertheless,  it  seems  to  me  that  it  may  be  restrained 
and  corrected.  It  is  certain  that  the  temples,  which  were 
almost  forsaken,  begin  to  be  more  frequented;  and  the  sa- 
cred solemnities,  after  a  long  intermission,  are  revived. 
Victims  likewise  are  every  where  brought  up,  whereas  for 
some  time  there  were  few  purchasers.  Whence  it  is  easy 
to  imagine  what  numbers  of  men  might  be  reclaimed,  if  par- 
don were  granted  to  those  who  shall  repent." 

To  the  preceding  letter,  the  emperor  Trajan  sent  the  fol- 
lowing reply : — 

"  Trajan  to  Pliny,  wisheth  health  and  happiness  : — 

"  You  have  taken  the  right  method,  my  Pliny,  in  youi 
proceedings  with  those  who  have  been  brought  before  you 
as  Christians ;  for  it  is  impossible  to  establish  any  one  rule 
that  shall  hold  universally.  They  are  not  to  be  sought  for. 
If  any  are  brought  before  you,  and  are  convicted,  they  ought 
to  be  punished.  However,  he  that  denies  his  being  a  Chris- 
tian, and  makes  it  evident  in  fact,  that  is,  by  supplicating  to 
our  gods,  though  he  be  suspected  to  have  been  so  formerly, 
let  him  be  pardoned  upon  repentance.  But  in  no  case,  of 
any  crime  whatever,  may  a  bill  of  information  be  received, 
without  being  signed  by  him  who  presents  it ;  for  that  would 
be  a  dangerous  precedent,  and  unworthy  of  my  government." 

The  preceding  letter  and  rescript  furnish  numerous  im- 
portant testimonies  to  the  state  01  Christianity,  and  to  the 
purity  of  Christian  principles.  We  learn  from  it,  in  the 
first  place,  the  great  progress  of  the  Christian  religion  in  a 
short  space  of  time.  Christianity  was  neither  known  nor 
heard  of  in  the  world  before  the  reign  of  Tiberius.  Eighty 
years  had  not  elapsed  since  the  crucifixion  of  Jesus,  when 
Pliny  wrote  this  letter,  nor  seventy  years  since  the  disciples 
of  Jesus  began  to  make  any  mention  of  him  to  the  Gentiles ; 
and  yet  there  were  at  this  time  great  numbers  of  men  whom 
Pliny  repeatedly  terms  Christians,  in  that  part  of  Asia  where 
he  presided,  at  a  great  distance  from  Judaea.  Christians 
there  were  every  where,  throughout  the  whole  extent  of  his 
province,  in  cities,  in  villages,  and  in  the  open  country. 
Among  them  were  persons  of  all  ages,  of  every  rank  and 
condition,  and  of  both  sexes ;  and  some  of  them  also  were 
citizens  of  Rome.  The  prevalence  of  Christianity  appears 
likewise  from  the  universal  decay  of  pagan  worship :  the 
temples  were  deserted,  and  the  sacrifices  discontinued. 
Beasts,  brought  to  market  for  victims,  had  few  purchasers. 
So  many  were  accused,  and  were  in  danger  of  suffering  on 
account  of  the  prevalence  of  this  opinion,  as  gave  the  presi- 
dent no  small  concern.  Further,  it  is  evident  that  there  were 
not  only  many  at  this  time  who  bore  the  Christian  name, 
but  that  such  people  had  been  there  for  many  years :  some, 
for  several  years;  and  one  or  more,  who  had  been  brought 
before  Pliny,  had  professed  Christianity,  and  had  renounced 
it  more  than  twenty  years.  All  which  circumstances  prove 
that  Christianity  had  been  planted  there  for  many  years  be- 
fore his  arrival.  Such  an  increase,  indeed,  could  only  be  the 
work  of  time. — Secondly,  Pliny's  letter  bears  a  noble  testi- 
mony to  the  fortitude  of  the  Christians  in  suffering,  and  tc 
their  steady  perseverance  in  the  faith  of  Jesus  Christ ;  and 
it  also  communicates  several  interesting  particulars  relative 
to  their  religious  belief  and  worship.  More  particularly, 
1.  They  disowned  all  the  gods  of  the  heathens,  and  would 
not  worship  the  images  of  the  emperors' or  of  their  gods. 
The  people  who  embraced  this  religion  forsook  the  heathen 
1  temples  and  altars,  and  offered  no  sacrifices  there.    2.  They 


Sect.  II.  §  2.] 


CONFIRMED  BY  PROFANE  WRITERS. 


85 


assembled  together  on  a  stated  day,  which  we  know  from 
collateral  testimony  of  Christian  writers  was  the  Lord's 
day  or  Sunday,  on  which  day  Christiana  celebrate  'In- 
weekly-  festival  of  Christ's  resurrection.  '.I.  When  they 
were  assembled,  Pliny  Bays  thai  they  Bang  a  hymn  to  <  'h ri.-t 
as  Cod;  and  also  engaged  themselves,  ,*by  an  <>;itli,  not  to 
commit  theft,  or  robbery,  or  adultery,  never  to  falsify  tlieir 
word,  nor  to  deny  a  pledge  committed  to  them.'1  This  ac- 
count is  highly  to  the  honour  of  the  first  Christians.  The] 
paid  divine  worship  to  Iheir  God  and  Saviour,  Jesus  Christ, 

and  devoted  themselvt  a  to  the  practice  of  moral  virtue-. — 
Lastly,  both  the  epistle  of  Pliny,  and  the  letter  or  reseript 
of  Trajan,  attest  the  innocence  and  virtue  of  the  first  Chris- 
tians.    From  the  formi  i  it  is  evident  that  no  crime,  besides 

that  of  their  religion,  was  proved  against  any  of  those  who 
were  brought  before  Pliny.  Even  their  accusers  and  prose- 
cutors  alleged  nothing  else  against  them,  but  that  they  were 
Christians:  he  examined  apostates;  he  put  to  the  torture 
-  oung  women  who  wt  re  ministers  or  deaconesses,  and 
yci  he  discovered  nothing  but  what  was  unite  harmless.  The 
only  charge  against  them  is  an  absurd  superstition,  and  ob- 
Stinacy  to  adhering  to  it.     Trajan's  rescript  affords  equally 

strong  proof  of  the  innocence  of  these  men.     He  knew  not 

of  any  offence  of  which  they  were  guilty,  excepting  only  that 
they  did  not  supplicate  the  heathen  deities.  The  honesty 
and  innocency  of  these  nun  oblige  us  to  pay  great  regard  to 
llieir  belief  and  profession  of  the  Christian  religion.  If  they 
were  sober  and  discreel  before  they  embraced  it,  we  may  he 
sure  thai  there  that  were  such  evidences  of  its  truth  as  ap- 
proved themselves  to  serious  persons.  If  they  are  supposed 
to  have  formerly  been  vicious  and  irregular,  here  is  a  strong 
proof  of  the  truth  and  goodness  of  Christianity,  inasmuch  as 
it  had  so  great  an  influence  on  the  minds  of  men,  at  a  time 
when  they  might  easily  know  whether  it  was  well  grounded 
or  not.  In  either  case,  it  is  an  honour  to  these  principles, 
that  those  who  embraced  them  maintained  such  innocence  in 
tlieir  lives,  that  their  enemies,  even  after  the  strictest  inqui- 
ries, could  discover  nothing  criminal  against  them. 

(3.)  a.  d.  176.  Celsus  ridicules  the  Christians  for  their 
worship  of  Christ,  and  attests  the  gradual  increase  of  their 
numbers.  He  also  acknowledges  that  there  were  modest, 
temperate,  and  intelligent  persons  among  them,1  and  bears 
witness  to  their  constancy  in  the  faith  of  Christ.  At  the 
very  time  when  he  wrote  against  them,  they  were  suffering 
a  grievous  persecution,  hut  were  enabled  to  withstand  both 
hia  sharp-pointed  pen,  and  also  the  sword  of  the  magis- 
trate.2 

(4.)  Li'cian,  the  contemporary  of  Celsus,  was  a  bitter 
enemy  of  the  Christians.  In  his  account  of  the  death  of  the 
philosopher  Peregrinus,  he  bears  authentic  testimony  to  the 
principal  facts  and  principles  of  Christianity ;  thatits  founder 
was  crucified  in  Palestine,  and  worshipped  by  the  Christians, 
who  entertained  peculiarly  strong  hopes  of  immortal  life,  and 
great  contempt  for  this  world  and  its  enjoyments;  and  that 
they  courageously  endured  many  afflictions  on  account  of 
their  principles,  and  sometimes  surrendered  themselves  to 
sufferings.  Honesty  and  probity  prevailed  so  much  among 
them,  thai  they  trusted  each  other  without  security.  Their 
.Master  had  earnestly  recommended  to  all  his  followers  mu- 
tual love,  by  which  also  they  were  niin-h  distinguished.  In 
his  piece,  entitled  Alexander  or  Pseudomantis,  he  Bays,  that 
they  were  well  known  in  the  world  by  the  name  ot  Chris- 
tians; that  they  were  at  that  time  numerous  in  Pontus, 
Paphlagonia,  and  the  neighbouring  countries;  and,  finally, 
that  they  were  formidable  to  cheats  and  impostors.  And  in 
the  dialogue  entitled  Philopatris  (which,  if  not  written  by 
Lucian  himself,  to  whom  it  is  usually  ascribed,  was  com- 
posed not  long  after  his  time),  there  are  numerous  allusions 
to  the  writings,  principles,  and  practices  of  Christians,  all 
of  which  are  ridiculed,  and  especially  their  belief  of  th 
trine  of  the  Trinity. 

(5.)  The  fortitude  and  constancy  of  the  Christians  under 
persecution  is  referred  to  by  Epictetts  (a.  d.  10'J),  under 
the  name  of  Galiheans.1  The  emperor  Marcus  Antoninus 
(a.  d.  161)  mentions  the  Christians  as  examples  of  an  ob- 
stinate contempt  of  death.4     And  Gale.v   (a.  d.  200)  ac- 

1  Vide  Origen,  contra  Oelsum,  lib.  i.  p.  22.  edit.  C.intab.  1G77. 

*  Lardner's  Heathen  Testimonies,  en.  xviii.  sections  5 — 8.  Works,  vol. 
viii.  pp.  3G— 50.  Svo. ;  or  vol.  iv.  pp.  13D— 133.  4to. 

*  Ibid.  chap.  xix.  Works,  vol.  viii.  pp.  69 — 81.  Svo. ;  or  vol.  iv.  pp.  149— 
t'tf.  4to. 

4  Ibid.  chap.  x.  Works,  vol.  vii.  pp.  344 — 357.  8vo. ;  or  vol.  iv.  pp.  43 — 
50.  4to. 

*  Ibid.  chap.  xv.  §  2.  Works,  vol.  vii.  pp.  393—106.  8vo. :  or  vol.  iv.  pp. 
rj  -78    I  " 


knowledges  the  constancj  of  (  missions  in.  their  principles.' 

Porphyrv  (a.  d.  -270 ,  acknowledges  that  they  were  then 
rerj  numerous  in  the  Roman  empire,  and  unwillingly  admits 
the  miracles  wrought  by  the  apostles,  which,  however,  he 
ascribes  to  the  magic  art;  and  he  endeavoured  to  expose 
them  to  popular  reproach  by  insinuating  that  they  were  the 
causes  of  the  calamities  that  befell  the  Roman  empire.1- 

(<>.)  Lastly  the  emperor  Julian  (a.  d.  361),  though  he 
endeavours  to  lessen  the  number  of  the  early  believers  in 
Jesus,  yet  is  constrained  to  acknowledge  that  there  were 
multitudes  of  such  men  in  Greece  ana  Italy  before  John 
wrote  his  Gospel,  and  that  they  were  not  confined  to  the 

lower  classes  ;  men  of  character — such  as  Corni  lius,  a  Ro- 
man centurion,  at  Cresarea,  and  Sergius  Panlua,  proconsul 
of  Cyprus — bi  ing  converted  to  the  faith  of  J  the 

end  o|  Claudius's  reign  (who  ascended  the   imperial   throne 
a.  d.  41,  and  died  A.  d.  51);  and  he  frequently  speaks,  with 
much  indignation,  of  Peter  and  Paul,  those  two  great  apos- 
tles of  Jesus,  and  successful  preachers  of  his. Gospel.     So 
that,  upon  the  whole,  the  apostate  emperor  Julian  has  unih 
signedly  borne  testimony  to  the  truth  of  many  things   re- 
corded in  the  New  T<  Btament     He  turned  to  overthrow  the 
Christian  religion,  but  has  convtbmbd  it:   his  argun 
again:  I  it  are  pt  rfectlj  harmli  bs,  and  insufficient  to  una 
the  weakest  Christian;  for  he  has  not  made  one  obit 
of  moment  against  the  Christian  religion,  as  contained  in 
genuine  and  authentic  books  of  the  New  Testament.' 

VI.  Thus  do  all  the  inveterate  enemies  of  Christianity— 
from  its  first  origin  to  its  complete  establishment  in  tin 
known  world,  in  the  fourth  century  of  the  Christian  a-r  — 
unite  in  giving  an  honourable  testimony  to  the  charac; 
Christ,  the  reality  of  his  miracles,  to  the  genuim 
theutii-itv,  and  credibility  of  the  writings  of  the  N>       I 
ment,  and  to  the  wide  and  rapid  progress  of  the  Christian 
religion,  as  well  as  to  the  unity  of  the  objects  of  the  Chris- 
tian faith  and  worship,  the  blameless  lives  of  the  Chris:; 
and  their  unshaken  constancy  in  adin  ring  to  their  I 
fession,  regardless  of  the  most  sanguinary  and  exquisiu 
that  could  be  inflicted  on  them.     It  is  true  that, 
cerning  many  important  articles  of  Scripture  hist'  ry,  tin- 
Greek  and  Latin  writers  now  extant  are  totally  silenl ; 
hence  some  have  attempted  to  raise  an  argument  against  the 
credibility  of  this  history.     But  the  silence  of  the  .-. 
question  may  be  satisfactorily  accounted  for,  by  tin 
ignorance  of  such  facts  as  occurred  very  long  before  their 
own  time,  and  by  the  peculiar  contempt  entertained  for  both 
Jews  and  Christians,  arising  from  the  diversity  of  tin  i 
toms  and  institutions.     To  these  general  considerations  we 
may  add,  particularly  with  reference  to  the  silence  of  pro- 
fane historians  relative  to  the  remarkable  events  in  the  li 
of  Christ: — 

1.  That  many  boohs  of  those  remote  ages  are  lost,  in 
it  u  very  possible  that  some  mutton  might  have  been  miiHe.  of 
these  fact n. 

Hence  it  has  happened  that  many  occurrences  which  are  re- 
lated in  the  evangelical  history,  arc  not  to  be  found  in  the  writ- 
if  the  heathens.  Of  these  writings,  indeed,  we  have  now 
but  few  remaining  in  comparison  of  tlieir  original  number;  and 
those  which  arc  extant,  are  only  fragments  of  preceding  histo- 
ries. Thus,  the  mighty  works  performed  by  Jesus  Christ,  and 
the  monuments  of  the  great  achievements  th.it  took  place  in  the 
age  when  he  was  horn,  are  now  missing  r>r  Jo.st.  All  the  history 
ot  Dion  Cassias,  from  the  consulships  ■•;'  Antislius  and  Balbus 
to  the  consulships  of  Messala  and  China  (that  is,  for  the  apace 
lit'  ten  yean — five  years  before  and  live  years  after  the  birth  of 
Christ)  is  totally  lost,  as  also  is  Livy's  hist  wry  of  the  same  pe- 
riod. In  vain,  therefore,  does  any  one  expect  to  find  the  re- 
markable passages  concerning  the  birth  of  Christ  in  these  writers; 
and  much  more  vain  is  it  to  look  for  these  things  in  those  writers 
whose  histories  are  altogether  missing  at  this  day.  To  instance 
only  the  census  or  enrolment  ordered  by  Augustus,  and  men- 
tioned by  Luke  (ii.  1,  2.),  the  silence  of  historians  concerning 
which  has  been  a  favourite  topic  with  objectors:8 — there  can  be 
no  doubt  but  that  some  one  of  the  Roman  historians  did  record 
that  transaction  (for  the  Romans  have  sedulously  recorded  every 

«  Lardner's  Heathen  Testimonies,  chap.  xxi.  Works  vol.  viii.  pp.  90, 91 
.  vol  iv.  p.  161.  4to. 

rxxviL    Works,  vol.  •  ii   pp    K  ur  vol.  iv.  pp. 

■   4to. 
•Ibid.  chap.  xM.    Works,  vol.  viii    ,  Svo. ;  or  vol  W.  pp 

332—342  4m.    Herwerden,  de  Imperative  Juliaiio,  pp.  114—131.    Iiigd 

»  On  the  subject  of  this  e  infra,  part  ii.  book         •  *    "^ 

sect.  vii. 


CREDIBILITY  OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT 


thing  tha*.  was  connected  with  the  grandeur  and  riches  of  their 

empire)  ;  though  their  writings  arc  now  lost,  either  by  negli- 
gence—by  fire— by  the  irruption  of  the  barbarous  nations  into 
Italy — or  by  age  and  length  of  time.  It  is  evident  that  some  one 
historian  did  mention  the  census  above  alluded  to;  othe 
whence  did  Suidas  derive  information  of  the  fact— thai  Augustus 
sent  twknty  sklkct  KBir,  of  acknowledged  character  for  virtue 
and  integrity,  into  all  the  provinces  of  the  empire,  to  take  a 
census  both  of  men  and  of  property,  and  commanded  that  a  just 
proportion  of  the  latter  should  be  brought  into  the  imperial  trea- 
sury?   And  this,  Suidas  adds,  was  the  fiiist  census.1 

2.  Some  if  the  Human  historians,  whose  works  have  come 
down  to  our  time,  are  defective. 

This  is  particularly  the  case  with  Livy  and  Tacitus,  from 
whom  we  cannot  expect  any  narrative  of  events  that  have  refer- 
ence to  the  birth  of  Christ,  or  to  any  great  occurrence  that  took 
place  about  that  time.  For  Livy  wrote  only  to  the  commence- 
ment of  Augustus's  reign,  which  was  before  the  time  of  Christ ; 
consequently  he  could  not  record  so  memorable  an  event  as  that 
of  a  census  throughout  the  Roman  empire,  which  did  not  take 
place  until  the  thirtieth  year  of  Augustus's  reign.  And  no  no- 
tice could  be  taken  of  that  transaction  by  Tacitus,  because  he 
does  not  go  so  far  back  as  Augustus.  His  Annals  begin  with 
the  reign  of  Tiberius,  and  continue  to  the  death  of  Nero  :  his 
books  of  History  begin  where  the  Annals  terminate,  and  con- 
clude with  Vespasian's  expedition  against  the  Jews.  For  the 
knowledge  of  the  transactions  intervening  between  the  close  of 
Livy  and  the  commencement  of  Tacitus,  we  are  indebted  to  Vel- 
leius  Paterculus,  Floras,  Plutarch,  Dion  Cassius,  Justin,  and 
others,  who  lived  long-  after  the  time  of  Augustus,  and  who  com- 
piled their  histories  from  such  materials  as  they  could  command. 
Floras,  in  particular,  is  only  an  abbreviator  of  Livy,  from  whom 
little  consequently  can  be  expected.  Though  Vclleius  Patercu- 
lus advances  a  little  further,  yet  he  is  merely  an  epitomiser;  and 
as  Justin,  who  flourished  in  the  reign  of  the  emperor  Antoninus 
Pius,  only  abridged  the  history  of  Trogus  Pompeius,  which  he 
did  not  continue,  we  cannot,  therefore,  expect  any  information 
from  him  relative  to  the  birth  of  Christ.  Appian  has  altogether 
omitted  Judaea  in  the  description  which  he  has  left  us  of  the  Ro- 
man empire.  These  facts  will  account  for  the  silence  of  the 
generality  of  the  pagan  writers  concerning  the  events  related  in 
the  Gospel  history  :  while  the  express,  authentic,  and  genuine 
statement  of  Tacitus,  already  given,2  furnishes  an  indisputable 
testimony  to  the  fact,  that  Jesus  Christ  lived  and  was  crucified 
during  the  reign  of  Tiberius,  and  thus  completely  refutes  the  ab- 
surd and  ignorant  assertion — (an  assertion,  indeed,  so  truly  ab- 
surd as  to  be  unworthy  of  notice,  were  it  not  that  its  effrontery 
may  impose  on  the  unwary) — which  has  been  lately  made,  viz. 
that  it  is  not  now  known  at  what  year  between  a.  d.  60  and  100 
the  name  of  Christ  was  first  heard  of  in  Europe,  and  in  that  part 
of  Asia  which  is  contiguous  to  Europe  and  the  Mediterranean 
Sea  ;  and  that  it  is  evident  from  all  existing  testimony  that  it 
was  not  before  the  year  60  !!! 

3.  Of  the  fein  remaining  historians,  who  wrote  about  the  ages 
in  question,  '"nut  were  engaged  on  other  subjects  ,■  to  which  it  is 
In  lie  <: third,  that  no  profane  historians,  whether  Jews  or  Hca- 
th    -  .   ake  notice  of  all  occurrences. 

Thus  the  obscurity  of  the  sun  at  Julius  Caesar's  death,  which 
i.;  said  to  have  lasted  a  whole  year,  is  not  noticed  by  any  Roman 
author  except  the  poets  Ovid  and  Virgil,  and  the  philosopher 
Piiny  :  yet  ten  historians  or  more,  in  the  following-  century, 
wrote  lives  of  Caesar,  and  gave  an  account  of  his  assassination 
and  of  several  things  that  occurred  after  it.  A  similar  prodigy 
is  reported  by  Cedrcnus  to  have  happened  in  the  reign  of  the 
emperor  Justinian  ;  but  between  that  time  and  Cedrenus,  there 
were  nearly  twenty  considerable  writers,  who  mentioned  no  such 
thing.  Neither  Tacitus,  Justin,  nor  Strabo,  who  have  particu- 
larly spoken  of  the  Jews,  have  noticed  the  existence  of  the  Jewish 
sect  of  the  Essenes  :  nay,  even  Joscphus,  the  Jewish  historian, 
is  totally  silent  concerning  them  in  his  two  books  agninst  Apion, 
Jiough  he  has  mentioned  them  in  his  other  writings.  Yet,  will 
amy  one  pretend  that  there  were  no  Essenes,  either  before  or  in 
the  time  of  Christ  T — Again,  neither  Herodotus,  nor  Thucydides, 
nor  any  other  Greek  writers  of  that  time,  have  taken  any  notice 
of  Rome,  though  the  conquests  of  the  Roman  people  were  then 
extended  far  and  wi  ie,  an  I  the  Romans  were  become  great  and 
formidable.  Suetonius  wrote  the  lives  of  the  first  twelve  Roman 
emperors :  yet  if  we  compare  his  relations  with  the  events  re- 

»  Suidae  Lexicon,  voce  A-o-/P^?n,  torn.  i.  p.  271.  edit.  Kuster. 
»  See  pp.  82,  83.  s  tpra. 


Chap,  m 


corded  by  other  historians,  we  shall  find  that  he  has  omitted 
many  important  transactions  that  were  obvious.  Now,  to  apply 
this  to  our  present  purpose  : — it  is  true  that  none  of  the  heathen 
historians  of  imperial  Rome  have  spoken  of  the  celebrated  cen- 
sus in  the  time  of  Augustus,  which  is  mentioned  by  Luke  (ii.  1, 
2.)  :  yet  it  does  not  follow  that  it  did  not  actually  take  effect, 
since  we  see  it  is  not  unusual  for  historians  to  pass  by  some  per 
sons  and  things,  which  are  very  remarkable  and  deserve  to  bere» 
corded.  If,  then,  some  matters,  which  are  mentioned  by  the 
evangelists,  are  not  noticed  in  other  histories,  we  cannot,  with 
any  reason,  conclude  from  them,  that  the  evangelists  have  re- 
corded that  which  is  false.  No  such  thing  can  be  inferred  : 
for,  even  among  pagan  writers,  there  are  many  peculiar  histori- 
cal passages  related  by  some  of  them,  concerning  which  the  rest 
are  totally  silent.  Tacitus,  and  Valerius  Maximus,  for  instance, 
have  narrations  which  are  not  to  be  found  in  any  other  Roman 
historians,  and  yet  they  are  not  suspected  of  falsehood.  Why, 
then,  may  we  not  credit  those  things  which  are  recorded  in  the 
New  Testament,  although  no  Gentile  historians  make  any  the 
slightest  mention  of  them  ?  Nay,  the  evangelical  historians 
themselves  do  not  all  relate  the  same  things  ;  though  all  of  them 
have  mentioned  some  passages,  yet  there  are  others  which  are 
noticed  only  by  one  or  two  of  the  evangelists  ;  and  there  are 
some  things  or  persons  concerning  which  they  are  wholly  silent, 
but  which  are  as  remarkable  as  some  of  those  which  they  have 
committed  to  writing.  Thus,  the  Gospels  speak  of  the  Phari- 
sees and  Sadducees,  and  also  of  the  Gahlccans  and  Herodians ; 
and  yet  they  take  no  notice  whatever  of  the  Essenes  by  name, 
though  they  were  at  that  time  a  considerable  sect  among  the 
Jews.  It  is  no  reasonable  objection,  therefore,  to  the  New  Tes- 
tament, that  some  things  occur  in  it  which  are  not  to  be  found 
in  very  approved  authors.  No  history,  whether  sacred  or  pro- 
fane, relates  every  thing.  The  evangelists  themselves  do  not 
pretend  to  do  this  :  we  cannot,  therefore,  expect  to  find  all  the 
actions  of  Christ  recorded  in  their  writings,  for  one  of  them,  who 
wrote  last  of  all,  thus  expresses  himself  at  the  close  of  his  gospel : 
— And  there  are  many  other  things  which  Jesus  did ;  the 
■which,  if  they  should  be  ivritten  every  one,  I  suppose  that 
even  the  world  itself  could  not  contain  the  books  that  should 
be  written.     (John  xxi.  25.) 

4.  Several  of  the  facts,  relating  to  Christ  and  his  miracles 
coming  from  Jews,  would  be  slighted  as  fabulous  by  the  Gentile 
writers,  especially  considering,  on  the  one  hand,  how  com- 
mon prodigies  and  magical  stories  were  in  that  day ;  and  on 
the  other  nand,  how  superstitious  and  credulous  the  Jews 
were  reputed  to  be. 

The  scene  of  Christ's  actions  lay  at  a  great  distance  from 
Greece  and  Italy,  and  authentic  accounts  of  his  miracles  could 
not  soon  be  transmitted  thither :  the  learned  Greeks  and  Ro- 
mans, therefore,  would  regard  the  first  reports  of  them  as  idle  or 
incredible  tales.  Besides,  it  was  foreign  to  the  purpose  of  any 
author  who  wrote  the  life  of  a  Roman  emperor,  or  the  history  of 
a  celebrated  war,  or  the  annals  of  a  particular  state,  to  describe 
minutely  a  religious  sect,  begun  in  Judaea  by  one  who  was  re- 
jected as  a  deceiver  in  his  own  country.  Or,  if  his  subject  led 
such  a  writer  to  mention  the  Christian  religion,  its  doctrines, 
miracles,  and  disciples,  he  would  naturally  speak  of  them  in  such 
a  manner  as  he  himself  felt  affected  towards  them  ;  and  in  what 
sovereign  contempt  the  first  Christians  were  held,  by  the  gene- 
rality of  profane  writers,  many  of  the  passages  adduced  from 
their  works,  in  the  preceding  pages,  sufficiently  attest.  Lastly, 
the  Christian  scheme  of  doctrines  and  moral  duties  was  so  con- 
trary to  the  received  tenets  and  maxims  of  the  heathen,  that  it 
cannot  excite  surprise  that  many  of  them  cared  but  little  to  in- 
quire into  evidences  and  facts  relating  to  it.  Many,  however, 
who  did  inquire,  doubtless  became  Christians ;  their  testimony, 
therefore,  is  not  to  be  reckoned  here. 

One  single  example  will  illustrate  the  three  last  observa- 
tions. The  preternatural  darkness  of  three  hours  which  pre- 
vailed in  the  land  of  Judcea  at  the  time  of  Christ's  crucifixion, 
and  which  has  been  recorded  by  three  of  the  evangelists,  is 
unnoticed  by  any  profane  historian:  from  which  circum- 
stance Mr.  Gibbon  has  taken  occasion  to  insinuate  that  the 
evidence  of  the  evangelists  is  not  sufficient  to  establish  the 
truth  of  facts,  unless  it  is  supported  by  the  concurrent  testi- 
mony of  pagan  contemporary  writers.  Speaking  of  that 
darkness,  he  expresses  his  surprise  that  this  miraculous  event 
"  passed  without  notice  in  an  age  of  science  and  history.  It  hap- 
pened," he  adds,  "during  the  lifetii  ....  of  Seneca  and  the 
elder  Pliny,  who  must  have  experienced  the  immediate  effects,  or 
received  the  earliest  intelligence  of  the  prodigy.     Each  of  thesp 


Sect.  II.  §  2.] 


CONFIRMED  BY  PROFANE   WRITERS. 


8? 


philosophers,  in  a  laborious  work,  has  recorded  all  lit: 
phenomena  of  nature,  earthquakes,  meteors,  comets,  i 

his  indefatigable  industry  could  collect.     Both  il. 
and  the  other  bave  omitted  to  mention  the  greatest  phenomi  - 

lion,  ta  which  tlie  mortal  eye  has  been  witai  88  -inc.  th 
timi  of  the  globe.    A  distinct  chapter  of  Pliny  is  devoted  to 
eclipses  of  an  extraordinary  nature  and  unusual  duration  .•  but 
be  contents  himself  with  describing  the  singular  defect  of 

light  which  followed  the  murder  of  Ca-sar,  when,  during  the 
greatest  part  of  the  year,  the  orb  of  the  sun  appeared  pale 
ami  without  Bplendour."1  Thesentenci  a  printed  in  italic  are 
those  in  which  the  sceptical  historian  lias  had  recourse  to 
those  misrepresentations  which  unhappily  pervade  too  many 
of  bis  splendid  pages.     On  this  passage  we  remark, 

First,  That  the  eclipse  being  confined  to  Judos,  its  immedi- 
ate effects  could  not  necessarily  have  been  experienced  by  8e» 
neca  or  Pliny,  neither  of  whom  could  have  been  on  the  spot  in 
the  reign  of  Tiberius,  when  the  eclipse  took  place;  nor  can  it  be 
proved,  that  they  had  immediate  information  from  all  parts  of 
the  i;lobc  as  soon  as  any  extraordinary  phenomenon  had  taken 
place. 

Bscoitsit,  Neither  Pliny  nor  Seneca  bave  left  any  works  that 
correspond  to  the  historian's  pompous  description.  Seneca  does 
not  treat  on  eclipses  at  all,  in  the  passage  referred  to  ;2  he  speaks 
indeed  of  earthquakes,  but  only  in  a  very  cursory  manner,  and 
docs  not  instance  more  than  four  or  five,  because  his  object  was 
evidently  not  to  write  a  history  of  them,  but  to  investigate  their 
symptoms,  causes,  and  prognostics.  The  name  remark  applies 
to  Pliny  with  respect  to  earthquakes.  They  are  mentioned  only 
to  introduce  philosophical  observations.  The  historian,  there- 
fore, has  but  very  feeble  props  to  support  his  assertion.  We  may 
reasonably  imagine,  that  if  Seneca  and  Pliny  have  recorded  all 
the  great  phenomena  of  nature,  they  must  of  course  have  ex- 
plored the  Grecian  and  Roman  histories,  which  were  immedi- 
ately open  to  their  inquiries.  Now,  let  us  try  an  experiment  as 
to  what  they  have  derived  from  those  sources  with  respect  to 
eclipses.  Do  they  mention  the  total  eclipse  of  the  sun,  when  the 
celebrated  plague  happened  at  Athens,  in  the  first  year  of  the 
Peloponncsian  war]  Do  they  mention  the  solar  eclipse  on  the 
day  when  the  foundations  of  Rome  were  laid !  Do  they  men- 
tion the  eclipse  foretold  by  Thalcs,  by  which  a  peace  was  effected 
between  the  Mcdes  and  the  Lydians  1  It  would  be  too  tedious 
and  useless  to  ask  for  many  others,  which  might  be  mentioned 
without  any  fear  of  our  questions  being  answered  in  the  affir- 
mative. 

TuinDLT,  The  distinct  chapter  of  Pliny,  in  which,  according 
to  the  historian's  lofty  representation,  we  should  expect  to  find  the 
subject  of  eclipses  exhausted  by  its  full  and  elaborate  detail,  con- 
sists of  only  eighteen  words,  the  purport  of  which  is,  that 
••  eclipses  of  the  sun  are  sometimes  of  extraordinary  duration  ; 
such  as  that  which  took  place  on  the  death  of  Caesar,  and  during 
the  war  with  Antony,  when  the  sun  appeared  pale  for  nearly  a 
year." 

Lastly,  This  miraculous  preternatural  darkness  did  not  pass 
without  notice.  Omitting  the  supposed  attestation  of  it  by  Phle- 
gon  (a  pagan  chronologist  who  wrote  during  the  reign  of  the 
emperor  Hadrian,'  and  whose  testimony  is  cited  by  Tertullian, 
Origcn,  and  Eusebius),  and  also  the  supposed  mention  of  it  by 
Thallus  (who  lived  in  the  second  century),  which  is  cited  by  Ju- 
lius Africanus,5  a  writer  of  great  eminence  and  probity,  w  ho 
lived  at  the  beginning  of  the  third  century  ; — we  may  remark 
that  there  are  two  other  testimonies  not  founded  on  the  state- 
ments of  Phlegon  and  Thallus,  which  unequivocally  confirm 
the  evangelical  history  of  the  darkness  at  the  crucifixion,  viz. 
those  of  Tertullian  and  Celsus.  In  his  Apology  for  the  Chris- 
tians, which  was  addressed  to  their  heathen  adversaries,  Tertul- 
lian expressly  says,  "  At  the  moment  of  Christ's  death,  the  light 
departed  from  the  sun,  and  the  land  was  darkened  at  noon- 

daq  ;  WHICH  WONDER  IS  RELATE!)  IN'  YOI'R  OWN  AN- 
NALS, a™  is  preserved  i*  YOUR  ARCHIVES  TO  THIS 
DAY."-3  If  the  account  of  this  extraordinary  darkness  had  not 
been  registered,  Tertullian  would  have  exposed  both  himself  to 
me  charge  of  asserting  a  falsehood  (which  charge  was  never 
srought  against  him),  and  also  his  religion  to  the  ridicule  of  his 
enemies.  It  is  further  particularly  worthy  of  remark,  that  the 
darkness  and  earthquake  at  the  crucifixion  are  both  explicitly  re- 

»  Decline  and  Fall,  vol.  ii.  p.  370. 

a  Nat.  Quaest.  lib.  vi.  c.  1.    Op.  torn.  iv.  pp.  309—312.  edii  Bipont. 

*  Fiunl  prodigioso,  et  longiores  solis  delectus :  qualis  occiso  dictatore 

.  et  Antoniano  bello,  totius  paene  anni  pallore  continuo.     Plin.  Hist. 
Nat  lib.  ii.  c  30.  torn.  i.  p.  14S.  edit.  Bipont. 

*  Sne  Lardner's  Works,  vol.  vii.  pp.  370—337.  Svo. ;  or  vol.  iv.  pp.  5S— 67 
Ito.  t  ibid.  •  Tertullian,  Apol.  e.  **. 


cognised  and  mentioned  as  facts  by  that  acute  adversary  of 
Christianity,  Celsus;  who  would  not  have  made  such  an  admis- 
sion, if  he  could  have  possibly  denied  them. 

In  addition  to  the  preceding  observations,  we  may  state 
that  many  pood  and  solid  reasons  may  be  assigned  why 
vi  //  t  made  mention  of  the  darkness  at  the 
crucifixion,  which,  it  is  now  generally  admitted,  was  con- 
fined  to  the  land  of  Judssa.  The  most  obvious  is,  that  they 
might  have  no  sufficient  information  of  it.  The  provinces 
of  the  Roman  empire  were  very  extensive,  and  we  find,  in 
general,  that  the  attention  of  writers  was  cbiefly  confined  to 
those  which  were  nearest  to  the  metropolis.  The  ancient 
historians  and  biographers  are  remarkably  concise,  and  seldom 
stop  to  mention  occurrences,  which,  although  they  may 
have  happened  during  the  times  of  which  thev  write,  have 
no  relation  whatever  to  their  main  subject.  'Ihis  was  their 
I  rule,  and  there  is  no  reason  for  which  it  should  be 
violated  merely  to  indulge  the  caprice  of  the  captious,  or 
satisfy  the  scruples  of  the  petulant  There  is  no  more  reason 
in  the  nature  of  the  thing  itself  why  the  testimony  of  pro- 
fane writers  should  be  called  Ear  to  support  the  sacred  than 
the  sacred  should  be  called  for  to  support,  the  profane.  We 
may  then  retort  the  argument,  and  in  our  turn  ask  the  his- 
torian, and  those  who  have  lately  circulated  his  false  account 
of  the  progress  of  Christianity,  how  they  can  credit  the 
accounts  given  by  Paterculus,  Pliny  the  i  Ider,  Valerius 
Maximus,  and  Seneca,  when  .Matthew,  .Mark,  Luke,  and 
John  take  not  the  least  notice  of  them  T  But  let  it  he  sup- 
posed that  the  Roman  writi  re  had  received  information  of 
the  fact  in  question,  it  is  most  probable  that  they  would 
have  considered  it  as  a  natural  occurrence,  being  accustomed 
to  earthquakes  and  darkness  for  whole  days  together,  in 
consequence  of  the  eruptions  of  Mount  Vesuvius.  Or,  sup 
posing  that  they  had  believed  it  to  be  a  pr<  temataral  dark- 
ness, would  it  have  been  consistent  with  their  principles  as 
heathens  to  have  mentioned  it?  They  must  plainly  have 
foreseen  what  great  advantage  would  have  been  given  to 
Christianity  by  it.  Their  readers  would  naturally  have 
been  led  to  inquire  into  the  character  of  the  extraordinary 
person,  at  whose  death  the  laws  of  nature  were  infringed., 
and  this  inquiry,  as  it  would  have  opened  a  more  complete 
view  of  the  new  dispensation,  must  have  led  to  their  con- 
version. Hence  we  collect  a  very  satisfactory  reason  foi 
their  silence.  Supposing  that  they  knew  the  fact,  and  from 
motives  of  policy  suppressed  it,  their  silence  furnishes  as 
strongr  a  proof  of  its  truth,  as  their  express  testimony  could 
possibly  have  done. 

Upon  the  whole,  we  may  venture  boldly  to  assert,  that 
even  if  this  fact  be  destitute  of  support  from  profane  writers, 
it  is  a  deficiency  which  may  easily  be  dispensed  with.  We 
believe  many  things  upon  the  evidence  of  one  credible  wit- 
ness. But  in  the  case  before  us,  we  have  no  less  than  three, 
whose  knowledge  of  the  fact  was  never  denied,  whose  ve- 
racity is  indisputable,  and  integrity  not  to  be  impeached. 
So  plainly  are  the  characters  of  truth  marked  upon  their 
writino-s,  that  every  person  of  common  discernment  must  see 
them,  and  he  who  is  not  satisfied  as  to  the  certainty  of  what 
they  relate,  must  give  up  all  pretensions  to  a  sound  judgment, 
and  be  abandoned  to  the  incurable  obstinacy  ot  his  own 
forlorn  scepticism.8 

An  example  taken  from  English  history  will  confirm  and 
illustrate  the  preceding  observations.  No  one  in  our  days, 
who  has  read  the  whole  history  of  the  popish  plot  in  Charles 
the  Second's  time,  with  any  candour  ana  attention,  believes 
it.  The  incoherence,  and  every  way  incredible  circumstances 
of  the  whole  deposition,  together  with  the  infamous  charac- 
ters of  the  witnesses,  preclude  an  assent.  Yet,  a  circum- 
stance to  this  day  unaccounted  for — the  murder  of  Sir  Ed- 
mundbury  Godfrey — happened  to  give  it  an  air  of  probability. 
Yet  he  would  be  thought  injudicious  to  the  last  degree,  who 
should  thence  be  inclined  to  favour  the  evidence  of  Titus 
Oates.  The  case  before  us  is  opposite,  indeed,  but  parallel. 
Christianity  stands  supported  by  evidences  of  the  most  un- 
exceptionable nature;  yet  the  circumstance  of  Seneca's  and 
Pliny's  silence  concerning  the  eclipse  or  preternatural  dark- 
ness (admit  it  only  for  argument's  sake)  is  unaccountable 
The  evidence  of  the  Gospel  is,  however,  by  no  means, 
shaken,  nor  will  be  shaken,  till  it  can  be  proved  that  we 
must  be  able  to  account  for  every  thing  in  an  event,  before- 
we  admit  the  testimony  of  the  event  itself. 

In  short,  there  is  no  history  in  the  world  more  certain  sack 


i  See  Oriaen  ojntr.  Celsuin,  lib.  ii.  5  56   | 
•  Kelt's  Bampton  Lectures,  Notes  and  A 


pp.  r.x:v  -  jraxu 


CREDIBILITY  OF  THE  SCRIPTURES  CONFIRMED 


[Chap.  Ill 


indubitable  than  that  contained  in  the  Christian  Scriptures, 
which  is  supported  by  the  concurring  testimony,— not  to 
say  of  so  many  men,  but  of  so  many  different  nations,  di- 
vided, indeed,  among  themselves  in  other  particulars,  but  all 
uniting  to  confirm  the  truth  of  the  facts  related  in  the  Gos- 
pels. And,  therefore,  even  though  the  Christian  institution 
had  perished  with  the  apostles,  and  there  were  not  in  the 
world  at  this  day  so  much  as  one  Christian,  we  should 
have  the  most  unquestionable  evidence  that  the  persons  and 
actions  recorded  in  the  Gospels,  and  attested  by  the  con- 
curring voice  of  all  nations,  really  existed  in  the  country  of 
Judaea"during  the  reign  of  Tiberius,  as  the  evangelists  have 
assured  us.1 


§  3.  COLLATERAL  TESTIMONIES  TO  THE  TRUTH  OF  THE  FACTS 
RECORDED  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES  FROM  COINS,  MEDALS,  AND 
ANCIENT    MARBLES. 

I.  The  Mosaic  narrative  of  the  deluge  confirmed  by  the 
Apamean  medal. — II.  Various  Passages  of  Scripture  con- 
firmed by  Egyptian  Hieroglyphics. — III.  The  account  of 
Pharaoh-JVecho's  war  against  the  Jews  f'2  Chron.  xxxv. 
20 — 2i.J  confirmed  by  Herodotus,  and  by  an  ancient  Egyp- 
tian tomb  discovered  and  explored  by  Jlf.  Belzoni. — IV. 
Acts  xiii.  7.  confirmed  by  a  medal  proving  that  Cyprus  -was 
at  that  time  under  the  government  of  a  proconsul. — V.  Acts 
xvi.  11,  12.  confirmed  by  a  coin  of  Macedonia  Prima. — 
VI.  Acts  xvi.  14.  confirmed  by  an  inscription. — VII.  Acts 
xvii.  23.  confirmed  by  inscriptions. — VIII.  Acts  xix.  35. 
confirmed  by  a  medal  of  the  city  of  Ephesus. — IX.  The 
Triumphal  Arch  of  Titus,  at  Rome. — Application  of  this 
sort  of  evidence. 

There  remains  yet  one  more  class  of  collateral  testimo- 
nies to  the  credibility  of  the  facts  recorded  in  the  Bible, 
which  is  not  less  important  and  decisive  than  the  series  of 
evidence  of  profane  historians  given  in  the  preceding  pages. 
These  testimonies  are  furnished  by  ancient  coins,  medals, 
and  inscriptions  on  marbles  ;  which  have  survived  the  wreck 
of  time,  and  are  extant  to  this  day.  These  remains  of  an- 
tiquity are  allowed  to  be  among  the  most  important  proofs  of 
ancient  history  in  general ;  and  they  afford  satisfactory  con- 
firmation of  many  particulars  related  in  the  Scriptures.  The 
most  remarkable  of  these  we  now  proceed  to  submit  to  the 
consideration  of  the  reader. 

I.  The  Mosaic  Narrative  of  the  Deluge 

Is  confirmed  by  a  coin  struck  at  Apamca  in  the  reign  of  Philip 
the  elder.  On  the  reverse  of  this  medal  is  represented  a  kind 
of  square  chest,  floating  upon  the  waters :  a  man  and  woman 
are  advancing  out  of  it  to  dry  land,  while  two  other  persons 
remain  within.  Above  it  flutters  a  dove,  bearing  an  olive  branch ; 
and  another  bird,  possibly  a  raven,  is  perched  upon  its  roof.  In 
one  of  the  front  panels  of  the  chest  is  the  word  NOE  in  ancient 
Greek  characters.2 

II.  Various  passages  in  the  Old  Testament  are  confirmed 
by  the  successful  researches  of  Dr.  Young,  Mr.  Salt,  M. 
Champollion,  M.  Coquerel,  and  other  eminent  scholars,  in 
deciphering  the  hitherto  illegible  hieroglyphics,  which  are 
still  extant  on  ancient  Egyptian  monuments.  To  adduce  a 
few  instances  out  of  many  which  might  be  offered  : — 

1.  Several  ages  before  the  time  of  Sesostris,  the  shepherd 
kings,  whom  every  circumstance  proves  to  have  been  of  Scythian 
origin,  invaded  and  conquered  almost  the  whole  of  Egypt,  about 
the  year  2082  before  the  Christian  rera,  and  in  the  time  of  the 
patriarch  Abraham.  The  princes  of  the  eighteenth  dynasty  (the 
Theban),  whose  chief  was  Thoutmosis  I.,  the  first  sovereign 
after  the  shepherd  kings,  erected  the  most  ancient  edifices  of 
Thebes  and  Egypt.  Thoutmosis  was  adored  as  a  god,  under  the 
name  of  Amenothph,  because  he  had  delivered  Egypt  from  the 
shepherds  ;  the  recollection  of  whose  tyranny  was  odious  to  the 
Egyptians  and  to  the  kings  of  that  dynasty,  to  which  the 
Pharaoh,  mentioned  in  the  latter  part  of  the  Book  of  Genesis, 
belongs.     In   Gen.    xlvi.  34.    Joseph   tells   his  brethren    that 

»  Edwards,  on  the  Authority,  &c.  of  Scripture,  vol.  i.  pp.  400 — ISO 
Macknight's  Truth  of  the  Gospel,  pp.  305,  30(3. 343. 

»  Bryant's  Analysis  of  Ancient  Mythology,  vol.  iii.  pp.  46,  47.  8vo.  edit. 
In  the  fifth  volume,  pp.  289— 313.  he  has  satisfactorily  vindicated  the 
genuineness  of  the  apamean  medal.  Seven  or  eight  of  these  medals  are 
known  to  be  extant,  the  genuineness  of  which  is  acknowledged  by  Eckhel, 
(he  most  profound  of  all  nodern  numismatologists.  See  his  Doctrina 
Nummorum  Veterum,  toil)  iii   pp.  132.  140. 


Every  shepherd  is  an  abomination  unto  the  Egyptians.  This 
hatred  of  theirs  against  shepherds  is  confirmed  in  a  very  singu- 
lar manner  by  a  very  ancient  mummy  now  at  Paris,  beneath 
the  buskins  of  both  whose  feet  is  painted  a  shepherd,  bound 
with  cords? 

3.  The  two  first  Pharaohs  mentioned  in  the  Bible,  one  of 
whom  was  contemporary  with  Abraham  (Gen.  xii.  15.),  and  the 
other  with  Joseph  (Gen.  xxxvii.  36.),  were  both  of  the  Theban 
or  Diospolitan  dynasty.  In  the  arrangements  of  their  court  we 
may  recognise  the  style  and  Egyptian  customs  which  were  re- 
established after  the  expulsion  of  the  shepherd  kings.  In  Exod. 
i.  11.  14.  mention  is  made  of  the  vast  structures,  in  the  building 
of  which  the  Egyptians  imbittered  the  lives  of  the  Israelites 
with  hard  bondage  ;  and  it  was  precisely  the  sovereigns  of  that 
dynasty,  who  distinguished  themselves  by  the  erection  of  gi- 
gantic monuments.  The  granite  columns  and  apartments  of 
the  palace  at  Karnac,  several  temples  in  Nubia,  the  great  sphinx 
of  the  pyramids,  and  the  colossal  obelisk  of  St.  John  of  Lateran, 
attest  the  power  of  Thoutmosis  III.  the  Moeris  of  the  Greeks. 
Amenophis  II.  erected  the  colossal  statue  which  attracted  the 
superstitious  curiosity  of  the  Romans.  Ramses  (or  Rameses)  II. 
caused  the  superb  obelisks  at  Luxor  to  be  erected.  M.  Cham- 
pollion read  the  names  of  all  these  sovereigns  on  the  inscrip- 
tions of  monuments.  The  Pharaoh,  under  whose  reign  Moses 
was  born,  was  Ramses  IV.  surnamed  Mei-Amoun,  that  is,  the 
Friend  of  Ammon  ;  who  left  numerous  edifices  built  by  the 
children  of  Israel,  whom  he  so  cruelly  oppressed.  He  caused  the 
vast  palace  of  Medinet-Abou  to  be  erected,  as  well  as  the  tem- 
ple situated  towards  the  southern  gate  of  Karnac.  The  sar- 
cophagus of  this  monarch  is  preserved  in  the  Louvre  at  Paris. 
This  contemporary  of  Moses  must  have  swayed  the  Egyptian 
sceptre  more  than  forty  years,  since  the  Hebrew  legislator  passed 
forty  years  at  his  court,  and  a  long  time  afterwards,  it  is  said 
that  the  king  of  Egypt  died.  Now,  it  appears  from  Manetho 
(as  quoted  by  Josephus)4  that  this  identical  Ramses  Mei-Amoun 
reigned  sixty-six  years  and  two  months.  Are  not  these  un- 
expected agreements  between  sacred  and  profane  history  evident 
proofs  of  truth  1  Who  then  has  falsified  the  ancient  lists  of 
Egyptian  dynasties,  the  lists  written  on  papyrus,  and  the  ruins 
of  Egypt,  to  make  them  agree  so  well  with  a  few  sentences 
uttered  by  a  Christian,  named  Stephen  (Acts  vii.  18.  et  seq.,) 
and  with  a  few  lines  written  by  a  Jew  named  Moses  I5  Lastly, 
the  Pharaoh,  who  witnessed  the  ten  plagues  inflicted  on  the 
Egyptians,  was  Ramses  V.,  surnamed  Amenophis,  the  last  sove- 
reign of  the  eighteenth  dynasty,  and  the  father  of  Sesostris.  His 
name  is  legible  on  several  parts  of  the  palace  of  Karnac,  which 
was  decorated  by  him. 

3.  M.  Champollion  has  shown  that  the  proper  names  of  both 
sexes  in  ancient  Egypt  are  almost  always  composed  of  the  names 
of  gods  or  goddesses.  In  Gen.  xli.  45.  we  read  that  Pharaoh  gave 
to  Joseph  in  marriage  "  the  daughter  of  Potipherah,  priest  of 
On."  (Potipherah  is  constantly  written  Putiphar  in  the  Coptic 
version  of  the  Scriptures.)  On  is  Heliopolis,  the  city  of  the  sun, 
so  termed  by  the  Greeks.  Petephri,  in  Egyptian,  means  that 
which  belongs  to  ri,  or  the  sun.  M.  Champollion  has  de- 
monstrated that  shre"  or  re  denotes  the  sun,  in  the  Egyptian 
language.  Thus  the  hieroglyphic  text  completely  confirms  the 
book  of  Genesis.6 

4.  In  1  Kings  xi.  40.  we  read  that  Jeroboam  arose  and  fled 
into  Egypt,  unto  Shishak  king  of  Egypt ;  and  in  1  Kings  xiv. 
25.  and  2  Chron.  xii.  2.,  that,  in  the  fifth  year  of  king  Rehoboam, 
Shishak  king  of  Egypt  came  up  against  Jerusale?n.  The  head 
or  chief  of  the  twenty-second  dynasty  (the  Bubastite)  is  by 
Manetho  called  Sesonschis  or  Sesonchosis  ;  and  on  one  of  the 
colonnades  which  decorate  the  first  court  of  the  great  temple  (or 
palace,  as  it  has  also  been  called)  of  Karnac,  there  are  two  royal 
legends  or  inscriptions,  on  one  of  which  M.  Champollion  read, 
in  phonetic  (or  vocal  hieroglyphic)  characters,  the  words, — 
Amon-mai-Sheshonk ;  the  well  beloved  of  Amon  (or  the  sun) 
Sheshonk.  If  we  bear  in  mind  the  peculiar  genius  of  the  an- 
cient oriental  languages,  which,  neglecting  the  vowels  as  least 
important,  adhere  only  to  the  skeletons  of  words,  that  is  to  say 
to  the  consonants,  it  is  impossible  not  to  be  struck  with  the 
identity  of  the  Egyptian  name  Sheshonk  with  the  letters  of  the 
Hebrew  word  p!p»e;  snisiiaic  or  sheshak,  and  to  recognise  in  him 

3  Revue  Protestante,  Juillet,  1S27.  p.  12. 

«  Josephus  against  Apion,  book  i.  c.  15. 

'  Revue  Prot^  Juillet,  1S27.  p.  14.  Coquerel,  Biog'-aphie  Sactee,  torn,  iii 
p.  361.  '  F 

«  Rev.  Prot.  Juillet,  p.  18.  A.  L.  C.  Coquerel,  Lettre  sur  le  Systems 
Hieroglyphique  de  M.  Champollion,  considere  dans  ses  Rapports  avec 
l'Ecriture  Sainte.p.  30.    Amsterdam.  1825.  8vo. 


Sict.  II.  §  3.] 


BY  ANCIENT  COINS  AND  MEDALS. 


89 


Pharaoh  who  is  named  Shishak  by  the  sacred  historian.'  In  the 
same  temple  or  palace,  M.  Champollion  also  beheld  Sesonchis 
dragging  at  the  feet  of  the  Theban  Trinity  (Amon,  Mouth,  and 
Kons)  the  chiefs  of  more  than  thirty  conquered  nations,  among 
whom  he  found  written  in  letters  at  full  length  iorn  wimalek, 
the  king  of  Judah,  or  of  the  Jews.-  It  is  farther  worthy  of  re- 
mark that  the  dates  Wad  by  this  accomplished  antiquary  are  ex- 
pressed precisely  in  the  same  manner  aa  we  read  in  the  Bible  •, — 
In  the  fifth  year,  on  tin- fifth  day  "f  tl,c  m"ntn>  &&  '^'us 
similitude  of  phraseology  is  vetj  striking. ' 

5.  Lastly,  in  2  Kings  xix.  9.  and  Isa.  xxxvii.  <).  we  read  that 
the  king  of  Assyria  heard  tidings  »f  T/rhaka,  king  of  Ethi- 
opia ;  who  is  most  probably  the  Pharaoh  mentioned  in  Isa. 
xxxvi.  fi.  The  hieroglyphic  name  Tarak,  the  Taracus  of  the 
Greeks  (the  third  kin-  of  the  twenty-fifth  dynasty  of  Manetho, 
who  terms  him  an  Ethiopian),  was  read  by  M.  Champollion  on 
many  monuments  ;  and  Mr.  Salt,  without  any  intercourse  with 
him,  having  observed  that  the  Egyptians  wrote  the  names  of 
their  Greek  sovereigns  in  hieroglyphic  characters,  as  well  as 
those  of  the  Roman  emperors,  conceived  the  ingenious  idea  of 
inquiring  whether  they  might  not  have  followed  the  same  prac- 
tiee  with  regard  to  the  inseriptions  of  the  Ethiopian  monarchs 
who  preceded  those  (wo  dynasties.  His  researches  were  crowned 
with  success  ;  and  he  discovered  in  phonetic  characters  the  name 
rniAKA,  in  two  places  on  an  inscription  from  behind  a  small 
propylseon  or  portico  at  Mcdinet-Abou,  and  in  two  other  in- 
scriptions from  Birkel  in  Ethiopia.  This  Tiraka  or  Tirhaka, 
therefore,  is  the  king  of  Ethiopia  mentioned  in  the  Scriptures 
as  having  come  out  to  fight  against  Sennacherib  king  of  As- 
syria. ' 

III.  The  account  of  the  War,  carried  on  by  Pharach- 
Necho  against  the  Jews  and  Babylonians  (which  is  re- 
lated in  the  second  book  of  Chronicles),  is  confirmed  by  the 
testimony  of  the  Greek  historian  Herodotus,  and  especially 
by  the  recent  discoveries  of  the  late  enterprising  traveller, 
M.  Belzoni,  among  the  tombs  of  the  Egyptian  sovereigns. 
•  The  following  is  the  narrative  of  the  sacred  historian,  in 
2  Chron.  xxxv.  20—24. 

After  all  this,  ivheti  Josiah  had  prepared  the  temple,  JVVc/io, 
king  of  Egypt,  came  up  to  fight  against  Charchemish,  by 
Euphrates :  and  Josiah -went  out  against  him.  But  he  sent 
ambassadors  to  him,  saying,  What  have  I  to  do  with  thee,  thou 
king  of  Judah  ?  I  come  not  against  thee  this  day,  but  against 
the  house  wherewith  I  have  war;  for  God  commanded  me  to 
make  haste ;  forbear  thee  from  meddling  with  God,  who  is 
with  me,  that  he  destroy  thee  not.  JYeverthcless  Josiah  would 
not  turn  his  face  from  him,  but  disguised  himself,  that  he 
might  fight  with  him,  and  hearkened  not  unto  the  words  of 
A'er/to  from  the  mouth  of  God,  and  came  to  fight  in  the  valley 
of  Megiddo.  And  the  archers  shot  at  king  Josiah  ;  and  the 
king  said  to  his  servants,  Have  me  away,  for  I  am  sore 
wounded.  His  servants  therefore  took  him  out  of  that  chariot, 
and  put  him  in  the  second  chariot  that  he  had;  and  they 
brought  him  to  Jerusalem  and  he  died,  and  was  buried  in  one 
of  the  sepulchres  of  his  fathers.  And  all  Judah  and  Jerusa- 
lem mourned  fur  Josiah.  And  again  in  xxxvi.  1 — 4.  Then  the 
people  of  the  land  took  Jehoahaz,  the  son  of  Josiah,  and  made 
him  king  in  his  father'1  s  stead  in  Jerusalem ;  Jehoahaz  was 
twenly-and-three  years  old  when  he  began  to  reign,  and  he 
reigned  three  months  in  Jerusalem.  And  the  king  of  Egypt 
put  him  down  at  Jerusalem,  and  condemned  the  land  in  an 
hundred  talents  of  silver,  and  a  talent  of  gold,  .hid  the  king 
of  Egypt  made  Eliakim  his  brother  king  over  Judah  and  Jeru- 
salem, and  turned  his  name  to   Jehoiakim.      Axi)  Necho  took 

If.HOUIAZ    HIS    BROTHER,    AMI    I'AIlllIKIl    HIM    CJTTO   EcrPT. 

These  passages  prove  the  power  and  conquests  of  Pharaoh- 
Necho  ;  and  if  we  turn  to  Herodotus  we  shall  find  a  wonderful 
agreement  with  many  of  the  particulars.  .  \W  .Yecos  was  the 
son  of  Psammeticus.  and  reigned  over  Egypt  ;  it  was  he  who 
began  the  canals,  cfc.  and  he  employed  himself  in  warlike 
inn-suits,  building  galleys,  both  on  the  .Mediterranean  and  on 
the  Red  Sea,  the  traces  of  his  dock-yards  still  existing  ;  and 
these   he    used  when  he  had  occasion  for  them.       And   Nkcos 

JOINED    BATTLE    WITH   THE    SYRIAN'S    IX     MaSDOLUS,    AVI)     COY- 

1  M   Champollion  lias  engraved  this  royal  legend  in  his  Pn-cis  da  Bys- 
Bierogtypriique  des  anciens   Egyptians.    Planches,  et  explication 
(Paris,  1824.  Svo.),  Plate,  No.  116,  and  description,  pp.  12,  13. 

*  Champollion.  Septi<  me  Lettre,  p.  35. 

•  Coquerel,  Biographie  Saeree,  torn.  iv.  p.  221.  I.etire.p.  30.  Rev.  Prot. 
p.  18.  Qreppo,  Essai  snr  le  Systems  Hierolgyphique  de  M.  Champollion  le 
tame,  pp.  171,  172.    Paris,  1829. 

«  Salt's  Essay  on  Dr.  Young's  and  M.  Champollion's  Phonetic  System  of 
Antiquities,  pp.  29—31.  70.    Revue  Protestante,  Juillet,  1827.  p.  19. 
Vol.  I.  M 


U.I  T.  III.  II    TIIKM,   AND     AFTER  THE    BATTLE   HE   TO*fi   CadTTIS.    .v 

large  citt  ok  Siria.  And  having  reigned  in  the  whole  sia> 
teen  years,  he  died,  and  left  the  throne  to  his  son  PsummisJ- 
The  historian,  who  was  better  acquainted  with  Egypt  than  with 
Judsa,  has  here  put  Mag  dolus,  a  city  of  Lower  Egypt,  for 
.1/  iddo,  a  city  of  Judaea,  and  has  further  confounded  the  He 
brews  with  the  Syrians.  Cadytis  is  again  mentioned  by  Hero 
dotus,"  as  "  belonging  to  the  Syrians  ©/"Palestine,"  and  "as  a 
city  not  less  than  Sardes ,-"  so  that  there  is  no  doubt  that  he 
intended  Jerusalem.  "Here  K*iuri<  is  evidently  taken  fiom  the 
Syriac  A'adutha  signifying  '  the  Holy,'  from  the  Hebrew  rflPYip 
(kuih  siKiii),  which  is  found  inscribed  on  ancient  Jewish  shekels 
in  the  Samaritan  character  ;  in  modern  Hebrew  characters,  thus, 
IW11P  n  o,lwi  "v<  (J'/ii i  sai.i. m  iid-KiiiiLsnaH),  Jerusalem  the 
Holy  ;"•'  the  historian  affixing  a  Greek  termination,  and  calling 
the  metropolis  of  Palestine   Cadytis. 

We  now  come  to  the  researches  of  M.  Behtoni  in  the  tomb  of 
Psammethis  or  Psammis,  ihc  son  of  Pharaoh-Necho. 

In  one  of  the  numerous  apr.rlmenLs  of  this  venerable  monu- 
ment of  ancient  art,  there  is  a  sculptured  group  describing  the 
march  of  a  military  and  triumphal  procession  with  three  differ- 
ent  sets  of  prisoners,  who  are  evidently  .lews,  Ethiopians,  and 
Persians.  The  procession  begins  with  four  red  men  v.  itli  white 
kirtles  followed  by  a  hawk-headed  divinity  :  these  are  Egyptians 
apparently  released  from  captivity,  and  returning  home  under 
the  protection  of  the  national  deity.  Then  follow  four  white 
men  in  striped  and  fringed  kirtles,  with  black  beards,  and  with  a 
simple  white  fillet  round  their  black  hair ;  these  are  obviously 
Jews,  and  might  be  taken  for  the  portraits  of  those  who,  at  this 
day,  walk  the  streets  jf  London.  After  them  come  three 
white  men  with  smaller  beards  and  curled  whiskers,  with  double- 
spreading  plumes  on  their  heads,  tattooed,  and  wearing  robes  or 
mantles  spotted  like  the  skins  of  wild  beasts  ;  these  are  Persians 
or  Chaldaeans.  Lastly  come  four  negroes  with  large  circular 
ear-rings,  and  white  petticoats  supported  by  a  belt  over  the 
shoulder  ;  these  are  Ethiopians.8 

Among  the  hieroglyphics  contained  in  M.  Belzoni's  drawings 
of  this  tomb,  the  late  Dr.  Young,  who  was  pre-eminently  dis- 
tinguished for  his  successful  researches  in  archseology,  succeeded 
in  discovering  the  names  of  Psammis,  and  of  JVichao  (the  JVecho 

a  Herodotus,  lib.  ii.  c.  159.  vol.  i.  p.  108.  edit.  Oxon.  1809.  Rennell's 
Geography  of  Herodotus  explained,  p.  243. 

•  Ibid.  lib.  hie.  5.  vol.  i.  p.  179. 

i  Dr.  Hale's  Sacred  Chronology,  vol.  i.  p.  425.  (second  edition) ;  Bp.  Wal- 
ton's llibliu  Polvglotta,  torn.  i.  Apparatus  de  Siclorum  Formis.  pp.  36.38. 
Dr.  Prideaux— having  referred  to  Hcrodotus's  account  of  Pharaoh-Ne- 
cho's  expedition,  and  capture  of  K*$uti;,  or  Cadytis,  and  also 
rian's  concise  description  of  it— says,  "By  which  description  this  Cadytis 
could  be  none  other  than  Jerusalem.  For  that  it  is  situated  in  the  moun- 
tains of  Palestine,  and  there  was  then  no  other  city  in  which 
could  be  equalled  to  Sardisbut  that  only  ;  and  it  is  certain  from  Scripture 
that  after  this  battle  Necho  did  take  Jerusalem;  for  he  was  there  when  he 
made  Jehoiakim  king.  There  is,  I  confi  as,  no  mention ol  this  name  either 
in  the  Scriptures  or  Josephus.  But  that  it  was,  however,  called  so  in  the 
time  of  Herodotus  by  the  Syrians  and  Arabians,  doth  appear  from  this, 
thai  ii  is  called  by  them  and  all  the  eastern  nations  by  no  other  name  but 
one  of  the  same  original,  and  the  same  signification,  even  to  this  day.  For 
Jerusalem  is  a  name  now  altogether  as  strange  to  them  as  Cadytis  is  to  us. 
They  all  call  ii  by  the  name  Al-Kvds,  which  signifies  the  same  that  Cadytis 
doth,  thai  is.  Holy  .  for  from  the  lime  that  Solomon  built  the  temple  at  Jeru- 
Balem,  and  ii  was  thereby  made  to  all  Israel  the  commonplace  of  their  re- 
ligious  worship,  this  epithet  of  the  Holy  was  commonly  given  unto  it.  And 
therefore  we  Bnd  it  thenceforth  called  in  the  sacred  writings  of  the  Old 
Testament  Air  I/a-  I  Is,  the  City  of  Holiness  or  the  Holy  City 
(Neh.  xi.  1.  18.  Isa.  slviii  2.  hi.  1.  Dan.  ix.  21.);  and  so  also  in  several 
places  of  the  New  Testament.  And  this  same  title  they  give  it  in  ihcir 
coins.  For  the  inscription  of  their  shekels  (many  of  which  are  still  ex- 
tanQwa  i  Kedmskah.  that  is.  Jerusalem  the  Holy  ;  and  this  coin 
ureal  among  the  neighboring  nations,  especially  after  tfie  Babylo- 
nish captivity  had  made  a  dispersion  of  that  people  over  all  the  East,  it 
carril  d  litis  name  with  them,  and  they  from  thence  called  this  city  by  both 
./.  rusaU  m  Kedtisha/i,  and  at  length,  for  shortness'  sake,  Kedushah 
only,  and  the  Syrians  (who  in  their  dialect  usually  turned  the  Hebrew  sh 
into /A)  Kedut/,ii.  And  the  Syriac,  in  the  time  of  Herodotus,  being  the 
only  language  that  was  then  spoken  in  Palestine  (the  Hebrew  having  no 
more  been  used  there  or  any  where  else,  as  a  vulgar  language,  after  the 
aish  captivity),  he  found  it  when  he  travelled  through  that  country 

to  be  called  there,  in  the  Syriac  dialect.  Kedutha,  from  whence,  by  giving 
ii  a  Greek  termination,  he  made  it  in  the  Greek  language  KxSvtis  or  Cadytis 
in  his  history,  which  he  wrote  about  the  time  that  Nehemiah  ended  his 
twelve  years' government  at  Jerusalem.  And  for  the  same  reason,  that  it 
was  called  Kedusha  or  Kedutha  w  Syria  and  Palestine,  the  Arabs  in  their 
language  called  it  Bait  Almokdes,  that  is,  the  Holy  Buildings,  or  the  Holy 
City,  and  often  with  another  adjective  of  the  same  root  and  th. 
fixation,  Bait  Alfcuds,  and  at  length  simply  A'liids,  that  is.  the  Holy,  by 
which  name  it  is  now  called  by  the  Turks,  Arabs,  and  all  other  nations  of 
the  Mahometan  religion  m  those  parts."  (Prideaux's  Connection  of  the 
.  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  sub  anno  610.  vol.  i-  pp.  SU,  81. 
ninth  edition.  1725.)  T.. 

•  See  M.  Belzoni's  "  Narrative  of  the  Operations  and  recent  Discoveries 
within  the  Pyramids.  Temples,  Tombs,  and  Excavations  in  Egypt  and  INu- 
bia,"&c.  pp.212,  243.  (4to.  London,  1820);  and  also  Nos.  4, 5,  and6,  of  hisfolio 
Atlas  of  Plates  illustrative  of  his  Researches.  The  subjects  of  these 
plates  were  also  exhibited  in  the  very  interesting  model  ol  the  bgyptiaa 
tomb,  exhibited  by  M.  Belzoni,  in  1821 — 22. 


00 


CREDIBILITY  OF  THE  SCRIPTURES  CONFIRMED 


[Cuap  III 


ol  the  Scriptures  and  Necos  of  Herodotus).'  And  M.  Cham- 
pollion,  jun.  who  read  the  name  of  this  prince  on  several  statutes, 
subsequently  ascertained  that  he  was  Pharaoh-Nccho  II.  the 
sixth  king  of  the  twenty-sixth  dynasty.2 

IV.  Acts  xiii.  7.  is  confirmed  by  a  coin,  proving  that  the 
island  of  Cyprus  was  at  that  time  under  the  government  of 
a  proconsul. 

In  the  passage  referred  to,  the  evangelist  Luke,  relating  the 
transactions  of  Paul  in  Cyprus,  gives  to  Sergius  Paulus,  the 
Roman  governor  of  that  island,  the  Greek  title  of  AvSvttcito;, 
which  was  applied  only  to  those  governors  of  provinces  who 
were  invested  with  proconsular  dignity.  "And  on  the  suppo- 
sition that  Cyprus  was  not  a  province  of  this  description,  it  has 
been  inferred,  that  the  title  given  to  Sergius  Paulus  in  the  Acts 
of  the  Apostles  was  a  title  that  did  not  properly  belong  to  him. 
A  passage  indeed  has  been  quoted  from  Dion  Cassius,3  who, 
speaking  of  the  governors  of  Cyprus,  and  some  other  Roman 
provinces,  applies  to  them  the  same  title  which  is  applied  to 
Sergius  Paulus.  But  as  Dion  Cassius  is  speaking  of  several 
Roman  provinces  at  the  same  time,  one  of  which  wa3  certainly 
governed  by  a  proconsul,  it  has  been  supposed,  that  for  the  sake 
of  brevity  he  used  one  term  for  all  of  them,  whether  it  applied 
to  all  of  them  or  not.  That  Cyprus,  however,  ought  not  to  be 
excepted,  and  that  the  title  which  he  employed,  as  well  as  St. 
Luke,  really  did  belong  to  the  Roman  governors  of  Cyprus,  ap- 
pears from  the  inscription  on  a  coin  belonging  to  Cyprus  itself, 
and  struck  in  the  very  age  in  which  Sergius  Paulus  was  governor 
of  that  island.  It  was  struck  in  the  reign  of  Claudius  Caesar, 
whose  head  and  name  are  on  the  face  of  it ;  and  in  the  reign 
of  Claudius  Caesar  St.  Paul  visited  Cyprus.  It  was  a  coin  be- 
longing to  the  people  of  that  island,  as  appears  from  the  word 
KrriPluN  on  the  reverse  ;  and,  though  not  struck  while  Sergius 
Paulus  himself  was  governor,  it  was  struck,  as  appears  from  the 
inscription  on  the  reverse,  in  the  time  of  Proclus,  who  was  next 
to  Sergius  Paulus  in  the  government  of  that  island.  And  on 
this  coin  the  same  title,  AN©rriAT02,  is  given  to  Proclus,  which 
is  given  by  St.  Luke  to  Sergius  Paulus." l  That  Cyprus  was  a 
proconsulate  is  also  evident  from  an  ancient  inscription,  of  Cali- 
gula's reign  (the  predecessor  of  Claudius),  in  which  Aquilius 
Scaura  is  called  the  proconsul  of  Cyprus.5 

V.  In  Acts  xvi.  11,  12.  Luke  says, — "  We  came to 

Philippi,  which  is  the  chief  of  that  part  of  Macedonia,  and  a 
colony."  This  passage,  which  has  greatly  exercised  the  in- 
genuity of  critics  and  commentators,  may,  more  correctly, 
De  thus  rendered  : — Fhilippi,  a  city  of  the  first  part  of  Mace- 
donia, or  of  Macedonia  Prima. 

This  is  an  instance  of  minute  accuracy,  which  shows  that  ths 
author  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  actually  lived  and  wrote  at 
that  time.  The  province  of  Macedonia,  it  is  well  known,  had 
undergone  various  changes,  and  had  been  divided  into  various 
portions,  and  particularly  four,  while  under  the  Roman  govern- 
ment. There  are  extant  many  medals  of  the  first  province,  or 
Macedonia  Prima,  mostly  of  silver,  with  the  inscription 
MAKEaONQN  nPUTH2,  or,  the  first  part  of  Macedonia,  which 
confirm  the  accuracy  of  Luke,  and  at  the  same  time  show  his 
attention  to  the  minutest  particulars.6  It  is  further  worthy  of 
remark,  that  the  historian  terms  Philippi  a  colony.  By  using 
the  term  ko>.u>vi*.  (which  was  originally  a  Latin  word,  colonia), 
instead  of  the  corresponding  Greek  word  uttoiiua,  he  plainly  inti- 
mates that  it  was  a  Roman  colony,  which  the  twenty-first  verse 
certainly  proves  it  to  have  been.  And  though  the  critics  were 
for  a  long  time  puzzled  to  find  any  express  mention  of  it  as 
such,  yet  some  coins  have  been  discovered,  in  which  it  is  recorded 

»  See  the  Atlas  of  Engravings  to  Belzoni's  travels,  plates  1  to  5. 

»  Greppo,  Essai,  p.  185.  Chainpollion,  Apercu  des  Resultats  Ili'storinues 
p.  13.  ' 

»  Hist.  Itom.  lib.  54.  p.  523.  ed.  Hanoviae,  1600. 

*  Bp.  Marsh's  Lectures,  part  v.  pp.  85,  86.  An  engraving  of  the  above- 
noticed  coin  may  be  seen  in  Havercamp's  edition  of  the  Thesaurus  Morel- 
llanus,  in  the  plate  belonging  to  p.  106. 

»  Gruteri  Corpus  Inscriptionum,  torn.  i.  part  ii.  p.  ccclx.  no  3  edit 
Graevii.  Ainst.  17U7. 

e  Of  this  medal  there  are  engravings  in  the  fragments  annexed  to  Cal- 
met's  Dictionary,  no.  eclxxiii.  plate  i.  no.  6.  and  in  Taylor's  Geographical 
Index  to  the  Holy  Scriptures,  article  Macedonia,  plate  no.  7.  In°no.  8.  of 
the  same  plate  is  a  medal  of  the  second  Macedonia,  or  Macedonia  Secunda. 
There  is  no  medal  published  of  the  third  Macedonia,  but  one  of  the  fourth 
Macedonia  has  been  engraved  by  Wielhamer,  in  \ub  Animadversionea  in 
Nummos,  <fcc.  p.  44.  no.  11.  Vienna,  1738.  They  have  been  described  by 
Eckhel  (Doctrina  Numm.  Vet.  torn.  ii.  p.  64),  Raschie  (Lexicon  Rei  Num- 
marige,  torn.  iii.  col.  39 — 41.),  and  Mionnet.  (Description  de  Miidailles  An- 
tiques, torn.  i.  pp.  456,  457.)  Mr.  Combe  has  described  seven  of  Macedo- 
nia Prima  in  his  "Nummorum  Veterum  Populorum  et  Urbiura  qui  in 
Museo  Gulielmi  Hunter  asservantur,  Descriptio,"  p.  179.  No  coins  of 
Macedonia  Tertia  have  y  et.  been  discovered 


under  this  character,  particularly  one,  which  explicitly  states  that 
Julius  Caisar  himself  bestowed  the  dignity  and  privileges  of  a 
colony  on  the  city  of  Philippi,  which  were  afterwards  confirmed 
and  augmented  by  Augustus.  This  medal  corroborates  the 
character  given  to  the  city  by  Luke,  and  proves  that  it  had  been 
a  colony  for  many  years,  though  no  author  or  historian  but  him- 
self, whose  writings  have  reached  us,  has  mentioned  it  under 
that  character.7 

VI.  In  Acts  xvi.  14.  we  read  that  Lydia,  a  dealer  in  }  urple 
from  Thyatira,  had  settled  at  Philippi. 

Now  it  is  remarkable  that,  among  the  ruins  of  Thyatira,  there 
is  an  inscription  extant,  which  was  originally  made  by  the  cor- 
poration of  dyers  (it  concludes  with  the  words  OI  BA<J>E12, — the 
dyers),  in  honour  of  Antonius  Claudius  Alphenus,  a  distin- 
guished man  in  the  reign  of  Caracalla.s  Hence  we  learn  that 
the  art  and  trade  of  dying  purple  were  carried  on  in  that  city. 

VII.  In  Acts  xvii.  23.  Paul  tells  the  Athenians  that,  as  he 
passed  through  their  city  and  beheld  the  objects  of  their 
worship,  he  found  an  altar  with  this  inscription,  TO  THE    " 
UNKNOWN  GOD  (Ar/Nfirrn  eEn). 

No  altar  with  this  inscription  has  come  down  to  our  times ; 
but  we  know,  from  the  express  testimony  of  Lucian,  that  there 
was  such  an  inscription  at  Athens.  And  the  occasion  of  this 
altar  being  erected,  in  common  with  many  others  bearing  the 
same  inscription,  is  thus  related  by  Diogenes  Laertius  : — The 
Athenians,  being  afflicted  with  a  pestilence,  invited  Epimenides 
to  lustrate  their  city.  The  method  adopted  by  him  was,  to  carry 
several  sheep  to  the  Areopagus  ;  whence  they  were  left  to  wan- 
der as  they  pleased,  under  the  observation  of  persons  sent  to 
attend  them.  As  each  sheep  lay  down,  it  was  sacrificed  on  the 
spot  to  the  propitious  God.  By  this  ceremony,  it  is  said,  the 
city  was  relieved  ;  but,  as  it  was  still  unknown  what  deity  was 
propitious,  an  altar  was  erected  to  the  nnknoivn  God  on  every 
spot  where  a  sheep  had  been  sacrificed.9 

On  the  architrave  of  a  Doric  portico  at  Athens,  which  was 
standing  when  that  city  was  visited  about  sixty  years  since  by 
Dr.  Chandler  and  Mr.  Stuart  (the  latter  of  whom  has  given  an 
engraving  of  the  portal),  is  a  Greek  inscription  to  the  following 
purport : — "  The  people"  [of  Athens  have  erected  this  fabric] 
"with  the  donations  to  Minerva  Archegetia"  [or  the  Conductress] 
"  by  the  god  Caius  Julius  Cssar  and  his  son  the  god  Augustus, 
when  Nicias  was  archon." 

Over  the  middle  of  the  pediment  was  a  statue  of  Lucius 
Caesar,  with  this  inscription  : — "  The  people"  [honour]  "  Lucius 
Caesar,  the  son  of  the  emperor  Augustus  Cxsar,  the  son  of  the 
god." 

There  was  also  a  statue  to  Julia,  the  daughter  of  Augustus, 
and  the  mother  of  Lucius,  thus  inscribed : — "  The  Senate  of 
the  Areopagus  and  the  Senate  of  the  Six  Hundred"  [dedicate 
this  statue  to]  "  the  goddess  Julia,  Augusta,  Providence." 

These  public  memorials  supply  an  additional  proof  of  the 
correctness  of  Paul's  observations  on  the  Athenians,  that  they 
were  too  much  addicted  to  the  adoption  of  objects  for  worship  and 
devotion.  They  were  not,  indeed,  singular  in  worshipping  the 
reigning  emperor;  but  flattery  could  not  be  carried  higher  than 
to  characterize  his  descendants  as  deities,  and  one  of  them  (who 
was  most  infamous  for  her  profligacy)  as  no  less  a  deity  than 
Providence  itself.10 

VIII.  In  Acts  xix.  35.  the  T^juatoj;,  recorder,  chancellor, 
or  town-clerk  of  Ephesus, — in  order  to  quell  the  tumult 
which  had  been  raised  there  by  Demetrius  and  his  work- 
men, who  gained  their  livelihood  by  making  silver  shrines 
or  models  of  the  temple  of  Diana  in  that  city, — says  to  the 
Ephesians,  What  man  is  there  that  knoweth  not  how  that  the 
city  of  the  Ephesians  is  a  worshipper  of  the  great  goddess 
Diana  P 

The  original  word,  NE.QKOPON,  is  very  emphatic,  and  pro- 
perly signifies  a  person  dedicated  to  the  service  of  some  god  or 
goddess,  whose  peculiar  office  it  was  to  attend  the  temple  and 
see  that  it  was  kept  clean ;  that,  at  the  proper  seasons,  it  was 
beautified  and  adorned ;  and  that  nothing  necessary  to  tlv? 
splendour  of  his  or  her  worship  was  at  any  time  wanting. 

»  Spanhe'un,  De  TJsu  et  Prastantia  Numismatum,  dissert,  ii.  pp.  1".'., 
106.    Fragments  to  Calmet,  no.  eclxxiii.  plate  i.  no.  5. 

«  Sir  George  Wheeler  has  given  the  entire  inscription  in  his  Journey 
into  Greece,  book  iii.  p.  233.  (Lond.  1672) ;  and  his  companion,  Dr.  Spon, 
has  given  the  same  inscription,  illustrated  with  philological  notes,  in  his 
Miscellanea  Eruditce  Antiquitatis,  pp.  112,  113. 

•  Diogenes  Laertius,  in  Epimenide,  1.  i.  c.  10.  t  ".  (torn.  i.  pp.  117—119. 
ed.  Longolii.) 

10  Dr.  Chandler's  Travels  in  Greece,  pp.  104, 105.  Taylor's  Geographical         • 
Index  to  the  Bible,  article  Athens 


Skct.   II.   §  3.] 


BY  ANCIENT  COINS  AND  MEDALS. 


91 


Originally,  indeed,  this  word  signified  nothing  more  than  a 
I  *  of  the  temple,  and  answered  nearly  to  our  sacristan, 
or,  perhaps,  churchwarden :  in  process  of  time  the  care  of  the 
temple  was  intrusted  to  this  person,  and  at  length  the  NEflKOPOJ, 
or  Neokoroi,  l>cr;im<'  persons  of  great  consequence,  and  were 
who  offered  sacrifices  lor  tin-  life  of  the  emperor.  Whole 
cities  took  this  appellation,'  and  Ephesus  had  this  prero] 
above  the  other  cities  in  ^sia  Minor;  though  some  of  thi 
Smyrna,  Laodicea,  and  Pergamus,  disputed  the  primacy  with 
her.  There,  are  extant,  in  various  cabinets,  numerous  medals,  in 
which  the  appellation  of  NEflKOPOJ  is  given  to  the  city  of 
Ephesus  in  particular,  with  tho  several  inscriptions  of  B*B21flN 
I  >1»:.\.  B  and  Ali  NBOKOPDN,  1  or  I  \>\1  and  A  or  TETPA- 
K12  NEflKOPflN  ;  intimating  that  the  Ephesians  had  home  the 
office  of  NeOkOTOi  to  the  temples  erected  in  honour  of  the  Ro- 
man emperors  for  \\\c  first,  second,  third,  and  fourth  times.  Of 
the  medals  referred  to,  a  catalogue  has  been  given  hyM.  Kasche, 
to  whose  learned  work  the  reader  is  referred.'  Not  to  multiply 
unnecessary  examples, — in  the  valuable  cabinet  of  the  British 
Museum  there  is  a  rare  bronze  medal  of  the  emperor  Caracalla, 
whose  head  is  on  the  obverse;  and  on  the  reverse,  of  which  the 
fol'owing  is  an  accurate  representation, 


there  are  four  temples  ;  the  uppermost  of  which  (on  the  left 
hand)  is  the  the  temple  of  the  Ephesian  Diana,  whose  figure  ap- 
pears in  the  centre.  Opposite  to  it  is  the  temple  of  iEsculapius  ; 
and  the  two  other  temples,  beneath,  are  those  of  Geta  and  Cara- 
calla. The  inscription  npnTQN  ACIAC  EfcEClfiN  a7  NEflK. 
intimates  that  the  Ephesians,  the  chief  [people  or  citizens]  of 
Asia,  had  for  the  fourth  time  been  Neokoroi  in  honour  of  those 
emperors.  Such  is  the  nature  of  the  coincidence  furnished  by 
this  medal  (even  if  there  were  no  others  extant),  that  it  is  suffi- 
cient of  itself  to  establish  the  authenticity  of  the  work,  in  which 
the  coincidence  is  found.  Besides  the  testimony  furnished  by  this 
medal  (which  has  never  before  been  engraved),  there  isextantat 
Bphesus  an  ancient  Greek  inscription,  on  a  slab  of  white  marble, 
which  not  only  confirms  the  general  history  related  in  Acts  xfx., 
but  even  approaches  to  several  sentiments  and  phrases  which  oc- 
cur in  that  chapter.3 

IX.  Lasthr,  the  triumphal  aTch  erected  at  Rome  by  the 
■  and  Roman  people  in  honour  of  the  emperor  Titus, 
(which  structure  is  still  subsisting,  though  greatly  damaged 
by  the  ravages  of  time),  is  an  undeniable  evidence  to  the 
truth  of  the  nistoric  accounts,  which  describe  the  dissolution 
of  the  Jewish  state  and  government,  and  also  relate  the  con- 
quest of  Jerusalem.     This  edifice  likewise  corroborates  the 

i  Philip  Rubenius  bas  written  a  learned  Diatribe  de  Urblbua  Neocoria, 
which  the  reader  will  find  in  Qrsvios'a  Thesaut  us  Intiquitatum  Romans- 

n    \i   pp    t ::.".ii — 1365. 
»  Rascbe,  Lexicon  Rei  Nu[i)in;tria\  vol.  ii.  columns 600    662.  6Gtj — G70. 

=  The  following  is  Dr.  Chandler's  translation  of  it:— "To  the  Ephesian 

l!i  ina.   Inasmuch  as  it  is  notorious  that,  not  only  among  the  Ephesians,  but 

vhere among  the  Greek  nations,  tempiesare  consecrated  to  her, 

i  id  sacred  portions;  andtb  I  up,  and  has  an  altar  dedicated  to 

',   r.  on  account  other  plain  manifestations  of  herself  J  and  that,  besides  the 

ll  token  of  the  veneration  paid  her,  a  month  is  called  after  her  name; 

Irtemision,  by  the  Macedonians  and  other  Greek  nations,  ami  in  their 

cites.  \rit  mision  ;  in  which  sem  iea  and  Hieromeoia  are  ce- 

I.  but  not  in  the  holy  city,  the  nurse  of  its  own.  the  Ephesian  god- 
dess: the  people  of  Ephesus  deeming  it  proper,  thai  the  whole  month 
call  -d  by  her  name  be  sacred  and  set  apart  tot  have  determin- 

ed by  ttiis  decree,  that  the  observation  ofit  by  them  be  altered.  Therefore 
it  is  enacted,  that  in  the  whole  month  Artemision  the  days  be  holy,  and 
ithing  be  attended  to  on  them,  but  the  yearly  (castings,  and  the  Arte- 

Panegyris,  ami  the  Hieromenia;  the  entire  month  being  sacred  to 
Mess  ;  for,  from  this  improvement  in  her  worship,  our  city  shall  re- 
ceive additional  lustre,  and  be  permanent  in  its  prosperity  forever."  The 
on  who  obtained  this  decree  appointed  games  for  the  month,  aug- 
mented the  Drizeaofthe  contenders,  and  erected  statues  of  those  who  con- 
quered. His  name  is  not  preserved,  but  he  was  probably  a  Roman,  as  his 
Kinsman,  who  provided  this  record,  was  named  Lucius  PhSniUS  Faustus. 
Ti:j  :>jst  of  Diana  was  resorted  to  yearly  by  the  lonians,  with  their  families. 
Dr.  Chandler's  Travels  in  Asia  Minor,  p.  134.  The  original  Greek  inscrip- 
tionis  printed  in  Dr.  C.'s  Inscription es  Antiqse,  p.  13.  no  xxxvi. 


description  of  certain  vessels  used  by  the  Jews  in  their  rel' 
o-ious  worship,  which  is  contained  in  the  Old  Testament.  It 
this  arch  are  still  distinctly  to  be  seen  the  golden  candle- 
stick, the  table  of  shewbrcad,  with  a  cup  upon  it,  and  tin 
trumpets  which  were  used  to  proclaim  the  year  of  Jubilee 
^presentations  of  these  are  given  in  the  second  volume  of  this 
work.' 

Further,  then:  are  extant  numerous  medals  of  Judaea  van- 
quished, struck  by  ord<  t  of  the  Roman  general  Titus  (who 
w  as  afterwards  emperor),  in  order  to  commemorate  the  con- 
quest of  Judaea  and  the  subversion  of  the  Jewish  state  and 
polity.  On  the  following  representation  of  the  reverse  of  one 
of  these  (which  is  engraved  from  the  original  medal,  pie 
served  in  the  cabinet  of  the  British  Museum), 


the  conquered  country  appears  as  a  desolate  female  sitting 
under  a  tree.  It  affords  an  extraordinary  fulfilment  of  Isa- 
iah's prediction,  delivered  at  least  eight  hundred  years  before 
— "  She  being  desolate  shall  sit  upon  the  ground''  (iii.26.) — 
as  well  as  a  striking  illustration  of  the  Lamentations  of  Je- 
remiah (i.  1.)  : — "How  doth  the  city  sit  solitary,  that  was 
/t///  of  people  !  How  is  she  become  as  a  widow  !  she  that  was 
great  among  the  nations,  princess  among  the  provinces,  how  is 
she  become  tributary .'" 

It  would  not  have  been  difficult  to  adduce  numerous  addi- 
tional testimonies  from  medals  and  inscriptions,  which  have 
been  collected  and  described  by  various  learned  modern  tra- 
vellers, who  have  explored  Greece  and  Asia  Minor ;  but  the 
length  to  which  this  chapter  has  already  unavoidably  extend- 
ed forbids  the  production  of  further  evidences  of  this  kind. — 
Stronger  testimonies  than  these  it  is  impossible  to  bring  for 
the  credibility  of  any  fact  recorded  in  history,  even  of  the  im- 
portant transactions  which  have  taken  place  in  our  own  days 
on  the  continent  of  Europe,  and  to  which  the  British  nation 
has  been  a  party.  Yet,  notwithstanding  this  cloud  of  wit- 
nesses, it  has  lately  been  affirmed  that  the  facts  related  in  th« 
scriptures  of  the  New  Testament  never  happened  ;  that  Jesu« 
Christ  was  a  mythological  character,5  and  that  the  four  Gos 
pels  are  mere  fabrications  and  romances.  With  as  much  truth 

«  See  the  Vignettes  in  Vol.  II.  Part  III.  Chap  I.  Sect.  II.  The  best  en- 
gravings of  the  arch  of  Titus  are  to  be  found  in  Hadrian  Reland's  treatise. 
De  SpoliisTempli  Hierosolymitani,  in  Arcu  Titiane  Romac  conspicuis.  Ul- 
trajecti,  1716. 8vo.  Tolerably  well  executed  copies  of  Reland's  plates  may  be 
seen  in  Schulze's  Compendium  Archaeologia;  Ilebraicx,tab.  i.  ii.  iii.  p.  viii.— 
x.  Dresdaj,  1793,  8vo.  and  also  in  the  Fragments  annexed  to  Calmel's  Diction- 
ary, no.  cciii.  pp.  14—17.  The  destruction  of  Jerusalem  is  also  said  to  b< 
commemorated  by  an  ancient  inscription  to  the  honour  ofTitus,  who,  by  hii 
father's  directions  and  counsels,  had  subdued  the  Jewish  nation,and  destroy 
ed  Jerusalem,  which  had  never  been  destroyed  by  any  princes  or  peoplt 
before.  This  assertion,  however,  is  contrary  to  historical  truth;  for  Pom- 
pey  had  conquered  the  Holy  City.  The  following  is  the  inscription  alluded 
to:— 

imp.  tito.  c>esarI.  dIvI.vespasianI.  f. 
vespas1ano,  aug.  pontd7icl  maximo. 
tr1b.  pot.  x  imp.  xvii.  cos.  viu.  p.  p. 

PR1NCIPI.  SVjC    S.  P.  a  R. 

QUOD.  PR^ECEPTIS.  PaTRIS.  CONSIlIsQUE.  ET. 

AUSPlds.  GENTEM.   JUD.SORUM.  DOMU1T.  ET. 

URUEM.  HIEROSOLYMAM.  OMNIBUS.  ANTE.   SE. 

Dl'CIBUS.  REC1BUS.  C.ENTIBUSQUE.  ATJT.  FRUSTRA. 

PETIT  AM.  AUT.  OMNINO.  INTENTATAM.  DELEYIT. 

It  is,  however,  proper  to  remark,  that  some  doubts  have  been  entertained 

concerning  the  genuineness  of  this  inscription.    The  diligent  antiquary, 

Qruter  (from  whom  we  have  copied  it),  acknowledges  that  it  is  not  known 

where  this  inscription  stood  ;  and  thatScaliger  is  of  opinion,  that  it  was  the 

invention  of  Onufrio  Panvinio.     See  Gruteri  Inscriptiones  Antiquae,  torn. 

i.  p.  ccxliv.  no.  6.  and  Gronovius's  Thesaurus  Antiquitatum  Romanarum, 

torn.  iii.  p.  111.  .  , 

»  The  assertion  of  the  writer  above  alluded  to  was  taken,  without  acknow- 
ledgment, from  Volney,  who  first  made  it  at  the  close  ofhis  "  Ruins  of  Em- 
pires." and  who  was  refuted  bv  the  late  Rev.  Peter  Roberts,  in  a  learned 
volume,  entitled  "Christianity  Vindicated,  in  a  Series  of  Letters  addressed 
to  Mr.  Volney,  in  answer  to  his  Book  called  'Ruins.'"  Svo.  London,  1S00. 
This  is  only  one  instance,  out  of  many,  that  might  be  adduced,  of  the  total 
destitution  of  candour  in  the  opposers  of  revelation,  who  continue  to  re-as- 
sert the  long-since  refuted  falsehoods  of  former  infidels,  as  ifthey  had  nevei 
before  been  answered. 


92 


PROOFS  OF  THE  INSPIRATION  OF  THE  SCRIPTURES. 


[Chap.  IV. 


iay  it  be  said  that  the  man,  whose  ambition  not  many  years 
since  disturbed  the  peace  of  Europe  (and  whose  memory 
continues  to  be  fondly  cherished  by  millions  in  France),  is  a 
mythological  person  who  never  had  any  real  existence.  For 
the  events  of  his  career  are  recorded  in  a  variety  of  docu- 
ments, purportinor  to  be  issued  by  the  different  governments 


of  Europe,  which  have  been  quoted  or  alluded  to  by  various 
daily  and  periodical  journals,  as  well  as  by  contemporary  his- 
torians, who  profess  to  record  the  transactions  of  the  last 
twenty-five  years ;  and  they  are  also  perpetuated  by  struc- 
tures' and  medals,2  which  have  been  executed  in  order  to 
commemorate  particular  victories  or  other  transactions. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


ALL    THE    BOOKS    OP    THE    OLD    AND    NEW    TESTAMENTS  ARE    OP    DIVINE  AUTHORITY,  AND 
THEIR    AUTHORS    ARE    DIVINELY    INSPIRED. 

SECTION  I. 

PRELIMINARY    OBSERVATIONS. 


Me  and  necessary. — III.  Impossibility  of  the  Scriptures  being  the  contrivance  or  invcn- 
-IV.    Criteria  of  Instnration. 


Inspiration  defined. — II.  Reasonable  and  necessary. — III.  Impossibility  of  the  Scriptures  bei 
Hon  of  man. — Extent  of  Inspiration. — IV.    Criteria  of  Inspiration. 


I.  The  preceding  facts  have  shown  that  the  writers  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments  were  men  of  the  utmost  integrity, 
and  faithful  historians,  whose  relations  are  entitled  to  the 
fullest  and  most  implicit  credit.  But  since  an  honest  man 
may  possibly  mistake,  not  indeed  in  facts  which  he  affirms 
to  be  true  upon  his  own  knowledge,  hut  in  inferences  from 
those  facts,  in  precepts  and  doctrines,  or  in  delivering  the 
sentiments  of  others,  if  we  can  urge  nothing  more  in  behalf 
of  these  writers,  their  authority  will  be  only  human.  Some- 
thing further  is  requisite,  besides  a  pious  life  and  a  mind  pu- 
rified from  passion  and  prejudice,  in  order  to  qualify  them  to 
be  teachers  of  a  revelation  from  God,  namely,  a  Divine  In- 
spiration, or  the  imparting  such  a  degree  of  divine  assist- 
ance, influence,  or  guidance,  as  should  enable  the  authors  of 
the  Scriptures  to  communicate  religious  knowledge  to  others, 
without  error  or  mistake,  whether  the  subjects  of  such  com- 
munications were  things  then  immediately  revealed  to  those 
who  declared  them,  or  things  with  which  they  were  before 
acquainted. 

II.  That  the  Scriptures  were  actually  dictated  by  inspira- 
tion, may  be  inferred  both  from  the  reasonableness  and  From 
the  necessity  of  the  thing. 

1.  "It  is  reasonable  that  the  sentiments  and  doctrines,  de- 
veloped in  the  Scriptures,  should  be  suggested  to  the  minds 
of  the  writers  by  the  Supreme  Being  himself.  They  relate 
principally  to  matters,  concerning  which  the  communicating 
of  information  to  men  is  worthy  of  God  ;  and  the  more  im- 
portant the  information  communicated,  the  more  it  is  calcu- 
lated to  impress  mankind,  to  preserve  from  moral  error,  to 
stimulate  to  holiness,  to  guide  to  happiness ;  the  more  rea- 
sonable is  it  to  expect  that  God  should  make  the  communi- 
cation free  from  every  admixtuie  of  risk  of  error.  Indeed, 
the  notion  of  inspiration  enters  essentially  into  our  ideas  of  a 
revelation  from  God ;  so  that,  to  deny  inspiration  is  tantamount 
to  affirming  that  there  is  no  revelation ;  and  to  doubt  the  possi- 
bility of  inspiration's  to  call  in  question  the  existence  of  God. 
And  why  should  inspiration  be  denied?  Is  man  out  of  the 
reach  of  him  who  created  him  1  Has  he,  who  gave  to  man  his 
intellect,  no  means  of  enlarging  or  illuminating  that  intellect  1 
And  is  it  beyond  his  power  to  illuminate  and  inform,  in  an 
especial  manner,  the  intellects  of  some  chosen  individuals ;  or 
contrary  to  his  wisdom  to  preserve  them  from  error,  when 
they  communicate  to  others,  either  orally  or  by  writing,  the 
knowledge  he  imparted  to  them,  not  merely  for  their  own  be- 
nefit, but  for  that  of  the  world  at  large,  in  all  generations  1 

2.  "  But,  further,  inspiration  is  necessary.  The  necessity 
of  revelation  has  already  been  shown,  from  the  concurrent 
testimony  of  facts,  experience,  and  history  in  every  ao-e,  of 
which  we  have  any  authentic  accounts  ;3  and  the  same  rea- 
soning and  facts  establish  the  necessity  of  inspiration :  for 

(1.)  "The  subjects  of  Scripture  render  inspiration  neces- 
sary ;  for  some  past  facts  recorded  in  the  Bible  could  not  pos- 
sibly have  been  known  if  God  had  not  revealed  them. 

(2.)  "  Many  things  are  there  recorded  as  future,  that  is, 
are  predicted,  which  God  alone  could  foreknow  and  foretell, 
which,  notwithstanding,  came  to  pass,  and  which,  therefore, 
were  foretold  under  divine  inspiration. 

(3.)  "  Other  things  again  are  far  above  human  capacity, 


and  could  never  have  been  discovered  by  men ;  these,  there- 
fore, must  have  been  delivered  by  divine  inspiration. 

(4.)  "  The  authoritative  language  of  Scripture,  too,  argues 
the  necessity  of  inspiration,  admitting  the  veracity  of  the 
writers.  They  propose  things,  not  as  matters  for  considera- 
tion, but  for  adoption  :  they  do  not  leave  us  the  alternative  of 
receiving  or  rejecting :  they  do  not  present  us  with  their  own 
thoughts,  but  exclaim,  Thus  sailh  the  Lord,  and  on  that 
ground  demand  our  assent.  They  must,  therefore,  of  neces- 
sity, speak  and  write  as  they  were  inspired  by  the  Holy  Spi- 
rit, or  be  impostors;"4  and  the  last  supposition  is  precluded 
by  the  facts  and  reasonings  which  have  been  stated  in  the 
preceding  pages. 

III.  As  the  writers  of  the  Scriptures  profess  to  have  then 
doctrine  from  God,  so  it  could  not  be  the  invention  of  men. 

1.  It  could  not  be  the  contrivance,  of  wicked  men. 

Had  they  invented  a  religion,  they  would  unquestionably 
have  made  it  more  favourable  to  their  own  inclinations,  pas- 
sions, and  appetites:  they  would  not  have  fettered  them- 
selves, or  laid  themselves  under  such  restraints  as  are  im- 
posed by  the  Bible,  neither  would  they  have  denounced  such 
tremendous  judgments  against  the  evil  ways  which  they  pre- 
fer and  love:  they  would  not  have  consulted  so  entirely 
the  honour  of  God,  and  the  reputation  of  piety,  virtue, 
goodness,  as  the  Scriptures  do ;  but  they  would  have  adapted 
the  whole  agreeably  to  their  own  evil  nature,  wishes,  and  dt  - 
sires.  Indeed,  if  we  could  suppose  them  to  be  capable  of  this 
(which  yet  is  to  make  them  act  contrary  to  nature),  we  can- 
not imagine  that  they  should  sacrifice  all  their  worldly  inte- 
rests and  prospects,  and  even  their  lives,  for  the  sake  of  the 
Bible.  Did  ever  bad  men  act  such  a  part,  contrive  the  great- 
est good,  suffer  and  die  to  advance  it  \ 

2.  Equally  evident  is  it,  that  the  Bible  could  not  be  the  contri- 
vance of  good  men. 

The  supposition  involves  them  in  a  guilt  perfectly  incon- 
sistent with  their  character.  They  speak  in  the  name  of  God, 
and  they  profess  to  have  received  their  doctrine  from  him. 
Now  if  it  was  otherwise,  and  they  were  conscious  of  a  forge- 
ry, they  must  be  the  grossest  impostors  in  the  world,  which  is 
so  directly  contrary  to  all  virtue  and  honesty,  that  it  can 
never  be  imputed  to  any  man  who  truly  deserves  the  name  oi' 
good.  Consequently,  the  Bible  must  be  the  word  of  God, 
inspired  by  him,5  and  thus  given  to  man. 

■  Such  is  the  Waterloo  Bridge  over  the  river  Thames,  which  is  said  l" 
commemorate  the  victory  of  Waterloo,  obtained  by  British  prowess,  in  1815, 
over  the  forces  of  Bonaparte.  Such  also  is  the  triumphal  column,  erecb 
inthe  place  Vendome,  at  Paris,  tocommemorate  the  victories  of  the  I 
army  in  Germany,  in  1805,  and  which,  according  to  a  Latin  inscription  en- 
graved thereon,  is  composed  of  the  brass  cannon  conquered  from  the  cm 
my  during  a  campaign  of  three  months. 

»  Of  this  description  are  the  "Waterloo  Medals,"  distributed  by  order  o  I 
parliament,  and  at  the  expense  of  the  British  nation,  to  the  illustrious  gene- 
ral and  the  brave  officers  and  soldiers  who  were  engaged  in  the  memorab! 
battle  of  Waterloo  ;  and  also  the  beautiful  series  of  medals  struck  under  the 
direction  of  Mr.  Mudie,  to  commemorate  Ihe  achievements  of  the  British 
army  ;  to  which  may  be  added  tin-  series  of  French  medals,  usually  called 
the  Napoleon  medals,  executed  for  the  purpose  of  commemorating  the 
achievements  ofthe  French  armies. 

3  See  pp.  15—22.  supra. 

*  Dr.O.  Gregory's  Letters  on  the  Evidences  of  Ihe  Christian  Religion 
vol.  i.  pp.  204.  2(50. 

5  When  we  say  that  the  Scripture  is  the  inspired  word  of  God,  we  do  nol 
mean  that  it  was  a.J  spoken  by  him,  or  that  it  was  written  by  him,  or  that 


8ec 


II.] 


CRITERIA  OF  INSPIRATION. 


93 


IV.  Since  the  Jewish  and  Christian  Scriptures  profess  to 
be  given  by  inspiration  of  God,  and  have  been  recognised  as 
sucTi  in  every  age1  (which  in  itself  is  no  mean  presumptive 
argument  that  they  are  divinely  inspired  writing,  :ind  since 
also  there  have  been  many  impostors  in  the  world  who  hare 
pretended  to  be  divinely  inspired,  it  is  necessary  that  the  au- 
thors of  the  dispensations  contained  in  the  Bible  should  pro- 
duce satisfactory  evidences  of  their  divine  mission.  What 
then  are  the  evidences  of  inspiration  with  which  every  ra- 
tional creature  ought  to  be  perfectly  satisfied  1  This  impor- 
tairt  question  admits  of  a  clear  and  decisive  answer;  for,  as 
the  existence  of  any  power  is  demonstrated  by  its  operations, 
so  the  possession  ottupernatwral knowledge  is  established  by 
the  performance  of  supernatural  works,  or  miracles;  or  as  an 
acquaintance  with  any  language  is  manifested  by  ■peaking  it 
with  propriety  and  ease,  so  the  gift  of  inspiration  is  unques- 
tionably displayed  by  the  foretelling  of  future  events  with 
precision.  Mir  kIu  and  Prophecy,  therefore,  are  the  two  grand 
criteria  on  which  most  stress  is  laid  in  the  Scriptures.  Pro- 
phecies are  the  language  of  inspiration,  and  miracles  are  the 
operation  of  that  divine  agency  by  which  the  prophet  is  in- 
fluenced. The  testimony  of  our  senses  is  not  a  more  satisfac- 
tory evidence  of  the  existence  of  external  objects,  than  mira- 
cles and  prophecy  are  of  the  existence  of  inspiration ;  and 
though  both  these  modes  of  evidence  are  calculated,  as  well 
for  us  who  live  in  remoter  times,  as  for  those  who  lived  in 
the  earliest,  yet  the  evidence  from  miracles  seems  more  par- 
ticularly addressed  to  them,  as  that  from  prophecy  is  to  us. 
To  them,  miracles  would  appear  the  best  proof  of  the  truth  of 
a  revelation,  as  they  are  addressed  to  the  senses  of  the  rude 
and  the  refined,  an<I  establish  the  truth  of  a  religious  system 
at  once,  without  subtle  disquisitions,  for  which  comparatively 
few  persons  possess  leisure,  talents,  or  inclination.  Miracles 
convince  the  mind  at  once  ;  while  prophecy  does  not  give  im- 
mediate conviction,  but  the  means  of  conviction  to  such  as  in 
due  time  shall  compare  predictions  with  events.  The  an- 
cients, who  beheld  the  miracles,  had  reason  to  believe  that 
the  prophecies  would  be  accomplished  ;  just  as  the  moderns, 
who  see  them  fulfilled,  have,  besides  other  arguments,  a 
strong  presumption  that  miracles  were  performed.  The  argu- 
ments from  miracles,  depending  on  written  testimony,  will  at 
all  times  be  equally  forcible,  while  that  from  prophecy 
(which  has  been  termed  a  standing  miracle)  is  increasing  in 
strength  through  every  age ;  and  the  more  prophecies  are  ful- 
filled, the  more  testimonies  there  are,  and  confirmations  of  the 
truth  and  certainty  of  divine  revelation  ;  and  in  this  respect 
we  have  eminently  the  advantage  over  those  who  lived  in  the 
days  of  Moses  and  the  prophets,  of  Christ  and  his  apostles. 
They  had  this  growing  evidence  in  part,  but  to  us  this  amaz- 
ing web  is  still  more  unfolded,  and  more  of  its  wonderful 
texture  is  displayed.  They  indeed  heard  the  discourses  of 
Moses  and  the  prophets,  of  Christ  and  his  apostles,  and  they 
beheld  their  miracles :  but  we  have  this  advantage  over 
them,  that  several  things,  which  were  then  only  foretold  are 
now  fulfilled ;  and  what  were  to  them  only  matters  of  faith, 
are  become  matters  of  fact  and  certainty  to  us.7 

The  evidence  furnished  by  miracles  and  prophecy  is  so 
abundantly  sufficient  to  prove  that  the  Bible  is  the  word  of 
God,  that  we  might  safely  rest  its  divine  authority  on  these 
proofs.  There  are,  however,  other  internal  evidences,  which, 
.hough  not  so  obviously  striking  as  miracles  and  prophecy, 
come  home  to  the  consciences  and  judgments  of  every  person, 
whether  learned  or  illiterate,  ana  which  leave  infidels  in 
every  situation  without  excuse.  These  internal  evidences  are, 
the  sublime  doctrine  and  excellent  moral  precepts  revealed  in 

trcry  thing  that  is  contained  therein  is  the  word  of  God.  But  a  distinction 
1  between  those  precepts,  which  Inculcate  justice,  mercy,  and 
holiness  of  life,  and  the  historical  parts,  which  (how  the  consequences  of  a 
life  in  opposition  to  those  principles.  The  first  are  properly  sacred,  because 
they  cot  only  lead  a  man  to  happiness  even  in  this  life,  but  also  give  him  an 
evidence  of  things  not  seen  in  the  life  to  come  ;  ami  thus  are  called  the 
word  of  God,  as  those  moral  virtues  can  only  have  their  origin  from  the 
fountain  of  all  goodness.  The  last,  that  is,  the  historical  parts,  though  some 
are  the  words  of  good  men, — wicked  men, — or  the  speeches  of  Satan  (on 
which  account  they  cannot  be  termed  the  word  or  words  of  God),  have  a  simi- 
lar tendency ;  as  they  show,  on  the  one  hand,  the  malice,  pride,  and  blas- 
ohemy  of  the  spirit  of  wickedness,  and  on  the  other  hand,  that  spirit  of  divine 
philanthropby,  which,  throughout  the  whole  Bible,  breathes  nothing  but 

peace  on  earth,  good  will  towards  men."  The  nature  and  extent  of  inspi- 
ration are  fully  considered,  infra,  in  No.  II.  of  the  Appendix  to  this  volume. 

«  For  the  testimony  of  the  Jews,  in  the  time  of  Christ,  it  is  sufficient  to 
refer  to  the  New  Testament,  and  to  Josephus  against  Apion,  book  i.  §8. 
(See  the  passage  in  p.  30.  supra.)  For  the  belief  of  the  modern  Jews,  see 
their  confession  of  faith,  which  has  been  in  use  ever  since  the  13th  century, 
in  Lamy's  Apparatus Biblicus,  vol.  i.  pp.  243,  246.  Dr.  Whitby  has  collected 
the  testimony  of  Christians  during  the  first  three  centuries,  in  the  General 
Preface  to  his  Commentary,  pp.  x'vii— xx. 

*  Bp.  Newton's  Dissertations  on  the  Prophecies,  vol  i.  pp.  3,4.  ninth  edi- 


the  Scripture;  the  wonderful  harmony  and  intimate  connec- 
tion subsisting  between  all  the  parts  of  Scripture ;  the  mira- 
culous preservation  of  the  Scriptures ;  their  tendency  to  pro- 
mote trie  present  and  eternal  happiness  of  mankind,  as 
evinced  by  the  blessed  effects  which  are  invariably  produced 
by  a  cordial  reception  of  the  Bible;  and  the  peculiar  advan- 
tages possessed  by  the  Christian  Revelation  over  all  other 
reliirions. 


SECTION  II. 

THE  MIRACLES,  RELATED  IN  THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENTS, 
ARE  PROOF8  THAT  THE  SCRIPTURES  WERE  GIVEN  BY  INSPIRA- 
TION OF  GOD. 

I.  A  Miracle  defined. — II.  Nature  of  the  evidence  from  Mira- 
cles. — III.  Their  Design. — IV.  Credibility  of  Miracles,  vin- 
dicated and  proved. — V.  Refutation  of  the  objection  that  the 
evidence  for  the  credibility  of  Miracles  decreases  -with  the 
lapse  of  years,  and  the  contrary  proved. — VI.  Criteria  for 
ascertaining  true  Miracles. — VII.  Application  of  these  cri- 
teria, 1.  To  the  Miracles  of  Moses  and  of  Joshua,  and,  2. 
To  those  of  Jesus  Christ  and  his  Apostles,  the  number,  va- 
riety, design,  and  greatness  of  -which,  as  -well  as  the  persons 
by  whom  and  before  -whom,  and  the  manner  in  -which  they 
•were  performed,  are  fully  considered,  together  -with  the  ef- 
fects produced  by  them. — The  Miracles  of  Christ  and  his 
Apostles  -were  never  denied. — VIII.  An  Examination  oj 
some  of  the  principal  Miracles  related  in  the  JVevi  Testa 
ment,  particularly,  1.  The  Conversion  of  Jl'uter  into  Ifine 
by  Christ. — 2.  The  Feeding  of  Five  Thousand. — 3.  The 
Healing  of  the  Paralytic. — 4.  Giving  Sight  to  the  man  -who 
■zvas  born  blind. — 5.  The  Healing  of  a  man,  lame  from  his 
birth,  by  Peter  and  John. — 6.  liaising  from  the  dead  the 
daughter  of  Jairus. — 7.  The  ft'ido-w's  Son  at  JVain. — 8. 
And  Lazarus. — IX.  The  hesoiirection  of  Jesus  Christ,  viz. 
1.  Christ's  Prophetic  Declarations  concerning  his  Death 
and  Resurrection. — 2.  The  Evidence  of  Adversaries  of  the 
Christian  name  and  faith  to  this  fact. — 3.  The  Character 
of  the  Apostles  by  -whom  it  -was  attested,  and  the  Miracles 
-wrought  by  them ;  all  -which  demonstrate  the  reality  and 
truth  of  Christ's  resurrection. — X.  General  Summary  of 
the  Argument  furnished  by  Miracles. — XI.  Comparison  of 
them  -with  pretended  pagan  and  popish  Miracles,  particu- 
larly those,  1.  Of  Aristeas  the  Proconnesian. — 2.  Of  Py- 
thagoras.— 3.  Of  Alexander  of  Pontus. — 4.  Of  Vespasian. 
— 5.  Of  Apollonius  of  Tyana. — 6.  Pretended  miracle  at 
Saragossa. — 7.  Pretended  miracles  of  the  Abbe'  de  Paris. 
— The  Reality  of  the  Christian  Miracles  demonstrated. 

I.  A  Miracle  defined. 

A  miracle  is  an  effect  or  event,  contrary  to  the  established  consti- 
tution or  course  of  things,  or  a  sensible  suspension  or  controlment 
of,  or  deviation  from,  the  known  laws  of  nature,  wrought  either  by 
the  immediate  act,  or  by  the  assistance,  or  by  the  permission  of 
God,  and  accompanied  with  a  previous  notice  or  declaration  that 
it  is  performed  according  to  the  purpose  and  by  the  power  of  God, 
for  the  proof  or  evidence  of  some  particular  doctrine,  or  in  attes- 
tation of  the  authority  or  divine  mission  of  some  particular  person. 

Nature  is  the  assemblage  of  createa  beings.  These  beings 
act  upon  each  other,  or  by  each  other,  agreeably  to  certain 
rules  formed  by  Infinite  Wisdom,  to  which  God  has  been 

C leased  to  conform  his  own  agency.  These  rules  are  called 
y  philosophers  the  laws  of  nature,  and  in  the  Scriptures,  the 
ordinances  of  fieaven  and  earth.3  Effects  which  are  produced 
by  the  regular  operation  of  these  laws,  or  which  are  con- 
formable to  the  established  course  of  events,  are  said  to  be 
natural ,-  and  every  palpable  suspension  or  controlment  of,  or 
deviation  from,  these  laws,  or  rather  from  the  progress  of 
things  according  to  these  laws — which  is  accompanied  with 
a  previous  notice  or  declaration  that  it  is  performed  according 
to  the  purpose  and  by  the  power  of  God — is  a  miracle. 
"  Thus  the  production  of  grain  by  vegetation  is  according  to 
a  law  of  nature ;  were  it  to  fall  like  rain  from  the  clouds, 
there  would  be  a  miracle.  Or,  it  is  a  law  of  nature  that  the 
dead  return  not  to  life ;  were  a  dead  person  to  become  alive 
again,  there  would  be  a  miracle.  It  is  thus  carefully  to  be 
distinguished,  although  the  distinction  be  not  often  observed, 
from  events  of  extraordinary  magnificence  or  unusual  oc- 
currence. A  miracle,  indeed,  must  be  unusual ;  but  events 
may  be  both  unusual  and  magnificent  which  are  not  miracu- 
lous.   The  appearance  of  a  comet  is  unusual,  and  a  violent 

•   '•-  TTriii.  25.  xxxi.  35.    Job  xxxriii.  13 


94 

thunder  storm  is  magnificent ;  but  in  neither  the  one  nor  the 
other  is  there  a  suspension  or  alteration  of  any  of  nature's 
laws.  All  the  various  appearances,  indeed,  which  material 
or  mental  phenomena  may,  according  to  those  laws,  assume, 
we  are,  perhaps,  far  from  knowing.  But  it  is  one  thing  to 
assume  an  appearance,  which,  although  a  variety,  is  obvious- 
ly, from  its  analogy,  resolvable  into  a  general  law,  and 
another,  to  suspend  or  reverse  the  law ;  and  it  is  by  this 
total  alteration,  of  what  from  ample  experience  and  induction, 
even  we,  with  all  our  ignorance,  can  safely  pronounce  to  be 
a  law  of  nature,  that  a  miracle  must  be  distinguished  from 
every  other  phenomenon.  We  ascertain  these  laws  by  an 
experience  so  extensive  and  uniform,  that  it  produces  a  cer- 
tainty of  expectation,  scarcely  inferior  to  the  certainty  ac- 
companying the  testimony  of  our  senses :  this  undoubted 
Sermanency  being  the  foundation  of  all  those  rules  of  con- 
uct  in  the  affairs  of  life,  which  are  the  same  in  all  genera- 
tions, and  implied  in  all  the  most  brilliant  discoveries,  and 
profound  calculations,  in  the  science  of  physics."1  It  is 
further  essential  to  a  miracle,  that  it  be  accompanied  with  a 
previous  notice  or  declaration  that  it  is  performed  according 
to  the  purpose  and  by  the  power  of  God,  for  the  proof  or 
evidence  of  some  particular  doctrine,  or  in  attestation  of  the 
authority  or  divine  mission  of  some  particular  person.  "  This 
intimation  is  necessary,  that  it  may  not  seem  to  happen  in 
the  ordinary  course  of  things ;  and  it  must  be  beyond  the 
reach  of  human  calculation  and  power,  that  it  may  neither 
appear  to  be  the  effect  of  foresight  and  science,  as  an  eclipse, 
nor  the  contrivance  of  human  ingenuity  and  expertness,  as 
the  feats  of  jugglers." 

II.  Nature  of  the  Evidence  arising  from  miracles. 

It  is  commonly  objected  that  a  miracle  is  beyond  our  com- 
prehension, and  is  therefore  contrary  to  reason. 

Answer. — This  is  by  no  means  the  case.  The  possibility  of 
miracles,  such  as  we  have  described  them  to  be,  is  not  contrary  to 
reason,  and  consequently  their  credibility  is  capable  of  a  rational 
proof;  and  though  we  cannot  give  a  mechanical  account  of  the 
manner  how  they  are  done,  because  they  are  done  by  the  unusual 
interposition  of  an  invisible  agent,  superior  both  in  wisdom  and 
power  to  ourselves,  we  must  not  therefore  deny  the  fact  which 
our  own  senses  testify  to  be  done.  Every  thing  we  see  is,  in 
one  sense,  a  miracle  :  it  is  beyond  our  comprehension.  We  put 
a  twig  into  the  ground,  and  in  a  few  years  find  that  it  becomes  a 
tree  ;  but  how  it  draws  its  nourishment  from  the  earth,  and  how 
it  increases,  we  know  not.  We  look  around  us,  and  see  the 
forest  sometimes  shaken  by  storms,  at  other  times  just  yielding 
to  the  breeze  ;  in  one  part  of  the  year  in  full  leaf,  in  another, 
naked  and  desolate.  We  all  know  that  the  seasons  have  an 
effect  on  these  things,  and  philosophers  will  conjecture  at  a  few 
immediate  causes  ;  but  in  what  manner  these  causes  act,  and 
how  they  put  nature  in  motion,  the  wisest  of  them  know  not. 
When  the  storm  is  up,  why  does  it  not  continue  to  rage  1 
When  the  air  is  calm,  what  rouses  the  storm  7  We  know  not, 
but  must,  after  our  deepest  researches  into  first  causes,  rest  satis- 
fied with  resolving  all  into  the  power  of  God.  Yet,  notwith- 
standing we  cannot  comprehend  the  most  common  of  these 
appearances,  they  m=ike  no  impression  on  us,  because  they  are 
vommon,  because  tUey  happen  according  to  a  stated  course,  and 
are  seen  every  day.  If  they  were  out  of  the  common  course  of 
nature,  though  in  themselves  not  more  difficult  to  comprehend, 
they  would  still  appear  more  wonderful  to  us,  and  more  immedi- 
ately the  work  of  God.  Thus,  when  we  see  a  child  grow  into  a 
man,  and,  when  the  breath  has  left  the  body,  turn  to  corruption, 
wc  are  not  in  the  least  surprised,  because  we  see  it  every  day  ; 
but  were  we  to  see  a  man  restored  from  sickness  to  health  by  a 
word,  or  raised  to  life  from  the  dead  by  a  mere  command,  though 
these  things  are  not  really  more  unaccountable,  yet  we  call  the 
uncommon  event  a  miracle,  merely  because  it  is  uncommon. 
Wc  acknowledge,  however,  that  both  are  produced  by  God,  be- 
cause it  is  evident  that  no  other  power  can  produce  them. 

.Such,  then,  is  the  nature  of  the  evidence  which  arises 
from  miracles ;  and  we  have  no  more  reason  to  disbelieve 
them,  when  well  attested  and  not  repugnant  to  the  goodness 
or  justice  of  God,  only  because  they  were  performed  several 
ages  ago,  than  we  have  to  disbelieve  the  more  ordinary  oc- 
currences of  Providence  which  passed  before  our  own  time, 
hecause  the  same  occurrences  may  never  happen  again  during 
our  lives.  The  ordinary  course  of  nature  proves  the  being 
.mi  providence  of  God;  these  extraordinary  acts  of  power 
prove  the  divine  commission  of  that  person  who  performs 
them. 

i  Dr.  Cook's  Inquiry  into  the  Books  of  the  New  Testament,  p.  337.  Edin- 
surah,  1821.  ftvo. 


THE  MIRACLES  RELATED  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES  [Chap.  IV 

"  No  event  can  be  justly  deemed  miraculous  merely  be 
cause  it  is  strange,  or  even  to  us  unaccountable;  for  it  may 
be  nothing  more  than  the  regular  effect  of  some  physical 


cause  operating  according  to  an  established  though  unknown 
law  of  nature.  In  this  country  earthquakes  happen  but 
rarely,  and  at  no  stated  periods  of  time ;  and  for  monstrous 
births  perhaps  no  particular  and  satisfactory  account  can  be 
given ;  yet  an  earthquake  is  as  regular  an  effect  of  the  es- 
tablished laws  of  nature  as  the  bursting  of  a  bomb-shell,  or 
the  movements  of  a  steam  engine  ;  and  no  man  doubts,  but 
that,  under  particular  circumstances  unknown  to  him,  the 
monster  is  nature's  genuine  issue.  It  is  therefore  necessary, 
before  we  can  pronounce  an  event  to  be  a  true  miracle,  that 
the  circumstances  under  which  it  was  produced  be  known, 
and  that  the  common  course  of  nature  be  in  some  degree  un- 
derstood ;  for  in  all  those  cases  in  which  we  are  totally  ig- 
norant of  nature,  it  is  impossible  to  determine  what  is,  or 
.what  is  not,  a  deviation  from  her  course.  Miracles,  there- 
fore, are  not,  as  some  have  represented  them,  appeals  to  our 
ignorance.  They  suppose  some  antecedent  knowledge  of 
the  course  of  nature,  without  which  no  proper  judgment  can 
be  formed  concerning  them  ;  though  with  it  their  reality  may 
be  so  apparent  as  to  leave  no  room  for  doubt  or  disputation. 
Thus,  were  a  physician  to  give  instantly  sight  to  a  blind 
man,  by  anointing  bis  eyes  with  a  chemical  preparation, 
which  we  had  never  before  seen,  and  to  the  nature  and  quali- 
ties of  which  we  were  absolute  strangers,  the  cure  would  to 
us  undoubtedly  be  wonderful;  but  we  could  not  pronounce 
it  miraculous,  because  it  might  be  the  physical  effect  of  the 
operation  of  the  unguent  on  the  eye.  But  were  he  to  give 
sight  to  his  patient  merely  by  commanding  him  to  receive  it, 
or  by  anointing  his  eyes  with  spittle,  we  should  with  the  ut- 
most confidence  pronounce  the  cure  to  be  a  miracle ;  because 
we  know  perfectly  that  neither  the  human  voice,  nor  human 
spittle,  has,  by  the  established  constitution  of  things,  any 
such  power  over  the  diseases  of  the  eye.  No  one  is  now 
ignorant,  that  persons  apparently  dead  are  often  restored  to 
their  families  and  friends,  by  being  treated,  during  suspended 
animation,  in  the  manner  recommended  by  the  Humane  So- 
ciety. To  the  vulgar,  and  sometimes  even  to  men  of  science, 
these  resuscitations  appear  very  wonderful ;  but  as  they  are 
known  to  be  effected  by  physical  agency,  they  can  never  be 
considered  as  miracuhus  deviations  from  the  laws  of  nature, 
though  they  may  suggest  to  different  minds  very  different 
notions  of  the  state  of  death.  On  the  other  hand,  no  one 
could  doubt  of  his  having  witnessed  a  real  miracle,  who  had 
seen  a  person,  that  had  been  four  days  dead,  come  alive  out 
of  the  grave  at  the  cull  of  another,  or  who  had  even  beheld  a 
person,  exhibiting  all  the  common  evidences  of  death,  in- 
stantly resuscitated  merely  by  being  desired  to  live."2 

Since  miracles  are  effects  contrary  to  the  established  con- 
stitution of  things,  we  are  certain  that  they  will  never  be 
performed  on  trivial  occasions ;  for  the  laws,  in  conformity 
to  which  created  beings  act,  being  a  consequence  of  the  na- 
ture of  those  beings,  and  of  the  relations  which  they  bear 
to  each  other,  are  invariable.  It  is  by  them  God  governs  the 
world :  he  alone  established  them  :  he  alone  can  suspend 
them;  and  from  the  course  of  things  thus  established  by  In- 
finite Wisdom,  no  deviation  can  be  made  but  by  God  him- 
self, or  by  some  person  to  whom  he  has  delegated  his 
power. 

III.  Design  of  Miracles. 

A  miracle  becomes  a  proof  of  the  character  or  mission  of 
him  by  whom  it  was  wrought,  by  being  professedly  wrought 
for  the  confirmation  of  either.  A  miracle  is  the  testimony  of 
God.  From  the  perfect  veracity  of  him,  who  is  the  Supreme 
Being,  it  irresistibly  results  that  he  never  can  give,  nor  ra- 
tionally be  supposed  to  give,  his  testimony  to  any  tiling  but 
truth.  When,  therefore,  a  miracle  is  wrought  in  confirma- 
tion of  any  thing,  or  as  evidence  of  any  thing,  we  know  that 
that  thing' is  true,  because  God  has  given  to  it  his  testimony. 
The  miracles  of  Moses  and  of  Christ  were  wrought  to  prove 
that  their  mission  and  doctrine  were  from  God;  therefore 
they  certainly  were  from  God. 

1.  To  this  it  has  been  objected,3  first,  that  believers  in 
the  Bible  argua  in  a  circle,  and  they  prove  the  doctrine  by 
the  miracle,  and  the  miracle  by  the  doctrine  ;  and,  secondly, 
that  miracles  are  asserted  by  the  Scriptures  themselves  to 
have  been  wrought  in  confirmation  of  falsehood. 

Answer. — (1.)  The  triumph  of  the  adversaries  of  Christian 

»  Bp.  Gleig'g  edition  of  Stackhouse's  History  of  the  Bible,  vol.  iii.  p.  241. 
»  By  Rousseau  and  others,  whose  objections  have  been  re  echoed  b» 
more  recent  opposers  of  revelation. 


Sect.  II.] 


PROOFS  OF  THEIR  INSPIRATION. 


95 


ity  would  indeed  be  complete,  if  we  asserted  that  a  doctrine  can 
bu  Droved  to  be  reasonable  and  worthy  of  God,  only  by  miracles, 
and  sbouldthen  make  use  of  the  doctrine  to  prove  that  the  mira- 
cles come  from  Clod.  Hut  this  is  not  the  else.  Miracle*  alone 
cannot  directly  prove  the  truth  or  falsehood,  the  reaaonableneai 
or  absurdity,  of  any  doctrine.  As  miracles  arc  appeals  to  OUT 
senses,  so  are  doctrines  to  our  reason.  They  are  properly  cre- 
dentials and  testimonials,  which,  when  a  man  can  produce  openly 
and  fairly,  if  he  teaches  nothing  absurd, — much  more  if  his  doc- 
trines and  precepts  appear  to  be  good  and  beneficial, — he  ought 
to  be  obeyed. 

(2.)   The  opposers  of  revelation   are  greatly    mistaken   when 

they  assert  that  Christians  argue  in  a  circle,  in  proving  the  doc- 
trines first  by  miracles,  and  then  the  miracles  again  by  the 
doctrines;  and  the  mistake  lies  in  this, — that  men  do  not  distin- 
guish between  the  doctrines  which  we  prove  by  miracles,  and 
the  doctrines  by  which  we  try  miracles,  for  they  are  not  the  same 
doctrines.  The  great  doctrines  of  natural  religion  have  for  their 
evidence  the  works  of  nature,  and  want  not  the  support  of 
miracle-;.  God  never  wrought  miracles  to  prove  the  difference 
between  good  and  evil;  and  if  any  man  were  asked  how  he 
proves  temperance  or  chastity  to  be  duties,  or  murder  or  adultery 
to  be  ins,  he  would  not  recur  to  miracles  for  an  argument. 
Though  these  and  similar  duties  are  enforced  in  the  Gospel,  they 
always  truths  and  duties  before  the  coming  of  Christ;  and 
we  are.  in  possession  of  them,  without  the  help  of  miracles  or 
revelation.  And  these  arc  the  doctrines  by  which  we  try  the 
miracles.  But  when  any  new  doctrine  is  published  to  the  world, 
of  which  nature  has  given  no  notice,  it  is  of  necessity  that  such 
new  doctrines  should  be  established  by  new  proofs.  Now  the 
doctrines  which  are  to  be  proved  by  miracles,  arc  the  new  reveal- 
ed doctrines  of  Christianity,  which  neither  were  nor  could  be 
known  to  the  reason  of  man : — such  arc  the  doctrines  of  salva- 
tion and  redemption  by  Christ,  of  sanctification  and  regeneration 
by  the  Spirit  of  God  ;  and  who  ever  brought  these  doctrines  to 
prove  the  truth  or  divine  original  of  the  miracles? 

•.'.  It  has  also  been  objected  that  miracles  are  asserted,  by 
the  Scriptures  themselves,  to  have  been  wrought  in  confirma- 
tion of  falsehood ; — as,  for  example,  by  the  magicians  in 
Egypt,  the  witch  of  Endor,  and  by  Satan  in  the  time  of 
Christ's  temptation. 

Asswr.it. — (1.)  If  the  magicians  of  Egypt  did  work  miracles, 
they  were  wrought  by  the  permission  of  God,  with  a  view  to 
make  the  final  triumph  of  his  own  cause,  in  the  hands  of  Moses, 
more  the  object  of  public  attention,  and  more  striking  to  the  view 
of  mankind.  This  was  done,  when  the  magicians  themselves 
put  to  silence,  and  forced  to  confess  that  the  works  of  Moses 
were  accomplished  by  the  finger  of  God.  (Eiod.  viii.  19.)  But 
the  truth  is,  the  magicians  did  not  perform  any  miracles.  All 
that  they  did  [as  the  narrative  of  Moses  expressly  states]  was  to 
busy  themselves  in  their  enchantments  :  by  which,  every  man 
now  knows,  that,  although  the  weak  and  credulous  may  be  de- 
ceived, miracles  cannot  possibly  be  accomplished. 

("2.)  The  witch  of  Endor  neither  wrought  nor  expected  to 
work  any  miracle.  (1  Sam.  xxviii.  7 — 25.)  This  is  clearly  evident 
from  her  astonishment  and  alarm  at  the  appearance  of  Samuel. 
Saul,  who  expected  a  miracle,  beheld  Samuel  without  any  pe- 
culiar surprise:  she,  who  expected  none,  with  amazement  and 
terror.  Indeed,  it  does  not  appear  from  the  narrative,  neither  is 
it  to  be  supposed,  that  this  woman  had  power  to  call  up  Samuel, 
whom  Saul  wished  to  consult.  But,  before  the  sorceress  could 
prepare  her  enchantments  for  the  purpose  of  soothing  and  flat- 
tering Saul,  the  prophet  Samuel,  commissioned  by  God,  appear- 
ed, to  her  astonishment  and  consternation,  and  denounced  the 
judgment  of  death  upon  Saul.  We  are  certain  that,  in  this 
Samuel  was  sent  by  God  himself;  because  the  message  he 
delivered  respected  a  future  event,  and  it  is  the  prerogative  of 
God  alone  to  declare  what  shall  happen.3 

(3.)  Satan  is  said  by  the  evangelists  to  have  taken  Jesus 
Christ  up  into  an  exceeding  high  mountain,  and  to  have  shown 
him  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  world,  and  the  glory  of  them,  in  a 
moment  of  time  (Matt.  iv.  8.  Luke  iv.  6.);  which  transaction  a 
late  scoffing  antagonist  of  the  Scriptures  has  termed  "  the  most 
extraordinary  of  all  the  things  called  miracles."     But  the  truth 

1  Dr.  Dwisht's  System  of  Theology,  vol.  ii.  p.  506.  Thai  the  Egyptian 
magicians  diet  not  work  miracles,  baa  been  proved  a)  considerable  length 
Farmer,  in  his  Dissertation  on  Miracles.  Chapter  iv.  Sect.  i.  Dr. 
Braves  has  given  the  chief  part  of  Dr.  Farmer's  Observations,  with  some 
additional  remarks,  in  liis  Lectures  on  the  Four  last  Books  of  the  Penta- 
teuch, vol.  i.  Appendix,  Sect.  ii. 

*  On  this  subject  the  reader  will  rind  a  well-written  and  satisfactory 
communication  in  the  London  Christian  Instructor  for  1818.  Vol.  i.  up 
64l-«8.  " 


is,  that  this  transaction  is  not  one  of  the  "things  called  mira- 
cle-:"' it  is  not  mentioned  as  effected  by  supernatural  means,  or 
without  Christ's  free  consent.  Neither  were  all  the  kingdoms 
of  the  world  exhibited  to  him.  The  Greek  word  oiK-.u/uivh;,  here 
translated  world,  very  frequently  signifies  land  or  country,  and 
ought  to  have  been  thus  rendered  in  the  passage  just  cited ;!  tho 
meaning  being  no  other,  than  that  Satan  showed  to  Jesus  Christ 
all  the  four  tetrarchiea  or  kingdoms  comprised  in  the  land  of 
Judssa.  In  this  transaction  it  will  not  be  pretended  that  there 
was  any  thing  miraculous. 

The  proper  effect,  therefore,  of  miracles  is  to  mark  clearly 
the  divine  interposition ;  and  the  Scriptures  intimate  this  to 
be  their  design;  for  both  Moses  and  the  prophets,  and  Jesus 
Christ  and  his  apostles,  appealed  to  them  in  proof  of  their 
divine  mission.  Hence  we  draw  this  consequence,  that  he 
who  performs  a  miracle  performs  it  in  the  name  of  God,  and 
on  his  behalf;  that  is  to  say,  in  proof  of  a  divine  mission. 

IV.  Credibility  of  Miracles  vindicated  and  proved. 

Whatever  miracles  are  wrought,  they  are  mailers  of  fact, 
and  are  capable  of  being  proved  by  proper  evidence,  as  other 
facts  are.  To  those  who  beheld  the  miracles  wrought  by 
Moses  and  Jesus  Christ,  as  well  as  by  his  apostles,  the 
seeing  of  those  miracles  performed  was  sufficient  evidence 
of  the  divine  inspiration  of  Moses  and  Jesus  Christ.  The 
witnesses,  however,  must  be  supposed  to  be  acquainted  with 
the  course  of  nature,  so  as  to  be  able  to  judge  that  the  event 
in  question  was  contrary  to  it.  With  respect  to  the  miracles 
recorded  in  the  Scriptures,  this  cannot  be  doubted :  for  no 
man  of  ordinary  understanding  could  be  incapable  of  ascer- 
taining that  the  event  was  contrary  to  the  course  of  nature, 
when  the  Israelites  passed  through  the  Red  Sea,  and  after- 
wards over  the  river  Jordan,  the  waters  being  stayed  in  their 
current  on  either  side;  when  diseases  were  healed  by  a 
word  ;  when  sight  was  imparted  to  the  blind,  hearing  to  the 
deaf,  and  the  powers  of  speech  to  the  dumb,  merely  at  com- 
mand, and  without  the  use  of  any  other  means :  especially 
when  a  corpse,  that  had  begun  to  putrefy,  was  restored  to 
life  by  the  speaking  of  a  word.  But  to  other  men,  miracles, 
like  other  events,  admit  of  the  evidence  of  testimony.  Now, 
as  Ave  cannot  doubt  the  competency  of  witnesses  to  ascertain 
facts,  their  credibility  is  the  only  point  to  be  considered;  and 
this  must  be  determined  upon  the  principles  on  which  the 
credibility  of  testimony,  in  general,  depends.  As  this  topic 
has  been  dexterously  seized  by  the  advocates  of  infidelity,  in 
order  to  decry  the  credibility  of  the  miracles  recorded  in  the 
Bible,  the  following  hints  on  the  value  of  human  testimony 
may  be  found  useful  in  enabling  the  student  to  investigate 
and  explain  them. 

For  estimating  the  value  of  single  evidences  the  two  follow- 
ing plain  rules  have  been  laid  down: — 

1.  "Any  thing  capable  of  being  proved  by  mere  testimony, 
is  credible  in  proportion  to  the  opportunity  which  the  wit 
had  of  being  well  informed  concerning  it  himself,  and  his 
freedom  from  any  bias  that  might  make  him  wish  to  impose 
upon  others. 

If  the  person  who  gives  us  information  appears  to  be  a  com- 
petent judge  of  it,  and  to  have  been  in  a  situation  in  which  he 
had  the  best  opportunity  of  being  rightly  informed,  and  if  there 
be  no  appearance  of  its  being  his  interest  to  deceive  us,  we  give 
our  assent;  but  we  hesitate  in  proportion  to  the  doubts  we  enter- 
tain on  either  of  these  heads. 

•J.  The  inorr  persons  there  are  who  relate  the  same  trans- 
action, of  which  they  are  equally  credible  witnesses,  the 
Stronger  is  the  evidence  for  it.  But,  the  more  persons  there 
are,  through  whose  hands  the  same  narration  is  conveyed  to 
us.  the  weaker  is  the  evidence. 

In  this  latter  case,  the  witnesses  are  called  dependent  one- ; 
but  in  the  former,  they  are  said  to  be  independent.  Whatever 
imperfection  there  may  be  in  any  one  of  a  number  of  inde- 
pendent witnesses,  it  is  in  part  removed  by  the  testimony  of 
others;  but  every  imperfection  is  increased  in  proportion  to  the 
number  of  dependent  witnesses,  through  whose  hands  the  same 
story  is  transmitted." 

3.  The  proper  mark  or  criterion  of  a  story  being  related 
by  a  number  of  independent  witnesses  of  full  credit,  is  their 
complete  agreement  in  the  principal  arguments,  and  their 
disagreement  with  respect  to  things  of  less  consequence,  or 
at  least  variety,  or  diversity,  in  their  manner  of  relating  the 
same  story. 

»  That  the  above  is  the  proper  rendering  of  ti*np»«,  is  fully  proved  Dy 
Dr.  Lardner.  Works,  vol.  i.  pp.  211.  255,  256.  8vo. ;  or  vol.  i.  pp.  132.  139 
140.  4to. 


96 


THE  MIRACLES  RELATED  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES, 


[Chap.  IV 


"  Th«  reason  of  this  is,  that  to  things  of  principal  importance 
they  will  all  equally  attend,  and  therefore  they  will  have  their 
minds  equally  impressed  with  the  ideas  of  them;  but  that  to 
things  of  less  consequence  they  will  not  give  the  same  attention, 
and  therefore  they  will  be  apt  to  conceive  differently  concerning 
them. 

"  If  a  number  of  persons  agree  very  minutely  with  respect  to 
all  the  facts  of  any  narrative,  general  and  particular,  and  also  in 
the  order  and  manner  of  their  narration,  it  will  amount  to  a 
proof  that  they  have  agreed  together  to  tell  the  same  story ;  and 
in  this  they  will  be  supposed  to  have  been  influenced  by  some 
motive  not  favourable  to  the  value  of  their  testimony ;  and  be- 
sides, having  learned  circumstances  one  of  another,  they  cannot 
be  considered  as  independent  of  one  another.  All  the  histories 
which  have  been  written  by  persons  in  every  respect  equally 
credible,  agree  in  the  main  things,  but  they  are  as  certainly  found 
to  differ  with  regard  to  things  of  less  consequence.  We  like- 
wise distinguish  with  respect  to  the  nature  of  the  fact  to  which 
our  assent  is  required ;  for  we  expect  more  numerous,  more  ex- 
press, and,  in  all  points,  more  unexceptionable  evidence,  accord- 
ing to  the  degree  of  its  previous  improbability,  arising  from  its 
want  of  analogy  to  other  facts  already  known :  and  in  this  there 
is  a  gradation  from  things  which  are  antecedently  highly  proba- 
ble, and  therefore  require  but  little  positive  evidence,  to  things 
which  are  utterly  incredible,  being  so  contrary  to  what  we  already 
know  of  the  course  of  nature  and  the  author  of  it,  that  no  evi- 
dence could  convince  us  of  it." 

For  instance,  "  if  my  servant  should  tell  me  that,  as  he  was 
passing  through  a  certain  place,  he  saw  a  friend  of  mine,  who 
(he  knew)  had  business  in  that  neighbourhood,  and  the  charac- 
ter of  my  servant  was  such,  that  I  had  never  known  him  to  tell 
me  a  wanton  lie,  I  should  readily  believe  him;  and,  if  I  had  any 
thing  to  do  in  the  case,  I  should,  without  hesitation,  act  upon 
the  supposition  that  what  he  told  me  was  true.  But,  if  the  same 
servant  should  say  that,  coming  through  the  same  place,  he  saw 
another  of  my  friends,  whom  I  knew  to  have  been  dead,  I  should 
not  believe  him,  though  the  thing  in  itself  was  not  naturally  im- 
possible ;  and  if  ten  or  a  dozen  persons  of  our  common  acquaint- 
ance, persons  of  knowledge  and  curiosity,  should,  independently 
of  one  another,  seriously  inform  me  that  they  were  present  them- 
selves, and  had  no  doubt  of  the  fact,  I  might  believe  it."1  It 
follows,  however,  from  this  observation,  that  miracles  require  a 
much  stronger  testimony  than  common  facts ;  and  such  testimo- 
ny, it  will  be  seen  in  the  following  pages,  they  really  have. 

The  greatest  part  of  our  knowledge,  whether  scientific  or 
historical,  has  no  other  foundation  than  testimony.  How 
many  facts  in  chemistry,  in  physics,  or  other  departments 
of  science,  do  we  receive  without  having  seen  them,  only 
because  they  are  attested  to  us ;  though  they  may  seem  con- 
trary not  only  to  our  personal  experience,  but  also  to  common 
experience?  For  instance,  I  am  informed  that  the  fresh- 
water polype,  when  cut  into  pieces,  is  re-produced  in  each 
piece ;  that  the  pieces  of  this  insect,  when  put  end  to  end, 
intergraft  and  unite  together ;  that  this  same  insect  may  be 
turned  inside  out  like  a  glove ;  and  that  it  lives,  grows,  and 
multiplies,  in  this  new  state,  as  well  as  in  its  natural  state. 
These  are  strange  facts,  and  yet  I  admit  them  upon  credible 
testimony.2  Again,  a  man  who  has  never  been  out  of  Great 
Britain  is,  by  testimony  alone,  as  fully  convinced  of  the  ex- 
istence of  foreign  countries  as  he  is  of  the  existence  of  the 
country  in  which  he  lives.  No  person,  who  has  read  his- 
tory, has  any  more  doubt  of  there  being  such  a  city  as  Rome 
or  Paris,  or  that  there  formerly  existed  such  persons  as 
Alexander  the  Great  and  Julius  Caesar,  than  he  has  of  the 
truth  of  the  proposition  that  two  and  two  make  four,  or  that 
queen  Elizabeth  some  time  since  reigned  in  this  island,  or 
that  William  the  Fourth  is,  at  present,  sovereign  of  the  Bri- 
tish empire.  The  truth  of  these  events  is  conveyed  to  us  by 
the  general  and  concurrent  testimony  of  history,  by  which  it  is 
so  firmly  established,  that,  were  a  set  of  learned  men  now  to 
arise,  and,  without  being  able  to  produce  any  ancient  contra- 
dictory statements,  to  endeavour  by  specious  reasonings  to 
destroy  our  belief  of  it,  it  would  argue  the  greatest  folly  and 
weakness  to  be  moved  by  them.  The  truth  of  other  facts  is 
substantiated  in  the  same  manner,  and  upon  such  evidence 
almost  the  whole  business  and  intercourse  of  human  life  is 
conducted.     But,  however  applicable  this  reasoning  may  be 

«  Dr.  Priestley's  Institutes  of  Natural  and  Revealed  Religion,  vol.  i.  pp. 
J71-278.  On  the  subject  of  the  credibility  of  testimony  Mr.  Gauibier's 
Mural  Evidence  may  be  very  advantageously  consulted. 

»  The  curious  reader  will  find  accounts  of  numerous  experiments  on 
i  tie.se  extraordinary  animal9  in  the  Philosophical  Transactions  of  the  Royal 
stocietjr,  vols.  xlii.  x!ii:   v'iv  andx;ix. 


to  the  ordinary  affairs  of  human  life,  it  has  been  laid  down 
by  some  persons  as  a  maxim,  that  no  human  testimony  is 
sufficient  to  prove  a  miracle.  This  assertion  was  first  made 
by  a  late  celebrated  philosopher,  whose  notions  have  been 
adopted  by  all  later  deists,  and  whose  argument  in  substance 
is  this : — "  Experience,  which  in  some  tnings  is  variable,  in 
others  is  uniform,  is  our  only  guide  in  reasoning  concerning 
matters  of  fact.  Variable  experience  gives  rise  to  probabi- 
lity only:  an  uniform  experience  amounts  to  proof.  Our 
belief  of  any  fact,  from  the  testimony  of  eye-witnesses,  is 
derived  from  no  other  principle  than  our  experience  of  the 
veracity  of  human  testimony.  If  the  fact  attested  be  mira- 
culous, there  arises  a  contest  of  two  opposite  experiences,  oi 
proof  against  proof.  Now,  a  miracle  is  a  violation  of  the 
laws  of  nature :  and  as  a  firm  and  unalterable  experience  has 
established  these  laws,  the  proof  against  a  miracle,  from  the 
very  nature  of  the  fact,  is  as  complete  as  any  argument  from 
experience  can  possibly  be  imagined ;  and  if  so,  it  is  an  un- 
deniable consequence,  that  it  cannot  be  surmounted  by  any 
proof  whatever  derived  from  human  testimony."3 

Now,  to  this  reasoning,  or  the  most  prominent  and  essen- 
tial parts  of  it,  several  decisive  answers  have  been  or  may  be 
given.     A  few  of  these  may  properly  find  a  place  here. 

(1.)  "  Dr.  Campbell,  in  his  celebrated  'Dissertation  on 
Miracles,'  shows  the  fallacy  of  Mr.  Hume's  argument  thus : — 
'  The  evidence  arising  from  human  testimony  is  not  derived 
solely  from  experience:  on  the  contrary,  testimony  has  a 
natural  influence  on  belief,  antecedent  to  experience. 

'The  early  and  unlimited  assent  given  to  testimony  by  chil 
dren,  gradually  contracts  as  they  advance  in  life :  it  is  therefore 
more  consonant  to  truth  to  say,  that  our  diffidence  in  testimony 
is  the  result  of  experience,  than  that  our  faith  in  it  has  this 
foundation.  Besides,  the  uniformity  of  experience  in  favour  of 
any  fact  is  not  a  proof  against  its  being  reversed  in  a  particular 
instance.  The  evidence  arising  from  the  single  testimony  of  a 
man  of  known  veracity  will  go  further  to  establish  a  belief  of  its 
being  actually  reversed.  If  his  testimony  be  confirmed  by  a  few 
others  of  the  same  character,  we  cannot  withhold  our  assent  to 
the  truth  of  it.  Now,  though  the  operations  of  nature  are  go- 
verned by  human  laws,  and  though  we  have  not  the  testimony 
of  our  senses  in  favour  of  any  violation  of  them ;  still,  if  in  par- 
ticular instances  we  have  the  testimony  of  thousands  of  our  fel- 
low-creatures, and  those,  too,  men  of  strict  integrity,  swayed  by 
no  motives  of  ambition  or  interest,  and  governed  by  the  princi- 
ples of  common  sense,  that  they  were  actually  witnesses  of  these 
violations,  the  constitution  of  our  nature  obliges  us  to  believe 
them.' 

(2.)  "Mr.  Hume's  reasoning  is  founded  upon  too  limitea 
a  view  of  the  laws  and  course  of  nature. 

"  If  wc  consider  things  duly,  we  shall  find  that  lifeless  matter 
is  utterly  incapable  of  obeying  any  laws,  or  of  being  endued  with 
any  powers;  and,  therefore,  what  is  usually  called  the  course 
of  nature,  can  be  nothing  else  than  the  arbitrary  will  and  plea- 
sure of  God,  acting  continually  upon  matter,  according  to  certain 
rules  of  uniformity,  still  bearing  a  relation  to  contingencies.  So 
that  it  is  as  easy  for  the  Supreme  Being  to  alter  what  men  think 
the  course  of  nature,  as  to  preserve  it.  Those  effects,  which  arc 
produced  in  the  world  regularly  and  indesinently,  and  which  are 
usually  termed  the  works  of  nature,  prove  the  constant  provi- 
dence of  the  Deity ;  those,  on  the  contrary,  which,  upon  any 
extraordinary  occasion,  are  produced  in  such  a  manner  as  it  is 
manifest  could  not  have  been  either  by  hvman  power,  or  by 
what  is  called  chance,  prove  undeniably  the  immediate  interpo- 
sition of  the  Deity  on  that  special  occasion.  God,  it  must  be 
recollected,  is  the  governor  of  the  moral  as  well  as  of  the  physi- 
cal world ;  and  since  the  moral  well-being  of  the  universe  is  of 
more  consequence  than  its  physical  order  and  regularity,  it  fol- 
lows, obviously,  that  the  laws,  conformably  with  which  the  ma- 
terial world  seems  generally  to  be  regulated,  are  subservient,  and 
may  occasionally  yield  to  the  laws  by  which  the  moral  world  is 
governed.  Although,  therefore,  a  miracle  is  contrary  to  the 
usual  course  of  nature  (and  would  indeed  lose  its  beneficial 
effect  if  it  were  not  so),  it  cannot  thence  be  inferred  that  it  is 
'  a  violation  of  the  laws  of  nature,'  allowing  the  ternn  to  include 
a  regard  to  moral  tendencies.  The  laws  by  which  a  wise  and 
holy  God  governs  the  world  cannot,  unless  he  is  pleased  to  re- 
veal them,  be  learnt  in  any  other  way  than  from  testimony ; 
since,  on  this  supposition,  nothing  but  testimony  can  bring  ua 
acquainted  with  the  whole  series  of  his  dispensations,  and  this 
kind  of  knowledge  is  absolutely  necessary  previously  to  our  coi 

"  Kncyloptedia  Britannica,  vol  i.  art   Abridfcmttt. 


m 


8'mt.  0.] 


PKOOFS  OF  THEIR  INSPIRATION. 


97 


rectly  iofening  those  laws.  Testimony,  therefore,  must  be  ad- 
mitted as  constituting  the  principal  means  of  discovering  the  real 
laws  by  which  the  universe  has  been  regulated;  that  testimony 
assures  us  that  the  apparent  course  of  nature  has  often  been  in- 
terrupted to  produce  important  moral  affects;  and  we  must  not 
at  random  disregard  such  testimony,  because,  in  estimating  its 
credibility,  we  ought  to  look  almost  infinitely  more  at  the  moral, 
than  at  the  physical  circumstances  connected  with  any  particular 
event."' 

{'.'•.)  The  futility  of  Mr.  Hume's  sophism  may  also  !«• 
shown,  even  upon  its  own  avowed  principles. 

If  the  secret  of  compounding  gunpowder  had  perished  bjf  the 
accidental  death  of  its  discoverer,  Immediately  after  its  extraor- 
dinary powers  had  been  exhibited  before  a  hundred  competent 
witnesses,  on  the  principles  of  the  sophism  now  before  us,  the 
fact  of  its  extraordinary  powers  must  immediate  lv  be  rejected  U 
a  manifest  falsehood.  For,  that  a  small  black  powder  should 
possess  such  powers,  contradicts  the  universal  experience  of  man- 
kind. The  attestation,  therefore,  of  the  hundred  witnesses  plainly 
contradicts  the  universal  experience  of  mankind.  But  it  is  more 
probable  that  these  hundred  witnesses  should  be  liars,  than  that 
the  universal  experience  of  mankind  should  be  contravened. 
Therefore,  the  pretended  black  powder  possessed  no  such  extra- 
ordinary powers,  as  those  which  these  false  witnesses  would  fain 
ascribe  to  it. 

(1.)  This  sophism  (for  argument  it  can  scarcely  be  called) 
■•  proves  too  much,  and  therefore  proves  nothing.  ' 

"  It  proves  too  much  ;  for,  if  I  am  to  reject  the  strongest  testi- 
mony to  miracles,  because  testimony  has  often  deceived  me, 
whilst  nature's  order  has  never  been  found  to  fail,  then  I  ought 
to  reject  a  miracle,  even  if  I  should  see  it  with  my  own  eyes,  and 
it  all  my  senses  should  attest  it;  for  all  my  senses  have  some- 
times given  false  reports,  whilst  nature  has  never  gone  astray  ; 
and,  therefore,  be  the  circumstances  ever  so  decisive  or  inconsist- 
ent with  deception,  still  I  must  not  believe  what  I  see,  and  hear, 
and  touch ;  what  my  senses,  exercised  according  to  the  most  de- 
liberate judgment,  declare  to  be  true.  All  this  the  argument  re- 
ij  lires,  and  it  proves  too  much  :  for  disbelief  in  the  case  supposed 
is  out  of  our  power,  and  is  instinctively  pronounced  absurd  ;  and, 
what  is  more,  it  would  subvert  that  very  order  of  nature  on  which 
the  argument  rests  :  for  this  order  of  nature  is  learned  only  by 
the  exercise  of  my  senses  and  judgment ;  and  if  these  fail  me  in 
the  most  unexceptionable  circumstances,  then  their  testimony  to 
nature  is  of  little  worth."2 

V.  Refutation  of  the  objection,  that  the  evidence  for  the 
credibility  of  miracles  decreases  with  the  lapse  of  years. 

It  is  further  objected  by  the  disciples  of  Mr.  Hume,  that 
"  whatever  may  be  conceded  to  those  who  received  miracles 
as  true  from  the  testimony  of  concurrent  witnesses,  those  who 
lived  a  thousand  years  atter  the  event  can  have  no  reason  to 
believe  it ;  and  that  if  we  admit  that  concurrent  testimony 
may  augment,  still  successive  testimony  diminishes,  and  that 
so  rapidly  as  to  command  no  assent  alter  a  few  centuries  at 
most." 

i  Dr.  O.  Gregory's  Letters  on  the  Evidences,  &c.  of  the  Christian  Reve- 
lation, vol.  i.  pp.  176,  177.  This  argument  is  pursued  to  a  considerable  ex- 
tent by  Professor  Vince,  in  his  Sermons  on  the  Credibility  of  Miracles, 
8vo.  ;  and  with  much  acuteness  by  Dr.  Dwight,  in  his  System  of  Theology, 
vol.  li.  pp.  498 — 505.  See  also  Bp.  Marsh's  Lectures,  part  vi.  lect.  30.  pp. 
72—91.  and  Dr.  Cook's  Inquiry  into  the  Books  of  the  New  Testament,  pp. 
336— 352.  The  sceptical  theory  of  Hume  concerning  testimony  has  been 
exposed  with  singular  ability  by  Dr.  Whately,  in  his  "Historic  Doubts" 
relative  to  the  late  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  who  has  applied  it  to  the  history 
of  that  extraordinary  man,  to  which  he  has  shown  thai  it  applies  with  so 
much  greater  force  than  it  does  to  the  Jewish  or  Christian  narrative,  as  to 
reduce  the  disciple  of  Hume  to  this  dilemma,  viz  enter  to  abandon  his 
theory  altogether,  or  to  apply  it  first  where  ll  ls  m"sl  applicable  ;  and  upon 
those  grounds,  on  which  lie  impugns  the  Christian  Scriptures,  to  acknow- 
ledge the  accounts  of  Bonaparte,  with  which  the  world  was  so  long  amazed 
iiul  terrified,  to  have  been  a  mere  forgery — the  amusement  of  wits— or 
the  bugbear  of  politicians. 

The  reader,  who  is  desirous  offully  investigating  the  subject  of  miracles, 
will  find  it  very  ably  treated  in  Drs.  Campbell's  and  Adams's  Treatises,  in 
reply  to  the  sophistry  of  Hume;  in  Dr.  Hey's  Norriaian  Lectures,  vol.  i. 
ji;>.  157 — 200.;  in  Dr.  Price's  Four  Dissertations  an  Providence,  Ac.  diss. 
iv.  pp.  384.  et  seq.  (4th  edit.);  in  the  Criterion  oi  the  late  l>r.  Douglas,  Bp. 
>:' Salisbury  ;  and  in  Dr.  Elrington's  Sermons  on  Miracles,  at  the  Donnellan 
Lectures  for  1795,  8vo.  Dublin,  17%.  See  also  Bp.  Gleig'a  Dissertation  oo 
Miracles  (in  the  third  volume  of  his  edition  of  Stackhouse's  History  of  the 
Bible,  pp.  210.  et  seq.),  in  which  the  recent  endeavours  in  a  celebrated  lite- 
rary journal  to  support  the  sceptical  notions  of  Hume  and  his  followers 
are  most  ably  exposed ;  as  they  also  are  in  the  Rev.  J.  S  ■in e mile's  " Re- 
marks on  an  Article  in  the  Edinburgh  Review,  in  which  'he  Doctrine  of 
Hume  on  Miracles  is  maintained."  8vo.  Edinburgh,  1815  T. -e  fifth  and  sixth 
volumes  of  Professor  V'ernet's  Traite  de  la  VCrite  de  la  Religion  Chretienne 
i  so  discuss  the  subject  of  miracles  at  considerable  length,  and  present 
'  oth  solid  and  learned  replies  to  the  objections  of  the  opposers  of  revela- 
tion. 
■  pr    Ci  ini       '■  HIi rue  mi  II     Rrid  tie**     f  Revested  Religion, 


Answkh. — This  objection  is  specious,  but  very  far  from  being 
correct.  It  is  not,  indeed,  denied,  "  that  there  may  be  cases  in 
which  credibility  vanishes  with  time ;  but  no  testimony  is  really 
in  the  nature  of  things  rendered  less  credible  by  any  other  cause, 
than  the  toSS  or  want  of  some  of  those  conditions  which  first 
made  it  rationally  credible.  A  testimony  continues  em 
credible,  so  long  as  it  is  transmitted  with  all  those  circumstan  a  - 
and  conditions  which  first  procured  it  a  certain  degree  of  en  In 
amongst  men,  proportionate  to  the  intrinsic  value  of  those  condi- 
tions. Let  it  be  supposed  that  the  persons  who  transmit  the  t>  6- 
tiinony  are  abb',  honest,  and  diligent  in  all  the  requisite  inqui- 
ries us  to  what  they  transmit,  and  how  should  the  credibility  die 
to  their  testimony  be  weakened,  but  by  the  omission  of  circum- 
stances ?  which  omission  is  contrary  to  the  hypothesis.  No 
calculation  of  the  decrease  of  the  credibility  of  testimony,  in 
which  a  man  bears  witness  respecting  realities,  and  not  the  fic- 
tions <>t  his  own  brain,  can  ever  proceed  upon  any  other  princi- 
ple than  that  of  the  characters  end  qualifications  of  the  witnesses  : 
and,  therefore,  as  far  as  the  credibility  of  any  matter  of  fact  de- 
pends upon  pure  testimony,  those  who  live  at  the  remotest  dis- 
tance of  time  may  have  the  same  evidence  of  the  truth  of  it,  as 
those  persons  who  lived  nearest  to  the  time  in  which  the  thing 
was  said  to  be  done  ;  that  identical  time  being  of  course  ex- 
cluded. 

"  In  what  possible  manner,  for  example,  can  the  evidence  on 
which  we  believe  the  facts  related  in  the  Gospels  be  less  than 
that  on  which  those  facts  were  accredited  by  Christians  in  the 
second  or  third  centuries  7  They  possessed  the  standard  writ- 
ings of  the  evangelists ;  so  do  we  :  what  those  books  then  con- 
tained, they  now  contain  ;  and  the  invention  of  printing  seems 
likely,  under  the  care  of  Providence,  to  preserve  them  genuine  te 
the  end  of  time.  This  admirable  invention  has  so  far  secured  all 
considerable  monuments  of  antiquity,  that  no  ordinary  calami- 
ties of  wars,  dissolutions  of  governments,  &c.  can  destroy  any 
material  evidence  now  in  existence,  or  render  it  less  probable  to 
those  who  shall  live  in  a  thousand  years'  time,  than  it  is  to  us. 
With  regard  to  the  facts  of  the  Christian  religion,  indeed,  it  is 
notorious  that  our  evidence  in  favour  of  them  has  increased 
instead  of  diminishing  since  the  era  of  printing,  the  refor- 
mation of  religion,  and  the  restoration  of  letters  ;  and,  as  even 
the  recent  inquiries  of  learned  men  nave  produced  fresh  evi- 
dence, there  is  every  reason  to  hope  it  will  continue  to  increase. 
Indeed,  it  is  only  with  regard  to  the  facts  related  in  the  Bible, 
that  men  ever  talk  of  the  daily  diminution  of  credibility.  Who 
complains  of  a  decay  of  evidence  in  relation  to  the  actions  of 
Alexander,  Hannibal,  Pompcy,  or  Ca;sar  ?  How  many  fewer 
of  the  events  recorded  by  Plutarch,  or  Polybius,  or  Livy,  are  be- 
lieved now  (on  account  of  a  diminution  of  evidence),  than  were 
believed  by  Mr.  Addison,  or  Lord  Clarendon,  or  Geoffrey  Chau- 
cer ?  It  might  be  contended,  with  some  show  of  probability,  that 
we  know  more  of  those  ancients  than  the  persons  now  men- 
tioned ;  but  that  is  widely  different  from  accrediting  less.  We 
never  hear  persons  wishing  they  had  lived  ages  earlier,  that  they 
might  have  had  better  proofs  that  Cyrus  was  the  conqueror  of 
Babylon,  that  Darius  was  beaten  in  several  battles  by  Alexan- 
der, that  Titus  destroyed  Jerusalem,  that  Hannibal  was  entirely 
routed  by  Scipio,  or  Pompey  by  Julius  Cxsar  :  though  we  some- 
times find  men  of  ardent  and  enterprising  minds  exclaiming — 
'  O  that  I  had  lived  and  been  present  when  such  and  such  splen- 
did events  occurred  :  how  lively  an  interest  should  I  have  taken 
in  such  scenes,  how  much  concern  in  their  termination  !'  And, 
indeed,  it  is  the  frequent  hearing  of  like  exclamations  that  causes 
men  to  confound  weight  of  testimony  with  warmth  or  depth  of 
feeling  ;  and  to  lose  sight  of  the  essential  difference  between  real 
evidence,  or  the  true  basis  for  belief  of  history,  and  the  sensible 
impression  or  influence  which  such  history  may  make  upon  the 
mind.  We  believe  as  firmly  that  Lucretius  killed  himself  in  the 
delirium  of  a  fever,  as  that  Lucretia  stabbed  herself  in  conse- 
quence of  the  wrongs  she  had  received  from  Tarquin's  son  ;  yet 
we  feel  a  much  more  lively  interest  in  the  latter  event  than  in 
the  former.  The  fate  of  Carthage,  or  the  result  of  the  contest 
between  Anthony  and  Octavius  respecting  the  empire  of  the 
world,  would  doubtless  be  much  more  deeply  felt,  and  much  more 
warmly  conversed  about,  within  two  centuries  of  the  circum- 
stances, than  they  ever  are  now  ;  yet  those  who  then  conversed 
about  them  had  just  as  much  reason  to  doubt  their  occurrence  as 
we  have  ;  that  is,  just  none  at  all.  And  the  like  reasoning  will 
apply  to  all  the  circumstances  recorded  in  authentic  history.  So 
that,  having  established  the  genuineness  and  authenticity  of  the 
books  of  Scripture  on  evidence  far  superior  to  that  on  which 
other  historic  books  are  received   i>  is  th~  ■•r 


THE  MIRACLES  RELATED  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES, 


[Chap.  IV- 


lous  thing  imaginable,  to  affect  to  disbelieve  any  of  the  facts 
therein  recorded  on  account  of  the  remoteness  of  the  times  in 
which  they  occurred."1 

Thus,  the  historical  evidences  of  the  genuineness,  truth, 
and  divine  authority  of  the  Scriptures  are  so  far  from  grow- 
ing less  and  less  by  the  lapse  of  ages  (as  some  antagonists 
ofrevelation  have  insinuated),  tha,'.,  on  the  contrary,  they  are 
progressively  increasing  with  increasing  years  :  for  so  many 
new  evidences  and  coincidences  have  been  discovered  in  fa- 
vour of  the  Jewish  and  Christian  histories,  as  abundantly  to 
make  up  for  any  evidences  that  may  have  been  lost  in  for- 
mer ages ;  and,"  as  this  improvement  of  the  historical  evi- 
dences is  progressively  increasing,  there  is  every  reason  to 
believe  that  they  will  daily  become  more  and  more  irresisti- 
ble to  all  candid  and  serious  inquirers.2 

VI.  But,  however  satisfactory  the  preceding  general  ab- 
stract evidences  may  he,  it  is  not  necessary  to  rest  the  de- 
fence of  miracles  against  the  objections  of  infidels  wholly 
upon  them.  The  miracles  related  in  the  Bible  are  accom- 
panied by  such  evidences  as  it  will  be  found  difficult  to  ad- 
duce in  support  of  any  other  historic  fact,  and  such  as  can- 
not be  brought  to  substantiate  any  pretended  fact  whatever. 

Since,  as  we  already  have  had  occasion  to  observe,3  the 
proper  effect  of  a  miracle  is  clearly  to  mark  the  divine  inter- 
position, it  must  therefore  have  characters  proper  to  indicate 
such  interposition ;  and  these  criteria  are  six  in  number 

1.  It  is  required,  then,  in  the  first  place,  that  a  fact  or 
event,  which  is  stated  to  be  miraculous,  should  have  an  im- 
portant end,  worthy  of  its  author. 

2.  It  must  be  instantaneously  and  publicly  performed. 

3.  It  must  be  sensible  and  easy  to  be  observed  :  in  other 
words,  the  fact  or  event  must  be  such,  that  the  senses  of 
mankind  can  clearly  and  fully  judge  of  it. 

4.  It  must  be  independent  ot  second  causes. 

5.  Not  only  public  monuments  must  be  kept  up,  but  some 
outward  actions  must  be  constantly  performed  in  memory  of 
the  fact  thus  publicly  wrought. 

G.  And  such  monuments  must  be  set  up,  and  such  actions 
and  observances  be  instituted,  at  the  very  time  when  those 
events  took  place,  and  afterwards  be  continued  without  in- 
terruption. ' 

1.  The  first  character  of  a  miracle  is,  an  important  end, 
and  worthy  of  its  author.  For  what  probability  is  there, 
that  the  Almighty  should  specially  interpose,  and  suspend 
the  laws  .by  which  he  governs  this  world,  without  any  neces- 
sity, for  a  frivolous  reason,  inconsistent  with  his  wisdom, 
and  unworthy  of  his  greatness  ?  Every  miracle,  then,  must 
have  a  useful  end,  and  one  to  which  second  causes  are  inade- 
quate ; — as,  to  authorize  a  prophet,  or  to  establish  a  revela- 
tion. An  end  so  wise  and  so  benevolent  is  well  worthy  of 
the  Supreme  Being. 

This  character  of  a  true  miracle  is  found  in  all  the  miracles 
recorded  as  being  performed  by  Moses  and  Jesus  Christ.  None 
jf  them  are  represented  as  having  been  wrought  on  trivial  occa- 
sions. The  writers  who  mention  them  were  eye-witnesses  of  the 
tacts,  which  facts  they  affirm  to  have  been  performed  publiclv,  in 
attestation  of  the  truth  of  their  respective  dispensations.  They 
ire  indeed  so  incorporated  with  these  dispensations,  that  the  mi- 
racles cannot  be  separated  from  the  doctrines  ;  and  if  the  mi- 
racles were  not  really  performed,  the  doctrines  cannot  be  true. 
Further,  the  miracles  of  Moses  and  Jesus  Christ  were  wrought 
in  support  of  revelations,  which  opposed  all  the  religious  sys- 
tems, prejudices,  and  superstitions  of  the  age.  This  circum- 
stance alone  sets  them,  in  point  of  authority,  infinitely  above 
the  pagan  prodigies  recorded  by  ancient  writers,  as  well  as  the 
pretended  miracles  of  the  Romish  church ;  many  of  which  may 
be  shown  to  be  mere  natural  events,  while  others  arc  repre- 
sented a*  having  been  performed  in  secret,  on  the  most  trivial 
occasions,  and  long  before  the  time  of  the  writers  by  whom  they 
ire  related  ;  and  such  of  them  as  at  first  view  appear  to  be  best 
attested,  are  evidently  tricks  contrived  for  interested  purposes,  to 
flatter  power,  or  to  promote  the  prevailing  superstitions,  and  the 

'  Dr.  O.  Gregory's  Letters  on  the  Evidences,  &c.  of  the  Christian  Re 
velation,  vol.  i.  pp.  1%.  199.  On  this  subject  see  Mr.  Benson's  Hnlaonn 
Lectures  for  1820,  pp.  78-98.  '  "   " 

»  The  reader  who  is  desirous  of  seeing  the  argument  (which  is  here  ne- 
cessarily treated  with  brevity)  fully  discussed,  is  referred  to  the  Huhean 
Prize  Essay,  for  1831,  by  the  Rev.  George  Langshaw,  IS.  a.  (Cambridge 
1832.  8vo.),'entitled  "The  Evidences  of  the  Truth  of  the  Christian  Religion 
are  not  weakened  by  Time." 

»  See  p.  95.  supra. 

*  These  criteria  for  judging,  oi  miracle?,  with  their  illustrations*  are 
chiefly  abudged  from  Mr.  Leslie's  Short  and  Easy  Method  with  the  Deists, 
a-jd  Professor  Claparede's  "Considerations  upon  the  Miracles  of  the  Qos- 
r.e\.''  in  »nswer  to  Rousseau,  translated  and  published  in  8vo.  London.  1758. 


erroneous  doctrines  which  that  church  has  imposed  upor.  he» 
members,  as  articles  of  faith,  that  must  be  believed  on  pain  of 
damnation. 

2.  A  second  criterion  of  a  miracle  is,  that  it  be  instan- 
taneously AND  PUBLICLY  PERFORMED,  AND  BEFORE  CREDI- 
BLE witnesses. — A  business,  huddled  up  in  a  cloister  before 
a  few  interested  monks,  is  not  properly  attested.  But  when 
an  action  is  performed  before  the  public  eye,  as  the  miracles 
of  Moses  and  those  of  Christ  were,  or  before  witnesses  wh? 
have  totally  exculpated  themselves  of  having  any  end  but 
that  of  truth,  we  have  all  the  attestation  we  can  reasonably 
desire. 

(I.)  It  must  be  instantaneously  performed. 

A  miracle  does  not  present  the  shades  and  gradations  ob 
servable  in  nature.  Nature  proceeds  not  by  fits  and  starts,  but 
is  gradual  and  progressive  in  its  operations ;  does  not  create,  bui 
unfolds  ;  nourishes,  and  causes  to  sprout  and  grow  ;  sets  tc  work 
second  causes,  which  act  only  by  little  and  little,  and  do  not  pro- 
duce their  effect  until  the  end  of  a  certain  period.  From  this  rule 
the  divine  agency  is  entirely  free.  God  said,  "  Let  there  be 
light,  and  there  teas  light." 

(2.)  Further,  publicity  or  notoriety  is  requisite. 

Not  that  a  miracle  performed  in  the  sight  of  a  few  witnesses 
is  the  less  a  miracle  on  that  account.  It  is  enough  that  there  is 
a  sufficient  number  of  spectators  worthy  of  credit.  The  no- 
toriety of  this  or  that  particular  miracle  may  be  more  or  less 
restrained  by  circumstances  ;  and  we  cannot  reject  a  miracle, 
properly  established,  under  the  pretence  that  it  has  not  had  all 
the  notoriety  which  we  might  have  imagined  to  be  necessary. 
How  great  soever  may  be  the  number  of  witnesses,  we  can 
always  conceive  a  greater.  But  there  is  a  degree  of  notoriety 
which  satisfies  reason ;  and  if  it  were  not  so,  testimonial  proof 
could  never  be  complete. 

To  this  criterion  of  a  miracle,  it  has  been  objected,  that 
Jesus  enjoined  secrecy  on  some  of  the  persons  on  whom  he 
had  wrought  miraculous  cures,  and  hence  it  has  been  in- 
sinuated that  they  could  not  bear  the  test  of  examination. 

Answer. — A  little  attention  will  show  that  this  objection  is 
unfounded.  "  Distinguish  the  times,  and  the  Scriptures  will 
agree."5  This  observation  is  of  [articular  importance  in  show- 
ing that  the  contradictions,  which  the  opposers  of  revelation 
have  asserted  to  exist  in  the  relations  of  Christ's  miracles,  are 
utterly  unfounded  ;  and  also  in  showing  the  reason  why  he 
commanded  some  of  the  persons  whom  he  had  healed,  not  to 
divulge  their  miraculous  cures  to  any  man,  while  he  performed 
others  with  the  greatest  publicity. 

Jesus  Christ  having  delighted  and  instructed  the  multitude 
with  his  discourses,  the  fame  of  them,  and  of  his  mighty  works, 
so  struck  the  people,  that  the  crowd  which  assembled  around 
him  increased  every  day.  In  the  universal  expectation  of  the 
Messiah  that  then  prevailed,  there  was  reason  to  fear  lest  the 
Jews,  under  the  impulse  of  blind  but  ardent  zeal,  should  have 
declared  him  their  king,  or  lest  some  seditious  spirit  should 
take  advantage  of  their  favourable  disposition  towards  him,  to 
create  some  disturbance  among  that  people.  This  indeed  is 
evident  from  the  Gospel,  which  informs  us  that  the  Jews  had 
laid  a  scheme  to  take  him  away  by  force,  and  make  him  a 
king:  (John  vi.  15.)  But  Jesus  did  not  choose  to  give  umbrage 
to  the  Roman  government.  Though  he  was  to  be  condemned  to 
death,  it  was  not  necessary  he  should  be  so  as  a  rebel  to  Csesar. 
That  fine  testimony  was  to  be  borne  to  his  innocence, — Ijind 
no  fault  in  this  man.  (Lukexxiii.  4.)  Determined  to  seal  with 
his  blood  the  truth  of  his  religion,  he  first  proved  his  divine 
mission,  multiplied  the  witnesses  of  his  miracles,  confirmed  the 
faith  of  the  apostles,  gave  them  instructtorts,  and  destroyed  the 
prepossession  that  the  Messiah  was  to  be  a  temporal  king,  sur- 
rounded with  the  pomp  of  worldly  grandeur.  But  all  this  was 
not  the  work  of  a  few  days.  A  rapid  instruction,  joined  to  a 
multitude  of  miracles  crowded  into  a  short  space  of  time,  would 
not  have  left  traces  deep  enough  in  the  minds  of  men.  Infinite 
Wisdom,  therefore,  permitted  not  our  Saviour  to  kindle  the 
hatred  of  his  enemies  too  soon,  nor  to  deliver  himself  into  their 
hands  before  his  hour  -was  come.  He  was  in  the  meat;  time  to 
work  miracles,  and  to  give  them  the  necessary  authenticity  ;  but 
their  greater  or  less  notoriety  depended  upon  times,  places,  and 
persons.  By  making  these  distinctions,  we  shall  discern  in  oui 
Divine  Saviour  a  wisdom  as  constant  in  ,is  aim,  as  admirable  in 

s  Distinguite  tempora,  et  concordabuiu  Scriptura?.     August;!)    J..  V^rfc 
Domini,  serin.  16. 


Sect    il.] 


PROOFS  OF  THEIR  INSPIRATION. 


09 


•he  appropriation  of  means  to  the  variety  of  circumstances.  He 
acted  less  openly  in  Juda:a :  Jerusalem  especially  required  from 
him  great  circumspection.  He  was  (here  under  the  eye  of  Pilate, 
tlit-  sanhedrim,  and  the  jiri«'sts  :   and  the  •  of  the  people 

to  follow  him  might  have  nadily  furnished  them  with  a  pretence 
to  accuse  bim  as  seditious,  In  the  seventh  chapter  of  the  1 1 
of  John  we  learn,  thai  Jesus  retired  into  Galilee,  not  cho 
to  remain  in  Judssa,  because  that  the  Jews  sought  to  kill  him. 
(John  vii.  1.)  Out  of  Judaea  he  was  more  at  liberty.  We  must 
not  therefore  wonder  at  his  saying  to  the  demoniac  of  Gadara, 
Return  l'i  thine  (rati  house,  and  shew  how  great  thing::  ('.'id 
hath  done  unto  thee.    (Luke  viii.  :5'J.)      Gadara  was  a  city  where 

there  were  many  heathens :  a  disturbance  among  the  people 
there  was  not  so  much  to  be  feared.  Jesus  acted  also  more 
openly  in  Galilee.     We  read  in  the  fourth  chapter  of  Matthew, 

that  he  there  performed  miracles  in  a  very  public  manner.  Such 
was  the  miracle  of  the  multiplication  of  the  loaves;  and  yet,  as 
Boon  as  he  saw  that  the  people  were  on  the  point  of  taking 

him  away  to  make  him  B  king,  he  retired  to  a  mountain.  (John 
vi.  15.)  He  bad  regard  therefore  to  the  different  disposition  of 
men's  minds.  This  was  sometimes  so  favourable  to  him,  that, 
choosing  to  distribute  into  different  places  the  light  of  his  doc- 
trine, he  prescribed  silence  to  those  whom  he  cured  ;  that  he 
might  not  be  too  long  detained  in  the  same  place  by  the  mul- 
titude, who,  being  informed  of  a  new  miracle,  would  have  im- 
portuned him  without  ceasing.  Thus,  when  he  had  raised  up 
Jairus's  daughter,  he  forbade  the  parents  to  publish  it. 

That  our  Lord  chose  to  distribute  equally  the  light  of  his  doc- 
trine is  evident  from  the  Gospel.  We  learn  (Mark  i.  38.  Luke 
iv.  43.)  that  when  he  had  wrought  several  miracles  in  Capernaum, 
he  says,  Let  its  go  into  the  next  towns,  that  I  may  preach 
there  also  ;  for  therefore  came  I  forth.  The  people  staying 
him,  that  he  should  not  depart  from  them,  lie  said  unto  them,  I 
must  preach  the  kingdom  of  God  to  other  cities  also. 

But  this  distinction  of  times  will  furnish  us  with  the  most 
light  in  perusing  the  narrative  of  our  Saviour's  miracles.  At 
his  entrance  upon  his  ministry  Jesus  Christ  used  the  utmost 
caution,  not  choosing  to  be  detained  at  the  commencement  of 
his  course.  It  was  at  the  entrance  upon  his  ministry  that  he 
healed  the  leper  spoken  of  in  Mark  i.  40 — 45.  Accordingly,  the 
evangelists  adds,  that  he  recommended  to  the  leper  to  keep 
silence  respecting  his  cure.  (ver.  44.)  Presently  after,  he  per- 
formed his  miracles  more  openly  ;  but  took  the  wise  precaution 
of  qualifying  their  splendour.  It  was  with  this  view  that  he 
red  his  kingdom  was  not  of  this  world.  Luke  informs  us 
that  the  people  were  amazed  at  the  mighty  power  of  God.  But 
while  they  wondered  at  all  things  which  Jesus  did,  he  said  to  his 
disciples,  Let  these  sayings  sink  down  into  your  ears  ;  for  the 
Son  of  man  shall  be  delivered  into  the  hands  of  men.  (Luke 
ix.  44.)  The  further  he  advanced  in  his  course,  the  more  eclat 
and  notoriety  did  he  give  to  his  miracles.  On  the  approach  of 
his  last  passover,  he  hesitated  not  to  celebrate  it  at  Bethany,  at 
Jerusalem,  and  in  sight  of  his  enemies.  \Yre  learn  from  Mat- 
thew (\\i.  1  1.  with  John  xii.  37.),  that  the  blind  and  the  lame 
came  unto  him  in  the  temple,  and  that  he  cured  them  in  the 
presence  of  the  chief  priests.  When  he  had  laid  the  founda- 
tions of  his  religion,  the  reserve  which  he  had  formerly  used  was 
no  longer  necessary  :  it  would  have  shown  more  weakness  thau 
prudence. 

The  preceding  remarks  will  Berve  to  remove  the  apparent 
contradictions  arising  from  the  different  degrees  of  notoriety 

which  Jesus  Christ  gave  to  his  miracles.  As  he  lead  nun's 
hearts,  the  different  dispositions  which  he  there  discovered  led 
him  to  diversify  his  measures.  He  tempered  the  splendour 
of  his  miracles,  when  any  event  might  result  from  that 
splendour  injurious  to  his  religion.  The  infinite  \\  tsdom 
which  enlightened  him,  discovered  to  him,  in  this  respect, 
binations  which  would  have  escaped  a  mortal  sight. 
When,  therefore,  he  appears  to  vary  his  process,  it  is  not 
that  lie  changes  his  plan,  but  he  avoids  tic  obstacles  which 
might  injure  it.1 

3.  A  miracle  must,  in  tin1  third  place,  bk  SENSIBLE  \\n 
BAST  to  be  OBSERVED  :  in  other  words,  the  facts  purporting 
to  he  miraculous  must  be  of  such  a  nature,' that  the  senses 
of  mankind  can  certainly  perceive  that  both  the  event  is  real, 
and  its  origin  supernatural.2 

1  Claparede's  Considerations  upon  the  Miracles  of  the  Gospel,  in  an- 
swer to  Rousseau,  part  i.  c.7. 

*  "There  are  two  things.''  says  Archbishop  Tillotson,  " necessary  to  a 
miracle  :— that  there  should  be' a  supernatural  effect  wrought,  and  that 
this  effect  be  evident  to  sense,  so  that,  though  a  supernatural  effect  be 
wrought,  yet  if  it  be  not  evident  to  sense,  it  is,  to  all  the  ends  and  purposes 
,f  a  miracle,  as  if  it  were  not,  and  can  be  no  testimony  or  proof  of  any 


It  must  turn  upon  laws  which  arc  gencially  known,  and  not 
upon  such  as  are  scarcely  or  not  at  all  known  nor  upon  sub- 
jects too  remote  from  us,  or  which  require  tne  experienced 
eye  of  an  0b  rver  ill  order  to  be  perceived.  A  supernatural 
motion  in  the  ring  "r  satellites  of  Saturn  could  not  therefore  be  a 
miracle  for  tin-  generality  of  the  earth's  inhabitants;  it  would  at 
astronomers.  A  miracle,  being  calculated  toes* 
tablish  the  divine  interposition,  ought  to  be  more  within  the  reach 
of  men  :  si^'iis  from  earth,  therefore,  will  bo  preferable  to  sign* 
from  heaven. — If  a  man  display  a  phial  full  of  blood  which 
sometimes  congeals  and  sometimes  liquefies,  he  has  no  right  to 
our  credit,  unless  he  submit  his  phial  to  the  examination  of  our 
But  when  the  waters  of  the  .Nile  are  turned  into  blood; 
when  millions  are  led  with  manna;  when  a  man  is  raised  from 
the  dead  ;  when  four  or  live  thousand  people  are  fed  by  a 
pittance  : — in  such  cases  there  can  be  no  deception  ;  our  senses, 
which  are  the  only  competent  judges,  have  the  means  of  judging. 

4.  A  miracle  ought  to  he  utdependeht  or  second  causes, 

or  performed  without  any  natural  instrument. 

If  any  external  action  or  foreign  circumstances  accompany  it 
(as  was  commonly  the  case),  this  action  or  circumstance  has 
no  natural  connection  with  the  effect  produced.  This  it  is  which 
particularly  distinguishes  miracles  from  natural  events.  The 
latter  have  a  natural  cause;  and  that  cause  is  proportionate  to 
the  effects  which  result  from  it.  Thus  every  body,  that  is  in 
motion,  moves  in  proportion  to  the  force  that  impels  it.  But 
the  immediate  special  interposition  of  God  excludes  that  of  phy- 
sical agents  ;  in  every  miracle,  the  proportion  between  causes 
and  effects  no  longer  subsists.  .Medicine  has  remedies  proper 
for  curing  diseases  :  these  remedies  bear  a  certain  relation  to  the 
nature  of  the  malady  which  they  are  to  remove  or  destroy  ■  but 
no  such  relation  is  discoverable  in  miracles.  It  is  by  natural 
means  that  the  understanding  is  enlightened  and  instructed  in 
those  things  of  which  it  was  previously  ignorant.  1  speak  a 
language  that  is  foreign  to  me  ;  I  devoted  time  and  labour  to  the 
acquisition  of  it,  and  employed  the  assistance  of  a  master :  but 
if,  independently  of  such  aids,  my  mind  be  instantaneously  en- 
riched with  all  the  words  of  a  language  before  unknown  to  me, 
the  effect  has  not  its  cause  in  nature.  The  event  is  super- 
natural. The  application  of  this  remark  to  the  apostles,  at  the 
day  of  Pentecost,  is  too  obvious  to  be  insisted  upon. 

It  lias  been  objected  to  this  criterion  of  a  miracle,  that 
Jesus  Christ,  i:i  three  of  his  miracles,  made  use  of  an  ex- 
ternal application  ;  which,  if  it  were  necessary  to  the  cure, 
looks  like  '.he  application  of  some  hidden  means  of  art.  It 
it  were  unnecessary,  sueh  process  is  arraigned  as  hei., 
proper  in  the  mode,  and  even  ridiculous. 

Answer.  The  three  miracles  in  question  are  those  of  the 
man  who  had  been  born  blind  (John  ix.  1 — 7.),  the  blind  man 
in  the  vicinity  of  Ucthsaida  (Mark  viii.  "-•'! — 26.),  and  the  deaf 
man  near  the  sea  of  Galilee.  (Mark  vii.  33 — 37.)  In  the  first 
of  these.  "  he  spat  on  the  ground,  and  made  clay  of  the  spittle. 
and  anointed  the  eyes  of  the  blind  man  with  the  clay."  and 
commanded  him  to  go  and  wash  in  the  pool  of  Siloam  ;  the  man 
went  thither,  and  washed,  and  returned  seeing.  In  the  second 
case.  "  h<-  took  the  blind  man  by  the  hand  and  led  him  out  of 
the  town,  and  when  he  had  spit  on  his  eyes,  and  put  his  hands 
upon  him.  he  asked  him  if  be  saw  aught  \  and  he  looked  up,  and 
said,  I  see  men  as  trees  walking.  After"  that  he  put  his  hands 
again  upon  bis  eyes,  and  made  him  look  up,  and  he  was  restored, 
and  he  saw  every  man  clearly;  and  he  sent  him  away  to  his  own 
house,  savin,-.  Neith  r  u'>>  into  the  town,  nor  tell  it  to  any  in  the 
town."  Ncarh  .  ttfar  was  our  Saviour's  treatment  of  the  deaf 
man  who  had  an  impediment  in  his  speech,  into  whose  ears  he 
put  his  lingers,  and  "  spit  and  touched  his  tongue  ;  and  looking 
tip  to  heaven,  he  sighed,  and  saith  unto  him.  Ephphatha,  that 
is, — Be  opened  '  and  straightway  his  ears  were  opened,  and  the 
string  of  his  tongue  was  loosed,  and  he  spake  plain." 

"These  three  are  the   only  instances  where  a  deliberate 

tliiiist,  '■  '       '       another  miracle,  to  give  testimony  to 

it,  ami  to  prove  th  tl  it  was  wrought.  And  neither  in  Scripture,  nor  in  pro- 
fane authors,  nor  in  common  use  of  speech,  is  any  thing  called  a  miracle, 
but  what  talis  under  (lie  notice  of  our  senses;  a  miracle  being 
eise  but  a  supernatural  effect  evident  to  sense,  the  great  end  and 
whereof  is  to  be  a  sensible  proof  and  conviction  to  us  of  something  that 
we  do  not  see.  For  want  of  this,  transubstantiation  is  no  miracle ;  a  sitru 
or  miracle  is  always  a  thing  sensible,  otherwise  it  could  be  no  sign.  Now, 
that  such  a  change  as  is  pretended  in  transubstantiation  should  really  be 
wrought,  and  yet  there  should  be  i  s  a  ihing  very  won, 

but  not  to  sense,  for  our  senses  perceive  no  change.  And  that  a  thing 
should  remain  to  all  appearance  just  as  it  was,  hath  nothing  at  all  ot  wonder 
in  it.  We  wonder,  indeed,  when  we  see  a  strange  thing  done,  but  no  man 
wonders  when  he  sees  nothing  done  :'  !*ermou*  vol.  ii.  p.  440.  8vo.  Lon 
don.  182a 


100 

'ernal  application  is  related  to  have  been  used,  and  in  all  these 
casus  the  reason  for  using  it  seems  to  have  been  one  and  the 
same,  Homely,  to  convey  to  the  individuals,  on  -whom  the  mira- 
cles were  performed,  a  dear  assurance  that  Jesus  was  the 
fiers.'-i  at  whose  command,  and  by  whose  agency,  the  cure  was 
wrought,  and  to  enable  them  to  state  to  others  the  grounds  of 
this  aisurance  fully  and  circumstantially.  For  this  purpose 
our  Saviour  used  such  a  mode  of  application  as  was  best  cal- 
culated to  make  an  impression  on  the  senses  these  men  possessed, 
unimpaired,  antecedent  to  the  miracle,  and  such  as  led  them  to 
observe  that  he  was  about  to  interpose,  in  order  to  perfect  those 
organs  which  were  defective.  A  little  attention  will  show  that 
every  circumstance  in  the  different  modes  of  application  had  this 
tendency. 

"A  blind  man  can  know  another  only  by  the  voice  or  the 
touch.  The  blind  man  near  Bethsaida  our  Lord  led  out  of  the 
town  remote  from  the  crowd,  that  he  might  be  sure  of  the  person 
who  spoke  to  or  touched  him ;  he  then  spat  on  his  eyes,  and 
laid  his  hands  on  him,  and  restored  him  to  sight,  though  imper- 
fectly,— after  that,  he  put  his  hands  again  upon  his  eyes,  and  he 
saw  clearly.  What  possible  mode  could  give  him  a  more  full 
assurance  that  the  cure  was  wrought  by  the  interposition  of  an 
external  agent,  and  that  Jesus  was  that  agent  1  The  deaf  man 
could  judge  of  the  intentions  of  another  only  by  seeing  what 
he  does  ;  him  therefore  our  Lord  took  aside  from  the  multitude, 
that  he  might  fix  and  confine  his  attention  to  himself,  and  then 
he  put  his  fingers  into  his  ears,  and  touched  his  tongue,  thus 
signifying  to  him  that  he  intended  to  produce  some  change  in 
these  organs ;  he  then  looked  up  to  heaven,  at  the  same  time 
speaking,  to  signify  that  the  change  would  proceed  from  a  divine 
power,  exercised  at  his  interposition. 

•'The  very  same  purpose  was  equally  answered  by  our  Lord's 
application  to  the  eyes  of  the  man  born  blind ;  it  assured  him 
that  the  person  who  came  close  to  him,  and  spoke  to  him,  and 
anointed  his  eyes,  was  the  sole  agent,  by  whose  interposition  the 
cure  was  wrought.  Immediately,  on  approaching  our  Saviour, 
after  receiving  his  sight,  he  must  have  recognised  him  by  his 
voice.  Had  the  grounds  of  his  assurance  been  less  full  and  cir- 
cumstantial, he  never  could  have  so  unanswerably  silenced  the 
objections,  and  replied  to  the  captious  queries  of  the  Pharisees, — 
What  did  he  do  to  thee  ?  how  opened  he  thine  eyes  ? — He 
anwered,  and  said,  A  man  that  is  called  Jesus  made  clay,  and 
anointed  mine  eyes,  and  said  unto  me,  Go  to  the  pool  of  Siloam, 
and  wash  ;   and  I  went  and  washed,  and  I  received  sight. 

"  We  may  b*e  confirmed  in  believing  this  to  have  been  the 
design  of  these  external  applications,  by  observing,  that  they 
were  used  in  no  instance  except  those  of  blindness  and  deafness, 
when  a  defect  of  the  senses  rendered  them  necessary  to  convey 
such  assurance  of  Jesus  having  been  the  author  of  the  miracle. 
And  still  more,  by  observing  that  it  does  not  appear  that  any  of 
these  three  men  had  any  previous  knowledge  of  our  Saviour's 
power  and  character.  The  man  born  blind,  he  healed  without 
any  solicitation.  The  blind  man  at  Bethsaida,  and  the  deaf  man, 
do  not  appear  to  have  come  of  themselves,  they  were  brought 
by  their  friends  ;  more  precaution  was  therefore  necessary  to  call 
their  attention  to  the  person  by  whom  the  miracle  was  wrought, 
and  give  them  full  evidence  that  it  was  his  sole  work.  When 
the  two  blind  men  at  Capernaum,  and  two  others  near  Jericho, 
applied  to  our  Saviour  to  be  healed,  it  was  with  a  declared  pre- 
vious conviction  of  his  divine  power  that  they  followed  him, 
crying,  Son  of  David,  have  mercy  upon  us  !  Here,  therefore, 
a  less  remarkable  external  application  was  sufficient ;  as  they 
professed  their  belief,  Jesus  only  required  that  this  profession 
should  be  sincere :  Believe  ye,  said  he,  that  I  have  the  power  to 
do  this  ?  and  they  said,  Yea,  Lord :  then  he  touched  their  eyes, 
saying,  According  to  your  faith  be  it  unto  j/ew  ;  and  their  eyes 
■mere  upened. 

"  If  these  remarks  are  just,  they  exhibit  one  of  those  number- 
less cases,  where  incidents  apparently  minute  and  objectionable, 
when  well  considered,  display  the  miraculous  nature  of  the  facts 
and  the  admirable  propriety  of  our  Lord's  conduct  in  every  cir- 
cumstance ;  and  every  such  instance  confirms  strongly  thq  con- 
clusion, that  our  Lord's  miracles  were  not  delusive  visions,  or  the 
extravagances  of  a  wild  and  senseless  fanatic,  but  plain  proofs 
of  a  divine  power,  exhibited  with  the  sobriety  and  dignity  be- 
coming his  divine  character."1 

5.  Not  only  public  monuments  must  be  kept  up,  but 
•ome  outward  actions  must  also  be  constantly  per- 
formed, in  memory  of  the  facts  thus  publicly  wrought. 


THE  MIRACLES  RELATED  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES, 


[Cbat  IV 


6.  Such  monuments  must  be  set  up,  and  such  actionb 
and  observances  instituted,  at  the  very  time  when  those 
events  took  place,  and  be  afterwards  continued  with- 
out interruption. 

These  two  rules  render  it  impossible  that  the  belief  of  any 
facts  should  be  imposed  upon  the  credulity  of  after-ages,  when 
the  generation  asserted  to  have  witnessed  them  had  expired  ;  for, 
whenever  such  facts  come  to  be  recounted,  if  not  only  monu- 
ments are  said  to  remain  of  them,  but  public  actions  and  obser- 
vances had  further  been  constantly  used  to  commemorate  them 
by  the  nation  appealed  to,  ever  since  they  had  taken  place ;  the 
deceit  must  be  immediately  detected,  by  no  such  monuments  ap- 
pearing, and  by  the  experience  of  every  individual,  who  could 
not  but  know  that  no  such  actions  or  observances  had  been  used 
by  them,  to  commemorate  such  events. 

VII.  Let  us  now  apply  the  criteria,  thus  stated  and  ex- 
plained, to  the  illustration  of  a  few  of  the  miracles  related 
in  the  Sacred  Writings. 

1.  And  first,  as  to  the  Mosaic  Miracles  recorded  in  the 
Pent.iteuch : — 

The  plagues  in  Egypt  were  witnessed  by  the  whole  nation 
of  the  Israelites,  and  felt  by  all  the  Egyptians. — At  the  Red  Sea 
the  Israelites  passed  through,  and  beheld  the  whole  host  of 
Pharaoh  perish. — During  forty  years  were  the  children  of  Israel 
sustained  with  food  from  heaven.  Sometimes  they  were  sup- 
plied with  water  from  the  flinty  rock ;  and  throughout  their 
journeys  they  beheld  the  cloud  of  the  Lord  on  the  tabernacle  by 
day,  and  the  fire  by  night.  (Exod.  xl.  38.) — At  the  passage  over 
the  Jordan,  "  the  waters  stood  and  rose  up  upon  an  heap  ;  and 
all  the  Israelites  passed  over  on  dry  ground  in  the  midst  of 
Jordan."  (Josh.  hi.  16,  17.)  To  each  of  the  miracles  here 
briefly  enumerated,  all  the  criteria  above  stated  will  be  found  to 
apply. 

[i.]  The  posterity  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob,  being  chosen  by  Jeho- 
vah to  be  his  peculiar  people,  for  the  preservation  of  true  religion,  the 
miracles  performed  in  their  behalf  were  unquestionably  worthy  of  their 
Almighty  Author.    Here  we  have  the  PirtsTmark. 

[ii.]  The  miracles  in  question,  though  some  of  them  (as  the  plagues  in 
Egypt)  were  announced  before  they  were  actually  performed,  did  actually 
and  really  take  place  in  Egypt,  and  were  removed  only  at  the  command  ol 
Moses,  while  the  land  of  Goshen  (in  which  the  Israelites  dwelt)  was  ex- 
empted from  their  operation.  Here  we  have  our  second,  third,  and 
fourth  marks  most  fully  established ;  for  all  the  miracles  above  mentioned 
were  recorded  by  Moses  at  or  about  the  time  when  they  actually  took 
place  :  moreover,  he  recapitulated  the  miracles  which  he  had  wrought  in 
Egypt  and  in  the  wilderness,  and  appealed  to  those  who  were  present  for 
the  truth  of  them;  which  no  wise  man  would  have  done,  if  he  could  have 
been  confuted. 

[Hi.]  Further,  all  these  miracles  were  witnessed  by  upwards  of  two 
millions  of  persons,  who  remained  collected  in  one  camp  for  forty  years; 
an  assembly  so  great,  probably,  never  before  or  since  remained  collected 
in  one  body  for  so  long  a  period.  If,  then,  this  whole  nation  had  not  been 
entirely  without  eyes  and  ears,  if  they  were  not  bereft  of  reason  and 
sense,  it  was  impossible,  at  the  time  these  facts  were  said  to  have  taken 
place,  that  they  could  have  been  persuaded  of  their  existence,  had  they 
not  been  real. 

[iv.]  Once  more,  to  commemorate  the  protection  of  the  Israelites,  when 
all  the  first-born  of  the  Egyptians  were  destroyed,  and  their  deliverance 
from  bondage,  which  was  its  immediate  consequence,  Moses  changed  the 
beginning  of  their  year  to  the  month  when  this  event  happened,  and  insti- 
tuted the  feast  of  the  passover.  To  this  was  added  the  solemn  consecra- 
tion of  the  first-born  of  man  and  beast  to  the  Lord,  with  the  following  re- 
markable charge  annexed: — "  And  it  shall  be  when  thy  children  ask  thee 
in  time  to  come,  saying,  '  What  is  this  ?'  thou  shalt  say  to  them,  '  By 
strength  of  hand  the  Lord  brought  us  out  of  Egypt  from  the  house  of 
bondage :  and  ii,  came  to  pass,  when  Pharaoh  would  hardly  let  us  go,  that 
the  Lord  slew  all  thefirst-born  in  the  land  of  Egypt,  both  the  first-bom  of 
man,  and  the  first-born  of  beast, — Therefore  I  sacrifice  to  the  Lord  all  that 
openeth  the  matrix,' "  &c.  (Exod.  xiii.  14.  16.)  All  these  things  have  been 
observed  ever  since,  and  establish  the  truth  of  the  narration  in  the  book 
of  Exodus.  In  further  commemoration  of  the  destruction  of  the  first-born 
of  the  Egyptians,  the  tribe  of  Levi  was  set  apart ;  and,  besides  the  pass- 
over,  the  feast  of  tabernacles  was  instituted,  to  perpetuate  the  deliverance 
of  the  Israelites,  and  their  journeying  in  the  Desert  (Lev.  xxiii.  40.  etseq.); 
as  tpe  feast  of  Pentecost  was  appointed  fifty  days  after  the  passover  (Deut. 
xxvi.  5 — 10.),  in  memory  of  the  miraculous  deliverance  of  the  law  from 
Mount  Sinai,  which  took  place  fifty  days  after  their  departure  from  Egypt. 
In  all  these  instances  we  have  our  fifth  and  sixth  criteria  most  clearly 
and  decisively  established. 

[v.]  The  same  remark  will  hold  with  respect  to  the  miraculous  supply  of 
the  Israelites  with  food,  the  memory  of  which  was  perpetuated  by  the  pot 
of  manna;  and  to  the  twelve  stones  which  were  taken  out  of  the  midst  of 
Jordan,  at  the  time  of  the  miraculous  passage  of  the  Israelites  over  that 
river,  and  were  set  up  by  Joshua  at  Gilgal,  as  anicmorial  to  them  for  ever. 
How  irresistible  is  the  reasoning  of  Mr.  Leslie  on  this  last  monument  f  "  To 
form  our  argument,"  says  he,  "let  us  suppose  that  there  never  was  any 
such  thing  as  that  passage  over  Jordan  ;  that  these  stones  at  Gilgal  were  set 
up  upon  some  other  occasion  ;  and  that  some  designing  man  in  an  after-age 
invented  this  book  of  Joshua,  affirmed  that  it  was  written  at  the  tune  of  that 
imaginary  event  by  Joshua  himself,  and  adduced  this  pile  of  stones  as  a  tes- 
timony of  the  truth  of  it;  would  not  everybody  say  to  him,  'We  know  this 
pile  very  well;  but  we  never  before  heard  of  this  reason  for  it,  nor  of  this 
book  of  Joshua ;  where  has  it  lain  concealed  all  this  while,  and  where  and 
how  came  you,  after  so  many  ages,  to  find  it  1  Bes;Jes  'his  book  tells  us, 
that  this  passage  over  Jordan  was  ordained  to  h*  '.aught  r.»r  children  from 
ase  to  »f>e,  and  therefore  that  they  were  always  to  be  instructed  in  the 

,      -:■      l..,.  ...„  „.__,  ,.evnf 


ECT.  II.] 


PROOFS  OF  THEIR  INSPIRATION. 


101 


inch  tiling  ;  and  ii  is  in  the  highest  degree  Improbable  lliat  such  an  empha- 
tic ordinance  should  have  been  forgotten,  daring  the  contlni 
markable  a  pile  *et  up  for  the  express  purpose  of  perpetuating  its  remem- 
brance.'  And  if,  where  we  know  not  the,  reason  ol  abate  naked  monument, 
a  fictitious  roason  cannot  be  imposed  ;  bow  mucb  more  hi  II  impo 
impose  upon  us  in  actions  and  observances  wbicb  we  celebrate  in  memory 
of  particular  events  I  How  impossible  to  make  ui  forgel  those  passages 
winch  we  daily  commemorate,  an  oa  that  we  had  alwaj 

ouch  institutions  in  memory  ol  what  we  never  beard  of  bi  fore  ;  that  is,  that 
we  knew  ii  before  we  knew  Ii  I  And  ii  we  find  It  thus  Impossible  tor  an  Im- 
position t<»  bcpui  upon  us,  even  in  wme  things  which  have  not  all  the  marks 
before  mentioned  ;  how  much  more  impossible  is  it  thai  an)  deceit  should 
be  in  that  thing  where  ALL  the  marks  do  meet  l"< 

2.  Secondly,  the  observational  contained  in  the  preceding 
pages  apply  with  siiiiil.ir  weight  and  propriety  to  the  Miiia- 
cles  recorded  in  riiK  New  Teb tamknt  ;  the  number,  va- 
riety, and  greatness  of  which,  as  well  as  the  persons  i^  whom, 

the  persons  6e/bre  whom,  and  the  manner  in  which  they  were 

respectively  performed,  together  with  the  effects  produced  by 
them,  and  the  inrontestable  Tact,  that  their  reality  was  never 
denied  l>y  those  who  witnessed  them,  or  who,  livinfr  near  the 
Mine  when  they  were  performed,  had  tlie  means  as  well  as  the 
inclination  to  "deny  them,  if  they  had  not  been  actually 
wrought,  are  all  so  many  indisputable  proofs  of  the  truth  of 
the  Christian  revelation.  If  only  one  or  two  miracles  had 
been  wrought  for  this  purpose,  it  might  have  been  considered 
as  a  fortunate  chance,  which  occurred  at  a  convenient  season ; 
or,  if  Christ  had  performed  them  privately,  and  before  his 
own  disciples  only,  they  might  have  been  suspected  by  the 
rest  of  the  world  of  fraud  and  imposition.  But  the  reverse  of 
all  this  was  the  actual  fact ;  for, 

(1.)    The  nuimbeu  of  Christ's  miracles  was  very  great. 

It  we  consider  only  those  which  are  recorded  at  large,  they  are  about 
A.  rty  in  number ;  and  consequently  the  opportunities  of  examination  were 
1 1 1 c  i  rased,  and  of  deceit  proportionality  lessened,  lint  it  is  evident  that 
they  must  have  been  beyond  all  number,  if  we  take  into  account  the  seve- 
ral instances  in  which  we  arc  told  that  great  multitudes  flocked  to  Jesus, 
who  were  afflicted  with  various  diseases,  for  the  most  part  incurable  by 
human  skill,  and  that  he  healed  them  all ;  and  that  thousands  were  fed  by 
him  with  a  few  loaves  and  fishes.  The  Gospel,  indeed,  is  full  of  the  miracles 
of  Christ;  and  one  of  Ins  biographers  informs  us,  that  he  performed  a 
greater  number  than  are  in  any  way  recorded.     But, 

(2.)  There  -was  a  great  variety  in  the  miracles  recorded 
in  the  New  Testament,  which  were  of  a  permanent  nature,  and 
might  be  reviewed  and  re-examined,  as  in  many  instances  we 
know  they  actually  were. 

The  varietv  ofChrist's  miracles  is  a  circumstance  that  claims  our  atten- 
tion equally  with  their  number.  As  no  impostors  ever  pretended  to  per- 
form a  great  number  of  miracles,  so  they  always  or  usually  limited  them- 
selves to  one  species  of  them.  It  was  the  number  and  variety  of  the  mira- 
cles  wrought  by  Moses,  which  at  length  convinced  the  Egyptian  magicians 
:hat  the  power  by  which  he  wrought  them  was  divine.  From  the  variety 
of  effects  in  the  universe,  we  conclude  the  existence  of  an  Almighty  design- 
ing cause.  One  effect  or  two  of  different  kinds,  or  a  few  of  the  same  kind, 
may  be  inadvertently  ascribed  to  chance ;  or  it  may  be  said,  that  the  per- 
sons producing  such  effects  possessed  some  extraordinary  or  peculiar  skill 
in  accomplishing  them,  or  some  peculiar  art  in  imposing  on  men  in  respect 
of  them,  Hut  a  variety  of  effects,  all  mutually  distinguished,  and  each  per- 
fect in  its  kind,  suggests  the  idea  of  a  perfect  agent,  powerful  and  design- 
inggemploj  ed  in  producing  them.    And  this  is  the  case  with  the  miracles 

of  t'liii.-t  ;  for,  no)  one  disease  only,  but  all  are  subject  to  the  power  of 
Christ  and  his  apostles  ;  not  only  diseases,  but  every  calamity  which  is  in- 
cident  to  mankmd  are  banished  by  their  word;  and  even  death,  the  last 
enemy,  is  obedient  to  them,  and  gives  up  his  prey  at  their  command,  espe- 
cially at  the  command  of  Christ  We  behold  him,  giving  sight  to  the  bom 
blind,  healing  the  obstinate  leprosy, — making  those  who  wanted  a  limb* 
perfect,—  those  who  were  bowed  double,  straight,— those  who  shook  with  the 
palsy,  robust, — nerving  the  withered  arm  with  strength, — restoring  the  in- 
«ane  and  demoniacs  to  reason,  and  raising  the  dead  to  life.  That  great  mi- 
racle of  raising  the  dead,  in  particular,  Christ  performed  no  less  than  four 
times;  once  on  the  ruler's  daughter,  just  after  she  bad  expired,—  again,  on 
the  widow's  son,  as  he  was  carried  on  his  bier  to  bi  Interred,  -a  third  time 
on  Lazarus  when  he  had  laid  in  bis  grai  ind  lastly,  th 

est  instance  of  all,  in  himself.    We  behold  the  apostles  also  expelli 
raona,  restoring  thelame  from  his  birth,  giving  sight  to  I 
manner  of  diseases,  and  giving  life  i"  the  dead     These  supernatural  works 
were  not  performed  in  sTfew  instances,  with  la  tita  tint  and  diffiden* 

■  Leslie's  Short  and  Easy  Method  with  tbeDel  ts,  p,  22.3d  edit.  T 
ity  of  the  miracles  performed  by  Moses,  and  the  Impossibility  oft 
ing  for  them  by  natural  means,  are  ably  vindicated  by  M  I>u  Voisin,  Auto- 
rite  des  I.ivres  de  Moyse,  pp.  SMS — 293.  The  various  miracles,  which  are 
concisely  noticed  above,  are  considered  in  detail,  and  excellently  illustrat- 
ed, by  Mr.  Faber,  In  his  Hora  Mosaics  (vol.  i  pp.  359 — 38T.)  and  by  Dr. 
Craves,  in  his  Lectures  on  the  foar  last  books  of  the  Pentateuch.  (Vol.  i. 
pp.  I'd— 171.)  In  his  appendix  to  the  same  volume  (pp  373— 410.),  Dr.  O. 
has  refuted  the  sceptical  remarks  of  the  late  I>r.  Oeddesfwho  chiefly  bor- 
rowed them  from  continental  critics),  which  have  1  tfely  been  reasserted 
by  a  living  opposer  of  divine  revelation,  as  though  they  had  never  before 
been  refuted.  Dr.  Collyer,  in  his  Lectures  on  Scripture  Miracles  (p.  151.  to 
the  end),  has  also  treated  on  the  principal  miracles  recorded  m  the  CM  and 
New  Testaments ;  and  the  miracles  of  the  New  Testament  are  treated  of  by 
Dr.  Dodd,  in  the  first  and  second  volumes  of  his  Discourses  on  the  Miracles 
and  Parables.  (Svo.  4  vols.)  London,  1SO0. 

»  So  >«u>«^  signifies.  It  is  a  different  word  from  z  «*.»«(,  and  has  a  dif- 
terent  signification.  Both  these  words  occur  in  Matt.  xv.  31.  xuaasu;  uj-.m,-, 
x»».ov;  ^ip<-ritr5vvr.s-.  He  made  the  maimed  to  be  if  hole,  those  whotcanrerf 
a  limb,  perfect,  and  the  lame  to  walk.  What  an  amazing  instance  of  divine 
power,  of  creative  enemy,  must  the  reproduction  of  a  hand,  foot,  or  other 
.iinb  be,  by  the  mere  word  or  touch  of  Jesus'  How  astonishing  to  the  spec- 
••ors  !  That  the  alu..—  '■-  the  meaning  of»  -.  Bee  Wetstein,  Kvpke,  and 
•Vaier  on  Matt   xv.  Ml 


every  week  and<  very  day  were  witm  sees  to  numerous  instances  of  them  foi 
a  raccessive  series  of  years,  so  that  all  suspicion  of  human  management, 
Compact,  and  juggle,  was  for  ever  precluded.  In  short,  not  only  man  hut 
e\ .  :  )  other  being  bows  in  ready  subjection  to  their  voice  ,  not  only  animate 
Inn  inanimate  creatures,  feel  the  power  of  God,  and  act  contra»y  to 
natures,  at  his  will.— The  winds,  the  waves,  the  rocks,  the  sun,  the  i 

all  are  the  subjects  of  those  who  first  introduced  the  '     I 
nan  dispensation, 

(3.)    The  DMiea  of   Christ's  miracles  was  truly  important, 
and  every  way  worthy  of  their  Almighty  Author. 

The  very  kinds  of  these  miracles  were  foretold  by  the  prophet  ibaiab, 
nearly  seven  centuries  before ,»  and  if  we  reflect  on  the  end  and  purposi 
for  which  these  miracle  i  were  wrought,  we  find  it  grand  and  noble,  full  ol 
dignity,  majesty,  and  mercy.  It  was,  to  carry  on  one  vast  and  co, 
plan  oi  Providence,  extending  from  the  creation  to  the  consummation  oi 
all  things,  to  ■  belief,  hope,  and  practice,  adapu 

actual  wan:,-,  and  conditions  of  mankind  ;  which  had  been  reveal  d  in  )     I 

to  t  tie  Jews,  promised  to  the  prophets,  and  tended  to  destroy  the  tour  gn-i 
moral  evils     so  prevalent  and  so  pernicious,  -riz-athel  m,  tin 

morality,  and  i ice.     In  lubsen  lence  to  their  grand  object, — the  confirma- 
tion ol  las  divine  mission,  ihe  miracles  of  Christ  were  wrought  for  the  most 
benevol  ntofallpurpo  t   ,  the  alleviation  of  bnman  misery  mall  its  f 
and  they  carry  in  them  the  characters  of  the  greatest  goodness  as  v. 

rratesi   power     Most  of  them  were  performed  in  consequence  ,  ; 
application  or  entreaty;  and,  on  these  occasions,  the  character  ai 
dun  o)  Jesus  appear,  adorned  with  the  most  delicate  exprei 
pliance  and  piety. 

[i.J  The  instances  ol  the  leper,  who  applied  for  himself,  as  Jesus  came 
down  from  the  mountain  'Matt.  viii.  :i.);— of  the  centurion,  in  applying  for  a 

ant(viii,  8  );— of  the  sick  ofthepalsy,  brought  inhU  bi 
lei  down  by  the  rool  (Lukev.  IS.);— and  of  the:  ruler,  whose daogbti 
at  the  point  of  death,  and  expired  before  his  arrival  (Luke  fill.  41.) ; 
all  BO  many  OCCasiont  which  display  that  divine  compassion,  which  Wl 
open  to  the  cries  ol  the  miseraole :— a  compassion  sun 
stacle,  unconquerable  by  opposition,  anil  with  dignity  triumphing  o 
The  circumstances  of  the  last-mentioned  application  are  remai 
tiful.     We  see  a  ruler  of  the  synagogue  falling  down  at  the  feet  oi  . 

bes thing  him   to  come  into  his  house  ;  the  more  importunate  in  h 

treaty,  as  probably  he  had  been  either  an  enemy,  or  liable  to 
lion  of  being  one,  and,  on  that  account,  also,  the  more  doubtful  ol  sn 
to  crown  all,  bis  case  was  pitiable  and  pressing:  lie  had  one  oi.ly  a 
ter  about  twelve  yeais  of  age,  and  she  lay  a  dying.     As  Jesus  \  enl  to  ihe 
house,  the  people  crowded  about  him,  and  in  the  throng  a  mo  I  i 
sionate  cure  was  wrought,  only  by  touching  the  hem  of  his  g 
the  mean  time  the  young  woman  expires,  and  messages  an 
vent   his  taking  any' further  trouble.     This  new  distress  has  the  el 
heightening  the  compassionate  favour.     It  instantly  drew  for 
mouth  of  Jesus  that  reviving  declaration,  the  preclude  of  the  miiv.  !e  -  Feai 
'I  be  made  whole.     (Luke  viii.  50.) 

|ii.)  Beautiful  as  these  instances  are,  yet  they  yield  to  others,  win 
sus  wrought  his  miracles  without  application.    To  prevent  entreaty,  to 
watch  lor  opportunity  of  doing  good  to  others,  is  the  very  essence  of  a  be- 
nevolent character,  and  is  the  perfection  of  an  amiable  one.    The  , 
lous  draught  of  fishes  (Luke  v.  1.)  is  perhaps  one  of  the  lowest  of  these  in- 
stances.    We  cannot  suppose  that  the  disciples  could  either  ask  or  expect 
such  an  appearance  in  their  favour.     But,  as  the  miracle,  by  its  greatness, 
was  fitted  to  inspire  every  sentiment  of  respect ;  so  the  OCCasioi.  of  work- 
ing it  served  to  give  a  full  opening  into  the  indulgent  character  ot  ihi 
ter  at  the  moment  of  his  calling  them.     His  entering  soon  after  into  P 
house,  and  healing  his  wife's  mother,  who  lay  sick  of  a  fever  (Malt.  viii.  \A), 
was  also  an  act  of  indulgence,  and  peculiarly  fitted  to  secure  the  attach- 
ment of  this  zealous  disciple.    The  feeding  of  thousands  miraculously  with 
a  few  loaves  and  fishes,  gives  a  happy  and  striking  instance  of  an  attention 
descending  to  ihe  most  ordinary  wants  of  men.    The  cases  of  disposses- 
sion have  the  most  humane  aspect  where  the  misery  was  great,  and  no  ip- 
plication  supposable,  nor  any  desire  of  relief,  on  the  part  ol 
possessed. 

[hi.]  There  are  two  instances  of  such  distresses  as  every  day  occur,  in 
which  we  see  Jesus  interposing,  unasked,  with  the  most  exquwite  sensi- 
bility. One  is  a  case  of  infirm  old  age;  trie  other  of  youth  cut  off  in  its 
bloom;  distresses  mortifying  to  the  pride  of  man,  and  always  deeply  affect- 
ing to  a  generous  mind.  Wilt  thou  I"  made  whole  '  says  Jesus  to  tin- old  man 
lying  at  the  pool  of  Belhesda.  (John  v.  6.)  The  helplessness  of  dish 
old  age  cannot  be  painted  in  nana-  lively  colours,  than  in  the  simple  account 
which  the  man  gives  of  himself;  and  never  was  relief  dispensed  with  moi  e 
grace  and  dignify  :  Jesus  saith  lo  him.  J'  up  thy  bed  and  walk. 

(John  v.  8.)  The  other  distress  is  still  of  a  more  tender  kind,  the  untimely 
death  of  an  only  son  ;  a  distress  always  great,  but  on  the  present  occasion 
heightened  by  the  concurrence  of  affecting  circumstances.  Jesus  went 
into  a  city  called  Nain.  Now,  when  he  cam."  nigh  to  the  gate  of  the  city, 
behold  thet  s  was  a  <l>  nil  man  carried  out,  the  only  son  of  his  mother,  and 
she  was  a  widow.     .1  pic  of the  city  was  withher.  (Lukevii. 

11,  12.)  In  attending  to  the  narration,  we  sympathize  deeply  with  the  dis- 
tress of  ihe  sorrow  nil  mother ;  we  even  participate  in  the  sympathy  and 
sorrow  of  the  attendants.  Such  a  distress  was  adapted  to  the  divine  pity  of 
When  the  Lord  saw  her ,  he  had  compassion  on  her,  andsaid  unf 
Veep  nut  (Luke  vii.  13.)  ;  and  he  came  and  fuurhed  the  bier,  and  said. 
Young  man,  arise.  (It.)    And,  lest  the  immediate  object  of  the  miracle 


»  The  circumstance  ofChrist's  miracles  being  predicted  so  many  years 
before  the  performance  of  them,  is  particularly  worthy  of  notice.     It  re 

ill  suspicion  of  any  design  to  impose  on.the  understandings  of  men, 
to  sway  Idem  by  the  power  of  novelty,  Or  to  surprise  them  by  a  species  of 

if  which  Hoy  had  never  before  heard.  In  ibis  respect  the  miracles 
of  Jesus  have  a  great  advantage  over  those  of  Moses.  When  Moses  ap- 
I,  the  notion  of  a  miracle  must  have  been  new  and  unprecedented  ■ 
allowing  ibis,  there  was  no  impropriety  in  the  use  of  miracles,  among  a 
rude,  uncivilized  people.  But,  when  the  world  became  more  polished, 
and,  by  the  frequency  of  imposture,  more  suspicious  and  inquisitive,  it  was 
highly  proper  that  the  species  of  proof,  by  which  any  new  system  was  con- 
firmed, should  be  previously  notified,  or  be  such  as  men  had  been  in  the 
habit  of  attending  to.  This  applied  particularly  to  Ihe  Jews,  the  witnesses 
of  the  miracles  of  Jesus.  Thev  were  much  prepossessed  against  him  ;  and 
it  was  of  importance  that  the  proof  from  this  quarter  should  appear  in  the 

nexceptionable  light.  Jesus  had  this  in  view,  in  the  answergiven  t» 
the  disciples  of  John  the  Baptist,  when  thev  inquired  if  he  was  the  Chnst. 
He  directs  them  to  his  miracles,  in  proof  that  he  wap.  and  appeals  to  the 
predictions  of  the  same  prophet  who  hc.d  described  :..-  character  and  ac 
tions  of  their  Master.  Cooiprrre]  a  xxix.  18,  19.  xxxv  ■■  -6.  and  In  I  wth 
Matt.  xi.  4,  5.  and  Mark  vii   37 


102 


THE  MIRACLES  RELATED  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES, 


[Chap.  IV 


should  escape  us.  the  historian  concludes  the  account  of" M  with  observing, 
that  Jesus  delivered  him  to  hia  mother.  (16.)  Greal  actions  in  ordinary  life 
have  often  much  of  the  terrible  in  them;  it'  they  have  beauties,  yel  they 
uro  usually  of  the  awful  kind  ;  but,  in  the  miracles  of  Jesus,  there  is  no- 
thing alarming ;  they  were  hurtful  to  none,  and  beneficial  to  all  who  fell 

nfluencs.     We  uaturajh,  wish  ourselves  to  have  been  speet; I 

those  agreeable  scenes.  Thi  >va  the  charm  which  overpuu  ■  i  liie  in 
pidity  orprejudices  oi  the  multitudes,  when  (he  othi  r  charms  in  tin 

cles  seemed  to  have  operated  faintly.    On  occasion  ol  on lie] 

exertions,  the  multitude  was  capable  of  making  the  lullowii ifl 

Hf  hath  dov.i  all  things  well :  he  maketh  both  Hie  dedj  to  hear,  una  th 
to  speak,1 

"  Compare  with  these  evangelical  miracles  the  pfegan  mi- 
racles, as  delivered  to  us  by  report,  or  the  ecclesiastical  mil  t- 
cles  after  the  church  was  supported  by  the  state  : — bul  there 
is  no  comparison.  The  latter  were  usually  such  as  would 
make  fools  stare,  and  wise  men  suspect.;  and  as  they  began, 
so  they  ended  in  vain, — establishing  nothing,  or  Wnal  was 
worse  than  nothing;  if  false,  the  tricks  of  deceitful  men ;  if 
true,  the  frolics  of  fantastical  demons. ''- 

In  short,  the  miracles  ol*  Christ  had  nothing  in  them  fan- 
tastical or  cruel,  but  were,  glorious  acts  of  kindness  and  be- 
neficence, done  to  persons  to  whom  it  is  usually  least  done, 
but  who  most  needed  his  kindness  and  beneficence, — the 
poor,  the  needy,  the  desolate,  and  the  afflicted.  They  were, 
moreover,  calculated  to  excite  gratitude  rather  than  fear,  and 
to  persuade  rather  than  to  terrify.  Jesus  performed  no  mira- 
cles of  the  severe  kind,  and  the  apostles  very  few, — no  more 
indeed  than  were  necessary  for  wise  and  good  purposes,  viz. 
the  detection  and  the  punishment  of  sin  and  hypocrisy  in  the 
infant  state  of  the  Christian  church. 

Of  the  vast  multitude  of  miracles,  performed  by  Jesus 
Christ,  there  are  only  two  which  cany  in  them  any  marks 
of  severity,  namely,  his  suffering  the  demons  to  enter  the 
herd  of  swine,  in  consequence  of  which  the  whole  herd 
perished  in  the  waters  ;  and  his  causing  the  barren  fig  tree 
to  wither  away. 

[i.l  With  regard  to  the  destruction  of  the  swine  (Matt.  viii.  28—34.  Mark 
v.  12 — 17.),  it  should  be  considered  that  Jesus  did  not,  properly  speaking, 
command  or  do  this,  but  only  suffered  it  to  be  done  ;  and  it  is  no  more  an 
impeachment  of  his  goodness  that  he  suffered  this  to  be  done,  than  it  is  of 
the  providence  of  the  Almighty,  that  he  permits  any  evil  to  be  committed 
in  the  world.  Jesus  might  suffer  this,  perhaps,  to  show  the  great  power 
and  malice  of  evil  spirits  if  not  restrained  by  Omnipotence  ;  perhaps  if  the 
Jews  were  the  owners  of  the  swine,  to  punish  them  for  keeping  such  ani- 
mals in  direct  violation  of  the  Mosaic  institute,  which  forbade  the  eating  of 
swine,  and  even  the  keeping  of  them  ;  or,  perhaps,  if  the  owners  of  them 
were  Gentiles,  to  convince  them  of  the  sacredness  and  divinity  of  the  Jew- 
ish laws,  which  (it  is  well  known)  they  ridiculed  on  many  accounts,  and 
especially  for  the  prohibition  of  eating  swine's  flesh  ;  and  farther,  it  may 
be,  to  punish  them  for  laying  a  snare  in  the  way  of  the  Jews.  But,  who- 
ever they  were  that  sustained  this  loss,  they  seemed  to  have  deserved  it 
for  their  covetous  and  inhuman  temper ;  for  they  were  not  so  much  pleased 
with  the  good  that  was  done  the  afflicted  man,  as  they  were  offended  with 
the  loss  of  the  swine  ;  and,  instead  of  being  awakened  by  so  great  a  miracle 
to  confess  their  sins,  and  revere  the  power  of  Christ,  they  desired  him  im- 
mediately to  depart  out  of  their  coasts.  They  could  not  but  be  sensible, 
that  he,  who  had  wrought  this  miracle  among  them,  must  be  a  divine  per- 
son ;  yet,  because  they  had  sustained  some  loss  by  it,  they  never  applied  to 
him  for  mercy,  but  sent  him  away,  and  thus  showed  themselves  still  more 
worthy  of  the  punishment  that  had  been  inllicted  upon  them. 

[ii.]  In  causing  the  barren  fig-tree  to  wither  away  (Matt.  xxi.  19.  Mark  xi. 
14.  21.),  Jesus  neither  invaded  private  property,  nor  did  any  injury  to  the 
community  at  large  ;  and  though  this  is  alleged  as  a  severe  miracle,  the  al- 
legation is  not  to  the  purpose.  For,  as  the  fig-tree  was  not  an  animated 
being,  so  it  was  not,  in  a  proper  sense,  capable  of  being  kindly  or  unkindly 
treated,  but  wa  •  proper  and  strong  figurative  representation  of  the  Jew- 
ish people  \i  ii  !;ie  lesson,  which  this  action  dictated  to  his  disciples,  and 
now  dictates  to  us,  is  of  the  first  importance  to  every  man  alive, — to  the 
deist  as  well  as  to  (lie  believer.  If  the  opportunities  which  Rod  has  given 
us  for  our  impro  'omem  in  rpligious  knowledge  and  the  purification  of  our 
affections.  b»  n»  •.!.  .-•.  ,i ,,,■  misemployed  ;— if  we  be  found  unfruitful  in  the 
knowledge  of  the  Lot il  Jesus,  and  in  good  works,  which  are  the  fruits  of 
faith  in  him,  we  must  expec!  to  be  withered  like  the  barren  fig-tree,  before 
the  fiery  blast  of  his  displeasure,  when  he  cometh  to  judge  the  earth." 

There  were  good  reasons,  therefore,  for  Christ's  severity 
in  these  two  cases ;  but  in  all  other  instances  he  was  perfect 
goodness  and  benevolence.  "  He  went  about  doing  good." 
He  was  the  greatest  physician  to  bodies  as  well  as  souls ; 
his  constant  employment  was,  feeding  the  hunory,  healino- 
the  sick,  casting  out  demons,4  and  raising  the  °dead.    The 

»  Dr.  David  Hunter's  Observations  on  the  History  of  Jesus  Christ  vol 
i.  pp.  386— 291.  Edinburgh,  1770.  '  * 

*  Dr.  Jortin's  Remarks  on  Ecclesiastical  History,  vol.  i.  p.  266.  2d  edit. 

»  The  above,  doubtless,  was  the  general  design  of  the  emblem  of  the 
barren  ng-tree.  It  was  usual,  among  the  people  of  the  East,  to  designate 
things  by  actions;  and  there  arc  frequent  instances  of  this  nature  in  the 
prophets  of  the  Old  Testament.    In  like  manner,  Jesus  Christ,  by  a  familiar 

type, gave  the  .T»wsto  understand  what  they  must  exppct  for  inaki nlj 

formal  profession  of  rolieion  : — The  kingdom  of  God  shall  be  taken  from 
you,  and  given  to  a  nation  bringing  forth  the  fruits  thereof.  (Matt.  xxi. 
43.)    Tins  figure  of  the  fig-tree  was  employed  by  Christ,  inure  than  once 

to  the  same  purpose,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  parable  related  in  I. like  xiii. 
S— 9.  In  Matt.  xxi.  19.  and  Mark  xi.  14.  21.  it  is  by  way  of  type  ;  there,  by 
way  of  parable  :  here  the  malediction  is  executed  upon  it. ;  there  it  is  de- 
nounced (ver.  7.) — Out  it.  down,  why  cumbereth  it  the  ground! 

*  There  was  a  peculiar  propriety  in  Jesus  casting  out  evil  spirits,  which, 
by  Divine  Providence,  were  permitted  to  exert  themselves  at  that  time,  and 
U>  possess  many  persons.  "  By  this  he  showed  that  he  came  to  destroy  the 


first  of  his  miracles  was  at  a  wedding,  converting  water  irBb 
wine,  thus  sanctioning  the  sacred  institution  of  marriage, 
and  at  the  same  time  showing  that  he  was  no  enemy  to  in- 
nocent festivity ;  and  one  of  the  last  was  restoring  the  ear  oi 
the  high-priest's  servanl  which  Peter  had  cut  off.  The  Gos- 
pel was  a  covenant  of  mercy,  and  it.  could  not  be  better  rati- 
fied and  confirmed  than  by  acts  of  mercy. 

[4.]    Consider  further  the  gheatness  of  Christ's  miracles. 

If  any  actions  can  be  called  miraculous,  those  of  Jesus  are  indisputably 
so.  in  the  simplest  instances  of  cures  performed,  we  always  find  some 
circumstances  fixing  this  point, — such  as.  that  the  disease  was  in  its  nature 
incurable,  that  it  was  inveterate,  and  had  baffled  every  effort  of  art;  that  it 
was  instantaneously  removed,  by  a  single  word,  sometimes  without  it, 
sometimes  bj  a  touch,  or  by  applications,  from  which  in  a  natural  way  no 
relief  was  to  be  expected,— for  example,  anointing  with  clay  the  eyes  of  a 
man  born  blind.  In  the  higher  instances  of  exertion,  such  as  raising  the 
dead,  we  have  no  difficulty  in  determining  them  to  have  been  miraculous. 
To  explain  them  in  any  other  way,  is  an  attempt  which  must  terminate  in 
confusion  and  absurdity,  on  which  account  very  few  have  ever  encaged  in 
it.  But  it  is  of  consequence  to  observe,  that  works  so  great  could  never 
have  been  admitted  as  true,  by  a  scrupulous  and  inquisitive  age,  had  there 
been  any  doubt  of  their  certainty.  Their  greatness,  which  all  had  occa- 
sion to  know,  and  which  no  one  ever  contradicted  (as  will  be  shown  in  a 
subsequent  page),  secures  them  against  the  suspicion  of  imposture.  Im- 
postors seldom  deal  in  great  tricks ;  this  would  offend  too  much  against 
probability,  and  prompt  men  to  an  investigation.  They  usually  satisfy 
themselves  with  little  tricks,  because  they  are  less  open  to  suspicion,  and 
more  easily  gain  credit. 

[5.]  Observe  also  the  rinsoxs  by  -whom  these  miracles  ■were 
accomplished. 

They  were  wrought  by  persons  who  were  known  to  be  poor,  unlearned, 
of  low  condition,  and  destitute  of  great  friends  and  powerful  patrons ;  who 
gave  other  proofs  of  their  mission,  and  did  not  rest  the  ir/wle  of  their  cause 
upon  miracles,  but  who  likewise  insisted  upon  the  reasonableness  of  theii 
doctrines,  which  they  offered  to  examination.  Further,  they  were  wrought 
by  persons  who  appealed  to  Cod,  and  declared  that  they  would  perform 
them.  By  acting  in  the  name  of  the  God  and  Father  of  all,  they  gave  the 
best  kind  of  proof  that  they  were  supported  by  him,  and  thus  prevented  ob- 
jections that  the  wonder  might  happen  by  chance,  or  be  effected  by  a  se 
cret  fatal  power,  of  which  they  themselves  knew  nothing,  or  by  evil  spirits, 
or  for  other  ends  and  purposes ;  and  they  laid  themselves  under  a  neces- 
sity of  fulfilling  their  promises,  or  of  passing  for  men  who  either  deceivi  d 
others  or  were  deceived  themselves.  But  Jesus  Christ  and  his  apostles 
were  not  the  only  persons  "who  confidently  appealed  to  the  evidence  ol 
miracles,  in  the  very  face  of  their  enemies  ;  thus  daring  them,  as  it  were, 
to  a  detection  of  imposture,  if  any  imposture  had  existed.  There  was  a 
class  of  writers  in  the  primitive  church  who  composed  what  were  styled 
Apologies."  (Some  of  these  apologies  have  already  been  cited.)  They 
"  were  addressed  to  the  Pagans;  and  it  was  their  avowed  design  to  defend 
Christianity,  and  to  vindicate  the  reception  of  it. 

"The  oldest  writer  of  this  description  with  whose  works  we  are  at  all 
acquainted  is  Quadrates.  He  lived  about  seventy  years  after  the  death  of 
Christ,  and  presented  his  Apology  to  the  emperor  Adrain.  A  passage  of  it 
has  been  preserved  by  Eusebius;  from  which  it  appears,  that  he  formally 
and  confidently  appealed  to  the  miracles  of  Christ,  as  a  matter  which  admit- 
ted not  of  the  least  doubt  or  controversy.  'The  works  of  our  Saviour,'  says 
he,  'were  always  conspicuous,  for  they  were  real.  Both  they  that  were 
healed,  and  they  that  were  raised  from  the  dead,  were  seen,  not  only  when 
they  were  healed  or  raised,  but  for  a  long  time  afterwards  ;  not  only  whilst 
he  dwelt  on  this  earth,  but  also  after  his  departure  and  for  a  good  while 
subsequent  to  it :  insomuch  that  some  of  them  have  reached  to  our  times.'3 

"To  the  same  purpose  speaks  Justin  Martyr,  who  followed  Quadratus 
at.  the  distance  of  auout  thirty  years. — 'Christ  healed  those,  who  from 
their  birth  were  blind  and  deaf  and  lame;  causing  by  his  word,  one  to 
leap,  another  to  hear,  and  a  third  to  see;  and,  having  raised  the  dead  and 
caused  them  to  live,  he,  by  his  works,  excited  attention,  and  induced  the 
men  of  that  aye  to  know  him.  Who,  however,  seeing  these  things  done, 
said  that  it  was  a  magical  appearance,  and  dared  to  call  him  a  magician  and 
a  deceiver  of  the  people.'' 

"  Next  in  chronological  order  follows  Tertullian,  who  flourished  during 
the  same  century  with  Justin  Martyr. — 'That  person  whom  the  Jews  had 
vainly  imagined,  from  the  meanness  of  his  appearance,  to  be  a  mere  man, 
they  afterwards,  in  consequence  of  the  power  which  he  exerted,  considered 
as  a  magician  :  when  he,  with  one  word,  ejected  devils  out  of  the  bodies  of 
men,  gave  sight  to  the  blind,  cleansed  the  leprous,  strengthened  the  nerves 
of  those  that  had  the  palsy,  and,  lastly,  with  one  command,  raised  the 
dead;  when  he,  I  say,  made  the  very  elements  obey  him,  assuaged  the 
Storms,  and  walked  upon  the  seas,  demonstrating  himself  to  be  the  Word 
of  Cod. "i 

"  We  may  finally  notice  Origen,  who  lived  in  the  third  century,  and  who 
published  a  regular  defence  of  Christianity  against  the  philosopher  Celsus. 
■Undoubtedly  we  do  think  him  to  be  the  Christ  and  the  Son  of  God,  be- 
cause he  healed  the  lame  and  the  blind:  and  we  are  the  more  confirmed 
in  this  persuasion  by  what  is  written  in  the  prophecies;  Then  shall  the 
eyes  of  the  blind  be  opened,  and  the  ears  of  the  deaf  shall  hear,  and  the 
lame  man  shall  leap  as  an  hart.  But,  that  he  also  raised  the  dead,  and  that 
it  is  not  a  fiction  of  those  who  wrote  the  Gospels,  is  evident  from  hence: 
that,  if  it  had  been  a  fiction,  there  would  have  been  many  recorded  to  be 
raised  up,  and  such  as  had  been  a  long  time  in  their  graves.  But,  it  not 
being  a  fiction,  few  have  been  recorded.'' 

"That  the  defenders  of  Christianity  should  thus  needlessly  commit 
themselves  to  the  hostile  pagans,  if  no  miracles  had  been  performed,  and 
when  a  regular  confutation  cf  their  pretences  was  perfectly  easy,  it  is 
alike  difficult  to  account  for  and  hard  to  believe."9 


empire  of  Satan,  and  seemed  to  foretell  that,  wheresoever  his  doctrine 
should  prevail,  idolatrv  and  vice  should  be  put  to  flight.  He  foresaw  that 
the  ureal  and  popular  objection  to  him  would  be,  that  he  was  a  masrician  ; 
and  therefore  he  confuted  it  beforehand,  and  ejected  evil  spirits,  to  show 
thai  he  was  in  no  confederacy  with  them."  Jortin'i  H.m.  on  Eccl.  Hist 
vol.  i.  p.  2C8. 

»  Quadrat.  Apol.  apud  Euseb.  Eccles.  Hist.  lib         ■  .  3. 

«  Just.  Mart.  Dial.  p.  258.  edit.  Thirlby. 

'  Tertul.  Apol.  p.  20.  ed.  Prior.  Par.  1675. 

«  Orig.  cont.  Cels.  lib.  ii.  §  48. 

»  Faber's  Difficulties  of  Infidelity,  pp.  230—232. 


»*CT.  II.] 


PROOFS  OF  TIIEIH  INSPIRATION. 


103 


(6.)  The  persons  BKront  whom  the  miraclei  ivcre  -wrought 
claim  our  especial  notice. 

lbese  astonishing  not  performed  in 

(otituci  lightof  truth,  and  the  scrutiny  of  ol 

inquiries.  They  were  wrought  in  a  learned  age  and  In  civilized  countries, 
in  [he  politesl  ■  •  Id,  where  i"  <  sons  are  noi 

deluded.    It  i    worthy  of  r<  mark   that,  wl    a*  'hristlanity  w  i 

in  iin-  people,  and  a  ven  li  Ion  in 

ivernment,  pn  «l  el  ol  miracli        I    i 

matized  by  the  oppi 

known,  had  published  very  rigorous  edicts  against  the  wholi 
tigiato                          Further,  the  Chri  itian  miracli 
the  fai       f  da          ore  vast  multitudes  ol  fi  i<  ad    ind  i  nemii 
nataly,  to  who  e  •  a  m  an  I  ■■'  'ib  1 1  ■'    >■■■■     •  [allon  they  wen 
and  al  a  time,  when  men  wanted  m  t  nor  inclination  to  - 
them  if  they  were  impostures,  and  who  were  In  no  danger  ol  being 
;  of  being  insulted  bj  the  popul 
in,-. I  by  the  civil  magistrate  for  deriding  thorn.    The  mlrai 
(  I,,  i  l  and  his  apostles  were  wiuiessed  by  thousands,  who  would  have  re- 
joiced in  the  deteci il  Imposture,  had  any  been  attempted  or  prs 

and  who  scrutinized  both  them  and  i1  n  whom  tni  ■ 

,:   with  the  nicest  subtilty  and  strictesl  accuracy,  in  order  (il 

ble)  to  discover  any  fraud  01   nlseh I  In  them    The  persons  wl 

miraculous  effects,  and  who  had  bei  n  cured  ol  blind- 

or  who  had  bad  losl  limbs  restored  to 

, ..  i,  raised  from  the  dead— these  persona  lived  many 

public  monuments  ol  them— and  carrying  about  with 

ii  their  nun  persons,  the  full  conviction  of  these  amazing  opera- 

(7.)  The  mannkh,  too,  in  which  these  miracles  were  per- 
formed, is  equally  worthy  of  attention,  for  its  publicity,  sim- 
plicity, and  disinterestedness. 

[i.l  As  the  miracles  of  Christ  and  his  apostles  were  numerous,  diversi- 
fied,    hey  were  wrought  opbnlt  ami  publicly,  without  con- 
cealment or  disguise,  which  is  a  circumstance  necessary  to  establish  their 
credit 

Pagan  antiquity  furnishes  us  with  accounts  of  pretended  miracles,  and 
of  pretended  miraculous  intercourses  between  men  and  their  deities:  bul 
in'  of  them  is  always  laid  out  of  the  reach  of  observation  and  disco- 
very.   Modern  miracles  also  have  in  a  great  measure  owed  their  being  to 
the  same  source.    When  Jesus  began  to  work  miracles,  he  did  not  retire 

into  deserts  and  corners,  as  if  there  hail  1 a  sum.  thing  in  the  operation 

to  be  kept  secret,  or  which,  if  disclosed,  would  bring  the  whole  into  discre- 
dit. Hut  as  he  appeared  in  the  world  on  purpose  to  instruct  it,  and  as  his 
doctrine  was  for  this  purpose  delivered  in  puhlic,  so  his  miracles,  which 
were  chiefly  exhibited  for  the  support  of  the  doctrine,  were  public  also; 
being  performed  in  the  most  frequented  places  and  on  the  most  public  oc- 
casions, as  at  marriages  and  funerals,  and  on  solemn  festivals.  Thus, 
many  were  done  at  Jerusalem,  at  the  times  of  the  great  festivals,  when 
there  was  the  greatest  concourse  of  people  from  all  parts  of  the  country  ; 
others,  in  the  public  streets  of  villages  and  cities;  others,  in  the  public  sy- 
nagogues; and  Others,  before  great  multitudes,  who  came  together  to  hear 
Jesus,  and  to  ho  healed  by  him  of  their  infirmities.  Hy  far  the  greater  part 
of  Ins  miracles  were  wrought  in  the  vicinity  of  the  sea  of  Galilee,  which 
was  surrounded  by  large,  fertile,  and  populous  tracts,  especially  the  two 
Galilees.  containing  many  towns,  and  a  multitude  of  villages,  the  least  of 
which  towns  (Josephue  informs  us)  contained  upwards  of  fifteen  thousand 
touts.*  Some  of  Christ's  miracles,  indeed,  were,  from  their  nature,  more 
private  than  others;3  yet  privacy  was  never  industriously  sought  after, 
except  where  the  reasons  of  it  are  obvious.  Hut  an  instance  or  two  of  this 
kind  cannot  he  supposed  to  invalidate  the  credibility  of  great  numbers 
openly  performed.  Considering  the  opposition  of  the  world,  it  would  not 
have  ()ecn  unreasonable,  had  the  miracles  of  Jesus  been  less  public  ;  in 
some  cases  ho  might  have  changed  his  ordinary  manner  with  propriety  ; 
but,  to  tin-  last,  he  persisted  in  it;  for  instance,  at  the  resurrection  of  his 
friend  Lazarus,  only  a  little  before  his  own  death.  The  openness  of  the 
miracles  was  therefore  a  defiance  to  the  malice,  and  a  defiance  to  the  in- 
credulity of  the  world  ;  it  being  as  true  of  his  miracles  as  he  asserted  it  to 
be  of  nil  doctrine  /  spake  openly,  said  Christ,  to  the  icorld.  lever  taught 
in  tin  and  in  the  temple,  whither  the  Jews  always  resort ;  and 

«>«  scent  have  I  said  nothing.  (John  xviii.  20.) 

The  miracles  of  Christ  and  his  apostles  were  accompanied  with  no  ap- 
pearance of  pride,  vanity,  or  ostentation.  When  a  man  preaches  up  him- 
self, and  assumes  haughty  airs  of  importance  and  superiority,  he  gives 
cause  for  suspicion.  Such  was  the  ca.-e  of  Simon  the  Sol  eel  ST.  as  repre- 
bj  Luke  i  \ :ts  viii. '.».),  whose  principal  design  seems  to  have  been 
thai  he  might  pass  for  B  very  great  person  among  the  Samaritans,  tint  the 
conduct  of  the  apostles  in  this  respect  was  unexceptionable;  and  Jesus, 
during  his  ministry,  acted  as  a  servant  and  as  a  prophet  sent  from  Clod, 
ascribing  all  his  miracles  to  his  Father.  While,  howevei .  Christ's  manner 
was  totally  free  from  ostentation,  his  miracles  Wt  re  characterized  by  a 
peculiar  sobriety,  decorum,  authority,  and  dignity.  They  display  some- 
thing  above  the  ordinary  character  of  man,  but  they  tie  facte  in  which  the 
spectators  could  not  be  mistaken. 

[ii.]  All  the  miracles  of  Christ  were  performed  with  the  utmost  Simpli- 
city of  Manner. 

They  arc  often,  to  all  appearance,  casual  and  incidental.  At  other  times 
he  wrought  his  miracles  when  prompted  by  entreaty,  or  where  such  an 
on  presented  itself,  that  it  would  have  been  out  of  character  not  to 
have  wrought  them.  The  manner  of  his  doing  them  is  remote  from  all 
suspicion  of  deceit  or  vainglory.  As  no  ostentation  Is  displayed  I" 
none  is  evinced  after,  the  performance.  Often  he  forbade  those*  who  were 
the  objects  of  his  goodness  and  compassion  to  speak  of  the  person  to  whom 
they  were  obliged— a  hard  prohibition  to  a  grateful  mind!    Often,  as  soon 


-  Quadratus,  in  the  passage  above  cited,  says,  that  there  were  persons 
Bring  even  in  his  time,  upon  whom  Christ  had  wrought  miracles.  (See 
Eusebius,  Hist  Keel.  lib.  iv.  c.  3.)  And  it  is  by  no  means  improbable  that 
some  of  those,  who  were  cured  of  their  infirmities,  or  raised  from  the  dead 
by  Jesus  Christ,  were  preserved  hy  Providence  to  extreme  old  age,  to  be 
TODS  witnesses  of  his  power  and  goodni 

»  Josephus,  de  Bell.  Jud.  lib.  iii-  c.  3.  §  2. 

»  When  it  happened  that  any  of  them  were  performed  privately,  in  a 
house  or  chamber,  the  effects  of  the  miracle  were  so  visible,  thai  tbey 
could  not  but  be  observed  by  great  numbers,  as  In  the  instance  of  the 
raising  of  Jairus's  daughter  to  life. 

*  See  the  reason  why  Jesus  sometimes  enjoined  secrecy  on  those  whom 
n*  had  healed,  supra,  pp.  98,  99. 


he  withdrew   into   Mine   private   retreat. 

i  p    the  credibility  of  the  miracles;  but  it  does 

il  exhibits  them  in  their  native  beauty  and  dignity.    It  is,  indeed, 

difficult  to  say,  whether  the  ease  or  the  dignity  of  the  manner  is  most 

strongly  i  I  yasingleword  without 

one  ;  by  a  word  to  command  the  winds  and  waves  ;  by  a  word  to  raise  the 

nun,  sometimes  almost  from  corruption — are  appearances 

we  i  an  imagine. 

|iii.|  The  DiHiNri.:  lib  which  the  miracles  of  Christ  and  hia 

apostli  -  it  is  another  circumstance  that  demands  our  const* 

They  wen-  performed  for  no  worldly  advantage.    As  nothing  of  that  kind 

obtained  by  Christ  and  by  his  disciples.  When 

..i  forth,  be  expressly  commanded  them  t<>  take  no  fee  or 

gratuity  for  the  mini  •-.   re  about  to  work.    Freely,  said  he,  ye 

(Matt  X.  8.)    Obscure,  indeed,  they  could  not 

be  who  were  indued  with  such  powers,  nor  could  they  be  despised  by 

then  ii  U  temporal  advantages,  in 

comparison  of  the  ohlmpiy.  tie   injuries,  afflictions,  sufferings,  and  perse* 

il.  which  they  underwent.     The  miracles  of 

Chris'  win-  wrought  in  tin-  most  genera  i  manner:  all 

were  welcome  to  partake  ol  the  benefit  of  tbem ;  amino  distinction  was 

mad.-  betWI  en  the  rich  and  the  poor.     The  only  except  ion  was,  that  Christ 

and  in  apo  ties  would  not  work  miracles  to  gratify  curiosity  or  to  sanction 
unbelief     Should  thi  '  II  d  not  perform  more 

t  before  the  unbeli  W<   reply,  that  such  conduct  was  not 

.  which  was,  to  afford  a  reasonable  con- 
\ n- 1 ii >i i ;—  thai  i  i.  but,  mi  lie-  con- 

trary, would  have  been  hurl  ;  -that  it  tended  to 

defeat  the  de  ligrj  am  og  Its  sphere, 

or  shortening  its  duration ;  — ami  that,  Lastly  and  chiefly,  it  was  unreasona- 
ble in  itself,  and  contrary  to  the  gem  ral  scheme  and  order  of  God's  moral 
government' 

(8.)  Another  circumstance  which  confirms  the  truth  and  vali- 
dity of  thesx:  miracles,  is  the  effects  produced  hy  the  per- 
formance of  them. 

Great  numbers  of  persons,  who  weie  spectators  of  them,  were  convinceo 
by  them,  notwithstanding  they  had  formed  and  cherished  the  strongest 
prejudices  against  the  religion  attested  by  these  miracles.  In  consequence 
of  this  conviction,  they  quitted  the  religion  in  which  tiny  I. 

cated,  and  with  it  ea  16  irtune,  reputation,  friends,  and  rel 

they  embraced  the  Gospel  from  the  most  indubitable  persuasion  of  its 
truth,  inviolably  adhered  to  the  profession  of  it.  and  sealed  their  belief  of  it 
with  their  blood. 

(9.)  Lastly,  so  far  were  the  miracles  of  Christ  and  his  apostle.; 
from  being  considered  as  frauds  or  impostures,  that  their  healitt 
was  never  denied. 

The  length  of  time,  during  which  Jesus  Christ  and  his  apostles  perform 
ed  their  miracles,  must  here  be  specially  considered.  "  Seventy  years 
.lapsed  between  the  commencement  of  the  ministry  of  Christ  and  the  death 
of  the  last  of  the  apostles.  During  all  this  interval,  the  miraculous  gifts  in 
question  were  exercised.  Now,  as  every  repetition  in  case  of  imposture 
multiplies  the  dangers  of  detection,  and  every  extension  of  time  makes  it 
the  more  difficult  to  keep  up  the  confederated  plan,  it  is  no  inconsiderable 
evidence  of  the  genuineness  of  the  miracles  of  the  Gospel,  that  they  con- 
tinued to  be  wrought  and  inspected  during  a  period  of  so  many  years,  am. 
yet  no  instance  of  a  failure  or  of  deception  was  ever  discovered  by  those 
fierce  and  untiring  enemies  with  whom  Christianity  was  always  surround 
ed.  "•  In  fact,  both  Jews'  and  heathens  were  constrained  to  admit  them 
though  they  ascribed  them  to  various  causes,  denied  them  to  be  pro 
his  divinity,  or  maintained  that  they  were  inferior  to  the  miracles  of  the 
pagans.  Thus,  on  one  occasion,  the  Jews  attriliut.  d  I 
Beelzebub,  and  on  another,  they  acknowledged  that  hi  while 

they  reproached  him  with  not  being  able  to  save  himself.     While  '  I 
were  loo  recent  to  be  disputed,  Celsus,«  Porphyry.  Hierocll  9,  Juli   . 
other  adversaries,  admitted  their  reality,  hut  ascribed  them  I"  magi 
denied  the  divine  commission  of  him  who  performed  them.     Bul  to  what 
ever  cause  they  ascribed  them,  their  admission  of  the  reality  of  these  mira 
chs  is  an  involuntary  confession  that  there  was  something  preternatural 
in  them. 

VIII.  A  brief  examination  of  a  few  of  the  miracles  related 
in  the  New  Testament  (more  than  a  few  cannot  be  investi- 
gated for  want  of  room)  will  confirm  and  illustrate  the  pre- 
ceding observations,  and  convince  every  candid  inquirer  that 
they  were  wrought  by  the  mighty  power  of  God,  and  prove 
incontestably  that  Jesus  Christ  was  indeed  the  promised 
Messiah. 

1.  The  Miracls  of  the  CoNVEnsiox  or  Water  int.- 
Wink  at  Carta,  in  Unlike,  is  related  with  every  mark-  oj 
veracity.     (John  ii.  1 — 10.) 

The  absence  of  all  collusion  could  not  be  more  happily  implied  than  Ly 
the  manner  in  which  the  discovery  is  signified  to  the  company.     The  .: 
weddings,  it  should  be  observed,  lasted  seven  days.    During  the  continu- 
ance of  the  nuptial  feast,  from  the  poverty  of  the  bridegroom  and  bride, 


•  The  topics  above  briefly  noticed  are  illustrated  with  equal  force  anr1 
beauty  of  argument  byBp  Hurd.    Works,  vol.  vii.  Serm.  39.  pp.  156-— 175, 

•  Bp  M  llvaiiie's  iof  Ohio)  Lectures  on  the  Evidences  of  Christianity,  p 

i  This  man  dorth  many  miracles  (John  xi.  47.),  was  the  judgment  ol  the 
chief  priests  and  Pharisees,  assembled  in  council.  And.  Jesus  of  Naza- 
nth.  a  man  approved  of  Ood,  among  you  by  wonders  and  miracles  and 
signs,  which  God  did  by  him  in  the  midst  of  you,  as  ye  yourselves  know 
(Acts  ii.  22.  \  was  the  appeal  of  Peter  to  a  mixed  multitude  of  the  men  of 
Israel. —  What  shall  we  do  to  these  men  1  For  that  indeed  a  nuable  mira- 
cle hath  been  done  by  them,  is  manifest  to  all  them  that  dwell  at  Jerusalem, 
and  we  cannot  deny  it  (Acts  iv.  16.),  was  the  acknowledgment  exlortea 
from  the  Jewish  rulers,  in  consequence  of  the  miracle  wrought  by  Peter 
and  John  on  the  lame  man  at  the  gate  of  the  temple  in  that  city.  F<r  the 
involuntary  acknowledgment  of  Jewish  and  heathen  adversaries,  see  pp. 

SI— 83.       '  ,    .      ,_ 

•  On  the  evasions  to  which  Pelsus  had  recourse  in  order  to  elude  thi 
reality  of  Christ's  miracles,  the  reader  will  find  some  forcible  remarks  id 
Sir.  Cumberland's  Observer,  vol.  i.  no   12. 


104 


THE  MIRACLES  RELATED  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES, 


[Chap.  IV 


»r  perhaps  from  the  number  of  guests  »eing  greater  than  was  expectpil, 
'here  was  a  deficiency  of  wine.  This  being  m  ide  known  lo  Jesus,  be  com- 
manded the  servants  io  fill  six  large  vessels  with  water  up  to  the  brim,  ll 
>'.'.s  merefore  Impossible  to  intermix  anj  wine.  The  servants  alone  were 
privy  to  the  process  of  tin-  miracle,  ami  were  desired  by  Jesus  to  carry 
some  of  the  new  wine  to  the  governor  of  the  feast.  The  wine  proves  ex 
client,  therefore  it  is  not  counterfeited ;  there  is  now  plenty,  and  there  was 
Deed  <>f  it.  According  to  the  practice  usua)  among  the  Jews  on  these  occa- 
sions, which  is  mentioned  also  by  the  governor,  the  wine  which  the  guests 
had  been  drinking  last  was  not  remarkable  for  excellence.  His  attention 
was  immediately  excited  by  this  fresh  supply  ;  and  he  gives  his  attestation 
io  it  in  so  natural  and  easy  a  way,  that  we  cannot  but  esteem  it  beyond  the 
reach  of  any  artifice  and  ingenuity  whatsoever.  He  called  the  bridegroom 
an. I  said,— Every  man  at  the  beginning  bringeth  forth  good  wine,  and 
whi  n  men  have  well  drunk,  then  that  which  is  worse ;  but  thou  hast  kept 
■  In  good  wine  until  now.  This  incidental  testimony  carries  with  it  all  the 
iir  of  authenticity  which  could  possibly  be  derived  from  the  unaffected 
i  htion  of  such  a  circumstance.'  The  miracle  became  public,  and  con- 
.iiii.'. I  the  faith  of  the  new  disciples  of  Jesus  Christ. 

2.  The  Miraculous  Feeding  of  Five  Thousand  Men, 
fie&ides  -women  and  children  in  the  desert,'1  -was  attended  with  a 
variety  of  circumstances  that  show  the  impossibility  of  false- 
hood or  imposition. 

The  disciples  of  Christ  informed  their  compassionate  Master,  that  it  was 
tune  to  dismiss  the  people  to  the  neighbouring  villages  to  buy  food.  Jesus 
found,  on  inquiry,  that  there  was  no  more  provision  than  five  loaves  and 
two  fishes.  The  want  of  food  for  such  a  multitude  was  certain,  and  the 
means  of  supplying  it  appeared  to  be  impossible.  He  commanded  the  dis- 
iriptes  to  make  the  people  to  sit  down  upon  the  grass,3  and  to  place  them  in 
ranks  by  hundreds  and  by  fifties.  By  this  method,  all  confusion  was  avoid- 
ed, and  the  attendance  upon  them  was  rendered  more  easy :  besides,  the 
miraculous  operation  was  thus  exposed  to  the  view  of  the  whole  multitude ; 
<o  that  it  was  impossible  to  deceive  them  by  any  artifice  or  sleight  of  hand. 
.lesus  brake  the  five  loaves  and  two  fishes,  and  distributed  them  to  the  apos- 
tles, who  again  distributed  to  the  people.  "  This  small  supply  of  provision 
was  perceived  to  multiply  and  grow,  either  in  the  hands  of  the  apostles  as 
they  were  ministering  them  to  the  people,  or  in  the  hands  of  the  people 
themselves,  who,  in  all  probability,  saw  the  small  fragments  of  bread  or  fish, 
with  which  they  had  been  presented,  visibly  increase  while  they  held  them 
.ii  their  hands;  till  the  hunger  of  each  was  fully  satisfied,  and  sufficient  was 
-till  left  for  others  who  might  come  after  them."*  Afterthe  multitude  had 
eaten,  Christ  commanded  the  apostles  to  gather  up  the  fragments,  which 
was  a  plain  proof  that  they  had  had  plenty  of  food  ;  and  the  disciples  filled 
uvelve  baskets  with  the  fragments  that  remained.  After  this,  can  there 
be  the  least  room  for  incredulity  1 

The  people,  struck  with  a  miracle,  in  itself  so  astonishing,  and  in  which 
ihey  were  so  deeply  interested,  were  convinced  that  he  was  the  prophet 
promised  by  the  Almighty  to  succeed  Moses  (Dent,  xviii.  15.),  and  they 
were  desirous  to  make  him  a  king,  because  the  Messiah  (according  to  their 
notions)  was  entitled  to  the  same  sovereignty  as  other  princes,  and  to  rule 
over  Israel  as  David  and  Solomon  had  done.  Thip  circumstance  is  a  fur- 
ther proof  of  the  miracle,  and  of  the  impression  it  had  made  on  every  per- 
son's mind  who  had  witnessed  it.  Lastly,  on  the  next  day,  Jesus  Christ 
being  at  Capernaum,  and  speaking  to  the  same  people,  who  were  still 
amazed  at  the  miracle  which  he  had  performed,  rebuked  them  for  being 
sensible  only  of  its  temporal  effects,  while  they  neglected  to  apply  it  to 
their  eternal  salvation.  This  reproach  not  only  establishes  the  miracle,  but 
also  gives  it  additional  dignity,  by  exhibiting  the  design  which  Jesus  chiefly 
had  in  view  in  performing  it,  viz.  his  heavenly  doctrine.  It  is,  therefore, 
impossible,  either  to  oppose  such  strong  evidence,  or  to  lessen  the  credit 
of  a  miracle  which  had  the  testimony  of  nearly  or  quite  eight  thousand 
persons  (reckoning  the  women  and  children  at  2500  or  3000),  and  which 
is  so  necessarily  connected  with  other  facts  equally  public  and  true. 

The  same  remarks  are  applicable  to  the  subsequent  feeding  of  four 
thousand  men  besides  women  and  children,  related  in  Matt.  xv.  32 — 3S. 

3.  Equally  remarkable  are  the  circumstances  attending  the 
Healing  of  the  Paralytic  (Matt.  ix.  2 — 8.  Markii.  3 — 12. 
Luke  v.  18 — 26.),  -which  are  such  as  to  convince  every  reason- 
able person. 

This  miracle  was  wrought  in  the  presence  of  many  witnesses,  some  of 
whom  were  secretly  enemies  to  Christ,  and  jealous  of  his  fame.  The  man- 
ner in  which  they  presented  the  sick  of  the  palsy  is  unparalleled,  and  at 
the  same  time  shows  the  confidence  they  placed  in  his  power  and  good- 
ness, as  well  as  the  desire  of  the  paralytic,  and  of  the  four  men  who  bore 
him  on  his  bed  or  couch.  When  they  could  not  come  nigh  because  of  the 
multitude,  they  went  up  on  the  house-top,  and  uncovered  the  roof  of  the  apart- 
ment where  Jesus  was  :  and  when  they  had  broken  it  up,  they  let  him  down 
through  the  tiling,  with  his  conch,  'into  the  midst,  before  Jesus.  The 
manner  in  which  he  addressed  the  paralytic  is  still  more  striking  Jesus 
began  with  the  remission  of  his  sins  (which  did  not  seem  to  be  the  object 
of  the  man's  petition)  without  saying  any  thing  of  his  malady,  with  which 
both  he  and  his  supporters  were  wholly  affected.  Jesus,  seeing  their  faith. 
taith  unto  the  sick  of  the  pilsy,  Son,  be  of  good  cheer,  thy  sins  be  forgiven 
thee.  But  there  were  certain  of  the  Scribes  and  Pliarisees  si/tin"  there  • 
and  reasoning  in  their  hearts,  they  said  within  themselves,  This  man  bias- 
nhemeth.  This  secret,  accusation  of  blasphemy,  on  the  partof  the  Scribes 
and  Pharisees,  proves  that  they  had  no  idea  of  any  such  thing  before  the 
•?venl :  Jesus,  after  replying  to  the  reasonings  in  their  hearts,  commanded 
?he  man  to  take  up  his  couch  and  walk.  And  immediately  he  rose  up  be- 
fore them  all,  and  took  ua  the  bed  whereon  he  la.,,  and  departed  to  his  own 
house,  glorifying  God.  The  astonishing  nature  of  this  miracle  extorted  the 
admiration  of  all  who  behi  11  it,  ami  they  exclaimed,  We  never  saw  it  on 
this  Jashion. 

4.  While  the  mirar-les  of  Jesus  were  acts  of  benevolence  and 

»  Wakefield's  Internal  Rvidpnces  of  Christianity,  p.  112. 

--  Matt.  xiv.  15—21.     Mark  vi.  'r» — 44.     John  vi.  5—13. 

»  The  observations  of  the  evangelist  (_Vb?/)  there  was  much  grass  in  the 
place,  Jbhnvi.  9.)  not  only,  shows  that  he  was  an  eye-witness  of  the  mira- 
cle, but  also  indicates  the  time  when  it  was  performed,  viz.  in  the  month 
nf  February  or  March,  when  the  grass  is  at  its  perfection  in  Syria.  Mac- 
knight,  in  loc. 

*  Townsend's  New  Tesianient  arranged,  &c.  vol.  i.  p.  200.  Mr.  Faber, 
in  his  Difficulties  of  Infidelity  (pp.  240,  ?t'.),  has  some  forcible  remarks  on 
'his  miracle,  proving  th  tt  ihere  could  be  .leither  fraud  nor  collusion  in  it. 


compassion,  they  at  the  same  time  served  to  convey  his  instruc 
tions  with  the  greater  meaning  and  dignity. 

To  overturn  prejudices  fostered  by  false  notions  of  religion,  strengthen 
ed  by  age,  and  sanctioned  by  the  example  of  persons  in  authority,  and  to 
substitute  good  principles  in  their  place,  must  be  a  matter  of  great  delicacy, 
and  will  always  require  the  most  vigorous  exertions.  This  was  the  great 
object  of  the  parables  of  Jesus :  it  was  a  principal  object  of  his  whole 
ministry,  and  with  infinite  propriety  entered  into  his  miracles.  The  pre- 
judices of  the  Jews  against  his  person,  among  other  things,  made  it  ne- 
cessary that  he  should  work  miracles.  There  were  also  prejudices,  so 
deeply  rooted  in  the  minds  of  the  Jews,  that  no  power  less  than  that  of 
miracles  could  be  supposed  to  combat  them  with  any  probability  of  sue 
cess,  and  against  which  we  find  particular  miracles  opposed.  That  ca 
lamities  are  always  the  offspring  of  crimes  is  one  prejudice  which  the 
depraved  nature  of  man  is  but  too  prone  to  indulge;  and  the  Jews,  in  the 
time  of  Christ,  were  greatly  under  the  power  of  this  prejudice.  We  are 
told,  in  the  gospel  history,  of  some  who  came  to  Jesus  under  this  influence, 
telling  him  of  certain  Galilceans,  whose  blood  Pilate  had  mingled  with  their 
sacrifices  (Luke  xiii.  1.) ;  and  on  that  occasion,  he  exposed  the  danger  and 
absurdity  of  the  error  by  a  plain  illustration.  On  occasion  of  seeing  a 
man  who  had  been  born  blind,  the  disciples  of  Jesus  fell  into  the  same  mis- 
take, and  asked  him,  Who  did  sin,  this  man  or  his  parents,  that  he  tea* 
born  blind?  (John  ix.  1,  2.)  Jesus,  in  a  moment,  solved  the  difficulty,  by 
giving  him  the  use  of  his  sight.  He  did  so  without  going  out  of  his  ordi- 
nary course.  Miracles  were  a  part  of  his  work,  and  his  compassion  always 
prompted  him;  but  the  occasion  called  for  an  extraordinary  interposition, 
and  the  miraculous  cure  was  the  most  effectual  expedient  for  forcing  an 
access  to  hearts,  fenced  by  prejudice  against  the  common  feelings  of  hu- 
manity. 

The   MlHACLE   OP   GIVING  SlGHT  TO  THE  MAN  WHO  HAD  BEEN  BORN  BLIND, 

related  in  the  ninth  chajiler  of  the  Gospel  of  John,  is  one  of  the  most  illus- 
trious miracles  wrought  by  Christ,  on  account  of  the  reluctant  but  dis- 
tinct testimony  to  its  reality,  which  was  given  by  the  Jews,  after  they  had 
done  every  thing  in  their  power  (though  without  success)  to  discover,  if 
possible,  any  circumstance  which  could  have  enabled  them  to  question  or 
deny  it. 

As  this  miracle  has  been  the  subject  of  particular  cavil  by  Rousseau,  on 
the  ground  that  there  is  a  gradation  in  it  which  does  not  suit  with  a  super, 
natural  operation  or  miracle  (two  of  whose  characters  or  criteria  are  in- 
stantaneity  in  its  performance,  and  independence  on  second  causes) ;  and 
as  the  cavil  of  that  eloquent  but  seductive  and  licentious  infidel  has  been 
adopted,  without  acknowledgment,  by  later  opposers  of  revelation,  it  de- 
mands a  distinct  examination. 

Taking  it  for  granted,  that  the  reader  has  perused  the  narrative  in 
question,  the  noble  simplicity  of  which,  together  with  its  circumstantiality, 
and  the  natural  and  graphic  delineations  of  the  workings  of  the  human 
heart,  are  all  so  many  proofs  of  the  credibility  and  veracity  of  the  writer,- 
we  proceed  to  offer  some  remarks  on  this  miracle. 

[i.]  In  the  first  place,  then,  the  man,  on  whom  it  was  performed,  had 
not  become  blind  by  any  accident  that  admits  of  relief.  He  was  certainly 
bom  blind.  All  who  knew  him  were  witnesses  of  it;  and  lie  had  become 
very  generally  known  by  sitting  and  begging  on  the  public  road.  His  pa- 
rents, as  we  shall  afterwards  have  occasion  to  take  notice,  affirmed  the 
same  to  the  Pharisees,  though  they  dreaded  their  displeasure,  and  did  not 
care  to  defend  a  miracle,  the  fame  of  which  men  in  power  were  desirous, 
if  possible,  to  suppress. 

[ii.]  Secondly,  the  man  did  not  ask  to  be  restored  to  his  sight  as  some 
others  did,  who  had  accidentally  become  blind  Thus,  there  was  no  room 
for  suspicion  on  his  part.  And  Jesus  Christ,  after  having  sent  him  to  the 
pool  of  Siloam,  did  not  wait  for  his  return  to  receive  the  glory  of  such  a 
miracle  ;  so  that  the  blind  man,  on  receiving  sight,  did  not  know  who  the 
person  was  that  had  cured  him,  or  whither  he  had  gone.  There  was 
therefore  no  possibility  of  collusion  in  the  transaction. 

[hi.]  Thirdly,  the  very  question  proposed  by  the  disciples,  which  occa- 
sioned the  miracle,  is  a  proof  that  the  man's  blindness  was  from  his  birth  ; 
but  the  answer,  as  we  have  already  intimated,  was  so  little  conformable 
to  their  notions,  or  to  those  of  the  Jews,  their  contemporaries,  that  it  is 
impossible  that  it  could  ever  have  entered  their  minds,  if  they  had  not 
heard  it  from  his  lips.  Jesus,  in  his  reply,  did  not  attribute  the  natural 
defect  of  the  blind  man  to  a  particular  providence,  but  added,  that  it  was 
for  the  glory  of  his  Father,  who  sent  him,  and  also  to  manifest  his  works, 
that  this  man  was  born  blind,  in  order  to  be  cured.  Who  ever  spoke  thus  1 
For,  let  it  be  observed,  that  Christ  did  not  speak  thus  after  the  success, 
but  exposed  himself  to  be  contradicted  (according  to  the  opinion  of  men) 
by  him,  who,  he  says,  had  sent  him,  when  he  declared  the  future  proof  of 
his  mission. 

[iv.]  In  the  fourth  place,  consider  the  mode  employed  for  giving  the 
man  sight :  he  laboured  under  an  incurable  blindness.  The  opacity  of  the 
crystalline  humour,  which  is  called  a  cataract,  and  the  imperfect  or  pe- 
riodical gutta  serena,  which  does  not  wholly  deprive  of  sight,  or  only  at 
certain  times,  are  maladies  of  the  eye,  that  in  some  cases  admit  of  a  cure, 
which  depends  upon  a  variety  of  precautions,  preparations,  and  remedies, 
that  (if  successful)  takes  effect  only  with  time,  and  in  most  cases  very 
imperfectly.  But  no  precautions  or  preparations  whatever  were  em- 
ployed in  the  cure  of  the  man  born  blind.  Though  a  cataract  may  be  re- 
duced, or  an  accidental  or  periodical  gutta  serena  may  be  cured,  a  total 
blindness,  when  inveterate  and  from  the  biith,  is  incurable.  Such  has 
been  the  prevalent  opinion  in  every  age.  Aristotle'  (whom  we  quote  only 
as  a  witness  to  the  sentiments  of  his  own  time)declares  that  it  is  impossible 
for  one  born  blind  lo  receive  sight.  The  Jews  admitted  this  truth  as  a  prin- 
ciple generally  known.  Since  the  world  began,  they  said,  it  was  never 
heard  that  any  man  opened  the  eyes  of  one  who  was  born  blind.  (John  ix.  32.) 
Medical  men  in  modern  times  (it  is  well  known)  are  of  the  same  opinion  ; 
and  infidelity  never  could  produce  an  example  of  blindness,  absolute  and 
continued  ft  om  the  birth,  that  was  cured  by  the  assistance  of  art.  Such 
being  the  circumstances  of  this  men's  caae,  was  it  natural  to  imagine  that 
clay  put  on  his  eyes  should  restore  him  to  sight  1  Could  any  one  have 
framed  such  an  expedient,  so  improbable,  so  contrary  to  the  effect  de- 
sired, so  proper  for  destroying  Hie  sight,  if  the  power  and  wisdom  of  Jesus 
Christ  had  hot  employed  it,  and  imparted  the  requisite  viriue  to  U  ?• 
Moreover,  is  it  iikely  that  a  person  who  had  been  born  blind,  and  hud  con- 
tinued so  from  his  birth  lo  manhood,  should  so  easily  credit  what  Jesus 
said  to  him  ;  that  he  should  obey  him  so  punctually  ;  that  he  should  e.\- 


»  Cited  by  Casaubon  on  John  ix.  1.  (Critic.  Sac r  -m.  vii.  part  iii  p.  187.) 
Other  passages  from  the  ancient  classic  author  are  re'  'uced  by  M  etstein, 
on  John  ix.  1.     Nov.  Test.  vol.  i.  p.  902. 

«  For  the  reason  why  Jesus  Christ  employed  the  m.-jns  Is  did, 
this  man  sight,  see  p.  100  supra. 


>  giv* 


Sect.  II.) 


PROOFS  OF  THEIR  INSPIRATION. 


I  Oft 


pose  himself  to  piiDiic  ridicule,  by  Carrying  (he  clay  "n  Mi  evi 
causing  himself  to  be  conducted  to  the  pool  of  Siloam,  with  the  DO] 
being  restored  to  bis  sight  1   Is  u  ool  such  u  docility  truly  astonishing  I  And 
how  could  any  such  thing  be  imagined  on  ins  pari  before  It  happened  1 

[v.]  Lastly,  the  miracle  was  performed  in  the  public  street,  and  111  the 
presence  of  many  persons,  and  ws    Immediately  subjected  ti 
scrutiny  that  can  well  be  conceived.    Ifwi  had  heard  of  each  a  miracle,  we 
ahoold  n't  have  given  credit  to  so  surprising  a  relation,  till  ire  had  Inquired 

who  the  man  was  on  whom  it  was  said  to  have  heeu  wrought  I   Whether,  in 

fact,  lie  bad  been  born  blind  I    v\  bother  be  actually  was  blind  at  the  lime 
when  Jeaua  met  himl   And  whether  ll  afterwardi  appeared  that  be  really 
was  cured  1   ah  these  Inquiries  we  should  certainly  have  made  oui 
•  r  have  been  well  informed  that  they  hud  been  made  by  credible  people, 
before  w<  would  have  believed  the  mirai  le.    And  II  im  would  have  made 

hi    a  inquiries,  can  il  reasonablj  be  supposed  thai  they  were  not  an by 

i who  lived  hi  that  timet  or  that  they  would  have  admitted  that  won- 

di-i  i ill  fact  "ii  easier  evidence  than  we  wooJd  have  done  i  Now  we  knew 
that  these  verj  inquiries  wen  made  by  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees,  and 
terminated  In  full  proof.  They  sent  lor  bis  parents,  who  declared  thai 
their  son  waa  born  blind.  He  was  himself  interrogated,  threatened  with 
iimicaiion,  and  ultimately  cast  oui  of  the  synagogue;  and,  after 
examining  the  affair  to  the  bottom,  the  ti  nth  of  the  uuracle  waaeata 

beyond  the  po  sibllity  of  contradict ,    On  the  one  aide  there  appears 

nothing  but  pat  ion  and  calumny ;  on  the  other,  nothing  bul  what  la  simple, 

ii  i  enf,  and  infinitely  surpassing  the  low  jealousy  and  malice  ol 

utmost  efforts  only  rendered  the  truth  more  evident, 

ami  added  thai  testimony  Which  they  would  have  gladly  wrested  t'mm  it,  if 

k  had  been  possible. 

The  reasoning  of  the  man  who  was  cured  is  unanswerable — lie  know 
■  :h  not  sinners — since  the  world  began  tens  ii  not  heard  that 
mi  1/  man  opened  the  eyes  of  one  that  teas  born  blind.  If  this  man  were 
not  of  Hod,  lie  could  do  nothing.  (John  ix.  31 — 33.) » 

5.  Equally  remarkable  with  the  preceding  miracle  is  that 
wrought  at  Jerusalem  by  the  apostle  Peter,  in  company  with 
John,  on  a  Max  who  had  biz*  lame  from  his  Birth  ;  and 
which  was  subjected  to  a  similar  rigorous  scrutiny. 

The  Seconal  is  given  hi  the  third  chapter  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
with  every  mark  of  veracity  and  genuineness.  All  the  circumstances  are 
so  connected  together,  and  bo  inseparable;  the  place,  the  time,  and  the 
persons,  all  correspond  together  with  such  exactness,  that  we  cannot  ad- 
mit a  part  without  being  forced  to  acknowledge  the  whole.  In  this  miracle, 
the  reader  will  take  notice, — 

( i  |  Fiust,  of  the  publicity  of  the  lame  man's  person  and  condition. 

Fie  had  been  lame  from  his  birth,  and  was  then  forty  years  old.  He  was, 
»er,  well  known  to  all  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem,  having  been 
carried  daily  to  that  gate  of  the  temple  which  was  most  frequented  to  re- 
■  eive  alms.  The  time  of  the  day  when  the  miracle  was  performed  was 
thai  of  public  prayer,  when  the  evening  sacrifice  was  offered,  when  there 
was  the  greatest  number  of  persons  present  who  were  assembled  from 
different  parts  of  the  city. 

[il.]  Secondly,  of  the  manner  in  which  the  miracle  was  wrougkt. 

Ii  waS  instantaneous,  and  was  so  perfect,  that  the  lame  man  could  not 
only  walk,  but  stood  and  leaped  for  joy,  while  he  praised  God,  and  testified 
his  gratitude  to  Peter  and  John. 

[Hi.]  TniRDLY,  of  the  severe  examination  which  the  transaction  under- 
went. 

I!<  'i  Ii  the  man  who  had  been  healed,  and  the  apostles,  are  dragged  before 
the  tribunal  of  the  ecclesiastical  rulers.  They  are  most  closely  interro- 
respecting  the  fact.  They  assert  the  reality  of  the  miracle  ;  they  de- 
clare that  it  was  in  the  name  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth  that  the  man  was  made 
whole— of  that  Jesus  whom  those  rulers  had  crucified  What  discoveries 
do  the  chief  priests  make  7  The  apostles  are  in  their  hands.  The  man 
who  had  been  lame  is  himself  standing  by.  They  are  vested  with  full 
power,  is  magistrates,  to  take  cognisance  of  the  matter.  If  there  be  de- 
ceit, it  must  he  detected.  But  no  discovery  is  made  ;  and  immediately  af- 
terwarda  five  thousand  Jews  are  converted,  and  embrace  the  Gospel  in 
consequence  of  what  they  had  seen  performed,  and  ina  case  where  ft  was 
morally  Impossible  thai  they  should  havi  ved. 

Besides  the  miracles  related  in  the  cure  of  diseases,  there 
are  three  remarkable  examples,  recorded  by  the  evangelists, 
in  which  Jesus  Christ  raised  the  dead  to  life  ;  viz.  the  daugh- 
ter of  Jairus,  a  ruler  of  the  Jewish  synagogue,  the  son  of  a 
widow  at  Nain,  and  Lazarus,  the  brother  of  Martha  and 
Mary.  How  many  examples  of  the  same  kind  occurred  dur- 
ing his  personal  ministry  is  Dot  related  ;  though,  from  his 
message  to  John  (Matt.  xi.  5.),  it  is  probable  that  there  were 
other  instances.  But  these  which  the  evangelists  have  re- 
corded were  certainly  not  the  least  striking  or  important. 

6.  The  Raising  of  the  Daughter  of  Jairus  to  like,  m 
recorded  by  three  of  the  evangelists,1  and  the  circumstances 
related  by   them  are  in  utmost  every  point  exactly  the  same. 

Jairus  applies  to  Christ,  in  the  midst  of  a  great  multitude  of  people. 
Prostrating  himself  at  his  feci,  Jairus  beaoughi  him  to  come  to  his  house 
.in  i  heal  his  daughter,  who  was  at  the  lasl  extremity.  Jesus  listened  to  his 

1 1  quest,  and  on  his  way  was  followed  by  the  multitude.  A  miracle  of  a  dif- 
ferent kind  waa  performed  at  that  moment  (for  all  the  three  evangelists 
connected  it  with  his  progress  to  the  house  of  Jairus),  by  the  Instan- 
is  cure  of  an  inveterate  disease,  in  a  person  who  only  secretly 
touched  the  hem  of  his  garment ;  a  circumstance  which  rendered  the 
miracle  so  much  the  more  a  subject  of  observation  to  the  multitude,  when 
the  person  who  was  healed  was  publicly  questioned  on  what  she  had  done. 

At  the  same  instant  Jairus  was  informed  by 
icr  was  dead,  in  order  to  prevent  him  from  farther  Importuning  our  Lord, 
whose  visit  to  his  house  they  linn  considered  as  completely  nnnei 
and  useless."    Our  Lord,  aware  of  this  message,  encouraged  Jairus  not- 


'  Claparede's  Considerations  on  the  Miracles  of  the  Gospel,  part.  ii.  ch.  4. 

»  Matt.  ix.  18— 06.   Mark  v.  28— 43.   Luke  vtti.  41— 66. 

1  Matthew's  narrative  might  have  led  us  to  have  supposed  her  to  have 

been  dead  when  Jairus  first  addressed  our  Lord,  if  it  were  not  obvious 

that,  omitting  several  circumstances,  which  are  mentioned  by  the  other 

lists,  he  begins  his  relation  at  the  time  when  the  father  knew  that 

she  was  dead,  and  places  the  circumstances  in  his  narrative  after  that  time. 

Vol.  L  i 


withstanding  to  rely  on  him,  and  went  steadi.y  on  towards  nis  house,  with 
tin'  multitude  attending  him.  All  the  customary  and  noisy  lamentations  fol 
i  v.ere  already  began;  and  our  Lord  found  it  necessary,  for  the 
quiet  ol  the  family,  to  remove  the  mourners,  who  went  forth  fully  pre- 
pare.! to  attest  to  ihe  people  without,  the  certainty  of  the  death,  after  having 
heard  with  scorn  what  they  consideredasadoubtonihe  subject,  and  what 
nur  Lord  intended  as  an  intimation  of  the  maid's  immediate  restoration  to 
hte  Potting  them  forth  amoog  the  multitude,  he  retained  with  him  the 
father  and  mother  of  the  dead  young  woman,  and  three  of  bis  disciples ;  j 
-nth.  lent  number  to  witness  and  relate  the  circumstances  of  her  restora- 
tion. In  their  presence  "her  spirit  came  again, ".at  our  Lord's  command. 
The  efll  illy  produced  by  Me  almighty  word;  and  was  verified 

to  the  conviction  <>f  every  individual,  who  saw  her  immediately  receiving 
food,  as  a  person  in  the  rail  possession  of  life  end  health.  The  event  was 
understood  by  the  whole  multitude  ;  and  the  evangelist  Matthew  relates, 
"that  the  lame  thereol  wen(  abroad  throughout  all  the  land."  (Matt.  ix. 
•j'i.)  The  person  m  whose  family  this  miracle  was  done  was  sufficiently 
distinguished,  as  a  ruler  ol  the  synagogue,  to  render  such  a  remarkable 
event  a  subject  of  general  attention  \  and  though  all  the  circumstances  in 
the  narrative  nave  the  ■■■  pectofthe  most  natural  an. I  unexpected  occur- 
rences, which  could  neither  have  bi  en  combined  by  human  contrivance, 

nor  anticipated  by  human  foresight,  no  circumstance  was   wanting,  either 

to  ascertain  the  reality  of  the  miracle,  or,  without  any  apparent  ostentation 
or  design,  to  give  It  the  most  unquestionable  publicity. * 

7.  To  the  circumstances  of  the  Raising  of  the  Widow's 
8ox  from  tiif.  Dead,  at  N a i  x  (Luke  vii.  11  — 15.),  ->ve  have 
already  had  occasion  to  refer,  as  illustrating  the  benevolence  of 
Jesus  Christ.*  In  addition  to  the  observations  alluded  to,  we 
may  notice  the  circumstances  under  which  this  miracle  was 
performed. 

Christ  was  coming  from  Capernaum,  where  he  bad  healed  the  servant 
of  the  centurion.  On  approa.:  hing  the  gate  of  the  city,  be  net  the  funeral 
procession.     The  fact  of  the  young  man's  diati  -pota- 

ble. "The  widowed  mother  of  an  only  son  would  not  be  precipitate  in 
performing  these  melancholy  rites:  the  proofs  of  death  must  have  been 
sadly  satisfactory,  before  she  proceeded  to  pay  this  last  debt  of  parental 
fuderness."  The  tomb  was  prepared,  and  a  considerable  number  ol  her 
townsmen  were  accompanying  the  widowed  mother  thither,  beside  a  mul- 
titude of  persons  who  were  following  Jesus  on  his  way  from  Capernaum. 
It  was  impossible  that  any  miracle  could  have  been  performed  under  cir- 
cumstances of  greater  publicity,  or  more  instantaneously,  or  where  the 
facts  related  were  more  easy  to  be  detected,  if  there  had  been  any  sus- 
picion of  fraud  or  deceit ;  especially  when  we  know  that  the  rumour  of  this 
miracle  was  immediately  spread  through  all  the  adjacent  country.  Jesus 
came  and  touched  the  bier,  on  which  the  corpse  was  laid,  according  to  the 
custom  of  that  age  and  country,  with  a  mantle  thrown  over  it ;  and  they 
that  bare  him  stood  still.  And  he  said.  Young  man,  I  say  unto  thee, 
Arise  !  And  lie  that  was  dead  sat  up  and  bfgan  to  speak  ;  and  he  deliver- 
ed him  to  his  mother.  And  there  came  a  fear  on  all,  and  they  glorified 
God,  saying,  A  great  prophet  has  risen  up  among  us,  and  God  hath  visit- 
ed his  people.  This  rumour  of  him  went  forth  throughout  all  Judea.  and 
throughout  the  region  round  about.    (Luke  vii    14 — 17.) 

8.  The  Resurrection  of  Lazarus  is  related  (John  ii.) 
more  minutely  than  either  of  the  two  preceding  miracles,  ana 
from  the  particularity  of  the  circumstances  related,  it  acquires 

additional  interest  and  publicity. 

[i.]  While  Jesus  was  beyond  Jordan,  in  Perea,  the  sisters  nf  Lazaroa 
sent  an  express  to  trim,  with  this  message,—  Lord,  he  whom  thou  lottst  is 
sick.  After  hearing  this  intelligence,  he  remained  two  days  longer  in  the 
same  place,  and  then  said  to  his  disciples,  I.it  us  return  into  Judrra ; 
Lazarus  is  dead.  Then  when  Jesus  came  into  Bethany,  he  found  thai 
Lazarus  had  been  in  Ihe  grave  four  days  already  (John  xi.  6,7.  17.)  Itistc 
be  observed  that  while  he  was  in  Persea  he  said  to  his  apostles,  Lazarus  is 
dead  :  so  that  Jesus  neither  did  nor  could  learn  how  long  Lazarus  had  been 
in  the  grave,  from  the  testimony  of  one  of  his  sisters.  The  delay  also  of 
the  journey  from  Galilee  to  Bethany  must  not  be  overlooked.  By  that  delay 
tlie  miracle  became  more  bright,  and  its  truth  and  reality  more  deter 
mined. 

[ii.]  The  scene  of  it  furnishes  another  circumstance  extremely  favourable 
for  promoting  the  same  end.  ll  was  not  laid  in  Jerusalem,  where  the  minds 
nf  men  might  be  supposed  to  be  held  in  awe,  or  biassed  by  power,  where 
the  miracle  might  be  charged  wilh  ostentation,  and  where  personal  preju- 
dices were  triumphant  Nor  was  it  laid  in  a  desert,  where  there  might  be 
suspicion  of  deceit,  but  at  the  distance  of  only  two  short  miles  from  Jeru- 
salem. 

The  precise  time  of  Christ's  arrival  at  Bethany  is  a  circumstance  that 
must  be  viewed  in  Ihe  same  linht.  His  coining  so  late  destroys  all  suspi- 
cious of  any  concert  It  gave  bis  enemies  an  opportunity  of  observing  the 
Whole  trail-act  ii. 1 1  ;  as  the  season  was,  of  all  others,  the  fittest  for  finding  ac- 
cess to  their  minds.  By  this  time,  the  sisters  of  Lazarus  were  receiving 
the  consolatory  visits  of  their  neighbours  and  friends: — Many  of  the  Jews 
had  come  to  Martha  and  Mary,  to  comfort  them  concerning  their  brother. 
Jesus  himself  approaches,  and  mingles  wilh  Ihe  company  as  a  mourner 
and  friend.  When  Jesus,  therefore,  saw  ihe  Jews  also  weeping,  who  had 
followed  Mary  out  of  the  house,  he  groaned  in  spirit,  and  was  troubled 
He  was  ut„t,r  no  necessity  of  affecting  the  appearance  of  sorrow,  for  he 
felt  it— Jesuswept ;  and  the  reality  both  of  his  sympathy  and  sorrow  did  not 
tail  to  make  him  an  object  of  regard.  Then  said  the  Jews,  Behold  how  he 
lored  him.  Every  thing  concurred  to  excite  expectation  and  scrutiny  from 
the  malice  of  some  of  the  Jews  who  were  present,  which  caused  them  to 
insinuate  artefectin  the  power  or  goodness  of  Jesus.  Some  of  tlimi  said, 
Could  not  this  man,  which  opened  the  eyes  of  the  blind,  have  caused  that 
even  this  man  should  not  hare  died  J 

[iii.]  At  length  Ihey  arrive  at  the  grave.  //  was  a  cave  ;  and  a  stone  lay 
upon  it,  which  Jesus  commanded  to  be  removed,  for  he  exerted  his  miracn 
lous  power  only  in  cases  where  second  causes  were  inadequate.  Thi 
stone  might  be  removed  by  the  hand  of  man  :  therefore,  Jesus  ordered  il 
to  be  removed.  This  circumstance  would  excite  the  greater  attention,  as 
the  objection  felt  by  Martha  to  the  execution  of  this  command  (ver.39.) 
most  evidently  shows,  that  death  had  indubitably  taken  place;  and  from 
the  time  he  had  been  buried,  especially  under  the  influence  of  so  warm  a 
climate,  it  is  certain  that  those  changes  of  mortality  must  have  pass-.d  upon 
the  frame  to  which  she  alluded.     No  human  means,  however,  coii'd  raise 


*  Sir  H.  M.  Wellwood's  Discourses  on  the  Jewish  and  Christiat   Aevela 
tions,  pp.  416-418.  »  See  p.  101.  supra.  . 


THE  MIRACLES  RELATED  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES, 


100 

Lazarus:  Jesus,  therefore,  interposed  his  miraculous  power  ;  and  after  a 
short  praver,  which  was  expressly  intended  for  the  spectators,  he  cried 
with  a  loildviice,  Lazarus,  come  forth  !  A/id  he  thai  wan  dead  came  forth, 
bound  hand  and  foot  with  g  ra  M  clothes.'-  That  all  present  might  have  the 
fullest  conviction  of  the  reality  of  the  miracle  which  had  thus  been  wrought, 
Jesus  commanded  them  to  loose  him  and  let  him  go. 

[iv.  J  The  witnesses  of  this  miracle  are  likewise  to  be  considered.  1  hough 
some  of  those  who  had  come  to  mourn  with  the  sisters  of  Lazarus  were  the 
friends  of  Christ  and  his  apostles,  the  evangelical  narrative  informs  us  that 
others  were  not  friendly  to  Christ  and  his  Gospel.  Many  of  these,  how- 
having  witnessed  the  transaction,  believed  on  hiin  ;  but  others,  who 
DOI  uniting  to  be  his  disciples,  though  they  found  it  impossible  to  re- 
ject or  to  deny  the  miracle  which  had  been  wrought,  went  their  way  to  the 
ees  and  told  them  what  Jesus  had  done.  The  Pharisees  themselves 
could  not  contradict  the  miracle,  though  they  were  interested  in  denying  it. 
A  council  of  the  chief  priests  and  Pharisees  was  convened.  They  did  ven- 
ture to  examine  the  miracle,  as  they  had  done  in  the  case  of  the  man  who 
had  been  born  blind.— The  consideration  of  Lazarus  and  of  his  sisters,  who 
were  not  mean  persons,— the  number  of  the  witnesses,  who  were  also  per- 
sons of  distinction,  and  who  had  filled  Jerusalem  with  the  news  at  their  re- 
turn,—and  the  fear  of  adding  a  further  degree  of  evidence  to  a  miracle 
which  they  were  desirous  of  suppressing, — all  these  circumstances  aug- 
mented their  indignation  against  Jesus,  and  determined  them  to  put  him  to 
death,  and  thus  terminate  his  miracles.  They  said,  What  do  we,  for  this 
man  doth  many  miracles!  If  we  let  him  thus  alone,  all  men  will  believe 
on  him :  and  the  Romans  will  come  and  take  away  both  our  place  and 
nation. 

If  any  additional  evidence  were  wanting  to  confirm  this  miracle,  it  might 
be  added  that,  after  the  resurrection  of  Lazarus,  and  six  days  before  the 
passover,  Jesus  came  to  Bethany,  where  he  supped  with  Lazarus  and  his 
sisters ;  and  much  people  of  the  Jews  knew  that  he  icas  at  Bethany,  and 
they  came  from  Jerusalem  thither,  not  for  Jesus'  sake  only,  but  that  they 
might  see  Lazarus  also,  whom  he  had  raised  from  the  dead.  But  the 
chief  priests  consulted  that  they  might  put  Lazarus  to  death ;  because  that 
by  reason  of  him  many  of  the  Jews  went  away  and  believed  on  Jesus. 
(John  xii.  1,  2.  9 — 11.)  The  curiosity  of  those  who  came  to  Bethany,  and 
their  belief  in  Christ,  are  natural  consequences  of  the  truth  of  Lazarus's 
resurrection,  which  could  not  but  enrage  the  priests  and  Pharisees,  who 
were  the  enemies  of  Christ;  and  their  determination  to  put  Lazarus  to 
death,  shows  the  desperation  to  which  the  publicity  of  the  miracle  drove 
them.  The  resurrection  of  Lazarus  was  also  one  reason  why,  on  the  fol- 
lowing day,  much  people  that  were  come  to  the  feast  (of  the  passover)  when 
they  heard  that  Jesus  was  coming  to  Jerusalem  took  branches  of  palm- 
trees,  and  went  forth  to  meet  him,  and  cried,  Blessed  is  the  King  of  Israel 
that  cometh  in  the  name  of  the  Lord.  The  people,  therefore,  that  was  with 
him  when  he  called  Lazarus  out  of  his  grave,  and  raised  him  from  the 
dead,  bare  record.  For  this  cause  the  people  met  him,  for  that  they  heard 
that  he  had  done  this  miracle.  The  Pharisees,  therefore,  said  among  them- 
selves, Perceive  ye  how  ye  prevail  nothing,  by  your  threatenings  or  ex- 
communications ?  Behold,  the  world  is  gone  after  him, — the  whole  mass 
of  the  people  are  becoming  his  disciples.  (John  xii.  12,  13.17 — 19.)  Is  it  pos- 
sible to  deny  that  Christ  made  his  entry  into  Jerusalem  in  the  manner  re- 
lated by  the  evangelists,  while  many  persons  were  living  who  had  actually 
witnessed  it  7  Can  we  separate  so  notorious  an  event  from  the  important 
circumstances  which  are  blended  with  it  in  the  evangelical  narration'? 
And  can  a  more  natural  reason  be  assigned  for  such  a  concourse  and 
triumph  than  the  resurrection  of  Lazarus,  ofwhich  many  were  witnesses, 
and  which  the  whole  multitude  already  believed  to  be  a  true  miracle'? 

[v.]  It  has  every  character  of  a  miracle  :  for  it  was  sensible  and  easy  to 
be  observed.  Lazarus  had  been  dead,  he  was  alive ; — two  facts  which, 
taken  separately,  are  of  the  most  common  sort,  and  concerning  which 
many  persons  had  the  utmost  certainty.  Itwas  instantaneously  and  pub- 
licly performed  before  credible  witnesses.  On  Christ  saying,  Lazarus, 
come  forth!  Lazarus  resumed  life  j  and  the  testimony  of  the  witnesses,  es- 
pecially of  adversaries,  is  the  most  explicit  that  can  be  imagined  or  desired. 
— It  was  independent  of  second  causes.  The  effect  has  no  affinity  in  na- 
ture with  the  sign  that  accompanies  it.  What  affinity  in  nature,  what  physi- 
cal proportion  is  there,  between  the  resurrection  of  Lazarus  and  the  pro- 
nunciation of  the  words, — Lazarus,  come  forth!  Lastly,  the  end  was  im- 
portant ;  for  it  was  to  attest  the  divine  mission  of  the  Son  of  God.» 

IX.  But  the  most  remarkable  miracle  of  all  is  the  resur- 
rection of  Jesus  Christ  from  the  dead,  which  lies  at  the 
very  foundation  of  Christianity.  If  this  fails,  the  Christian 
religion  cannot  be  maintained,  or  may  beproved  to  be  false. 
If  Christ  be  not  risen,  argues  Paul  of  Tarsus,  then  is  our 
preaching  vain,  your  faith  also  is  vain.  (1  Cor.  xv.  14.)  On 
the  other  hand,  if  this  holds  good,  the  divine  mission  and 
authority  of  the  founder  of  our  noly  religion  are  established. 
To  this  he  himself  appealed,  as  the  great  and  ultimate  proof, 
which  was  to  convince  mankind  that  he  was  what  he  pro- 
fessed himself  to  be — the  Son  of  God,  the  Saviour  of  the 
world.  If  we  peruse  the  history  of  that  event,  we  must  con- 
clude either  that  he  arose,  or  that  his  disciples  stole  his  body 
away.  The  more  we  consider  the  latter  alternative,  the  more 
impossible  it  appears.  Every  time,  indeed,  that  Jesus  Christ 
attempted  to  perform  a  miracle,  he  risked  his  credit  on  its 

i  The  question  has  been  asked,  How  could  a  man  come  out  of  a  grave 
who  was  bound  hand  and  fool  ?  To  this  inquiry  of  the  unbeliever  a  satis- 
factory answer  may  be  returned.  We  learn  from  Josephus,  and  also  from 
such  travellers  as  have  visited  Palestine,  that  the  Jewish  sepulchres  were 
generally  caves  or  rooms  hewn  out  of  rocks.  The  Jews,  therefore,  as  they 
did  not  mak.3  use  of  coffins  in  burying  their  dead,  generally  placed  their 
bodies  in  niches,  cut  into  the  sides  of  these  caves  or  rooms.  This  form  of 
the  Jewish  sepulchres  affords  an  easy  solution  of  the  supposed  difficulty. 
The  evangelist  does  not  mean  to  say,  that  Lazarus  walked  out  of  the  sepul- 
chre ;  but  that  lying  on  his  back  in  a  niche,  he  raised  himself  into  a  sitting 
posture,  and  then,  putting  his  legs  over  the  edge  of  his  niche  or  cell,  slid 
down  and  stood  upright  on  the  floor.  All  this  he  might  do,  notwithstanding 
his  arms  were  swathed  with  rollers,  after  the  custom  of  his  countrymen. 
Accordingly,  when  he  thus  came  forth,  Jesus  commanded  them  to  loose 
him  and  let  him  go, — which  circumstance  plainly  indicates  that  the  evange- 
list knew  that  Lazarus  could  not  walk,  till  he  was  unbound.  Macknight's 
Truth  of  the  Gospel  History,  p.  175. 

»  CL\parede's  Considerations  upon  the  Miracles,  partii.  ch.  5. 


[CuiP.  IV. 


accomplishment:  had  he  failed  in  one  instance,  that  would 
have  blasted  his  reputation  for  ever.  The  same  remark  is 
applicable  to  his  predictions :  had  any  one  of  them  failed, 
that  great  character  which  he  had  to  support  would  have  re- 
ceived an  indelible  stain.  Of  all  his  predictions,  there  is 
not  one  on  which  he  and  his  disciples  laid  greater  stress  than 
that  of  his  resurrection.  So  frequently,  indeed,  had  Christ 
publicly  foretold  that  he  would  rise  again  on  the  third  day, 
that  those  persons  who  caused  him  to  be  put  to  death  were 
acquainted  with  this  prediction ;  and,  being  in  power,  used 
every  possible  means  to  prevent  its  accomplishment,  or  any  im- 
position on  the  public  in  that  affair. 

The  importance  of  this  fact  requires  that  we  consider  it 
with  a  little  more '  minuteness  than  the  other  miracles  of 
Jesus  Christ.     We  shall   therefore   examine,   in  the   first 

5 lace,  his  own  Prophetic  Declarations  concerning  Ids 
eath  and  resurrection;  secondly,  the  Evidence  for  the 
Fact,  furnished  by  the  testimony  of  adversaries  to  the  Christian 
Name  and  Faith,-  thirdly,  the  Character  of  the  Apostles 
by  whom  its  reality  is  attested ;  and,  lastly,  the  Miracles 
subsequently  wrought  by  these  witnesses  in  the  name  of 
Christ  after  the  day  of  Pentecost,  which  attest  the  fact  of  His 
resurrection. 

1.  In  the  first  place,  let  us  examine  the  Prophetic  De 
clarations  of  Christ  himself  concerning  his  death  and 
resurrection. 

[L]  All  the  evangelists  unanimously  relate,  that  Christ  re- 
peatedly predicted  the  circumstance  of  his  death  and  resurrection 
to  his  disciples.  It  is  further  worthy  of  remark,  that  those  very 
predictions  are  frequently  intermixed,  either  with  such  circum- 
stances as  do  not,  of  themselves,  enter  easily  into  any  man's 
mind,  or  with  those  which  seem  to  have  no  sort  of  relation  with 
one  another ;  which  proves  that  they  cannot  be  the  imaginary 
conceits  of  a  fertile  fancy,  that  delights  in  the  invention  of  fa- 
bles. It  is  altogether  improbable  that  the  evangelists  should 
have  invented  Christ's  discourse  with  Peter,  concerning  the  suf- 
ferings that  should  certainly  befall  him  at  his  going  up  to  Jeru- 
salem. 

[ii.]  Moreover,  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  Peter  had  just  before 
made  that  noble  confession,  in  the  presence  of  all  the  other  dis- 
ciples— Thou  art  the  Christ,  the  Son  of  the  living  God;  and 
that  Christ  had  crowned  this  admirable  confession  with  that  ex- 
traordinary promise  of  his — Blessed  art  thou,  Simon  Bar-jona : 
for  flesh  and  blood  has  not  revealed  it  unto  thee,  but  my  Fa- 
ther -which  is  in  heaven.  And  I  say  unto  thee,  That  thou  art 
Peter,  and  upon  this  rock  ivill  I  build  my  church,  and  the 
gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it.  (Matt.  xvi.  16 — 18.) 
Immediately  after,  Christ  foretold  what  death  he  was  to  suffer 
from  the  chief  priests  and  scribes,  but  added,  that  he  should  rise 
on  the  third  day.  On  hearing  which,  Peter  rebuked  him,  and 
said,  Be  it  far  from  thee,  0  Lord!  This  shall  not  be  unto 
thee.  But  Jesus  Christ,  instead  of  approving  this  expression  o. 
his  affectionate  concern  for  him,  severely  reproved  his  indiscre- 
tion in  these  words: — Get  thee  behind  me,  Satan;  thou  art  an 
offence  unto  me:  for  thou  savourest  not  the  things  that  be  of 
God,  but  those  that  be  of  men.  (Matt.  xvi.  21 — 23.)  This  his- 
tory seems  to  be  very  natural  and  sincere ;  and  that  mixture  of 
circumstances,  which,  in  all  probability,  have  no  manner  of  rela- 
tion with  one  another,  could  not  of  itself  easily  enter  into  the 
mind  of  any  man.  Peter's  confession  was  excellent;  and  the 
promise  made  to  him  by  Christ  was  extraordinary ;  nay,  the  very 
expression  of  it  implied  something  strange  and  difficult:  but, 
above  all,  it  appears  at  first  sight,  that  Christ  censured  too  se- 
verely the  great  zeal  manifested  by  Peter  for  his  person ;  and  it  does 
not  seem  very  natural  that  he,  who  said  unto  him,  Blessed  art 
thou,  Simon  Bar-jona,  and  who  promised  to  make  him  a  pillar 
in  his  church,  should  almost  immediately  after  say  to  him — 
Get  thee  behind  me,  Satan.  It  is  evident  that  it  was  the  force 
of  truth,  and  not  the  natural  agreement  of  those  circumstances, 
which  obliged  the  evangelist  to  join  them  both  together  in  one 
and  the  same  recital.  What  necessarily  occasions  this  remark 
is,  the  fact  that  Jesus  Christ  had  really  foretold  his  death  am! 
resurrection,  before  he  had  suffered  the  former,  and  before  the 
latter  had  taken  effect. 

[iii.]  But  what  proves  this  fact  more  strongly  than  any  thing 
else,  is,  that  Jesus  Christ,  the  very  day  before  his  passion,  did 
such  a  thing  as  had  never  been  done  before,  and  which,  doubt- 
less, will  never  be  done  again,  viz.  He  instl)  uted  a  memorial  of 
that  death,  which  he  was  just  on  the  p":nt  of  suffering.  He 
foretold  that  he  should  suffer  death  from  the  chief  priests,  the 
scribes,  and  doctors  of  the  law;  which  yet  he  might  easily  have 
avoided,  if  he  would,  by  withdrawing  inlo  another  place.     Bu1 


Sscr.  II.] 


PROOFS  OF  THEIR  INSPIRATION. 


107 


he  rebuked  the  indiscree;  zeal  of  Piter,  who  would  have  diverted 
him  from  that  death:  therefore  he  considered  it  as  an  event 
which  was  to  be  attended  with  the  happiest  ami  moa(  beneficial 
consequences  to  mankind.  Am!  withwhal  happy  conaequencei 
could  bis  death  have  been  attended,  unless  it  was  to  b  L\ 
immediately  followed  by  bis  resurrection  .' 

Jesus,  then,  first  instituted  a  memorial  of  his  death,  and  then 
voluntarily  suffered  it.  He  commanded  that  it  should  be  com- 
memorated, whence  it  is  evident  that  he  regarded  it  as  an  event, 
which  was  i.i  be  the  means  of  our  salvation.  He  foresaw  that 
it  would  be  commemorated:  he  foresaw,  therefore,  what  would 
infallibly  come  to  pass,  and  that,  too,  at  a  time  when  there  was 
but  little  appearance  of  its  ever  happening.  He  did  not  say,  that 
they  should  commemorate  his  death,  only  till  he  rose  again,  but 
until  his  second  coming.  He  foresaw,  therefore,  that  he  should 
speedily  rise  a  fain,  and  thai  after  bis  resurrection  he  should  de- 
part, in  order  to  return  again  at  the  end  of  the  world. 

[iv.]  Besides,  do   reasonable  person  can  imagine,  that  the 

bad  wholly  invented  the  account  of  the  eucharist ; 

for  there  is  a  wide  difference  between  a  doctrine  and  a  practice. 

It  i-;  very  difficult  to  forge  a  doctrine,  because  it  must  be  con- 
certed by  the  consent  of  several  persons;  but  it  is  yet  more  difficult 
to  impose  a  sensible  practice,  a  thing  in  use,  and  as  it  were  a 
speaking  doctrine,  upon  mankind.  It  would  certainly  be  the 
greatest  instance  of  folly  imaginable,  for  any  one  to  suppose  that 
a  dozen  poor  fishermen,  cast  down,  astonished,  and  confounded 
at  the  death  of  their  master,  and  undeceived  in  the  opinion  which 
they  had  entertained  that  he  was  to  restore  the  kingdom  of  Is- 
rael : — persons  who  knew  not  wlvat  might  be  the  consequence 
of  their  publishing  the  doctrine  of  that  crucified  man; — that  they 
should  invent  the  institution  of  the  eucharist,  with  all  its  circum- 
stances, and  make  Christ  utter  these  words — This  is  my  body, 
which  is  given  for  you;  This  cup  it  the  JVew  Testament  in 
my  blood  (Luke  xxii.  19,  20.)  ; — words  that  implied  something 
new  and  very  surprising,  and  which  the  evangelists  and  Paul 
have  unanimously  recorded,  though  without  any  mutual  compact, 
as  appears  by  the  trifling  variation  that  occurs  in  their  recital 
of  them.  It  would,  we  repeat,  be  the  greatest  instance  of  folly 
imaginable,  for  any  one  to  suppose  that  the  disciples  had  the 
least  idea  of  inventing  these  words,  or  the  history  of  the  eucha- 
rist. The  inference  to  be  deduced  from  it  is  this,  that  Christ 
foresaw  bis  death,  and  suffered  it  voluntarily.  Now,  if  he  fore- 
saw that  he  should  die,  and  if  he  voluntarily  offered  himself  to 
death,  he  then  either  foresaw  that  he  should  rise  again,  or  he  did 
not  foresee  it.  If  he  did  not  foresee  it,  with  what  kind  of  hopes 
did  he  comfort  his  disciples  1  What  was  it  that  he  promised 
them  1  Or  what  did  he  propose  to  himself  by  his  death  ?  Why 
did  he  not  shun  it  as  he  might  have  done,  when  he  was  at  sup- 
per with  his  disciplesl  What  did  he  intend  by  instituting  a  me- 
morial of  his  dead  body,  if  that  dead  body  were  always  to  remain 
under  Che  power  of  death?  And  if  he  thought  that  he  should 
rise  again,  as  we  may  very  reasonably  conclude  he  did,  he  him- 
self could  net  have  believed  it,  but  only  on  the  experience  he  had 
already  made  of  that  power  which  had  restored  sight  to  the 
blind,  health  to  the  sick,  and  life  to  the  dead:  for  he  could  not 
think  bis  own  miracles  false,  and  vet,  at  the  same  time,  believe 
that  he  should  rise  from  the  dead.  If  he  thought  he  should  rise 
again,  he  also  thought  bis  miracles  to  be  true;  and  if  he  believed 
his  miracles  to  be  true,  his  miracles  must  of  necessity  have  really 
been  true,  because  they  were  of  a  nature  incapable  of  deceit  and 
illusion,  at  least  with  respect  to  him  who  performed  them.  Jesus 
Christ  could  never  imagine  that  he  bad  fed  five  thousand  men  at 
one  time,  and  three  thousand  at  another,  besides  women  and 
children;  that  he  had  raised  to  life  the  widow's  son  of  Nain,  the 
daughter  of  Jairus,  and  Lazarus  of  Bethany;  and  that  he  made 
Peter  walk  on  the  sea,  &C.  &C.,  if  all  these  things  had  not  really 
been  true. 

[v.]  No  one  surely  can  doubt  that  Christ  foretold  his  resurrec- 
tion, who  considers  that  it  was  on  this  very  account  that  the 
chief  priests  and  Pharisees  appointed  a  watch  to  guard  his  se- 
pulchre, and  commanded  the  stone  of  it  to  be  sealed.  Sir,  said 
they  to  Pilate,  we  remember  that  that  deceiver  said,  while  he 
-.vas  yet  alive,  After  three  days  I  will  rise  again.  Command, 
therefore,  that  the  sepulchre  be  made  sure  until  the  third  d,:y, 
lest  his  discifdes  come  by  night  and  steal  him  away,  mid  say 
i:-..'.t  the  people,  He  is  risen  from  the  dead ;  so  the  last  error 
sha.i  be  worse  than  the  first.  Pilate  saith  unto  them,  Ye  have 
a  watch;  go  your  ~vay,  ?nake  it  as  sure  as  you  can.  So  they 
:?ent  and  made  the  sepulchre  sure,  sea  'ing  the  stone,  and  setting 
the  watch.  (Matt,  xxvii.  63 — G6.)  This.  ;:s  we  shall  further 
have  occasion  to  show,  was  such  a  matter  of  fact,  as  the  disciple? 


neither  could  nor  durst  invent  in  opposition  to  the  public  Know- 
ledge which  every  one  had  of  it;  and  which,  besides,  agrees 
very  well  with  the  other  circumstances  of  that  event.  For  whence 
originated  the  report  which  was  spread  at  Jerusalem,  that  the 
when  the  disciples  took,  away  the  body  of  Jesus,  if 
they  bad  not  really  set  a  watch  to  guard  his  sepulchre  1     And 

v. !, there  to  appoint  a  watch  to  guard  it,  had  it 

not  been  to  prevent  the  disciples  from  propagating  the  report 
that  be  was  risen  from  the  dead  !  And  if  Christ  really  believed 
that  he  should  RM  again,  he  could  not  have  believed  it  but  upon 
the  truth  of  his  miracles;  neither  could  he  have  believed  his  mi- 
racles to  lie  true,  if  they  bad  been  false.  Thus  it  appears,  that 
the  connection  of  all  those  circumstances  forms,  as  it  were,  a 
kind  of  moral  demonstration,  which  cannot  hut  convince  any  just 
and  reasonable  person. 

2.  Having  thus  considered  the  predictions  df  Jesus  Christ 
himself  concerning  his  death  and  resurrection,  let  us  now 
proceed  to  investiirate  the  Evtoehci  FOB  THAT  Fact. 

The  credibility  of  the  Gospel  historians  respecting  common 
facts  (we  have  already  seen)  is  generally  acknowledged,  even  by 
its  adversaries.  Now  their  evidence,  that  Jesus  really  died  upon 
the  cross,  near  Jerusalem,  when  Pontius  Pilate  was  governor  of 
Judaea,  is  peculiarly  clear  and  direct.  Numerous  circumstances 
relative  to  bis  seizure,  bis  public  trial,  his  going  to  Calvary,  and 
his  crucifixion,  are  minutely  .specified.  Various  particulars  of 
time,  place,  persons,  discourses,  &c.  arc  set  down.  The  chief 
rulers  in  the  Jewish  nation,  as  weil  as  the  people,  and  the  Ro- 
man governor  himself,  are  mentioned  as  parties  concerned.  The 
publicity  of  his  crucifixion  in  the  suburbs  of  the  chief  city  in  the 
nation,  its  being  in  the  day-time,  at  a  solemn  festival  (when  mul- 
titude* assembled  from  several  different  countries,  and  from  every 
part  of  Judasa),  are  all  noted.  His  hanging  six  hours  upon  the 
cross,1  his  being  pierced  in  the  side  by  one  of  the  soldiers  with 
his  spear,  and  blood  and  water  evidently  flowing  from  the  wound,2 
are  incontestable  proofs  that  death  must  have  previously  taken 
place.  To  these  natural  proofs  of  death,  we  may  add  the  official 
testimony  of  the  Roman  centurion,  who  would  have  subjected 
himself  to  accusation  if  his  account  had  been  false,  and  who 
would  be  the  more  exact  in  it,  as  the  soldiers,  "  seeing  that  he 
was  dead  already,3  brake  not  his  legs."  Pilate,  also,  who  was 
intimidated,  by  the  dread  of  an  accusation  to  the  emperor,  to 
consent  to  the  crucifixion  of  Jesus,  would  likewise  be  afraid  of 
having  him  taken  from  the  cross  till  he  was  really  dead.  Ac- 
cordingly, he  did  not  permit  Joseph  of  Arimathca  to  remove  the 
corpse,  till  he  had  the  decisive  evidence  of  the  centurion. ' 

The  chief  priests  and  Pharisees,  who  had  so  long  and  so 
anxiously  been  plotting  the  destruction  of  Christ,  would  take 
care  that  he  was  really  void  of  life  before  the  body  was  taken 
down.  His  friends  would  never  have  wound  it  round  so  closely 
with  linen  cloth,  as  was  the  custom  in  Judaea,5  if  there  had  been 
any  remains  of  life.  Even  if  they  could  be  supposed  to  be  mis- 
taken ;  yet,  lying  in  a  cold  sepulchre,  unable  to  stir  from  before 
six  o'clock  on  Friday  afternoon,  till  the  dawn  of  the  first  day  of 
the  week,  the  body  must  have  been  truly  dead.  The  fact  was 
well  known,  and  universally  acknowledged.  The  friends  and 
companions  of  Jesus  asserted  it  before  his  powerful  enemies,  in 
the  most  public  manner,  only  fifty  days  after,  and  even  they  did 
not  deny  it/'  Nay,  the  Jews  by  being  offended  at  his  crucifixion 
and  death,  gave  their  attestation  to  the  facts.  The  very  anxiety 
of  the  chief  priests  and  Pharisees  to  prevent  the  removal  of  the 
body  of  Jesus,  undesignedly  drew  from  them  a  clear  proof  that 
they  themselves  were  convinced  of  his  actual  decease.  While 
his  body  was  in  the  sepulchre,  "they  said  to  Pilate,  Sir.  we 
remember  that  that  deceiver  said,  while  he  was  tet  aliv;;, 
After  three  days  I -will  rise  again."7  This  implies  their  full 
persuasion  that  he  was  really  not  alive  when  they  spake  the 
words.  Their  asking  for  a  guard  to  prevent  the  disciples  from 
steuling  the  corpse,  and  from  deceiving  the  people,  by  pretending 
that  he  was  risen  from  the  dead,  does  also  involve  their  being 
convinced  that  he  was  then  truly  dead. 

Further,  upon  the  same  grounds  that  we  believe  ancient  his- 
tory in  general,  there  can  be  no  reason  for  doubting,  but  that  the 
body  of  Jesus  was  deposited  on  the  evening  of  the  day  on  which 

«  Mark  xv.  25.  34.  37. 

■>  .John  six.  34,  35.  ''The  water  in  the  pericardium,  and  the  serum.  It 
is  said,  that  there  is  much  serum  in  the  thorax  of  persons  who  die  of  tor- 
ture."   See  Grotius.  L'Ejifant,  and  Archbishop  Ncwcome  on  the  text. 

'  Ver.  33. 

•  Mark  xv.  43 — S3.,  which  shows  that  he  had  been  some  time  dead.  Sen 
the  Greek,  Le  Clerc's  Harmony,  and  Archbishop  Newcome's  note. 

>  John  six  38—40.  ,\i.  41.  xx.  6,  7.  •  Acta  ii.  1  14,  i.e. 

!      i  Matt  xxvii.  63—0^. 


108 


THE  MIRACLES  RELATED  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES, 


[Chap.  IV 


it  was  taken  from  the  cross,  in  a  private  sepulchre  of  Joseph  of 
Arimathea,  hewn  out  of  a  rock,1  in  which  no  corpse  had  ever 
been  laid  before.2  Nor  is  there  any  ground  for  doubting,  but 
that  a  great  stone  was  rolled  to  the  mouth  of  the  sepulchre  ;  that 
this  stone  wan  seated  by  the  chief  priests  and  Pharisees,  who 
would  of  course  first  see  that  the  tody  was  there,  else  this  pre- 
caution would  have  been  useless;  and  that  at  their  request  a 
guard  of  Roman  soldiers,'  as  large  as  they  chose,  was  placed  be- 
fore the  sepulchre,  to  prevent  the  corpse,  from  being  removed. 
Notwithstanding  these  j:  recautions,  however,  early  on  the  mora- 
ine of  the  first  day  of  the  week  following,  the  body  was  mi:  sin  ^. 
and  neither  the  soldiers,  who  were  upon  guard,  nor  the  chief 
priests,  nor  the  Pharisees,  could  ever  produce  it.  Yet  none  of 
the  watch  deserted  their  post  while  it  was  in  the  sepulchre,  nor 
was  any  force  used  against  the  soldiers,  nor  any  arts  of  persuasion 
employed,  to  induce  them  to  take  it  away,  or  to  permit  any  other 
person  to  remove  it. 

The  question  then  is,  How  came  it  to  be  removed  ]  Matthew 
has  recorded  the  account  which  both  the  friends  and  the  enemies 
of  Jesus,  and  the  disinterested  heathen  military  guard,  give  of 
this.  Let  us  examine  these,  that  we  may  see  which  best  deserves 
our  credit. 

Early  on  the  first  day  of  the  week  some  of  the  watch  came 
into  the  city,  and  showed  unto  the  chief  priests  all  the  things 
that  were  done  ;  namely,  the.  earthquake,  the  angel  rolling  back 
the  stone  from  the  door  of  the  sepulchre,  &c.  The  chief  priests 
applied  to  Pilate A  the  Roman  governor  for  a  watch  to  secure  the 
sepulchre,  lest  his  disciples  should  steal  him  away  ;  and  they 
sealed  the  stone  (probably  with  the  governor's  seal)  to  prevent 
the  soldiers  from  being  corrupted,  so  as  to  permit  the  theft.  By 
this  guard  of  sixty  Roman  soldiers  was  the  sepulchre  watched  ; 
and,  notwithstanding  all  the  precautions  thus  carefully  taken,  the 
body  was  missing  early  on  the  morning  of  the  first  day  of  the 
following  week.  In  this  great  fact  both  the  Jewish  council  and 
the  apostles  perfectly  agree :  this  cannot  be  questioned.  The 
council  would  otherwise  have  certainly  produced  it,  and  thus  de- 
tected the  falsehood  of  the  apostles'  declaration,  that  Christ  was 
risen  from  the  dead,  and  prevented  it  from  gaining  credit  among 
the  Jews.  On  the  resurrection  of  Christ,  some  of  the  soldiers 
went  and  related  it  to  the  chief  priests,  who  bribed  them  largely, 
promising  to  secure  their  persons  from  danger,  in  case  the  gov- 
ernor should  hear  of  their  taking  the  money,  and  charged  them 
to  affirm  that  Christ's  disciples  stole  his  body  away  while  they 
were  sleeping.  So  they  took  the  money,  and  did  as  they  -were 
taught:  and  this  saying,  or  report,  Matthew  adds,  is  commonly 
reported  among  the  Jews  to  this  day.5  This  flight  of  the  sol- 
diers, their  declaration  to  the  high  priests  and  elders,  the  subse- 
quent conduct  of  the  latter,  the  detection  and  publication  by  the 
apostles  of  their  collusion  with  the  soldiers,  and  the  silence  of 
the  Jews  on  that  subject,  who  never  attempted  to  refute  or  to 
2ontradict  the  declarations  of  the  apostles, — are  all  strong  evi- 
dences of  the  reality  and  truth  of  his  resurrection.  Had  the  report, 
that  his  disciples  stole  the  body,  been  true,  Matthew  would  not 
have  dared  to  have  published  in  Judaea,  so  soon  after  the  event  as 
he  did,1 — (when  many  persons  who  had  been  spectators  of  the 
crucifixion  and  death  of  Christ  must  have  been  alive,  and  who 
would  unquestionably  have  contradicted  him  if  he  had  asserted  a 
falsehood,) — that  the  chief  priests  bribed  the  soldiers  to  propagate 
it ;  as  this  would  have  exposed  himself  to  their  indignation  and 
to  punishment,  which  they  would  the  more  willingly  have  inflict- 
ed, because  he  had  been  in  the  odious  office  of  a  Roman  tax- 
gatherer,  which  he  resigned  to  follow  Jesus.  The  story  of  steal- 
vng  the  body  appears  from  this  account  to  have  been  so  evidently 

*  Matt,  xxvii.  GO.  Mark  zv.  46.  Luke  xxiii.  53.  John  xix.  41. 

a  Matt,  xxvii.  59,  60.   John  xix.  41,  42.  s  Matt,  xxvii.  60—66. 

*  Matthew  (xxvii.  62.)  says  that  this  application  was  made  on  the.  next  day 
'.hat  followed  the  day  of  the  preparation,  that,  is,  on  the  Saturday.  Though 
'.his  looks,  at  the  first  view,  as  if  the  sepulchre  had  remained  one  whole  night 
without  a  guard,  yet  that  was  not  the  case.  "The  chief  priests  went  to 
Pilate  as  soon  as  the  sun  was  set  on  Friday,  the  day  of  the  preparation  and 
crucifixion  ;  for  then  began  the  following  flay  or  Saturday,  as  the  Jews  al- 
ways began  to  reckon  their  day  from  the  preceding  evening.  They  had  a 
guard,  therefore,  as  soon  as  they  possibly  could  after  the  botly  was  deposit- 
ed in  the  sepulchre ;  and  one  cannot  help  admiring  the  goodness  "of  Provi- 
dence in  so  disposing  events,  that  the  extreme  anxiety  of  these  men  to 
prev.-nt  collusion,  should  he  the  means  of  adding  sixty  unexceptionable 
icit7ie<sses  (the  number  of  the  lloman  soldiers  on  guard)  to  the  truth  of  the 
resurrection,  and  of  establishing  the  reality  of  it  beyond  ah'  power  of  con- 
tradiction."— Bp.  Portcus's  Lectures  on  Matthew,  vol.  ii.  p.  300. 

*  Matt,  xxviii.  4.  11 — 15.  Justin  Martyr  (who  nourished  chiefly  between 
a.  d.  140  and  164  or  167),  in  his  Dialogue  with  the  Jew  Trypho,  also  relates 
that  the  synagogue  of  Jerusalem  sent  out  persons  in  every  direclii  n  to  pro- 
pagate a  report  similar  b>  that  above  related  by  Matthew. 

e  The  gospel  ofMatthc*,  it  is  generally  agreed,  was  written  A.  D.  37  or  38, 
that  is,  only  four  or  five  years  after  the  resurrect  ion  of  Christ,  ;it  v.  hich  time 
multitudes  were  living  who  would  doubtless  have  refuted  his  stat.  inenl  if 
hey  could 


false,  that  Matthew,  though  he  faithfully  records  the  report,  does 
not  say  a  syllable  to  refute  it.  He  leaves  the  falsity  of  it  to  be 
manifested  by  well-known  facts.  Had  the  disciples  really  stolen 
the  body,  and  invented  the  account  of  the  resurrection  of  their 
Master,  they  never  would  have  represented  themselves  as  giving 
u[»  all  hopes  of  his  rising  again  when  he  was  dead,  and  as  being 
backward  to  believe  in  his  resurrection  after  they  said  it  took 
place.  (John  xx.  9,  10.)  Nor  would  they,  in  the  same  me- 
moirs, have  described  the  chief  priests  as  manifesting  their  fears 
and  apprehensions  that  it  possibly  might  come  to  pass,  by  the 
extraordinary  guard  they  provided  to  prevent  any  deception.  Ii 
this  theft  had  been  perpetrated,  the  partners  in  the  fraud  would 
never  have  dwelt  so  much  as  they  have  done  upon  the  women 
going  more  than  once  to  the  sepulchre,  to  look  for  the  body. 
There  would  have  been  no  time  to  have  taken  off  the  bandages, 
nor  to  have  wrapped  up  the  napkin,  and  to  have  laid  it  in  a  place 
by  itself,  separate  from  the  other  linen,  (v.  6,  7.)  These  cir- 
cumstances, therefore,  would  never  have  formed  a  part  of  the 
narrative.  Nor  would  it  have  been  recorded  of  Mary,  that  she 
said  to  Peter  and  John,  They  have  taken  awat  the  Lord  out 
of  the  sepulchre,  and  ive  know  not  where  they  have  laid  him. 
(John  xx.  2.)  A  few  additional  considerations  will  suffice  to 
show  the  falsehood  of  the  assertion  made  by  the  chief  priests. 

(1.)  On  the  one  hand,  consider  the  terror  of  the  timid  disci 
pies  and  the  paucity  of  their  number.  They  knew  that  a  Roman 
guard  was  placed  at  the  sepulchre.  They  themselves  were  few, 
friendless,  and  discouraged,  in  hourly  expectation  of  being  arrest- 
ed and  put  to  death  as  followers  of  Christ,  and  voluntarily  con- 
fined themselves  to  a  solitary  chamber  for  fear  of  being  either 
crucified  or  stoned.  On  the  other  hand,  contrast  the  authority 
of  Pilate  and  of  the  sanhedrim  or  council,  the  great  danger  at- 
tending such  an  enterprise  as  the  stealing  of  Christ's  body,  and 
the  moral  impossibility  of  succeeding  in  such  an  attempt.  For 
the  season  was  that  of  the  great  annual  festival,  the  passover, 
when  the  city  of  Jerusalem  was  full, — on  such  occasions  con- 
taining more  than  a  million  of  people,  many  of  whom  probably 
passed  the  whole  night  (as  Jesus  and  his  disciples  had  done)  in 
the  open  air.  It  was  the  time  of  the  full  moon  ;  the  night,  con- 
sequently, was  very  light.  The  sepulchre,  too,  was  just  without 
the  walls  of  the  city,  and  therefore  was  exposed  to  continual  in- 
spection All  these  circumstances  combine  to  render  such  a 
falsehood  as  that  which  was  imposed  upon  the  Jews  utterly  un- 
worthy of  credit.  For,  in  the  first  place,  how  could  a  body  ot 
men  who  had  just  before  fled  from  a  similar  guard,  notwithstand- 
ing their  Master  was  present  with  them,  venture  to  attack  a  band 
of  sixty  armed  soldiers,  for  the  purpose  of  removing  the  body  of 
Christ  from  the  sepulchre  1  How,  especially,  could  they  make 
this  attempt,  when  they  had  nothing  to  gain,  and  when  they  must 
become  guilty  of  rebelling  against  the  Roman  government, — and, 
if  they  escaped  death  from  the  hands  of  the  soldiers,  were  ex- 
posed to  this  evil  in  a  much  more  terrible  form  1 

(2.)  Is  it  probable  that  so  many  men,  as  composed  the  guard, 
would  all  fall  asleep  in  the  open  air  at  once  ? 

(3.)  Since  Pilate  permitted  the  chief  priests  and  Pharisees  to 
make  the  sepulchre  as  sure  as  they  could  (Matt,  xxvii.  65.),  they 
would  certainly  make  it  completely  so.  Roman  soldiers  were 
used  to  watch.  Death  was  the  punishment  for  sleeping  on  guard. 
This  watch  was  for  only  about  three  or  four  hours,  and  early  in 
the  morning,  so  that  they  might  have  slept  before.  Can  it  be 
supposed,  then,  that  they  were  all  asleep  together  ?  What  could 
a  few  poor  fishermen  do  against  a  well-disciplined  and  well-armed 
military  force  1 

(4.)  Could  they  be  soundly  asleep,  as  not  to  awake  with  all 
the  noise  which  must  necessarily  be  made  by  removing  the  great 
stone  from  the  mouth  of  the  sepulchre,  and  taking  away  the 
body  1 

(5.)  Are  the  appearances  of  composure  and  regularity  found 
in  the  empty  tomb"  at  all  suitable  with  the  hurry  and  trepidation 
of  thieves,  when  an  armed  guard,  too,  is  at  hand,  stealing  in  a 
moonlight  night  ? 

(6.)  Is  it  at  all  likely  that  the  timid  disciples  could  have  suf 
ficient  time  to  do  all  this,  without  being  perceived  by  any  person  7 

'  Then  Cometh  Simon  Peter  following  him,  and  went  into  the  sepulchre, 
and  seeth  the  linen  clothes  lie,  and  the  napkin,  that  was  about  his  head, 
not.  lying  with  the  linen  clothes:,  hut  wrapped  together  in  a  place  dy  it- 
self, John  xv.  6,  7.  Th.S  artless  relation  of  the  evangelist  amounts  ol  itself 
to  an  ample  confutation  of  the  idle  calumny  above  noticed,  that  the  disciples 
came  and  stole  the  body  of  Christ.  The  historian  does  not  dwell  on  the 
circumstance,  as  if  it  we're  mentioned  will)  a  d  ■  it  viewol  answering  soma 
objection,— as  a  forger  would  have  done.  Ife  delivers  it  with  all  the  sirnpli 
city  of  an  unsuspecting  relaler  of  truth  ;  and  it  therefore  carries  with  it  fa. 
more  weight  of  evidence,  than  a  multiplicity  of  reasons  and  the  most  la 
boured  explanation.     Wakefield's  lnternalEvidenr.es  of  Christianity,  n.  9* 


8kct.  II.] 


PROOFS  OF  THEIR  INSPIRATION. 


109 


How  could  soldiers,  armed  and  on  guard,  suffer  themselves  to  be 
overreached  by  a  few  timorous  people  7 

(7.)  Either  the  soldiers  were  awake  or  asleep:  if  they  were 
awake,  why  should  they  suffer  the  body  to  be  taken  away  7  If 
asleep,  how  did  they  know,  or  how  could  they  know,  that  the 
disciples  of  Christ  had  taken  it  away  7  Why  did  not  the  san- 
hedrim, for  their  own  honour,  and  the  respect  they  bare  to  the 
truth,  put  all  those  soldiers  to  the  question  7  And  if  that  thought 
did  not  at  first  suggest  itself  to  them,  is  it  not  natural  to  think 
that  they  would  have  done  it,  when  soon  after  they  (bond  a!! 
Jerusalem  inclined  to  believe  in  that  crucified  man ;  and  that 
about  six  thousand  persons  had  already  believed  in  him  in  one 
day,  and  that  only  fifty  days  after  his  death  7  Doubtless  the  sol- 
diers wlio  watched  the  sepulchre  were  still  at  Jerusalem,  and  the 
lanhedrim  retained  the  same  power  and  authority  which  they  had 
before.  It  highly  concerned  them  to  punish  the  negligence  of 
those  soldiers,  or  make  them  confess  the  secret  of  their  perfidy, 
and  who  it  was  that  suborned  them,  both  to  justify  their  own 
procedure,  and  also  to  prevent  the  total  defection  from  Judaism 
of  the  great  number  of  persons  who  had  already  joined  the  dis- 
ciples of  that  pretended  impostor.  But  this  is  not  all.  When 
on  the  day  of  Pentecost,  that  is,  fifty  days  after  the  death  of  Je- 
sus Christ,  the  apostles  showed  themselves  in  the  city  of  Jerusa- 
lem, and  there  testified  that  they  had  seen  him  risen  from  the 
dead,  and  that,  after  he  had  repeatedly  appeared  to  them  and 
ascended  into  heaven,  he  had  poured  out  upon  them  the  miracu- 
lous gifts  of  the  Holy  Spirit, — why  did  not  the  sanhedrim  (who 
were  so  highly  concerned  to  discover  the  persons  who  had  taken 
away  Christ's  body)  apprehend  the  apostles,  and  make  them  confess 
how  all  things  had  happened  7  Why  did  they  not  confront  them 
with  the  watch  7  Why  did  they  not  imprison  Joseph  of  Arima- 
thea,  and  those  men,  till  they  had  made  them  confess  what  was 
become  of  that  body,  as  also  every  other  circumstance  of  their 
imposture  7 

How  unlikely  is  it,  that,  if  the  disciples  had  come  by  night 
and  had  stolen  away  the  body  of  Christ,  they  durst  have  showed 
themselves,  and  appeared  in  public,  nay,  immediately  confessed 
that  they  were  his  disciples  7  It  is  much  more  credible  that  they 
would  have  hidden  themselves  after  such  an  action ;  and  that  if 
they  preached  at  all,  it  would  have  been  to  people  more  remote, 
and  not  in  Jerusalem,  the  very  place  where  those  events  had 
happened,  nor  in  the  presence  of  that  very  sanhedrim,  of  whom 
they  were  so  much  afraid,  and  whom  they  had  so  much  offended. 

(8.)  Once  more,  Why  did  not  the  sanhedrim  have  recourse  to 
the  methods  ordinarily  employed  to  discover  criminals  7  They 
were  very  ready  by  menaces,  torments,  and  persecutions,  to  oblige 
the  apostles  not  to  preach  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ;  but  they 
never  accused  them  of  having  stolen  the  body  of  their  Master 
while  the  watch  slept.  On  that  investigation  they  durst  not  enter, 
because  they  well  knew  what  the  soldiers  had  told  them,  and  it 
was  that  very  thing  which  made  them  so  apprehensive.  If  there 
had  been  any  suspicion  that  his  disciples  were  in  possession  of 
the  dead  body,  these  rulers,  for  their  own  credit,  would  have  im- 
prisoned them,  and  used  means  to  recover  it,  which  would  have 
quashed  the  report  of  his  resurrection  for  ever. 

In  the  fourth  chapter  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  we  are  in- 
formed that  the  sanhedrim  caused  the  apostles  to  be  brought  be- 
fore them  for  preaching,  in  the  name  of  Christ,  the  doctrines  of 
Christianity;  and  for  affirming,  that  Christ  was  risen  from  the 
dead.  Had  they  believed  that  the  apostles  stole  away  the  body 
of  Christ,  they  would  now  certainly  have  charged  them  with 
this  yjross  fraud,  this  direct  rebellion  against  the  Roman  and 
Jewish  governments;  and  unless  they  could  have  cleared  them- 
selves of  the  crime,  would  have  punished  them  for  it  with,  at 
least,  due  severity.  Such  punishment  would  not  only  have  been 
just;  but  it  had  now  become  necessary  for  the  sanhedrim  to  in- 
flict it,  in  order  to  save  their  own  reputation.  They  had  origin- 
al' i  the  story  ;  and  were  now  under  the  strongest  inducements  to 
support  it.  Yet  they  did  not  even  mention  the  subject ;  but 
contented  themselves  with  commanding  them  to  preach  no  more 
in  the  name  of  Christ. 

In  the  following  chapter,  we  are  told,  that  the  whole  body  of 
<he  apostles  was  brought  before  them  again,  for  continuing  to 
preach,  in  opposition  to  this  command.  On  this  occasion,  also, 
they  maintained  a  profound  silence  concerning  the  theft,  which 
they  had  originally  attributed  to  the  apostles ;  but  charged  them 
with  disobedience  to  their  former  injunctions.  In  this  charge  are 
contained  the  following  remarkable  words :  Did  we  not  straitly 
command  you,  that  ye  should  not  teach  in  this  name  ?  and  be- 
hold, ye  have  filled  Jerusalpm.  with  your  dnrtrin<>  nnd  intend 


the  blood  of  one  person  upon  another  is  a  phrase  of  frequent 
occurrence  in  the  Bible.  In  fifteen  different1  instances,  in  which 
we  find  it  there,  it  has  but  a  single  meaning;  viz.  to  bring  the 
guilt  of  contributing  to  the  death  of  a  person,  or  the  guilt  of 
murder,  upon  another  person.  When  it  is  said,  His  b/ooa 
shall  be  upon  his  own  head,  it  is  clearly  intended,  that  the  guilt 
of  his  death  shall  be  upon  himself.  When,  therefore,  the  san 
hedrim  accuse  the  apostbaj  of  attempting  to  bring  the  blood  ol 
Christ  upon  them,  they  Accuse  them  of  an  intention  to  bring 
upon  them  the  guilt  of  shedding  his  blood:  this  being  the  only 
meaning  of  such  phraseology  in  the  Scriptures. 

Should  any  doubt  remain  in  the  mind  of  any  man  concerning 
this  interpretation,  it  may  be  settled,  beyond  all  question,  by  re- 
curring to  the  following  passage.  In  Matthew  xxvii.  24,  25.  we 
are  told,  that  when  Pilate  saw  that  he  tould  prevail  nothing 
towards  releasing  Christ,  he  took  water,  and  washed  his  hands 
before  the  multitude,  saying,  I  am  innocent  of  the  blood  of  this 
just  person ;  see  ye  to  it :  and  that  then  all  the  people  answer- 
ed, and  said,  His  blood  be  on  us,  and  on  our  children.  The 
meaning  of  the  phraseology  in  this  passage  cannot  be  mistaken ; 
and  it  is  altogether  probable,  that  the  declaration  of  the  sanhedrim 
being  made  so  soon  after  this  imprecation  to  the  apostles,  so 
deeply  interested  in  the  subject,  and  on  an  occasion  which  so 
naturally  called  it  up  to  view,  the  sanhedrim  referred  to  it  di- 
rectly. 

But  if  Christ  was  not  raised  from  the  dead,  he  was  a  false 
prophet,  an  impostor,  and,  of  course,  a  blasphemer  ;  because  he 
asserted  himself  to  be  the  Messiah,  the  Son  of  God.  Such  a 
blasphemer  the  law  of  God  condemned  to  death.  The  sanhedrim 
were  the  very  persons  to  whom  the  business  of  trying  and  con- 
demning him  was  committed  by  that  law,  and  whose  duty  it  was 
to  accomplish  his  death.  If,  therefore,  his  body  was  not  raised 
from  the  dead,  there  was  no  guilt  in  shedding  his  blood,  but  the 
mere  performance  of  a  plain  duty.  His  blood,  that  is,  the  guilt 
of  shedding  it,  could  not  possibly  rest  on  the  sanhedrim  ;  nor,  to 
use  their  language,  be  brought  upon  them  by  the  apostles,  nor 
by  any  others.  All  this  the  sanhedrim  perfectly  knew  ;  and, 
therefore,  had  they  not  believed  him  to  have  risen  from  the  dead, 
they  never  could  have  used  this  phraseology. 

It  is  further  to  be  observed,  that  on  both  these  occasions  the 
apostles  boldly  declared  to  the  sanhedrim,  in  the  most  explicit 
terms,  that  Christ  was  raised  from  the  dead.  Yet  the  sanhedrim 
not  only  did  not  charge  them  with  the  crime  of  having  stolen 
his  body,  but  did  not  contradict,  nor  even  comment,  on  the 
declaration.  This  could  not  possibly  have  happened  through 
inattention.  Both  the  sanhedrim  and  the  apostles  completely 
knew,  that  the  resurrection  of  Christ  was  the  point  on  which 
his  cause,  and  their  opposition  to  it,  entirely  turned.  It  was  the 
great  and  serious  controversy  between  the  contending  parties ; 
and  yet,  though  directly  asserted  to  their  faces  by  the  apostles, 
the  sanhedrim  did  not  even  utter  a  syllable  on  the  subject.  Had 
they  believed  their  own  story,  they  would  either  have  punished 
the  apostles  with  death  as  rebels  against  the  Jewish  and  Roman 
governments,  or  else  they  would  have  confined  them  as  luna- 
tics.2 

There  can  be  no  doubt,  therefore,  from  the  evidence  of  th»» 
fact  famished  bj  the  adversaries  of  the  name  and  faith  of  Chris^ 
that  they  wore  convinced  he  was  actually  risen  from  the  dead  ; 
and  yet  it  has  been  repeatedly  urged  by  the  opposcrs  of  revela- 
tion as  an  objection  to  the  credibility  of  Christ's  resurrec- 
tion, that  he  did  not  show  himself  to  the  chief  priests  and 
Jews. 

Answer. — Various  reasons,  however,  may  be  satisfactorily 
assigned,  why  it  was  not  proper  that  it  should  be  so. 

[i.]  In  the  first  place,  when  the  cruel  and  inveterate  malice, 
which  they  had  evinced  towards  Jesus,  is  considered,  as  well  as 
the  force  of  their  prejudices,  it  is  not  probable  that  they  would 
have  submitted  to  the  evidence.  They  had  attributed  his  mira- 
cles to  the  power  of  the  devil ;  and  his  raising  Lazarus  from  the 
dead,  of  which  they  had  full  information,  only  stimulated  them 
to  attempt  to  destroy  him.  Instead  of  being  wrought  upon  by 
the  testimony  of  the  soldiers,  they  endeavored  to  stifle  it.  Be- 
sides, if  Jesus  had  shown  himself  to  them  after  his  passion,  and 
they  had  pretended  that  it  was  a  spectre  or  delusion,  and  had 
still  continued  to  refuse  to  acknowledge  him,  it  would  have  been 
urged  as  a  strong  presumption  against  the  reality  of  his  resur- 
rection.    But, 

•  Lev.  xx.  9.  11.  13.  16.  27.  Deut.  xix.  10.  xxii.  8.  2  Sam.  i.  16.  xvi.  8. 
1  Kings  ii.  37.  Jer.  li.  35.  Ezek.  xviii.  13.  xxxiii.5.  Matt.  xxiu.  3o.  Acts 
xviii.  6.  „     ,  . 

•  •      '     -    ■        ■-''    VAnte  de  la  Religion  Ctartl 


110 


THE  MIRACLES  RELATED  IN  TliE  SCRIPTURES, 


[Chap.  IV 


[ii.]  Secondly,  let  it  be  supposed  that  Jesus  had  not  only  ap- 
peared to  them  after  his  resurrection,  but  that  they  themselves 
had  acknowledged  its  truth  and  reality,  and  had  owned  him  for 
their  Messiah,  and  had  brought  the  Jewish  nation  into  the  same 
belief ; — can  it  be  imagined  that  those  who  now  make  the  above 
objection  would  be  satisfied?  It  is  most  probable  that  the 
testimony  of  the  priests  and  rulers,  in  such  case,  would  have 
been  represented  as  a  proof  that  the  whole  was  artifice  and  im- 
posture, and  that  they  were  influenced  by  some  political  motive. 
Their  testimony,  moreover, — if  truth  had  extorted  it  from  them, 
and  if  they  had  possessed  honesty  and  resolution  sufficient  to 
avow  it, — would  have  been  liable  to  suspicion.  For  it  would 
have  been  the  testimony  of  men  whose  minds  must  have  been 
oppressed  and  terrified  by  a  consciousness  of  their  guilt ;  and  it 
might  have  been  said,  that  they  were  haunted  by  ghosts  and 
spectres,  and  that  their  imagination  converted  a  phantom  into 
the  real  person  of  him  whom  they  had  exposed  to  public  deri- 
sion, and  sentenced  to  an  ignominious  death.  Their  testimony 
would  have  gained  little  credit  with  men  of  their  own  rank  and 
station,  and  of  principles  and  characters  similar  to  their  own.  It 
would  have  died  with  themselves,  and  produced  no  effect  beyond 
the  circle  of  their  own  acquaintance,  and  the  age  in  which  they 
lived.     And, 

[hi.]  In.  the  third  place,  the  character  and  religion  of  Christ 
might  have  been  very  materially  injured  by  his  appearance  to 
the  Jewish  priests  and  rulers  after  his  resurrection.  They  had 
no  right  to  expect  this  kind  of  evidence.  No  good  purpose 
could  be  answered  by  it :  on  the  contrary,  it  might  have  been 
very  detrimental  in  its  effects.  If  they  had  remained  uncon- 
/inced,  which  most  probably  might  have  been  the  case,  the  fact 
would  have  been  questioned.  The  multitude  would  have  be- 
come obstinate  and  irreclaimable  in  their  incredulity  ;  and  they 
would  have  pleaded  the  authority  of  their  superiors  in  station 
and  office,  as  an  apology  for  neglecting  inquiry,  and  rejecting 
the  means  of  conviction.  If  they  had  been  convinced,  without 
honesty  and  resolution  to  declare  the  truth,  the  fact  would  still 
have  been  considered  as  doubtful,  or  of  no  great  importance. 
But  if  with  their  conviction  they  connected  the  public  avowal 
of  its  truth,  Jesus  Christ  would  have  incurred  the  charge  of 
being  an  impostor,  and  his  religion  of  being  a  fraud.  Loud 
would  have  been  the  clamour  of  a  combination.  Suspicion 
would  have  attached  itself  to  the  evidence  of  men  who  had  the 
care  of  his  sepulchre,  who  appointed  the  guard,  and  sealed  the 
stone  that  secured  it,  and  who  could  easily  have  propagated  a 
report  which  would  have  gained  credit  with  the  servile  multi- 
tude. Christianity  would  have  been  represented,  by  persons 
who  are  prone  to  ascribe  all  religion  to  state  policy,  as  a  contri- 
vance of  the  priests  and  magistrates  of  Jiukea  to  answer  some 
purpose  of  worldly  emolument  or  ambition.  Its  progress  and 
prevalence  would  have  been  attributed  to  the  secular  influence 
of  its  advocates  ;  and  it  would  have  been  deprived  of  that,  m&st 
distinguishing  and  satisfactory  evidence  which  it  now  possesses, 
that  it  derived  its  origin  from  God,  and  owed  its  success  to  the 
signal  interposition  of  divine  power.  But  the  inveterate  oppo- 
sition of  the  Jewish  priests  and  rulers  to  the  cause,  and  their 
violent  persecution  of  the  Christians,  removed  all  suspicion  of 
priestcraft  and  political  design.  If  the  disciples  had  agreed  to 
impose  upon  the  world  in  this  affair,  common  sense  would  have 
directed  them,  first  to  spread  the  report  that  Jesus  Christ  was 
risen  from  the  grave,  and  then  to  employ  an  individual  whom 
they  could  trust  to  personate  him,  and  to  appear  before  the  mul- 
titude in  such  a  manner  and  at  such  times  as  would  not  endan- 
ger a  discovery  ;  as,  however,  Christ  never  appeared  to  the  mul- 
titude after  his  resurrection,  this  removed  all  suspicion  that 
the  disciples  had  contrived  a  scheme  for  deceiving  the  people. 

These  considerations  show  that  Christ's  appearance,  after 
tie  rose  from  the  dead,  only  lo  a  competent  number  of  wit- 
nesses, who  were  intimately  acquainted  with  him  before  his 
decease,  is  a  circumstance  highly  calculated  to  establish  the 
truth  ot  his  resurrection  to  posterity. 

3.  The  Character  of  the  Apostles,  also  proves  the 
(ruth  of  the  resurrection  of  Christ;  and  there  are  eleven 
considerations  which  give  their  evidence  sufficient  weicht. 
Observe  the  Condition  and  the  Number  of  these  witnesses' 
their  Incredulity,  and  slowness  in  believing  the  resurrection 
of  Christ, — the  moral  Impossibility  of  their  succeeding  in 
imposing  upon  others, — the'  Facts  which  they  themselves 
avow, — the  Agreement  of  their  evidence, — the  Tribunals  be- 
fore which  they  stood, — the  Time  when  this  evidence  was 
given, — the.  Place  where  they  bore  their  Testimony  to  the 
'--sivrrection,  and  their  Motives  for  doing  so,— and  the  strik- 


ing Contrast  in  the  conduct  of  the  apostles  botn  before  ano 
after  the  resurrection  of  Jesus  Christ. 

(1.)   Consider  the  condition  of  these  witnesses. 

Had  they  been  men  of  opulence  and  credit  in  the  world,  we 
might  have  thought  that  their  reputation  gave  currency  to  the 
fable.  If  they  had  been  learned  and  eloquent  men,  we  might 
have  imagined  that  the  style  in  which  they  had  told  the  tale  had 
soothed  the  souls  of  the  people  into  a  belief  of  it.  But  the 
reverse  of  all  this  was  the  fact ;  for  the  apostles  were  the  low- 
est of  mankind,  without  reputation  to  impose  upon  the  people, 
without  authority  to  compel,  and  without  riches  to  reward.  They 
were  also  mean,  despised,  and  unlearned  men,  and  consequently 
very  unequal  to  the  task  of  imposing  upon  others.  When  all 
these  circumstances  are  considered,  it  is  impossible  to  conceive 
that  persons  of  this  character  could  succeed. 

(2.)  Consider  the  number  of  these  loiinessex,  and  also  of  the 
actual  appearances  of  Jesus  Christ,  which  number  ivas  more 
than  sufficient  to  establish  any  fact. 

By  seven  different  credible  authors,  viz.  the  apostles  Matthew, 
John,  Paul,  Peter,  and  James,  and  the  evangelists  Luke  and 
Mark — not  fewer  than  eleven  distinct  appearances  of  Christ  have 
been  related  or  mentioned,  after  his  resurrection,  and  previously 
to  his  ascension,  namely, — 

1.  To  Mary  Magdalen  alone  (Mark  xvi.  9.),  who  saw  Jesus  standing.  (John 
xx.  14.) 

2.  To  the  women  who  were  returning  from  the  sepulchre  to  announce 
his  resurrection  to  the  disciples.  "  Behold,  Jesus  met  them,  saying,  All 
hail!  and  they  came  and  held  him  by  the  feet  and  worshipped  him." 
(Matt,  xxxvii.  9,  10.) 

3.  To  Simon  Peter  alone.    (Luke  xxiv.  34.) 

4.  To  the  two  disciples  who  were  going  to  Eramaus,  with  whom  he  con- 
versed and  brake  bread,  and  then  made  himself  known  to  them.  (Luke 
xxiv.  13—31.) 

5.  To  the  apostles  at  Jerusalem,  excepting  Thomas,  who  was  absent 
(John  xx.  19,  20.) 

6.  Eight  days  afterwards  to  the  disciples,  Thomas  being  present.  (John 
xx.  26 — 29.) 

7.  At  the  sea  of  Tiberias,  when  seven  of  his  disciples  were  fishing,  with 
whom  he  ate  foud.  (John  xxi.  1 — 15.) 

8.  To  the  eleven  apostles,  on  a  mountain  in  Galilee,  where  Jesus  hat/ 
appointed  to  meet  them.   (Matt,  xxviii.  16, 17.) 

9.  "After  that  he  was  seen  of  above  five  hundred  brethren  at  once." 
(1  Cor.  xv.  6.) 

10.  "  After  that  he  was  seen  of  James."  (1  Cor.  xv.  7.) 

11.  And,  lastly,  by  all  the  apostles  (1  Cor.  xv.  7.)  on  Mount  Olivet,  on  thr 
day  of  his  ascension  into  heaven.   (Luke  xxiv.  51.  Acts  i.  9.) 

On  these  various  appearances,  it  is  to  be  remarked,  that  Christ 
was  seen  at  different  hours  of  the  day, — early  in  the  morning, 
by  Mary  Magdalen  and  the  other  women, — during  the  day,  by 
Peter,  by  the  seven  disciples  at  the  sea  of  Tiberias,  by  the  apos- 
tles at  his  ascension,  and  by  Stephen, — and  in  the  evening  by 
the  ten  apostles,  and  by  Clcopas  and  his  companion, — so  that 
they  could  not  possibly  be  mistaken  as  to  the  reality  of  his  per- 
son. But  we  nowhere  read  that  he  appeared  at  midnight,  when 
the  senses  and  imagination  might  be  imposed  upon.  Further, 
the  several  distances  of  time  and  place  at  which  Jesus  showed 
himself  merit  attention.1  His  two  first  appearances  were  early 
in  the  morning  on  which  he  arose.  One  of  them  was  just  by 
the  sepulchre,  the  other  in  the  way  from  it  to  Jerusalem.  The 
third  on  some  part  of  the  same  day.  The  fourth  in  the  evening 
of  it,  on  the  road  to  Emmaus,  and  in  a  house  in  that  village, 
which  was  between  sever,  aid  eight  miles  from  Jerusalem.  The 
fifth,  at  Jerusalem,  on  a  later  hour  of  the  same  evening.  The 
sixth,  a  week  after,  at  the  same  city.  The  seventh,  about  sixty 
miles  from  it,  by  the  sea  of  Tiberias.  The  time  and  place  at 
which  he  was  seen  by  James  are  not  recorded.  A  ninth  appear- 
ance was  in  some  other  part  of  Galilee.  Forty  days  after  his 
resurrection  he  again  met  the  apostles  at  Jerusalem,  and  led 
them  out  to  Bethany,  that  they  might  see  him  go  up  to  the  Fa- 
ther. A  few  years  after  this  Stephen  saw  him  (Acts  vii.  55,  56 
59,  60.)  ;  and  in  about  z  year  from  that  time  he  appeared  to 
Paul,  near  Damascus  (Acta  iz.  3 — !).  1  Cor.  xv.  8.  ix.  1.),  to 
whom  he  communicated  his  Gospel  by  immediate  revelation. 
(Gal.  i.  11—20.)" 

The  different  kinds  of  conversation  and  intercourse  which 
Jesus  held  with  the  different  persons  to  whom  he  showed  him- 
self have  great  propriety,  and  increase  the  evidence  of  his  resur- 
rection. As  the  apostles  were  to  be  witnesses  of  Christ  to  the 
whole  world,  his  appearances,  conversations,  and  actions,  after 
his  resurrection,  are  well  adapted  to  excite  their  attention,  gradu- 
ally to  diminish,  and  at  length  to  remove  their  surprise  ;  and 
thus  to  fit  their  minds  for  attending  with  calmness  and  impar- 
tiality to  the  evidence  of  the  fact,  and  to    flbrd  them  the  strong- 


1  Newcome's  Review  of  the  Difficulties 
tion,  and  Benson's  Life  of  Christ,  ch.  xii. 
»  Id.  ibid. 


L-laring  to  Christ's  liesurrer- 


*k 


Skct.    II.] 


PROOFS  OF  THEIR  INSPIRATION 


111 


est  and  moat  undoubted  proofs  of  it.  'Che  women,  l>y  seeing 
that  the  body  was  not  in  the  sepulchre  (John  xx.  2.),  and  being 
told  by  the  angel  that  he  was  alive  (Luke  xxiv.  4 — 10.),  would, 
of  course,  be  rather  in  expectation  lit'  seeing  him,  though  with  a 
mixture  of  fear.  At  his  first  appearance  he  permitted  himself 
to  he  teen  by  Wary  Magdalen  ;  not  to  be  touched.  But  he  sen) 
her  to  prepare  the  apostles  for  beholding  him  alive  again  (John 
w.  11  —  is.  Mark  xvi.  9,  ID.),  by  telling  them  that  he  should 
ascend  to  the  Father.  This  report  encouraged  Peter  and  John 
to  run  to  the  sepulchre,  where  seeing  only  the  linen  cloths  and 
the  napkin,  they  returned,  wondering  at  what  had  pa  ed,  per- 
plexed how  to  account  for  it  (Luke  wiv.  12.  John  vx.  0 — 10.)  ; 
and  therefore  in  a  state  of  mind  In  attend  to  further  evidence, 
and  yet  not  to  receive  it  unless  it  was  valid.  When  .Testis 
showed  himself  to  the  other  Mary,  Joanna,  Salome,  &c.  he  ad- 
dressed them  with  the  usual  salutation,  let  them  take  hold  of  his 
feet  and  pay  him  homage,  hade  them  m>t  be  afraid,  but  go  and 
tell  his  brethren  to  go  into  Galilee,  and  there  they  should  see 
him.  (Matt,  xxviii.  '.I,  10.)  This  was  further  evidence  to  the 
apostles,  and  increased  their  hope  of  seeing  Jesus  themselves, 
llis  third  appearance  to  Peter  would  probably  convince  him,  and 
would  be  a  strolls'  additional  proof  to  the  other  apostles.  His 
walking  to  Emmaus  with  Clebpas,  and  another  disciple,  and 
explaining  to  them  all  the  prophecies  concerning  himself;  going 
into  the  village,  and  sitting  at  meat  with  them;  taking  bread, 
blessing,  breaking,  and  giving  it  to  them  ;  were  such  undoubted 
proofs  of  his  recovery  to  life  again,  that  the  two  disciples  could 
not  refrain  from  returning  that  very  evening  to  Jerusalem  to  re- 
port what  they  had  seen  and  heard  to  the  apostles.  (Luke  xxiv. 
13 — 35.)  While  they  were  speaking,  Jesus  himself  stood  in 
the  midst  of  them  ;  and  after  asking  them  why  they  doubted, 
bade  them  look  attentively  at  his  hands  and  feet,  and  handle 
him,  that  they  might  he  thoroughly  convinced  he  had  flesh  and 
bones,  and  that  it  was  not  a  spirit  which  appeared  to  them.  He 
then  ate  fish  and  honey-comb  before  them.  Having  thus  clearly 
demonstrated  to  them  that  he  was  actually  restored  to  life  again, 
he  showed  them  that  he  fulfilled  the  prophecies  concerning  him- 
self as  the  Messiah  ;  particularly  those  relating  to  his  suffer- 
ings, death,  and  resurrection;  and  appointed  them  to  be  his 
witnesses  to  the  world,  and  preachers  of  his  Gospel  to  all  na- 
tions.    (Luke  xxiv.  33.  36—49.  John  xx.  19—25.) 

Such  undoubted  proofs  of  his  real  resurrection  kept  their 
minds  in  the  pleasing  expectation  of  some  further  manifestations 
of  his  divine  commission.  All  these  interviews  and  conversa- 
tions in  one  day  afforded  abundant  matter  for  consideration.  We 
are  not  informed,  therefore,  that  he  was  seen  any  more  till  the 
eighth  day  after.  During  this  interval,  the  apostles  would  have 
leisure  to  revolve  calmly  the  several  distinct  facts,  which  clearly 
and  decisively  proved  that  he  was  truly  risen  from  the  dead. 
Thomas  not  being  present  at  his  interview  with  the  other  apos- 
tles, Jesus  showed  himself  again  to  them  all  on  the  following 
first  day  of  the  week.  He  then  submitted  to  a  re-examination, 
and  desired  Thomas  to  put  his  finger  into  the  prints  of  the  nails, 
and  to  thrust  his  hand  into  his  side,  in  the  presence  of  them  all. 
John  xx.  26 — 29.)  After  this,  it  does  not  appear  that  any  of 
ihe  apostles  entertained  the  least  doubt.  Their  obedience  to 
Jesus,  who  commanded  them  to  meet  him  in  Galilee  (Matt 
xxviii.  1G.),  then  to  return  to  Jerusalem  (Acts  i.  ■!.),  and  to  wail 
there  for  the  promise  of  the  Father  (Acts  ii.  1.),  are  decisive 
proofs  of  their  firm  faith  in  the  reality  of  his  resurrection.  This 
may  be  one  reason  why  so  few  subsequent  appearances  of  our 
Lord  arc  particularly  mentioned.  The  free  and  varied  mutual 
conversation  which  Christ  held  with  the  seven  disciples  by  the 
sea  of  Tiberias,  after  his  appearance  to  all  the  eleven  :  his  eating 
again  with  them  ;  his  particular  queries  and  directions  to  Peter, 
and  his  predictions  concerning  him  and  John  (John  \xi.  1 — 23.), 
when  he  repeated  some  proofs,  ami  added  others,  to  confirm  and 
establish  their  faith.  That  their  fear  and  surprise  at  his  appear- 
nice  to  them  was  now  considerably  diminished  by  the  repetition 
of  it,  is  evident  from  the  strain  of  the  conversation  between 
Jesus  and  Peter,  which  is  more  easy  than  any  that  is  recorded 
in  the  former  appearances.  James,  also,  bavin.;  seen  Christ  alone 
(1  Cor.  xv.  7.),  would  be  an  additional  proof  both  to  himself 
and  to  the  rest  of  the  disciples.  As  each  would  naturally  com- 
municate to  his  brethren  what  he  had  seen,  heard,  and  felt,  to 
•onvince  him  that  Jesus  was  really  alive  again,  the  minds  of  the 
disciples  in  general 'would  be  prepared  for  further  evidence.  A 
still  more  public  appearance  than  any  former  one,  if  appointed 
by  Christ  himself  (Matt,  xxviii.  16.)  previous  to  his  death  (xxvi. 
32.),  and  if  it  actually  took  place  after  that  event,  would  afford 
this  proof.    Such  an  appearance  would  give  to  ^ach  an  additional 


ground  of  conviction  that  he  could  not  be  deceived,  if  a  fai 
greater  number  than  had  ever  before  seen  Jesus  together  were 
present  at  the  time,  and  distinctly  formed  the  same  idea  witb 
himself.  In  Galilee,  therefore,  he  thus  appeared  (1  Cor.  xv.  6.): 
ii  in  which  he  had  lived  till  his  thirtieth  year;  where  he 
had  often  preached,  and  been  seen  in  public;  where  he  wrought 
his  first,  and  the  greater  part  of  his  other  miracles;  the  native 
country  of  mint  of  the  apostles  and  disciples  ;  where,  from  being 
best  known  before  his  death,  he  would  he  the  more  accurately 
di  languished  to  be  the  same  person  after  it,  and  where  any  im- 
posture would  be  soonest  and  most  easily  detected.  Here  was 
he  actually  seen  alive  by  above  five  hundred  brethren  at  once; 
of  whom  the  greater  part  were  not  dead,  when  Paul,  several 
years  after,  wrote  his  1  i r - 1  epistle  to  the  Christian  church  at 
Corinth.  When  the  great  apostle  of  the  Gentiles  published  his 
defence  of  Christ's  resurrection  in  that  epistle,  he  declared  to  the 
world  that  Jesus  had  appeared  to  these  five  hundred  witnesses 
at  one  time;  and  he  appealed  to  a  number  of  them  who  were 
then  alive  for  the  truth  of  his  assertion.  Now  it  is  most  certain, 
that  Paul  would  not,  could  not,  durst  not,  express  himself  in 
that  manner,  if  there  bad  not  been  a  great  number  of  disciples 
still  living,  wdio  testified  that  they  had  seen  Ji  bus  Christ  after 
his  resurrection.  Could  all  those  men  agree  voluntarily  to  main- 
tain a  vile  falsehood,  not  only  altogether  unprofitable,  but  also 
such  as  involved  them  in  certain  dishonour,  poverty,  persecution, 
and  death  1  According  to  their  own  principles,  either  as  Jews 
or  Christians,  if  this  testimony,  to  which  they  adhered  to  the 
last  moments  of  their  lives,  had  been  false,  they  exposed  them- 
selves to  eternal  misery.  Under  such  circumstances,  these  men 
could  not  have  persevered  in  maintaining  a  false  testimony, 
unless  God  had  wrought  a  miracle  in  human  nature  to  enable 
impostors  to  deceive  the  world. 

(3.)  Consider  their  incredulity  and  slowness  in  believing 
flic  resurrection  of  Christ. 

This  rendered  it  impossible  that  they  could  themselves'be  de- 
ceived in  that  fact.  In  common  with  their  countrymen,  they  ex- 
pected a  reigning  and  glorious  Messiah,  wdio  was  not  only  to  de- 
liver them  from  the  Roman  yoke,  but  who  was  also  to  subdue  all 
his  enemies.  With  him  also  they  themselves  expected  to  con- 
quer and  reign,  together  with  the  rest  of  the  Jews,  as  princes  and 
nobles  in  the  splendid  earthly  court  of  this  temporal  Messiah. 
No  expectation  ever  flattered  the  predominant  passions  of  man 
so  powerfully  as  this.  It  showed  itself  on  every  occasion,  and 
adhered  to  them  immovably  until  the  day  of  Pentecost ;  for, 
just  at  the  moment  of  Christ's  ascension,  ten  days  only  before 
that  festival,  they  asked  him,  Lord,  wilt  thou  at  this  time  restore 
the  kingdom,  to  Israel?  (Acts  i.  6.) 

It  is  evident  that  they  did  not  and  could  not  believe  that  he 
would  die :  after  he  had  predicted  his  death  live  or  six  different 
times,  Mark  relates  that  they  understood  not  that  saving,  (ix. 
32.)  It  is  equally  evident,  that  they  did  not  believe  he  would  live 
again,  notwithstanding  he  had  repeatedly  foretold  his  resurrec- 
tion. The  notion  which  the  Jews  had  of  a  resurrection  was  only 
that  of  the  last  day.  (John  xi.  21.)  There  was  indeed  a  rumour 
raised  by  some,  that  John  the  Baptist  had  risen  from  the  dead, 
and  had  afterwards  wrought  those  miracles  which  were  perform- 
ed by  Christ,  under  the  name  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  as  Herod's 
guilty  fears  led  him  to  believe:  others  sail  that  one  of  the  old 
prophets  had  risen  again.  (Luke  ix.  7,  si.  19.)  But  both  these 
reports  the  disciples  knew  to  he  false,  and  therefore  had  little  rea- 
son, from  such  groundless  mistakes,  to  entertain  a  belief,  contrary 
tii  the  genera]  opinion  of  the  Jews,  of  an  immediate  resurrection 
of  any  one  from  the  dead.  And  whatever  was  said  of  any  other 
resurrection,  they  considered  as  alluding  only  to  that :  they  ques- 
tioned one  with  another  what  the  rising  from  the  dead  should 
mean.    (Mark  ix.  10.) 

The  apostles  and  other  disciples,  therefore,  were  so  far  from 
being  credulous,  or  forward  to  believe  the  resurrection  of  Christ 
from  the  dead,  that  they  were  not  only  inquisitive,  and  careful 
'not  to  be  imposed  upon,  but  they  were  exceedingly  diffident  and 
distrustful.  The  women  who  went  to  the  sepulchre  were  so  far 
from  expecting  to  find  him  risen  from  the  dead,  that  they  carried 
with  them  a  preparation  of  spices  to  embalm  his  body  ;  and  when 
they  found  it  not,  they  were  greatly  perplexed,  not  recollecting 
the  words  which  Jesus  had  spoken  to  them  concerning  the  re- 
surrection, until  the  two  angels  who  stood  by  them  in  shining 
garments  had  brought  them  to  their  remembrance.  (Luke  xxiv. 
4 — 8.)  But  when  they  returned  from  the  sepulchre,  and  told 
all  these  things  to  the  eleven  and  to  all  the  rest,  they  disbe- 
lieved the  testimony  of  the  women,  and  regarded  their  words  a 


112 

idle  tales.1  When  Christ  appeared  to  the  two  disciples  in  their 
way  to  Emmaus,  he  found  them  sorrowfully  conversing  on  aU 
those  things  which  had  happened  ;  and,  on  his  inquiring  the  rea- 
son of  their  sorrow,  they  gave  him  such  an  account,  as  shows 
their  desponding  sentiments  of  their  condition.  Afterwards  when 
these  two  were  themselves  convinced,  and  told  the  rest  what  had 
happened,  neither  believed  they  them.  (Mark  xvi.  13.)  And 
when,  immediately  upon  this,  Jesus  himself  stood  in  the  midst 
of  them,  they  -were  terrified  and  affrighted,  and  supposed  that 
they  had  seen  a  spirit;  and  he  said  unto  them,  Why  are  ye 
troubled,  and  why  do  thoughts  arise  in  your  hearts  ?  Behold 
my  hands  and  my  feet,  that  it  is  I  myself:  handle  me,  and  tee  ; 
for  a  spirit  hath  not  flesh  and  bones,  as  ye  see  me  have.  And 
■when  he  had  thus  spoken,  he  showed  them  his  hands  and  his 
feet.  (Luke  xxiv.  36 — 40.)  It  is  to  be  observed,  that  the  print 
of  the  nails  by  which  he  was  fastened  to  the  cross  was  still  per- 
fectly visible  both  in  his  hands  and  feet :  Christ  therefore  appealed 
to  them,  because  they  thus  furnished  evidence  that  it  was  he 
himself  which  no  man  would  counterfeit.  Still  they  believed 
not  for  joy,  and  wondered.  To  remove  this  doubt,  he  further 
said  to  them,  Have  ye  here  any  meat?  And,  in  answer  to  this 
inquiry,  they  gave  him  a  piece  of  a  broiled  fish  and  of  an  honey- 
comb. And  he  took  it,  and  did  eat  before  them.  (41 — 43.)  At 
the  end  of  this  proceeding,  and  then  only,  did  they  entirely  be- 
lieve that  he  was  risen  from  the  dead.  After  all  these  proofs, 
Thomas,  one  of  the  twelve,  not  being  with  them  when  Jesus  had 
appeared  to  them,  expressed  his  disbelief  of  his  resurrection, 
when  they  told  him  that  they  had  seen  the  Lord  ;  and  said  unto 
them,  Except  J  shall  see  in  his  hands  the  print  of  the  nails,  and 
but  my  fngcr  into  the  print  of  the  nails,  and  thrust  my  hand 
into  his  side,  I  will  not  believe.  At  the  end  of  eight  days, 
when  the  disciples  were  assembled  together,  and  Thomas  was 
with  them,  Jesus  came  to  them  ;  and,  to  convince  the  unbeliev- 
ing apostle,  and  take  away  all  pretences  of  incredulity  for  the 
future,  he  granted  him  the  satisfaction  he  desired.  This  irrefra- 
gable evidence  convinced  Thomas,  who  immediately  confessed 
him  to  be  his  Lord  and  his  God.  (John  xx.  24 — 28.)  The 
backwardness  which  the  disciples  manifested  in  believing  the  re- 
surrection of  their  Master,  and  the  scrupulous  incredulity  of 
Thomas  in  particular,  are  not  only  perfectly  consistent  with  their 
temper  and  turn  of  mind,  as  set  forth  in  other  parts  of  their  his- 
tory (which  shows  them  to  have  been  neither  enthusiasts  nor 
fanatics),  and  on  that  account  probable  from  uniformity ;  but 
they  derive  a  further  appearance  of  veracity  to  the  historian,  if 
we  consider  that  a  forger  of  the  Gospels  would  have  apprehended 
some  detriment  to  his  grand  object,  the  resurrection  of  Jesus, 
from  an  indisposition  and  unwillingness  in  those  who  knew  him 
best  to  acknowledge  their  Lord  again.  Such  frankness  and  simpli- 
city of  narrative  are  striking  presumptions  (independently  of  the 
positive  evidence  already  adduced)  of  the  reality  of  this  capital 
event,  which  is  the  corner-stone  of  Christianity  ;  and  indirectly 
prove  the  entire  conviction  of  the  apostles  themselves,  that 
Christ  had  expired  on  the  cross.  All  the  circumstances  of  this 
part  of  the  Gospel  history  cannot  fail  to  make  a  very  considerable 
impression  on  the  mind  of  every  impartial  and  discerning  reader. 
There  is  a  certain  limit  to  which  an  impostor,  aided  by  ingenuity 
axd  experience,  may  be  allowed  to  proceed  with  little  danger  of 
detection  ;  but  an  undeviating  consistency  with  itself,  and  a  strict 
conformity  to  the  maxims  of  experience,  through  a  circumstan- 
tial history  of  a  great  variety  of  extraordinary  transactions,  is  be- 
yond his  ability,  and  only  attainable  by  the  honest  votary  of 
truth.'1 — Thus  the  incredulity  of  the  apostles,  in  the  first  instance, 
and  their  reluctant,  slow,  and  gradual  assent  to  the  belief  of  The 
fact  of  their  Master's  resurrection  (which  was  such  as  is  always 
yielded  to  evidence  that  contradicts  prejudices  strongly  imbibed), 
concur  to  prove  the  absolute  impossibility  of  their  being  them- 
selves deceived  in  that  fact.  They  beheld  Jesus,  not  once  only, 
nor  in  a  transient  manner,  but  for  forty  days  together,  and  knew 
him  to  be  alive  by  many  infallible  proofs.  They  had  the  testi- 
mony and  assurance  not  of  one  sense  only,  but  of  all  the  senses. 
They  saw  him  with  their  eyes,  they  heard  him  with  their  ears 
vith  their  hands  they  touched  and  felt  him,  and  they  tasted  of  the 
oread  and  fish  which  he  gave  them ;  he  ate  and  drank  with  them, 
he  conversed  with  them,  he  explained  to  them  the  Scriptures, 
and  he  wrought  miracles  before  them  himself.  The  fondest  en- 
thusiast could  not  be  deceived  in  these  particulars ;  but  supposing 
chat  one  man  might  be  deceived,  could  all  the  apostles  1 — Could 
above  five  hundred  brethren  at  once  be  deceived  7 — If  in  this 

•  Luke  xxiv.  9.  11.    Other  instances  of  unbelief  in  the  disciples  may  be 
■rrn  in  verse  12.  of  the  same  chapter,  also  in  >fark  xvi.  11.  and  John  xx. 


THE  MIRACLES  RELATED  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES, 


[Chap.1V 

case  they  could  not  be  certain,  there  is  no  certainty  of  sense  in 
any  case.  And  as  the  apostles  neither  were  nor  could  be  de- 
ceived themselves,  so  they  neither  did  nor  could  deceive  others. 
For, 

(4.)  Consider  the  moral  impossibility  of  their  succeeding  in 
palming  an  imposition  upon  Hit  world. 

In  support  of  this  remark,  we  observe,  in  the  first  place,  that 
the  known  integrity,  impartiality  and  fidelity  of  the  apostles, 
places  them  beyond  every  reasonable  suspicion  of  intentional  de- 
ception.' But,  secondly,  if  they  had  testified  falsely  that  they 
had  seen  Jesus  Christ  risen  from  the  dead,  it  was  either  with  a 
mutual  agreement  or  without  one.  Now  it  could  not  be  without 
a  mutual  agreement,  for  an  error  that  is  not  supported  by  unani- 
mous consent  must  necessarily  fall  of  itself  to  the  ground.  And 
it  would  unavoidably  have  so  happened,  that,  while  one  would 
have  affirmed  that  Christ  was  risen  from  the  dead,  another  would 
have  asserted  that  he  was  not  risen :  one  would  have  said  that  he 
appeared  to  many,  and  another  that  he  appeared  to  one  only  :  an- 
other that  he  appeared  to  no  one :  one  would  have  related  the 
matter  in  one  way,  another  in  another  way ;  and,  in  fine,  the 
most  honest  and  sincere  would  have  acknowledged  that  there  was 
nothing  at  all  in  the  affair.  But,  if  they  unanimously  agreed  to 
contrive  this  imposture,  there  must  necessarily  have  been  several 
persons  who  agreed  together,  constantly  and  unanimously,  to  re- 
late a  matter  as  fact  which  they  knew  to  be  utterly  false ;  which 
is  a  thing  altogether  impossible  :  1.  Because  it  is  inconceivable 
that  a  man  should  willingly  expose  himself  to  all  sorts  of  punish- 
ment— even  to  death  itself,  on  purpose  to  testify  a  matter  as  fact 
which  he  knew  to  be  utterly  false. — 2.  Though,  by  an  unheard- 
of  prodigy,  there  should  have  been  one  single  person  so  disposed, 
yet  it  is  the  height  of  extravagance  to  imagine,  that  there  was  a 
great  number  of  persons  who  suddenly  conceived  and  took  that 
dangerous  resolution ;  especially  those  whose  previous  conduct 
had  been  quite  different,  having  not  only  evinced  a  great  degree 
of  caution,  but  also  much  timidity — not  to  say  cowardice — on 
several  other  occasions. — 3.  Although  a  very  great  number  of 
persons  should  have  agreed  together  to  attest  a  falsehood,  yet  it 
is  incredible  that  they  should  bear  witness  to  it,  who  considered 
perfidy  and  lying  as  sins  that  were  utterly  inconsistent  with  their 
salvation  :  neither  could  it  be  supposed  or  expected  of  those  who, 
if  they  allowed  the  resurrection  of  Jesus  Christ  to  be  a  mere  fic- 
tion, must  also  allow  that  they  had  followed  a  phantom,  a  chi- 
merical, imaginary  Messiah ;  and  if  they  acknowledged  that  they 
had  followed  a  phantom,  they  must  likewise  confess  their  own 
mutual  extravagance. — 4.  Such  a  mutual  concert  or  agreement 
never  could  have  been  so  carried  on,  but  that  some  of  them,  to 
avoid  punishment,  would  have  discovered  the  intrigue  to  the 
Jews,  with  all  its  circumstances  ;  it  being  most  certain  that,  since 
Christ  had  been  so  very  basely  betrayed  in  his  lifetime,  it  is  more 
probable  that  he  would  be  so  served  after  his  death.  For  they 
might  have  expected  some  reward  from  him  when  living,  but  they 
could  hope  for  nothing  from  him  after  his  death,  but  misery  and 
torments,  shame  and  continual  remorse,  for  having  followed  an 
impostor. — 5.  Lastly,  there  is  no  doubt  but  that  the  very  same 
principles  which  had  dissolved  their  mutual  fidelity  would  more 
probably  break  off  their  mutual  treachery.  And  since  their  love 
and  affection  for  their  Master,  supported  by  the  persuasion  that 
he  was  the  Messiah,  could  not  sustain  that  mutual  fidelity,  which 
made  them  say,  no  very  long  time  before,  Let  us  go  also,  that 
we  may  die  with  him  (John  xi.  16.),  so  that  they  fled  and  left 
him  wholly  to  the  power  of  his  enemies ;  can  it  be  reasonably 
supposed  that,  having  been  undeceived  in  the  opinion  they  had 
entertained  concerning  the  Messiah,  they  should  yet  (notwith- 
standing their  shame,  fear,  and  rejected  condition),  presently 
after  unanimously  agree  to  maintain  and  a/Hrm  a  horrible  lie,  foi 
the  express  purpose  of  disgracing  their  nation,  by  laying  an  ima- 
ginary crime  to  their  charge,  and  persist  in  maintaining  it,  so  that 
not  one  of  them  should  recant  or  contradict  himself,  but  all  of 
them  should  unanimously  suffer  the  severest  torments,  to  affirm 
that  they  had  seen  what  they  had  really  never  seen  1  It  was, 
therefore,  morally  impossible  that  they  should  attempt,  or  succeed 
in  the  attempt,  to  palm  an  imposition  on  the  world. 

(5.)  Observe  the  facts  which  they  themselves  avow. 

Had  they  been  metaphysical  reasonings,  depending  on  a  chain 
of  principles  and  consequences  ;  had  they  been  periods  of  chro- 
nology depending  on  long  and  difficult  calculations ;  had  they 
been  distant  events,  which  could  only  have  bren  known  by  the 
relations  of  others ;  in  such  cases  their  reasonings  might  have 
been  suspected  :  but  thev  are  facts  wMeh  are  in  question,  ret' 


Mf.it.  II.] 


PROOFS  OF  THEIR  INSPIRATION. 


113 


facts  wliicli  the  witnesses  declared  they  had  seen  with  their  own 
at  different  places,  and  at  several  times.  Had  they  seen 
Jesus  Christ  ?  Had  they  touched  him  !  Had  they  sat  at  table 
with  him,  and  eaten  with  him  ?  Had  they  conversed  with  him  ! 
All  these  are  questions  of  fact :  it  was  impossible  they  could  have 
been  deceived  in  them. 

(G.)  Consider,  feather,  the  agreement  of  their  evidence. 

They  all  unanimously  deposed  that  Christ  rose  from  the  dead. 

It  is  very  extraordinary  that  a  gang  of  five  hundred  impostors 
(we  speak  the  language  of  infidels)) — a  company,  in  which 
there  must  necessarily  be  persons  of  different  capacities  and 
tempers,  the  witty  and  the  dull,  the  timid  and  the  hold  : — it  is 
very  strange  that  such  a  numerous  body  as  this  should  maintain 
an  unity  of  evidence.  This,  however,  is  the  case  of  the  wit- 
ness! s  for  the  resurrection  of  Jesus.  What  Christian  ever  con- 
tradicted himself!  What  Christian  ever  impeached  his  accom- 
plices !  What  Christian  ever  discovered  this  pretended  im- 
posture ' 

(7.)  Observe  the  tkibun  LLS  before  which  they  stood  andgave 
evidence,  and  the  innumerable  multitude  of  people  by  whom 
their  testimony  was  examined,  by  Jews  and  heathens,  by 
philosophers  and  rabbies,  and  by  an  infinite  number  of  per- 
sons who  went  annually  to  Jerusalem;  for  Providence  so 
ordered  those  circumstances,  that  the  testimony  of  the  apos- 
tles might  be  unsuspected. 

Providence  continued  Jerusalem  forty  years  after  the  resur- 
rection of  Christ,  that  ail  the  Jews  in  the  then  known  world 
might  examine  the  evidence  concerning  it,  and  obtain  authen- 
tic proof  of  the  truth  of  Christianity.  The  apostles,  we  repeat, 
maintained  the  resurrection  of  Jesus  Christ  before  Jews  and 
pagans,  before  philosophers  and  rabbies,  before  courtiers,  before 
lawyers,  before  people  who  were  expert  in  examining  and  cro;;s- 
examining  witnesses,  in  order  to  lead  them  into  self-contradic- 
tion. Had  the  apostles  borne  their  testimony  in  conscqueAce 
of  a  preconcerted  plot  between  themselves,  is  it  not  morally 
certain  that,  as  they  were  examined  before  such  different  and  ca- 
pable men,  some  one  would  have  discovered  the  pretended  fraud  ? 

(8.)  Take  notice,  also,  of  the  time  when  this  evidence  was 
given. 

If  the  apostles  had  first  published  this  resurrection  several 
years  after  the  time  which  they  assigned  lor  it,  unbelief  might 
have  availed  itself  of  the  delay.  But  only  three  days  after  the 
crucifixion  of  Christ  they  declared  that  he  was  risen  again,  and 
they  re-echoed  their  testimony  in  a  singular  manner  at  the  feast 
of  Pentecost,  when  Jerusalem  expected  the  spread  of  the  report, 
and  endeavoured  to  prevent  it;  while  the  eyes  of  their  enemies 
were  yet  sparkling  with  rage  and  madness,  and  while  Calvary 
was  yet  dyed  with  the  blood  they  had  shed  there.  Do  im- 
postors take  such  measures  ?  Would  they  pot  have  waited  till 
the  fury  of  the  Jews  had  been  appeased  ;  till  the  judges  and 
public  officers  had  been  changed  ;  and  till  the  people  had  been 
less  attentive  to  their  depositions  ? 

(9.)  Consider  the  place  where  the  apostles  bore  their  tes- 
timony to  the  resurrection. 

Had  they  published  this  event  in  distant  countries  beyond 
mountains  and  seas,  it  might  have  been  supposed  that  distance 
of  place  rendering  it  extremely  difficult  for  their  hearers  to  obtain 
exact  information  had  facilitated  the  establishment  of  the  error. 
But  the  apostles  preached  in  Jerusalem,  in  the  synagogues,  in 
the  prxtorium  :  they  unfolded  and  displayed  the  banners  of 
their  Master's  cross,  and  set  up  tokens  of  his  victory,  in  the  very 
upot  on  which  the  infamous  instrument  of  his  Bufferings  had  been 
set  up. 

(10.)  Consider  the  motives  which  induced  the  apostles  to 
publish  the  fact  of  Christ's  resurrection. 

It  was  not  to  acquire  fame,  riches,  glory,  or  profit : — by  no 
means.  On  the  contrary,  they  exposed  themselves  to  sufferings 
and  death,  and  proclaimed  the  truth  from  a  conviction  of  its 
importance  and  certainty.  "  Every  where  they  were  hated, 
calumniated,  despised,  hunted  from  city  to  city,  cast  into  prison, 
scourged,  stoned  and  crucified.  And  for  what  were  all  these 
excruciating  sufferings  endured  ?  Gain,  honour,  and  pleasure 
are  the  only  gods  to  which  impostors  bow.  But  of  these  the 
apostles  acquired,  and  plainly  laboured  to  acquire  neither.  What 
then  was  the  end  for  which  they  suffered  T  Let  the  infidel 
answer  this  question.  As  they  gained  nothing,  and  lost  every 
thing,  in  the  present  world  ;  so  it  is  certain  that  they  must  expect 
to  gain  nothing,  and  suffer  every  thing,  in  the  world  to  come. 
I'hat  the  Old  Testament  was  the  won!  of  God.  they  certainly 


believed  without  a  single  doubt.  But  in  this  book,  lying  is  ex- 
hibited as  a  supreme  object  of  the  divine  abhorrence,  and  the 
scriptural  threatenings.  From  the  invention  and  propagation  of 
this  falsehood,  therefore,  they  could  expect  nothing  hereafter, 
but  the  severest  effusions  of  the  anger  of  God. — For  what,  then, 
was  all  this  loss,  danger,  and  suffering  incurred  1  For  the  pri- 
vilege of  telling  an  extravagant  and  incredible  story  to  mankind, 
and  oi'  founding  on  it  a  series  of  exhortations  to  repentance, 
faith,  and  holiness  ;  h>  the  renunciation  of  sin,  and  the  univer- 
sal exercise  of  piety,  justice,  truth,  and  kindness;  to  the  practice 
of  all  that  conduct,  which  common  sense  lvas  ever  pronounced 
BO  !:::  the  duty,  honour,  and  happiness  of  man  ;  and  the  avoid- 
ance of  all  that  which  it  has  ever  declared  to  he  his  guilt,  de- 
basement, and  misery  ?  Such  an  end  was  never  even  wished. 
much  less  seriously  proposed  by  an  impostor.  At  the  same  time, 
they  lived  as  no  impostors  ever  lived;  and  were  able  to  say 
to  their  converts,  with  a  full  assurance  of  finding  a  cordial  be- 
lief of  the  declaration,  }V  are  "witnesses,  and  God  also,  how 
holily,  and  justly,  and  unblamably,  ive  behaved  ourselves 
among  you  that  believe.  That  this  was  their  true  character  i- 
certain  from  the  concurrent  testimony  of  all  antiquity.  Had 
they  not  nobly  recorded  their  own  faults,  there  is  not  the  least 
reason  to  believe  that  a  single  stain  would  have  ever  rested 
upon  their  character.  If,  then,  the  apostles  invented  this  storv, 
they  invented  it  without  the  remotest  hope  or  prospect  of  making 
it  [to  be]  believed  ;  a  thing  which  was  never  done  by  an  im- 
postor ;  propagated  it  without  any  interest,  without  any  hope 
of  gain,  honour,  power,  or  pleasure,  the  only  objects  by  which 
impostors  were  ever  allured ;  and  with  losses  and  sufferings 
which  no  impostor  ever  voluntarily  underwent :  proposed  as 
their  only  end,  or  at  least  the  only  end  which  has  ever  been 
discovered  to  mankind,  an  object  which  no  impostor  ever  pur- 
sued or  even  wished  ;  and  during  their  whole  progress  through 
life,  lived  so  as  no  impostor  ever  lived  j  and  so  as  to  be  the  most 
perfect  contrast  ever  exhibited  by  men,  to  the  whole  character 
of  imposition."1 

(11.)  If  Jesus  Christ  did  not  rise  from  the  dead,  it  is  im- 
possible to  account  for  the  striking  contrast  betweca  the 
pusillanimous  conduct  of  the  prejudiced  apostles  during  Ihdr 
Master's  life  and  the  fearlessly  courageous  conduct  of  the  same 
apostles  after  his  resurrection. 

During  the  life  of  Christ,  we  see  them  limited  in  their  con- 
ceptions ;  confounded  by  whatever  was  spiritual  and  sublime  in 
their  Master's  doctrine;  prepossessed  by  the  idea  which  then 
prevailed  among  the  Jewish  people,  that  the  Law  of  Moses  and 
the  Temple  at  Jerusalem  were  to  subsist  for  ever ;  full  of  pre- 
judices concerning  the  nature  of  Messiah's  kingdom  ;  disputing 
for  the  chief  place  in  it,  at  the  very  time  when  Jesus  Christ  was 
discoursing  to  them  concerning  his  death ;  and  considering  his 
public  death  as  an  obstacle  to  his  reign  and  an  indelible  oppro- 
brium. If  the  apostles  had  always  retained  the  character  which 
they  exhibit  in  the  Gospels,  it  cannot  be  doubted,  but  that  Chris- 
tianity would  have  been  buried  in  the  tomb  of  its  Founder. 

But  let  us  prosecute  our  inquiries,  and  study  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  the  narrative  of  which  commences  where  the  evan- 
gelical history  terminates,  viz.  after  the  death,  resurrection,  and 
ascension  of  Christ.  There  we  behold  the  apostles  endued  with 
the  profoundest  knowledge  of  the  Gospel,  emancipated  from  all 
their  obstinate  prejudices,  notwithstanding  these  were  founded 
on  national  self-love,  on  religious  zeal,  and  on  the  dazzling 
prospects  which  they  had  conceived  for  themselves.  They  have 
for  ever  renounced  all  their  gross  ideas  of  earthly  elevation  j 
and  it  is  evident  that  they  fully  understood  that  the  kingdom 
which  they  were  commissioned  to  establish  was  a  spiritual  king- 
dom,— that  the  Jewish  nation  were  no  longer  the  peculiarly 
favoured  people  of  God, — that  the  Levitical  worship  was  about 
to  cease, — that  the  religion  which  they  preached  was  to  be  com- 
mon to  all  nations, — and  that  they  considered  their  Master's 
death  in  its  true  point  of  view,  as  the  best  means  of  proving 
the  truth  of  his  divine  mission,  as  the  foundation  of  the  cove- 
nant of  grace,  the  most  powerful  motive  to  holiness,  and  his 
resurrection  as  the  pledge  of  our  resurrection. 

During  the  life  of  Christ,  we  see  them  in  a  state  of  uncer- 
tainty, incessantly  asking  for  new  proofs,  exciting  impatience  by 
the  nature  of  their  questions,  and  deserving  their  Master's  re- 
proach of  being  persons  of  "  little  faith."  Only  fifty  days  after 
his  death  we  see  them  decided,  convinced,  persuaded,  speaking 
with  that  noble  firmness  which  is  inspired  by  a  thorough  con- 
viction and  knowledge  of  the  truth,  delivering  the  doctrine  which 
they  taught  as  certain  and  indubitable,  as  resting  upon  fact 
•  PwlsjW*  "t  <«»  of  Theology,  '■'•'  ' 


114 

which  all  their  senses  had  witnessed.  No  more  fluctuation — 
no  more  doubt — no  more  uncertainty.  We  know  is  their  ex- 
pression. "  That -which  \vk  have  seen  with  our  eyes,  which  we 
have  looked  upon,  and  our  hands  have  handled  of  the  Word 

of  Life, declare    we  unto  you"   (1  John  i.  1.3.);  and 

they  announce  it  with  a  tone  of  authority  which  well  became 
the  ambassadors  of  heaven,  but  which  was  ill  suited  to  persons 
m  their  condition  and  of  their  education. 

Before  their  Master's  death  we  see  them  cowardly,  trembling, 
timid  in  the  extreme,  feeble  sheep,  who  were  scattered  the  mo- 
ment their  shepherd  was  smitten.  After  that  event  they  became 
altogether  new  men  ;  firm,  courageous,  and  intrepid  ;  they  as- 
tonished Judxa,  Greece,  and  Asia  Minor  by  their  doctrine,  and 
by  their  eloquence.  They  spoke  before  the  people ;  they  spoke 
before  the  tribunals  of  justice,  and  also  to  kings,  with  singular 
boldness  and  freedom.  They  confounded  the  wisdom  of  the 
Areopagus  ;  they  made  a  proconsul  tremble  on  his  throne  ;  and 
they  extorted  from  a  king,  before  whom  they  were  accused,  a 
public  acknowledgment  of  their  innocence.  That  very  apostle, 
who  had  been  so  intimidated  by  the  voice  of  a  female  servant 
that  he  denied  his  Master,  a  few  days  after  his  death,  when 
they  were  summoned  before  the  very  same  magistrates  who  had 
caused  him  to  be  crucified,  dared  to  reproach  them  to  their  face 
with  having  put  to  death  "  the  Holy  One  and  the  Just,  the 
Prince  of  Life."  The  menaces  of  their  judges  dismayed  them  not. 
"  Whether  it  be  right  in  the  sight  of  God,"  they  said,  "  to  hearken 
unto  you  more  than  unto  God,  judge  ye,  for  we  cannot  but 
speak  the  things  which  we  have  seen  and  heard."  (Acts  iv.  19, 
20.)  They  braved  the  hatred,  and  they  triumphed  over  all  the 
power. of  the  synagogue.  Unappalled  by  torments,  they  rejoiced 
to  be  deemed  worthy  to  sutler  reproach  for  the  name  of  Jesus. 
Labours  most  abundant,  perilous  journeys,  pains  both  in  body 
and  in  mind,  renunciation  of  all  property,  resignation  to  every 
evil,  nay,  even  the  sacrifice  of  their  lives, — they  accounted 
nothing  hard  or  difficult.  And  (which  is  most  astonishing  of 
all)  this  courage  was  not  a  sudden  burst  of  transient  enthusiasm  : 
it  never  relaxed  for  an  instant,  notwithstanding  the  numerous 
and  diversified  trials  to  which  they  were  exposed  :  on  the  con- 
trary, it  was  manifested  for  many  years,  and  finally  was  crowned 
by  a  violent  death. 

If,  from  their  public  conduct  as  related  in  the  Acts  :f  the 
Apostles,  we  turrf  to  the  epistles  or  letters  written  by  these  men 
after  their  Master's  resurrection,  we  shall  find  their  whole  souls 
laid  open.  What  noble  and  elevated  sentiments  do  we  read  in 
them  !  What  courage,  yet  what  resignation  !  What  holy  joy 
amid  the  dangers  which  menaced  them ;  and  the  evils  that  befell 
them  !  What  profoundness  in  their  doctrine  !  What  sublime 
and  affecting  instructions  !  What  tender  solicitude  for  the  rising 
churches  !  What  ardent  charity  for  all  men, — yea  even  for  their 
persecutors  ! 

How  was  so  sudden  and  so  marvellous  a  change  wrought  in  the 
apostles  1  Is  it  possible  to  conceive  such  striking  differences  in 
the  same  individuals  1  They  were  less  than  men,  they  became. 
more  than  heroes.  But  the  notion,  that  the  Gospel  is  the  in- 
vention of  man,  assigns  no  cause  for  this  strange  revolution  ; 
which,  however,  may  be  readily  comprehended  and  accounted 
for,  if  Jesus  be  the  Messiah,  and  if,  according  to  his  promise,  he 
poured  down  upon  them  the  gifts  cf  the  Holy  Spirit. 

In  short,  the  conclusion  resulting  from  the  striking  contrast 
in  the  conduct  of  the  apostles,  before  and  after  their  Master's 
death,  is  so  convincing  and  persuasive,  that,  even  if  the  apos- 
tles had  not  informed  us  that  they  had  received  extraordinary 
gifts,  it  is  impossible  to  conceive  how  any  other  means  can  or 
could  be  imagined,  which  can  account  for  that  astonishing  dif- 
ference.1 

4.  Lastly,  the  Miracles  performed  by  these  loitnesses  in  the. 
name  of  Jesus  Christ  (one  of  which  has  already  been  noticed), 
after  the  eff,is:on  cf  the  Holy  Spirit  on.  the  day  of  Pent  ecus.', 
and  the  success  which  attended  their  preaching  throughout  the 
world,  are  God's  testimony  to  the  feet  of  Christ's  resurrection 
from  the  dead,  as  well  as  to  their  veracity  in  proclaiming  it. 

No  subject  was  ever  more  public,  more  investigated,  or  bet- 
ter known,  than  the  transactions  of  the  apostles.  Luke,  an  his- 
torian of  great  character,  who  witnessed  many  of  the  u.ir.gs 
which  he  relates,  published  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  among  the 
people  who  saw  the  transactions.  It  would  have  blasted  his 
character  to  have  published  falsehoods  which  must  instantly  be 
detected  :  it  would  have  ruined  the  character  of  the  church  to 
have  received,  as  facts,  notorious  falsehoods.     Now  the  Act3  of 

•  Anspaeh,  Cours  d'Etudes  de  la  Religion  Chretienne,  part  ii.  torn,  i 
3p.  278—281 


THE  MIRACLES  RELATED  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES, 


[Chap.  IV 


the  Apostles  were  written  by  Luke,  received  by  the  church,  and 
no  falsehood  was  ever  detected  in  that  book  bv  Jew  or  Gentile. 
The  primitive  Christian  writers  attest  its  truth  and  authenticity, 
and  heathen  authors  record  some  of  the  important  facts  which 
are  related  by  the  evangelical  historian. 

In  the  second  chapter,  we  are  infonneilhat  the  effusion  of 
the  Holy  Spirit  upon  the  disciples  of  Chrurt^took  place  on  the  day 
of  Pentecost,  at  Jerusalem,  where  they  were  assembled  after  his 
ascension2  in  obedience  to  his  command,  waiting  for  that  verv 
performance  of  his  promise  (Acts  i.  25.),  both  as  a  proof  of  his 
resurrection  from  the  dead,  and  also  to  qualify  them  to  spread 
the  belief  of  it  throughout  the  world.  This  was  a  public  fact,3 
and  it  produced  its  proper  effect;  for,  in  consequence  of  it,  not 
fewer  than  three  thousand  of  those  very  persons,  who  but  just 
before  had  joined  in  putting  Christ  to  a  painful  and  ignominious 
death,  immediately  submitted  to  be  baptized  in  his  name,  and 
made  an  open  profession  of  their  faith  in  him,  as  the  true  Mes- 
siah that  was  to  come.  To  the  gift  of  tongues  was  added  a 
number  of  undoubted  miracles  publicly  wrought  before  Jews  and 
heathens  indiscriminately,  in  confirmation  of  the  apostles'  tcs 
timony  concerning  Jesus  Christ.  These  miracles  are  related  in 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  were  published  among  the  people 
who  witnessed  them.  They  were  not,  like  the  miracles  of  Christ, 
confined  to  Judaea  or  to  Galilee,  but  they  were  performed 
wherever  the  Gospel  was  spread,  before  Jews  and  heathens  in- 
discriminately, and  with  the  express  design  of  confirming  their 
mission  from  their  Master.  Their  miracles,  too,  were  subjected, 
like  those  of  Christ,  to  the  most  rigorous  investigation  ;  and  their 
adversaries  and  persecutors  were  compelled,  as  we  have  already 
seen,"1  to  admit  them  as  facts,  and  to  acknowledge  among  them 
selves  that  their  publicity  rendered  it  impossible  to  deny  their 
reality.  There  was  no  want  of  inclination  among  the  chief  men 
of  Judaea  to  deny  the  apostolical  miracles;  but  the  public  no- 
toriety of  the  facts  rendered  such  a  denial  impossible.  Though 
they  did  not  hesitate  to  persecute  the  Christians,  their  persecu- 
tion was  vain.  The  people  who  heard  the  narratives  and  doc- 
trines of  the  apostles,  and  who  saw  that  both  were  confirmed 
by  unquestionable  miracles,  neither  did  nor  could  resist  their 
conviction.  Upon  these  proofs  and  assurances,  by  the  clear  evi- 
dence and  power  of  truth,  "  the  word  of  God  mightily  grew  and 
prevailed"  against  all  that  prejudice,  malice,  and  every  vice 
could  do  to  oppose  it,  in  Rome  and  at  Jerusalem  itself.1'  For, 
in  that  very  city,  where  Jesus  Christ  had  been  crucified,  and 
where  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  make  proselytes,  if  his 
resurrection  had  not  been  evidently  proved  beiosd  the  pos- 
siiulitt  of  a  confutation,  great  numbers  were  daily  added  to 
the  church.  A  church  was  immediately  founded  at  Jerusalem; 
and  both  the  body  of  the  people  and  their  bishops  (who  were 
fifteen  in  number),  to  the  final  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by 
Adrian,  were  Jews  by  nation.  In  other  parts  of  the  world,  also, 
the  church  daily  received  new  accessions  of  converts ;  so  that, 
within  thirty  years  after  Christ's  resurrection,  one  of  those  apos- 
tles appealed  to  it  as  a  well-known  fact,  that  the  Gospel  had 
been  carried  into  all  the  countries  of  the  then  known  world. 
(Col.  i.6.) 

"  Collect,"  says  the  eloquent  Saurin,  to  whom  wt  are  in- 
debted for  some  of  the  preceding  observations  ; — "  collect 
all  these  proofs  together;  consider  th.em.in  one  point  of  view, 
and  see  how  many  extravagant  suppositions  must  be  ad- 
vanced, if  the  resurrection  of  our  Saviour  be  denied.  It  must 
be  supposed  that  guards,  who  had  been  particularly  cau- 
tioned by  their  officers,  sat  down  to  sleep;  and  that,  never- 
theless, they  deserved  credit  when  they  said  the  body  of  Je- 
sus Christ  was  stolen.  It  must  be  supposed  that  men  who 
had  been  imposed  on  in  the  most  odious  and  cruel  manner  in 
the  world,  hazarded  their  dearest  enjoyments  for  the  glory 
of  an  impostor.  It  must  be  supposed  that  ignorant  and  fllite- 
ratemen,  who  had  neither  reputation,  fortune,  nor  eloquence, 

fossessed  the  art  of  fascinating  the  eyes  of  all  the  church. 
t  must  be  supposed,  either  that  five  hundred  persons  were 
all  deprived  of  their  senses  at  a  time,  or  that  they  were  all 
deceived  in  the  plainest  matters  of  fact ;  or  that  this  multi- 
tude of  false  witnesses  had  found  out  the  secret  of  never  con- 
tradicting themselves  or  one  another,  and  of  being  always 
uniform  °in,their  testimony.  It  must  he  supposed  that  the 
most  expert  courts  of  judicature  could  not  find  out  a  shadow 
of  contradiction  in  a  palpable  imposture.     It  must  be  sup- 

»  On  the  subject  of  the  Ascension,  see  the    Appendix,  No.  III. 
a  The  circumstances  of  the  effusion  oftl      duly  Spirit  on  the  clay  of  Peri 
tecost  are  considered  in  the  Appendix,  No.  IV. 

•  See  pp.  81,  82,  83.  103.  supra. 

•  On  the  difficulties  attendant  on  the  first  propagation  of  Christianity,  see 
the  Appendix,  No.  V. 


»*CT.  II.] 


PROOFS  OF  THEIR  INSPIRATION. 


115 


posed  that  the  apostles,  sensible  men  in  other  oases,  ehoee 

firci-isclv  those  places  and  those  tinea  which  were  most  un- 
avourable  Bo  their  views.  It  must  be  supposed  that  millions 
madly  Buffered  imprisonments,  tortures,  and  crucifixion,  to 

spread  an  illusion.    It  must  be  supposed  that  t<  n  thousand 
miracles  were  wrought  in  favour  oi  falsehood,  or  all 
facts  must  be  denied.     \ud  then  it  must  b  d  thai 

the  apostles  were  idiots,  that  the  enemies  of  Christianity 
were  idiots,  and  thai  all  the  primitive  Christians  wen 
idiots.**! 

When  all  the  preceding  considerations  are  duly  weighed, 
it  is  impossible  not  to  admit  the  truth  of  Christ's  resurrec- 
tion, and  thai  in  this  miracle  are  mostclearlj  to  be  di  icemed 
the  four  first  of  the  criteria  already  illustrated.  And  with 
d  to  the  two  last  criteria,  we  may  observe,  thai  Bap- 
tism and  the  Lord's  Supper  were  instituted  as  perpetual  me- 
morials of  the  death  oi  Jesus  Christ;  and  that  the  observ- 
ance of  the  weekly  festival  of  the  Lord's  day  (or  Sunday) 
his  resurrection.  They  were  not  instituted 
in  after-ages,  but  at  the  very  tinn  when  the  circumstances  to 
which  they  relate  took  place;  and  they  have  been  observed 
without  interruption  through  the  whole  Christian  world,  in 
all  ages,  from  that  time  down  to  the  present.  Besides,  Christ 
■  If  ordained  apostles,  and  other  ministers  of  bis  Gospel, 
to  preach  and  administer  the  sacraments,  and  that  always, 
■■  even  unto  the  end  of  the  world."  (Matt,  xxviii.  20.)  Ac- 
cordingly,  they  have  continued  to  this  day;  so  that  the 
Christian  ministry  is,  and  always  has  been,  as  notorious  in 
point  of  fact,  as  the  tribe  of  Levi  among  the  Jews.  And  as 
the  sera  and  object  of  their  appointment  are  part  of  the  Gos- 
pel narrative,  if  thai  narrative  had  been  a  fiction  of  some  sub- 
sequent  age,  at  the  time  of  its  fabrication  no  such  order  of 
men  could  have  been  found,  which  would  have  effectually 
falsified  the  whole  story.  The  miraculous  actions  of  Christ 
and  his  apostles  b<  ing  affirmed  to  be  true  no  otherwise  than 
as  there  were  at  that  identical  time  (whenever  the  deist  will 
suppose  the  Gospel  history  to  be  forged)  not  only  sacraments 
or  ordinances  of  Christ's  institution,  but  likewise  a  public 
ministry  of  his  institution  to  dispense  them ;  and  it  being 
impossible  upon  this  hypothesis,  that  there  could  be  any  such 
things  before  they  were  invented,  it  is  as  impossible  they 
should  be  reci  iveii  and  accredited  when  invented.  Hence  it 
follows,  that  i:  was  as  impossible  to  have  imposed  these  mira- 
culous relations  upon  mankind  in  after-ages,  as  it  would  have 
been  to  i*ake  persons  believe  they  saw  the  miracles,  or  were 
parties  concerned  in  the  beneficial  effects  resulting  from 
ihem,  if  they  were  not. 

X.  Genebal  Summary  of  the  Argument  furnished  by 
Miracles. 

Such  is  the  diversified  and  authentic  testimony  forthe  mi- 
-  recorded  in  the  Scriptures,  especially  those  related  in 
v.  Testament;  and  as  the  various  parts  of  which  this 
pri  of  of  the  inspiration  of  the  Bible  consists  are  necessarily 
I  at  some  distance  from  each  other,  we  shall  conclude 
this  branch1  of  the  evidence  by  a  brief  recapitulation  i  f  the 
Bcatten  d  arguments,  together  with  a  \'v\v  additional  sugges- 
tions.     If,  then,  we  have  found,  after  a  minute  investigation, 
that  the  miraculous  facta  which  are  proposed  for  our  belief, 
and  upon  the  credil  of  which  a  particular  system  of  doctrines 
and  precepts   depends,  are  such,  1.  As  do  not  imply  a 
contradiction  in  them    — 2.    If  they  appear  to  have  beep  done 
publicly,  in  the  view  of  a  great  multitude  of  people,  and  with 
(he  professed  intention  of  establishing  the  divine  authority  of 
person  or   persons  who   performed  them: — :!.  If  they 
were  many  in  number,  instantaneously  performed, and,  inde- 
pendently of  second  causes,  frequently  repeated,  and  repeat- 
ed for  a  series  .  f  years  together  : — I.   If  they  were  of  an  in- 
teresting  nature   in    themselves,  of  such   a   nature  that   the 

senses  of  mankind  could  clearly  and  fully  judge  of  them 

likely  to  have  made  strong  impressions  on  the  minds  of  all 
who  beheld  and  heard  of  tin  m,  and,  for  that  reason  probably, 
were  much  attended  to,  talked  of,  ami  investigated  at  the 
time  when  they  were  wrought: — 5.  If  public  ceremonies 
instituted  m  memory  of  the  miraculous  facts,  and  have 
been  observed  in  all  succeeding  ages  ever  since  they  were  so 
instituted  : — 6.  If  the  effects  produced  by  them  were  not 
transient,  but  lasting;  such  as  must  have  existed  fox  many 
years,  and  were  capable,  all  the  while,  of  being  disproved  if 

•  Saurin's  Sermons,  translated  by  Mr.  Robinson,  vol.  ii.  serm.  v3i.  p.  221. 
The  leader  who  is  desirous  of  investigating  all  the  circumstances  of  our 
Stviour's  resurrection,  will  find  them  considered  and  illustrated  in  Mi. 
West's  well-known  treatise  on  the  Resurrection,  in  the  late  Dr.  Townson's 
Discourses,  originally  published  in  1792,  Svo.  and  reprinted  in  the  second 
volume  of  his  works,  and  especially  in  Dr.  Cook's  "Illustration  of  the  Ge- 
neral Evidence  of  Christ's  Resurrection."  8vo.  1803. 


they   wre  not  real  : — 7.  If  they  wire  committed  to  writing 
at,  or  very  near,  the  time  when  they  are  said  to  have  been 
done,  and  by  persons  of  undoubted  integrity,  who  U 
the)  had  been  i  ye-witnesses  of  the  events  which  they  i 
by  pei  having  sufficient  opportunity  of  k  _ 

the  whole  truth     f  what,  they   hear  testimony  t 
possibly  be  deceived  themselves;  and  who,  having  no  con- 
ceivabl  nor  temptation  to  falsify  tin  ir  evidenci 

not,  with  the  least  shadow  of  probability,  he  suspected  of  in- 
tending to  deceive  other  people  : — 3.  If  there  De  no  proof, 
nor  well-grounded  suspicion  of  proof,  thai  the  testimony  oi 

those,  who  bear  witness  to  these  extraordinary  facts,  was 
ever  COntradi(  U  <i  even  by  such  as  proft  BSed  them  )< 

enemies  to  their  persons,  characters,  and  views,  though  the 
ere  first  published  upon  the  spot  where  they  are  said 
to  have  been  originally  performed,  and  among  persons,  who 
were  i  private  interest,  and  furnished  with  full  au- 

thority, inclination  and  opportunity,  I  i  have  manifested  the 
falsity  of  them,  and  to  1  le  imposture,  had 

been  able: — '.h  If,  on  the  contrary,  the  existence  of  1 
he  expressly  allowed  by  the  persons  who  thought  them 
most  concerned  to  prevent   the  genuine  consequences  which 
might  be  deduced  from  them;  and  there  were, original] 
otic  r  disputes  abi  ut  them,  but  to  what  sufficient  cause  they 
were  to  be  imputed: — 10.  If.  again,  the  witnesses,  from 
whom   we   have  these    facts,  were    many  in  number,  all   of 
them  unanimous  in  the  substance  of  their  evidence,  and  all, 
as  may  be  colli  cted  from  their  own  conduct,  men  of  such  un- 
questi  tecured  them  against  all  delusion 

in  themselves,  and  of  such  undoubted  integrity  and  i  nim- 
peached  veracity  as  placed  ihem  beyond  all  suspicion  of  any 
design  to  put  an  imposture  upon  others, — if  they  « 
who  showed  the  sincerity  of  their  own  conviction  by  acting 
under  the  uniform  influence  oi  trie  i  xtraordinary  work's  which 
the\  bore  witness  to,  in  (  spress  contradiction  to  all  their  for- 
mer prejudices  ii  !  most  favoured  notions;  in  express  con- 
tradiction t  i  every  Battering  prospect  of  worldly  honour, 
profit,  and  advantage,  either  for  themselves  or  for  theii 
friends  ;  and  when  they  could  not  but  be  previousl; 
that  ignominy,  persecution,  misery,  and  even  death  itself 
most  probably  would  attend  the  constant  and  invariable  per- 
severance in  their  testimony : — 11.  If  these  witnesses,  in  or- 
der that  their  evidence  might  have  the  greater  weight  with  a 
doubting  world  (each  nation  beii  in  possess! 

an  established  religion),  wore  flremselvi  > enabled  top. 
such  extraordinary  works,  as  testified  the  clear  and  indispu- 
table interpositi   n  of  a  divine  power  in  favour  of  their  vera- 
city;  and  after  having  undergone   the   severest  afflictions, 

rments,  at  length  laid  down  their  lh 
confin  the  truth  of  the  rtedby  tiiom  :— 

12.  If  the  evidence  for  such  miracl 
less  and  less  by  the  lapse  of  age  , 

■ — 13.   If  (hose   persons,  who  both   testify  and  admit 
them.  seem,  on  the  one  band,  to  aim  at  nothing  else  buttheii 
own  salvation  and  that  of  thrir  brethren;  and,  on  the 
hand,  if  they  are  pi  rsuaded  that  their  salvation  is  ine 
ent  with  imposture  and  deceit. — 11.  If  great  multitude-    t 
the  c  ^temporaries  of  these  witnesses,  men  of  almost  all  na* 
(ions,   tempers,  and   professions,  were  persuaded   by  them 
that  thes    ii  e;s  were  really  performed  in  the  manner  related, 
and  gave  the  strongest   testimony,  which  it  was  in  theii 
power  to  give,  of  the   firmness  of  their  belief  of  them,  both 
by  immediately  breaking  through  all  their  ancient  a 
ment.s  and  connections  of  friendships,  interest,  country,  and 
even  of  religion,  md  by  acting  in  i  Kpn  ^s  contradiction  to 
them: — If;.   If  the  revolutions  introduced  in  the  moral 
religious  world,  since  the  period  wherein  these  facts  are 
to  have  happened,  have  been  just  such  as  they  would. 
bably,  have  been,  upon  a  supposition  of  the  truth  of  th 
and  cannt  t  possibly  be  accounted  for  from  any  other  ade 
cause: — 16.  if  those  who  refuse  to  acknowledge  all  tl 
mirac  ra  i  f  fact,  must  unavoidably  fall  into  a  great 

number  of  self-evident  contradictions,  as,  for  instance,  I 
lieve  that  th  aong  men  are  the  most  foolish,  and  the 

most  o  m  an1  lh  most  deceitful : — 17.  If  all  these  matters  of 
fact  are  s  i  st.i  th  united  to  one  another,  that  it  is  impo. 
to  admit  the  one  without  acknowledging  the  other  also;  a 
inseparably  interwoven  with  some  other  indisputable  matters 
of  fact,  that  they  cannot  be  called  in  question  without  re- 
nouncing our  sense  and  reason  : — 1«.  Lastly,  if  we  have  all  the 
proof,  which  the  exactest  rules  of  st  critieisn 

require,  to  evince  that  no  alterations  have  been  made  in  the 
original  records  and  writings  left  us  by  these  witnesses  in 
any  material  article  of  their  evidence,  since  tbeir  first  publi 


THE  MIRACLES  RELATED  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES, 


I  16 

cation,  either  through  accident  or  design ;  but  that  they  have 
transmitted  to  us  in  all  their  genuine  purity,  as  they 

were   left  by  their  authors. In  such  a  situation  of  things, 

where  so  great  a  variety  of  circumstances,  where  indeed  all 
imaginable  circumstances,  mutually  concur  to  confirm, 
stre'no-then,  and  supporteach  other's  evidence,  and  concentre, 
is  it  were,  in  attestation  of  the  same  interesting  series  of 
••vents,  with  jut  a  single  argument  on  the  other  side,  hut  the 
mere  e'xtraordinarines7s  of  the  facts,— shall  we  not  be  justly 
accused  of  indulging  in  an  unreasonable  incredulity  in  deny- 
ing our  assent  to^thein  ?  And  will  not  such  incredulity  be 
;»s"dano-erous  as  it  is  ridiculous  1  If  facts  attested  in  so  clear, 
decisive,  and  unexceptionable  a  manner,  and  delivered  down 
to  posterity  with  so  many  conspiring  signs  and  monuments 
of  truth,  are,  nevertheless,  not  to  be  believed;  it  is  impossi- 
ble for  the  united  wisdom  of  mankind  to  point  out  any  evi- 
dence of  historical  events,  which  will  justify  a  wise  and  cau- 
tious man  for  giving  credit  to  them, — and,  consequently, 
with  regard  to  past  ages,  all  will  be  clouds  and  thick  dark- 
ness to  us  ;  all  will  be  hesitation  and  scepticism  :  nor  will 
any  thing  be  credible,  which  comes  not  confirmed  to  us  by 
the  report  of  our  own  senses  and  experience.  In  short,  where 
there  is  the  strongest  assurance  of  the  existence  of  any  par- 
ticular series  of  past  facts,  which  we  are  capable  of  acquir- 
ing, according  to  the  present  frame  of  our  nature,  and  the 
state  of  things  in  the  world,  to  reject  these  facts  after  all,  and 
to  pretend  to  excuse  ourselves  from  not  believing  them,  upon 
the  bare  suspicion  of  a  possibility  that  they  may  be  false,  is 
a  most  absurd  contradiction  to  the  principles  of  common 
sense,  and  to  the  universal  practice  of  mankind.1 

XI.  A  Comparison  of  the  Scripture  Miracles  with  pre- 
tended Pagan  and  Popish  Miracles. 

Notwithstanding  the  mass  of  evidence  above  adduced,  the 
opposers  of  revelation  have  endeavoured  to  weaken  its  force, 
or,  rather,  to  set  it  aside  altogether,  by  insinuating  that  there 
are  particular  accounts  of  miraculous  facts,  which  are  as  well 
authenticated  as  those  related  in  the  Scriptures,  and  that  the 
latter  are  to  be  rejected  as  false  and  incredible.  But  coun- 
terfeited miracles  are  no  proof  thai  there  never  were  real  mi- 
racles; and  the  more  these  pretended  miracles  are  investi- 
ftted,  the  more  defective  is  the  evidence  adduced  for  them, 
or, 

1.  In  the  first  place,  the  scene  of  most  of  them  is  laid  in  dis- 
tant countries  and  remote  ages ;  whereas  the  miracles,  recorded 
in  the  Scriptures,  were  wrought  in  an  age  and  period  whose 
history  is  well  known,  and  as  fully  ascertained  as  the  history  of 
the  last  century. 

2.  Secondly,  the  more  ancient  heathen  miracles  are  ac- 
knowledged, by  the  adversaries  of  Christianity,  to  have  been 
performed  in  ages  of  gross  ignorance,  when  the  common  people 
were  very  liable  to  be  deceived.  They  were  solitary  exertions 
of  power,  rarely  attempted,  which  could  not  be  subjected  to  the 
test  of  a  rigorous  scrutiny,  being  in  almost  every  instance  wrought 
in  secret  recesses  of  the  temples,  generally  in  the  night-time,  and 
before  only  one  or  two  persons  who  had  come  with  the  expecta- 
tion of  seeing  a  miracle,  and  so  might  easily  be  imposed  upon ; 
or  who,  being  the  accomplices  of  the  priests  in  their  frauds,  were 
hired  to  announce  that  a  miracle  had  taken  place.  Whereas 
the  miracles  related  in  the  Scriptures  were  wrought  before  multi- 
tudes, who  had  every  possible  opportunity  of  investigating  them, 
and  most  of  whom  were  adversaries  to  the  persons  by  whom  the 
miracles  were  wrought. 

3.  Thirdly,  the  heathen  priests,  being  mostly  persons  of  high 
rank,  were  regarded  with  the  utmost  veneration  by  the  common 
people,  who  would  eagerly  and  implicitly  receive  every  account 
of  miracles  said  to  be  wrought  by  them.  In  like  manner,  such 
miracles,  as  their  sovereigns  and  legislators  pretended  to  perform, 
were  readily  and  implicitly  received  by  the  multitude ;  and  even 
persons  of  better  understanding,  from  fear  or  flattery,  might 
affect  to  believe  them.  This  circumstance  completely  discredits 
the  two  miracles  said  to  be  performed  by  Vespasian  at  Alexan- 
dria, during  his  contest  for  the  empire,  and  which  are  examined 
in  a  subsequent  page.  In  short,  it  is  certain  that  none  of  the 
heathen  miracles  underwent  any  proper  examination ;  while 
„'hose  of  Christ  and  his  apostles,  who  had  no  lustre  of  birth  or 
dignity  to  dazzle  or  procure  the  veneration  of  the  multitude, 
were  subjected  to  the  strictest  possible  examination  of  their  ad- 
versaries, who  in  no  one  instance  could  gainsay  or  deny  them. 

4.  Fourthly,  the  heathen  miracles  were  performed  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  established  religion,  and  were  all  engrafted  upon  the 


[Chap.  IV 


•  Abbadie,  Traite  de  la  Verite  do  la  Religion  Chrot'ninne,  tome  ii. 
M7_140.    Squire's  Indifferent*  for  Reli  '  n  inescusi  blft,  Boct.  48. 


pp. 


superstitious  notions  and  prejudices  of  the  vulgar,  who  were 
therefore,  disposed  to  receive  them:  hence,  they  gained  an  easj 
reception  amongst  them.  But  the  miracles  recorded  in  the  Bible 
were  opposed  to  all  th°  then  established  religions  in  the  world- 
and  those  wrought  by  Christ  and  his  apostles  actually  overthrew 
the  religious  establishments  of  all  countries.  So  that,  if  they 
forced  themselves  on  the  belief  of  mankind,  it  was  merely  by  the 
power  of  the  irresistible  evidence  with  which  they  were  accom 
panied. 

5.  In  the  fifth  place,  the  heathen  miracles  are  vouched  to  us 
by  no  such  testimony  as  can  induce  a  prudent  man  to  gi-*e  them 
any  credit.  They  are  not  reported  by  any  eye-witnesses  of  them, 
nor  by  any  persons  on  whom  they  were  wrought.  Those  who 
relate  them  do  not  even  pretend  to  have  received  them  from  eye- 
witnesses :  we  know  them  only  by  a  number  of  vague  reports, 
the  original  of  which  no  one  can  exactly  trace.  Thus,  the  mi- 
racles ascribed  to  Pythagoras  were  not  reported  until  several  hun- 
dred years  after  his  death,  and  those  of  Apollonius  one  hundred 
years  after  his  death.  If,  indeed,  any  of  the  heathen  miracles, 
whether  ancient  or  modern,  had  any  witnesses,  none  of  them 
travelled  from  country  to  country  ;  none  of  them  published  these 
miracles  under  persecution;  none  of  them  sealed  their  testimony 
concerning  them  with  their  blood.  In  all  these  respects,  the 
evidence  attending  the  Christian  miracles  has  infinitely  the  ad- 
vantage of  the  proofs  by  which  the  heathen  wonders  arc  sup- 
ported. The  miracles  of  Christ  are  vouched  to  posterity  by  the 
testimony  of  many  eye-witnesses,  who  preached  in  every  country 
immediately  after  they  were  wrought;  who  all  concurred  in  the 
same  reports ;  and  who  had  no  temptations  from  interest  to  forge 
such  stories,  but  rather  innumerable  temptations  to  the  contrary, 
because,  by  preaching  the  history  of  their  master,  they  every 
where  exposed  themselves  to  the  severest  persecution,  and  often 
to  death  itself.  Further,  these  witnesses  to  the  miracles  of  Jesus 
rendered  their  testimony  credible,  by  performing  similar  miracles, 
so  that  when  mankind  saw  what  things  they  accomplished,  they 
could  entertain  no  doubt  concerning  the  other.  These  miracles 
were  also  recorded  by  four  historians,  whose  memoirs  not  only 
agree  in  the  accounts  they  give  of  Christ's  miracles,  but  are  also 
confirmed  by  the  reports  given  of  them  by  numerous  other  eye- 
witnesses, in  their  discourses  to  the  Gentiles,  among  whom  they 
travelled  and  preached. 

6.  Lastly,  the  more  ancient  heathen  miracles  were  nowhere 
credited  by  the  intelligent  and  judicious;  and  the  belief  of  them 
among  the  vulgar,  produced  no  effects  by  which  the  certain  per- 
suasion entertained  by  mankind  concerning  them  could  be  de- 
monstrated. They  were  wrought  to  confirm  no  doctrine,  or  else 
to  establish  idolatry,  and  consequently  could  not  be  done  by  di- 
vine power.  On  the  contrary,  the  testimony  of  the  apostles  and 
eye-witnesses  of  the  Christian  miracles  was  embraced  by  thou- 
sands in  every  country,  among  whom  were  many  persons  distin- 
guished by  their  birth,  their  learning,  and  their  good  sense;  and 
all  of  whom  forsook  the  religion  in  which  they  had  been  edu- 
cated, and  embraced  the  Christian  profession;  though  such  con- 
duct exposed  them  to  the  severest  persecutions  and  sufferings, 
and  even  to  loss  of  life. 

The  preceding  facts  and  reasoning  equally  destroy  the 
credit  ot  the  lying  wonders,2  which  hare  been  appealed  to  in 
behalf  of  Christianity  itself.  They  were  all  performed  in 
support  of  the  faith  established,  and,  what  is  worthy  of  no- 
tice, they  happened  for  the  most  part  in  the  night-time,  at  the 
sepulchres  of  the  martyrs,  or  in  deserts,  or  in  the  recesses 
of  churches,  and  before  no  witnesses.  Or,  if  a  single  witness 
or  two  were  admitted,  they  were  generally  friends  to  the 
cause,  on  account  of  which  the  miracle  was  to  be  exhibited  ; 
and  therefore  they  were  in  a  disposition  to  be  imposed  upon 
by  every  cunning  pretender.  Further,  as  these  miracles  were 
performed  in  support  of  a  religion  already  believed  by  the 
multitude  to  be  divine,  the  reports  of  wonders,  said  to  be 
wrought  in  its  behalf,  would  have  been  eagerly  credited  with- 
out examination.  Or,  if  any  one,  more  judicious  than  the 
rest,  entertained  any  doubts  concerning  them,  he  might  re- 
frain from  publishing  his  scruples,  out  of  respect  to  the  cause 
in  which  he  was  engaged.  On  this  account  they  suffered 
the  reports  of  such  things  to  pass  uncontradicted :  or,  per- 
haps, out  of  a  mistaken  zeal,  they  joined  the  multitude  in 
spreading  reports  of  matters,  from  which  so  much  credit  re- 
dounded to  the  whole  body.:i     Such  is  the  evidence  of  the 

*  2Thess.  ii.  9.  Tif  «n  -^tvSov; ;  which  wor.ls.  Grotius  rightly  observes, 
do  not  mean  false  miracles,  but  miracles  w  '  Ich  establish  false  doctrines. 

1  The  antagonists  of  Christianity  have  triumphantly  demanded,  at  what 
time  miracles  ceased  to  be  performed?  And,  why  are  they  not  now 
wrought)  These  questions  admit  of  easy  and  satisfactory  answers.  The 
miracles  may  be  said  to  cease,  with  respect  to  our  beMef,  when  rre  car.  no 


8tCT.    Ii.J 


PROOFS  OF  THEIR  INSPIRATION. 


H? 


false  miracles  mentioned  by  some  of  the  ancient  Christians. 
Tiny  can  lay  claim  to  ooneofthe  proofs  by  which  the  mira- 
cles of  Jesus  and  his  apostles  are  established ;  and  tin-  mira- 
cles sat'd  to  have  taken  place  in  modern  times  are,  if  possible, 
still  more  destitute  of  evidence,1  Besides  all  the  marks  of 
evidence  above  mentioned,  by  which  the  ancient  frauds  are 
confuted,  they  have  stains  peculiar  i"  themselves,  by  which 
their  credibility  is  utterly  destroyed.1 

Let  us  now  apply  the  preceding  tests  to  the  principal 
miracles  ascribed  to  pagans  and  to  the  Romish  church, 
which  have  been  brought  forward  by  the  opposers  of  revela- 
tion, with  the  insidious  but  fruitless  design  of  invalidating 
iredibility  of  the  Gospel  miracles.  The  chief  pretenders 
to  miracles  among  the  ancient  heathens  were  Aristeas,  Py- 
thagoras, Alexander  of  Pontus,  Vespasian,  and  Apollonius 
Tyannus:  and  if  we  examine  the,  miracles  ascribed  to  them, 
we  shall  find  that  they  were  either  trilling  or  absurd,  and 
were  wrought  not  to  promote  the  honour  of  God  and  the 
of  mankind;  and  that  these  miracles  were  neither  designed 
to  confirm  any  useful  doctrine,  nor  to  reform  mankind  trom 
superstition  and  vice,  but  to  gain  reputation  with  the  vulgar, 
and  to  strike  men  with  astonishment. 

[i.]  Herodotus  relates,  that  he  hoard  a  story  told  at  Pro- 
connesus,  that  Aristeas  died  there,  but  that  his  body  could 
not  be  found  for  seven  years;  that,  afterwards,  he  appeared 

longer  obtaiu  satisfactory  evidence  of  their  continuation.  That  miraculous 
powers  were  exeri  i  led  after  the  death  ofthe  apostles,  on  certain  occasions, 
is  a  fact  suppoi  ted  by  the  unanimous  and  successive  testimony  of  the  fa- 
thers down  m  the  reign  of  the  emperor  Julian.  In  the  apostolical  age  mira- 
cles were  frequent;  In  the  succeeding  century  their  number  decreased, 
but  still  we  have  Bali  factory  evidence,  in  the  appeals  made  to  them  by  the 
Christian  apologists,  thai  they  were  actually  performed.  (Src  particularly 
rertullian's  Apologia,  c.  22.,  and  the  Octavius  of  Itfinutiua  Felix,  e.  27.,  and 
also  the  references  in  Mr.  Kutt's  Bampton  Lectures,  p.  iv.  of  the  Notes  and 
Authorities.)  In  the  third  century  only  a  few  traces  remained  of  su 
tural  interposition  ;  and  after  thai  time  we  have  no  authentic  testimony  for 
the  workup  of  miracles,  with  the  exception  of  the  miraculous  frustration 
of  the  emperor  Julian's  mad  attempt  to  rebuild  the  temple  of  Jerusalem, 
which  is  so  clearly  attested  by  heathen  adversaries  as  well  as  by  i 

l  writers,  that  the  sceptical  historian  of  the  Decline  and  Kail  of  the 
Roman  Empire  (though  he  attempts  to  invalidate  some  of  its  proofs,  and  in- 
sinuates a  want  of  impartial  authorities)  is  compelled  not  only  to  acknow- 
ledge the  general  fact,  but  also  many  of  the  particular  cii 

which  it  was  accompanied  and  distinguished.  In  reply  to  the 
Why  are  not  miracles  note  wrought  1 — we  remark  that,  the  desi^ 
raclcs  being  to  confirm  and  authorize  the  Christian  religion,  there  is  no 
longer  any  occasion  for  them,  now  thai  il  is  established  in  the  world,  and 
is  daily  extending  its  triumphs  in  the  heathen  lands  by  the  divine  blessing 
on  tile  preached  gospel.  Besides,  if  they  were  continued,  they  would  be 
of  no  usr,  becau  •  their  force  and  influence  would  be  lost  by  the  frequen- 
cy of  them;  for,  miracles  being  a  sensible  suspension  or  controlment  of — 
or  deviation  from— the  established  course  or  laws  of  nature,  if  they  were 
repeated  on  every  occasion,  all  distinctions  of  natural  and  supernatural 
would  vanish,  and  we  should  be  at  a  loss  to  say,  which  were  the  ordinary 
ami  which  the  extraordinary  works  of  Providence.  Moreover,  it  is  probable 
that.  If  they  were  continued,  they  would  be  of  no  usr,  because  the 
sons  who  refuse  to  be  convinced  by  the  miracles  recorded  in  the  New 
Testament, WOUld  not  be  convinced  by  any  new  ones:  for  it  is  not  from 
wanl  of  evidence,  but  from  want  of  sincerity,  and  out  of  passion  and  preju- 
dice, thai  any  man  rejects  the  miracles  related  in  the  Scriptures  ;  and  the 
same  want  of  sincerity,  the  same  passions  and  prejudices,  would  make  him 
resist  any  proof,  any  miracle  whatever.  Lastly,  a  perpetual  power  of  work- 
ing <d'  miracles  would  In  all  ages  give  occasion  to  continual  impostures, 
while  it  would  rescind  and  reverse  all  the  settled  I  lws  and  constitutions  ol 
Providence.  Frequent  miracles  would  be  thought  to  proceed  more  from 
some  defect  in  nature  than  from  the  particular  interposition  of  the  D<  ity  ; 
and  men  would  become  atheists  by  means  of  them,  rather  than  Christians. 
The  topics  here  briefly  noticed  are  more  lull]  di  ussed  by  Up.  Newton, 
Works,  vol.  vi.  pp.  193—208.,  and  by  Dr.  Jenki'n  in  his  Reasonableness  of 
the  Christian  Religion,  vol.  ii.  pp.  184—494. 

1  The  most  distinguished  miracles,  which  arc  credited  by  the  church 
of  Rome,  are  those  attributed  to  Ignatius  Loyola,  the  founder  of  thi 
of  J<  suits,  and  to  Francis  Xavier,  one  of  his  I  lies,  who  was 

surnamed  the  Apostle  of  the  Indies  Neither  of  these  men,  during  their 
lives,  claimed  the  power  of  working  miracles.  Xavier,  indeed,  in  bis  cor- 
respondence with  his  friends  during  Ins  mission,  no)  only  made  no  mention 
of  miracles,  hut  expressly  disclaim  latural  assistance.   Ribade- 

neira,  a  Jesuit  and  contemporary  with  Loyola,  in  the  earliest  account 
life,  confessed  that  Loyola  had  nol  wrought  any  miracles,  and  ami 
the  objections  which  might  be  urged  from  tins  circumstance  against  his 
claims  to  Baintship;  but  fifteen  years  afterwards,  when  Loyola's  canonisa- 
tion was  in  agitation,  be  retracted  this  acknowledgment,  and  menti 
variety  of  miracles  which  he  said  had  b i  wrought  by  him.    The  insin- 
cerity and  fraud  of  this  statement  are  ised  by  Bayle,  in  his 
Dicti  irary,  art.  Loyola,  note  (If.)    The  i  •  liest  life  of  Xaviei 
lislu  it  until  about  forty  years  after  Ins  death  ;  and  it  is  to  be  observed,  that, 

ofthe  Dumei cribed  to  him,  the  scene  of  action 

is  laid  at  a  grcal  distance  from  the  country  where  they  were  firsi  r< 
being  supposed  to  have  been  performed  In  China  and  Japan,  but  reported 
and  believed  only  in  Europe,  where  th"  persons  to  whom  they  were  pro- 
pose.1  (being  Unavoidably  deprived  of  all  opportunitl  ISOf  examining  them 

net  ascertaining  the  truth)  were  liable  to  I  upon  by  those  whose 

private '^terests  were  connected  with  the  propagation  of  an  imposture.  On 
the  miracles  ascribed  to  Loyola  and  Xavier.  Bee  Up  Douglas's  Criterion, 
pp.  61—78.  In  the  Christian  Observer  for  1817(vol.  xvi.  pp,  782—790.),  there 

are  some  excellent  strictures  on  a  popish  miracle,  pretended  to  have  Inch 
wrought  on  one  Winifred  White  at  at  Winifred's  well.  And  in  the  British 
Critic  for  1823  (vol.  xix.  N.  S.  pp.  43 — 57.),  the  reader  will  find  some  acute 
remarks  on  a  pretended  miracle,  said  to  have  been  wrought  on  an  I 
nun,  near  Chelmsford,  in  Essex,  by  Prince  Alexander  Hohenlohe.  r 
ii  Bamberg,  in  Germany. 
'•  Ma  :knieht's  Truth  ofthe  Gospel  History,  pp. 361—373. 


and  made  verses,  and  then  disappeared:  and  that  three  hun- 
dred -and  forty  years  after  tins  tie  was  seen  at  Metapontum, 
he  erected  an  altar  to  Apollo,  and  a  statue  for  himself 
by  it,  telling  them  that  he  had  once  been  the  crow 
u  inch  accompanied  Apollo  into  Italy  ;  after  w  hich  he  vanish- 
ed again.  The  pretended  resurrection  of  this  man  was  com- 
pared  by  Celsus  with  that  of  Jesus  Christ;  but  how  absurd 
is  it  to  compare  a  story,  which  has  every  mark  of  fiction, 
with  the  accounts  of  Christ's  resurrection!  For,  in  the  first 
place,  Herodotus,  who  first  mentions  it,  did  not  write  till 
jn.ir  hundred  and  ten  years  after  it;  secondly,  hi-  gives  it 
(tnl)  on  hearsay;  and,  lastly,  it  is  an  idle  tale,  to  which  no 

man  of  sense  can  give  the  least  credit;  it  being  impossible 
that  any  Metapontine,  then    living,  Could  know  a  man  who 

had  bet  n  dead  nearly  jour  centuries  before.' 

[it.]  Occurrences  equally  extravagant  as  these  are  related 
of  Pythagoras,  as  that  he  foretold  to  some  fishermen  the 
exact  number  offish  which  they  had  caught,  and  having  paid 
them  for  tin  hi,  commanded  the  nun  to  return  them  alive  to 
the  sea:4  that  be  detained  the  savage  Daunian  bear,  and  hav- 
ing fed  it  with  maize  and  acorns,  Compelled  it  by  an  oath  no 

longer  to  touch  any  living  thing;  that  by  whispering  in  the 

ear  of  an  ox  which  was  eating  green  beans  at  Tarentum,  he 
not  only  caused  the  beast  to  refrain  from  them,  but  thi 
latter  never  after  tasted  them;'  and  thai  he  Bhowed  to  the 
Scythian  philosopher,  Abaris,  his  golden  thigh,  telling  him 

he  had  come  down  from  heaven,  and  assumed  a  human  form. 
for  the  purpose  of  remedying  and  benefiting  the  condition  i  f 
mankind."  Similar  extraordinary  things  are  related  of  Py. 
thagoras  by  his  biographer  Porphyry;  who,  as  well  as  lam- 
blichus,  affirms,  thai  he  communicated  the  power  of  woi 
miracles  to  others.  On  these  assertions  we  remark.  1.  That 
Porphyry  and  Iamblichus  (who  compiled  their  li\  a  of  the 
philosopher  only  something  more  than  eight  himd  ed  years 
after  bis  death)  wrote  at  a  time  when  the  miracles  01  the 
Gospel  were  known  throughout  the  Roman  empire,  and  weri 
every  where  appealed  to  as  the  proofs  of  the  Christian  reli- 
gion;— 2.  That  those  authors  themselves  wrote  in  the  con- 
_  trovers,  between  the  Gentiles  and  Christians; — 3.  'I  hat  their 
;'l  principal  design  in  publishing  their  memoirs  of  Pythagoras 
sign  of  mi-  U"S  to  discredit  the  Christian  miracles,  by  placing  miracle-, 
equal  or  greater,  as  they  imagined,  in  opposition  to  them.  It 
cannot,  therefore,  excite  astonishment  if,  while  they  had  this 
end  in  view,  they  made  the  competition  as  close  as  they 
could,  and  endeavoured  to  give  the  preference  to  their  hero ; — 
4.  Lastly,  the  power  of  working  miracles,  pretended  to  be 
imparted  by  Pythagoras,  consisted  only  in  the  secre; 
magic  and  incantation. 

[iii.]  In  order  to  show  how  easy  it  is  for  cunning  and  im- 
pudence to  impose  on  the  credulity  of  barbarians,  Mr.  Hume 
introduces  the  story  of  Alexander  of  Pontus,  an  inter] 
of  jEsculapius  and  a  fortune-teller,  and  compares  this  juggler 
to  the  apostle  Paul.  Alexander,  however,  lirst  practised  bis 
impositions,  not  among  the  philosophers  of  Athens,  hut 
•among  the  rude  and  ignorant  Paphlagonians ;  while  Paul 

preached  at  Corinth,  at  Heme,  and  at  Athens,  before  the 
Stoics  and  Epicureans,  and  i  \->  n  bi  fore  the  Areopagus,  the 
most  venerable  judicature  in  Greece.  Further,  Alexander 
founded  his  impositions  on  the  established  superstitions; 
while  the  apostle,  by  propagating  a  m  w  religion,  encoun- 
tered the  prejudices  and  incurred  the  hatred  of  the  heathens. 
Alexander  enriched  himself,  while  the  apostle  (it  is  well 
known)  laboured  with  his  hands  for  his  own  support.  Last- 
ly, Paul  wrought  his  miracles,  and  preached  ('hnsi  crucified, 
before  the  enemies  of  the  Gospel,  very  many  of  whom  were 
men  of  learning ;  while  the  Pontian  juggler  exhibited  his 
wonders  only  before  those  who  were  thorough  believers  in 
the  popular  By8tem  :  and  his  nocturnal  mysteries  were  al- 
ways  introduced  with  an  avauni  to  -atheists,  Christians,  and 
Epicureans;  none  of  whom  could  have  been  present  at  them 
without  exposing  themselves  to  certain  danger.' 

[iv.]  Hut  the  principal  instance  noticed  by  -Mr.  Hume  and 
his  copyists,  and  which  be  affirms  to  be  the  best  attested  in 
all  profane  history,  is  that  of  the  miracle  said  to  have  been 
performed  by  the  emperor  Vespasian  at  Alexandria,  in  Egypt, 
in  curin<_>'  a  blind  man  by  means  of  his  spittle,  and  a  man 
who  was  lame  in  his  hand  by  the  touch  of  his  foot.  The 
transaction  is  thus  related  by  Tacitus: — "  One  of  the  com- 

»  Herodot.  lib.  iv.  cc.  11.  15.  vol.  i.  pp  254   255.  edit.  Oxon.    Bp.  Leng,  at 
the  Boyle  Lectures,  vol.  hi.  p.  138.  folio  edit 
«  lamblicbus's  Life  of  Pythag  iras,  translated  by  Mr.  Taylor,  chap,  viii 

P-  23  ~    re. 

•  Ibid.  chap.  xih.  pp.  40,4!.  «  Ihid.  chap.  xix  pp.  67,  tA 

'  Campbell  on  the  Miracles,  part  ii.  sect.  4.  pp.  153—161 


il8 


THE  MIRACLES  RELATED  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES, 


[Chap.  IV 


mon  people  of  Alexandria,  known  to  be  diseased  in  his  eyes, 
by  the  admonition  of  the  god  Serapis,  whom  that  super- 
stitious nation  worship  above  all  other  gods,  prostrated  him- 
self before  the  emperor,  earnestly  imploring  from  him  a 
remedy  for  his  blindness,  and  entreating,  that  he  would  deign 
to  anoint  with  his  spittle  his  eheeW  and  the  halls  of  his  eyes. 
Another,  diseased  in  his  hand,  requested,  by  the  admonition 
of  the  same  god,  that  he  might  be  touched  by  the  foot  of  the 
emperor.  Vespasian  at  first  derided  and  despised  their  ap- 
plication ;  afterwards,  when  they  continued  to  urge  their  pe- 
titions, he  sometimes  appeared  to  dread  the  imputation  of 
vanity  ;  and  at  other  times,  by  the  earnest  supplication  of  the 
patients,  and  the  persuasion  of  his  flatterers,  to  be  induced  to 
nope  for  success.  At  length  he  commanded  an  inquiry  to  be 
made  by  the  physicians,  whether  such  a  blindness  and  de- 
bility were  vincible  by  human  aid.  The  report  of  the  phy- 
sicians contained  various  points ;  that  in  the  one,  the  power 
of  vision  was  not  destroyed,  but  would  return,  if  the  obsta- 
cles were  removed ;  that  in  the  other,  the  diseased  joints 
might  be  restored,  if  a  healing  power  were  applied  ;  that  it 
was  perhaps  agreeable  to  the  gods  to  do  this ;  that  the  em- 
peror was  elected  by  divine  assistance ;  lastly,  that  the  credit 
of  the  success  would  be  the  emperor's,  the  ridicule  of  the 
disappointment  would  fall  upon  the  patients.  Vespasian, 
believing  that  every  thing  was  in  the  power  of  his  fortune, 
and  that  nothing  was  any  longer  incredible,  whilst  the  multi- 
tude which  stood  by  eagerly  expected  the  event,  with  a 
countenance  expressive  of  joy,  executed  what  he  was  desired 
to  do.  Immediately  the  hand  was  restored  to  its  use,  and 
light  returned  to  the  blind  man.  They,  who  were  present, 
relate  both  these  cures,  even  at  this  time,  when  there  is 
nothing  to  he  gained  by  lying."1 

Such  is  the  narrative  of  the  historian,  and  how  little  the  mira- 
cles related  by  him  are  entitled  to  credibility  will  easily  appear 
from  the  following  considerations  : — 1.  Supposing  the  fact  of 
this  application  to  Vespasian  to  have  really  taken  place  as 
Tacitus  relates,  the  design  of  them  was  both  political  and  inte- 
rested .■  it  was  to  give  weight  to  the  authority  of  Vespasian,then 
recently  elevated  to  the  throne  of  imperial  Rome  by  the  great 
men  and  the  army,  and  to  induce  the  belief  that  his  elevation 
was  approved  by  the  gods.  Not  so  the  miracles  of  Christ 
and  the  apostles,  which  alike  exposed  their  property  and 
their  persons  to  ruin.  2.  Tacitus  did  not  write  from  ocular 
inspection  and  personal  examination  of  the  men  ;  hut  tiveniy- 
seren  years  afterwards,  wrote  from  hearsay  at  Rome,  an  ac- 
count of  transactions  which  had  taken  place  at  Alexandria, 
in  Egypt:  on  the  contrary,  the  narratives  of  the  Christian 
miracles  were  published  in  the  very  countries,  and  almost 
immediately  after  the  time,  when  the  miracles  had  actually 
been  wrought,  and  when  many  persons  were  living  who  had 
witnessed  them.  3.  Though  Tacitus  mentions  the  miracles 
of  Vespasian,  he  does  not  say  that  he  saw  them,  or  even  be- 
lieved that  they  were  performed;  nay,  he  very  plainly  insinu- 
ates that  he  did  not  believe  them  to  be  real.  4.  The  diseases 
were  not  absolutely  incurable :  this  is  manifest  from  the 
declarations  of  the  physicians,  who  told  Vespasian  that  the 
sight  of  the  blind  man  was  not  extinct,  and  that  the  lame 
man's  joints  might  recover  their  strength;  and  between 
whom,  the  emperor,  and  the  patients,  the  whole  seems  to 
have  been  concerted.  But  the  miracles  wrought  by  Christ 
were  performed  on  diseases  and  other  cases  which  no  human 
skill  could  relieve.  5.  Lastly,  consider  the  witnesses.  The 
miracles  of  Vespasian  were  not  (like  the  Christian  miracles) 
performed  in  the  presence  of  acute  and  inveterate  adversaries, 
who  scrutinized  them  with  the  utmost  rigour,  and  yielded  a 
reluctant  acknowledgment  of  their  reality  ;  but  the  witnesses 
of  them  wen:  the  followers  and  flatterers  of  Vespasian, 
and  the  ignorant  and  superstitious  Alexandrians,  who  were 
wholly  devoted  to  the  worship  of  Serapis,  and  to  his  interest. 
[v.]  The  last  instance  of  pagan  miracles  which  we  shall 
notice  is  that  of  Apollonius  of  Tyana,  a  Pythagorean  philo- 
sopher, who  was  born  about  the  time  of  the  Christian  aera  ; 
but  whose  life  was  not  written  till  more  Hum  a  century  after 
his  death  by  Philostratus,  who  received  his  information  part- 
ly from  report,  and  partly  from  the  commentaries  of  Damis, 
the  companion  of  Apollonius.  In  this  work,  besides  a  num- 
ber of  monstrous,  ridiculous,  and  .silly  wonders,  Philostratus 
has  related  many  things  which  resemble  the  miracles  of 
Jesus,  as  that  Apollonius  cured  diseases,  expelled  demons, 
^ave  sight  to  the  blind,  raised  the  dead,  and  foretold  nume- 
rous remarkable  events.  The  book  of  Philostratus  was  com- 

i  Tacitus,  Wet.  lib.  iv.  c.  81.  The  same  is  also  related  by  Suetonius  in 
Vespasian,  c.  8.  who  says  the  man  was  lame  in  his  legs, — not  in  his  hand, 
as  Tacitus  says. 


piled  at  the  request  of  the  empress  Julia  Domna,  who  hated 
the  Christians  :  the  remarks,  therefore,  which  have  already 
been  made  on  the  biographers  of  Pythagoras  maybe  applied 
to  him.2  To  which  we  may  add,  that  Apollonius  was  ridi- 
as  .in  impostor  by  the  heathen  philosopher  Lucian, 
who  wrote  twenty  years  before  Philostratus.  and  that  no  use 
was  made  of  his  pretended  miracles  for  the  disparagement  of 
Christianity  until  the  commencement  of  the  fourth  century : 
when  Hierocles,  governor  of  Bithynia,  a  man  of  learning, 
and  a  principal  instigator  of  the  persecution  under  Dioclesian. 
conceived  the  design  of  showing  the  futility  of  the  miracles 
of  Christ  as  proofs  of  a  divine  mission,  by  opposing  to  them 
other  performances  equally  beyond  the  reach  of  human 
powers,  and,  as  he  wished  it  to  be  believed,  equally  well 
auth-nticated.  Hierocles,  however,  did  not  attempt  either  to 
call  in  question  the  genuineness  of  the  books  oi  the  New 
Testament,  or  to  deny  that  miracles  were  wrought  by  Jesus 
Christ ;  and  his  work,  which  was  founded  on  the  narrative  of 
Philostratus,  was  answered  at  the  time  by  Eusebius,  in  a 
tract  that  is  still  extant. 

[vi.]  The  next  instance  produced  by  Mr.  Hume  is  the 
miracle  pretended  to  have  been  wrought  at  Saragossa,  and 
mentioned  by  the  cardinal  De  Retz.  His  words,  literally 
translated,  are, — "In  that  church  they  showed  me  a  man, 
whose  business  it  was  to  light  the  lamps,  of  which  they  have 
a  prodigious  number,  telling  me,  that  ne  had  been  seen  seven 
years  at  the  gate  with  one  leg  only.  I  saw  him  there  with 
two."3  From  this  relation  it  is  evident  that  the  cardinal  did 
not  attach  any  credit  to  the  story :  he  did  not  examine  the 
man  himself  concerning  the  fact.  This  miracle  indeed  was 
vouched  by  all  the  canons  of  the  church,  and  the  whole  com- 
pany in  town  were  appealed  to  for  a  confirmation  of  it,  whom 
the  cardinal  found,  by  their  zealous  devotion,  to  be  thorough 
believers  of  the  miracle.  But  though  those  ecclesiastics  ap- 
pealed to  the  company  in  the  town,  it  is  clear  from  De  Retz  s 
own  account  that  he  did  not  ask  any  man  a  single  question 
on  the  subject.  It  is  easy  to  conceive  that  such  a  story, 
managed  by  the  priests  and  backed  by  their  authority,  would 
obtain  credit  with  the  ignorant  populace ;  especially  in  a 
country  where  the  inquisition  was  then  in  full  poAver, — 
where  the  superstitions  and  prejudices  of  the  people,  and  the 
authority  cf  the  civil  magistrate,  were  all  combined  to  support 
the  credit  of  such  miracles, — and  where  it  would  not  only 
have  been  extremely  dangerous  to  make  a  strict,  inquiry  into 
them,  but  even  the  expressing  of  the  least  doubt  concerning 
them  might  have  exposed  the  inquirer  to  the  most  terrible  of 
all  evils  and  sufferings.'1 

[vii.]  The  last  example  of  pretended  miracles  to  be  ad- 
duced is,  those  reported  to  have  been  wrought  at  the  tomb  of 
the  Abbe'  de  Pans,  and  in  which  both  Mr.  Hume  and  his 
copyists  in  later  times  have  exulted,  as  if  they  were  alone 
sufficient  to  destroy  the  credit  of  the  miraculous  facts  record- 
ed in  the  New  Testament.  The  circumstances  of  these 
pretended  miracles  are  as  follows  : — 

While  controversies  ran  high  in  France  between  the  Jesuits 
and  the  .lansenists,5  about  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, the  Abbe  de  Paris,  an  opulent  and  zealous  .Tansenist, 
gave  the  whole  of  his  income  to  the  poor;  and,  clothing 
himself  in  rags,  lay  on  the  ground,  fed  on  black  bread,  water, 
and  herbs,  and  employed  watchings  and  penances  to  macerate 
his  body.  On  his  death,  in  May,  1727,  his  party  canonized 
him,  and  pretended  that  miracles  were  wrought  at  his  tomb  ; 
whither  thousands  flocked  and  practised  grimaces  and  con- 
vulsions in  so  disorderly  and  ridiculous  a  manner,  that  the 
government  of  France  was  at  length  obliged  to  put  a  stop  to 
this  delusion,  by  ordering  the  church-yard,  in  which  he  was 
interred,  to  be  walled  up  in  January,  1732.  Accounts  of  the 
cures  said  to  have  been  wrought  at  the  Abbess  tomb  were 
collected  and  published  by  M.  de  Montgeron,  a  counsellor  of 
the  parliament  at  Paris,  in  three  quarto  volumes ;  which  were 
critically  examined,  and  the  delusions  were  exposed  as  soon 
as  they  appeared.  On  these  pretended  miracles  (which  were 
paralleled  with  those  of  Jesus  Christ!)  we  may  remark, 
1.  That  they  were  extolled  as  real  before  they  were  subjected 
to  examination;    and  that  when  investigated  at  first,  they 

*  ( 'ampbell  on  Miracles,  pp.  1G1— 1«9.  tip.  Douglas's  Criterion,  pp.  49— 
60.  Paley's Evidences,  vol.  i.  pp.  361— 3S6  In  the  Encyclopaedia  Metro- 
politana,  vol.  x.  pp.  619— Gi4.,  there  is  an  able  article  on  the  character  and 

led  miracles  of  Apollonius  Tyaim>us,  in  Hie  course  of  which  the 
subject  of  miracles  is  discussed  at  considerable  length. 
»  Memoires  du  Cardinal  de  Retz.    I.ivre  i-    Can  1654. 

*  Campbell  on  the  Miracles,  pp.  170—181. 

*  These  were  a  sect  of  Romanists,  in  France,  who  adopted  the  opinion*! 
of  Jansenius  concerning  grace  and  predestination,  which  were  opposed  bv 
the  Jesuits. 


£ect.  II.] 


PROOFS  OF  THEIR  INSPIRATION. 


119 


.vi  :•  tried  before  persons  who  wire  predisposed  to  favour 
the  Janseriists  or  appellants : — -J.  Montgeron,  who  collected 
the  cures  Bald  to  be  wroughl  a1  die  tomb,  produced  vouchers 
for  (inly  eight  or  nine:  while  some  continued  there  for  days 
and  even  months,  withoui  receiving  any  benefit:— ^3.  The 
number  reported  to  be  cured  was  But  Bmall;  nor  is  there 
any  proof  that  this  small  number  was  cured  by  the  p 
saint's  intercession.  The  imposture  of  those  pretended  mira- 
cles was  detected  by  the  archbishop  of  Paris  in  one  Bingle 
instance;  and  the  archbishop  of  Sens  and  others,  in  more 

than   twenty   instances,  discovert  d   the  artifice  by   which   it 

was  supported : — 4.  The  patients  were  so  affected  by  their 
devotion,  the  place,  and  the  sympathy  of  the  multitude,  that 

many  were  throw  n  into  convulsions,  which  in  certain  circum- 
stances mighl  produce  a  removal  ot  disorders  occasioned  by 
obstruction:—©.  All  who  implored  the  aid  of  the  Kbbi  were 

i.oi  cured  ;  while  Christ  and  the  apostles  never  failed  m  any 
.  and  were  never  convicted  of  imposture  in  a  single  in- 
stance: ami  it  was  objected  at  the  time,  and  never  refuted  by 
is  friends,  ihat  the  prostrations  at  his  tomb  produced  more 
than  they  cured  ; — (i.  <  Jhrist's  miracles  were  wrought 


dj 


in  a  grave  and  "decent,  in  a  great  but  simple  manner,  be- 
coming one  sent  of  God,  without  any  absurd  or  ridiculous 
ceremonies,  or  superstitious  observances.  But  the  miracles 
of  the  Abbe*  de  Paris  were  attended  with  circumstances  that 
had  all  the  marks  of  superstition,  and  which  seemed  de- 
signed and  fitted  to  strike  the  imagination.  The  earth  of 
his  tomh  was  often  employed,  or  the  water  from  the  well 
of  his  house.  Nine  days'  devotion  was  constantly  used, 
and  frequently  repeated  again  and  again  by  the  same  per- 
sons : — 7.  All  the  cures  recorded  by  Montgeron  as  duly  at- 
tested were  partial  and  gradual,  and  were  such  as  might  have 
been  effected  by  natural  means.  Not  one  of  them  was  in- 
atantaneous.  The  persons  at  the  Abbe's  tomb  never  attempt- 
ed to  raise  the  dead,  nor  is  there  any  evidence  that  either  the 
blind  or  the  deaf  were  actually  cured  there.  The  notary, 
who  received  affidavits  relative  to  those  miracles,  was  not 
obliged  to  know  the  names  of  the  persons  who  made  them, 
nor  whether  they  gave  in  their  own  or  only  fictitious  names  : — 
8.  The  cures  wrought  at  the  tomb  were  not  independent  of 
second  causes ;  most  of  the  devotees  had  been  using  medi- 
cines before,  and  continued  to  use  them  during  their  applica- 
tions to  the  supposed  saint ;  or  their  distempers  had  abated 
before  they  determined  to  solicit  his  help  : — 9.  Some  of  the 
cures  attested  were  incomplete,  and  the  relief  granted  in 
others  was  only  temporary;  but  the  cures  wrought  by  Christ 
and  his  apostles  were  complete  and  permanent: — 10.  Lastly, 
the  design  of  the  miracles  ascribed  to  the  Abbe  de  Paris  was 
neither  important  nor  was  it  worthy  of  God.  The  miracles 
of  Christ  and  of  his  apostles,  as  we  have  already  seen,  were 
intended  to  prove  the  divine  authority  of  the  most  excellent 
religion  :  those  reported  of  the  Abbe  to  answer  the  purposes 
of  a  party.  The  former  answered  the  end  for  which  they 
were  designed  :  the  latter  raised  a  prejudice  against  Jansen- 
ism, and  divided  its  adherents,  several  of  whom  were  pro- 
voked at  the  frauds  of  their  party,  and  bitterly  reproached 
and  accused  each  other.  The  moment  the  civil  power  inter- 
fered to  put  an  end  to  the  impostures  they  ceased  ;  but  all 
the  powers  on  earth,  both  civil  and  sacerdotal,  could  not  ar- 
rest the  progress  of  Christianity,  or  put  a  stop  to  the  wonder- 
ful works  wrought  in  confirmation  of  it.  To  conclude,  with 
regard  to  the  attestations  given  to  Christianity,  all  was  wise, 
consistent,  worthy  of  God,  and  suited  to  the  end  for  which  it 
was  designed;  but  the  other  is  a  broken  incoherent  scheme, 
which  cannot  be  reconciled  to  itself,  nor  made  to  consist  with 
the  wisdom  and  harmony  of  the  divine  proceedings.  The 
miracles  of  Christ,  therefore,  are  indisputably  true;  but 
those  ascribed  to  the  Abbe  de  Paris  are  totally  destitute  of 
reality,  and  are  utterly  unworthy  of  belief. 


SECTION  III. 


ON    PROPHECY, 


I.  Prophecy  defined. — The  highest  evidence  that  can  be  given 
of  Divine  Revelation. — II.  Difference  between  the  pretended 
predictions  of  the  heathen  oracles  and  the  prophecies  con- 
tained in  the  Scriptures. — III.    On  the  Use   and  Intent  of 

1  Campbell  on  Miracles,  pp.  1S1— 203.  Vernet,  Trail  ■  de  la  Writ.-  de  la 
Relig.  Chret  torn.  vi.  pp.  63— 135.  Leland's  View  of  the  Peistical  Writers, 
vol.  i.  pp.  319—335.  4th  edit.  Bp.  Douglas's  Criterion,  pp.  122—233.  :  in  pp. 

233-236.  he  has  some  observations  on  the  pretended  miracles  of  the    ,lCYC1  uc  **""c"*,  ""?""*  *i  ""'    "  V'   T  o"Vr.hi'noH~  ™;i"i 

French  prophets  new  causes,  which  themselves  again  must  be  c  mbined,  will 


Prophecy. — IV.  On  the  Chain  of  Prophecy. —  Classification 
of  the  Scripture  Prophecies. — Class  I.  Prophecies  relating 
to  thi  Nation  in  particular. — 1.  Abraham. — 2.  Ish- 

mael. — :j.  Settlement  of  the  Israelites  in  Canaan. — 4.  Pre- 
dictions  of  Pluses  relative  to  the  sufferings,  Captivities,  ana 
ate  <>f  the  Jews. — 5.  Birth  of  Josiah  foretold,  ana 
his  destrut  Hon  of  idolatry. — 6.  Isaiah's  Prediction  of  the 
utter  subversion  of  idolatry  among  the  Jews. — 7.  Jeremiah* 
Prediction  of  Zedekiah's  captivity  and  death. — 8.  EzekieVs 
Prediction  of  the  Calamities  of  the  Jews,  inflicted  by  the 
Chaldmana. — 'J.  Hornets  Prediction  of  the  Profanation  of 
the  Temple  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  &c. — 10.  Hoseu's  Pre- 
diction of  the  present  state  of  the  Jews. — Class  II.  Pro- 
phecies  relating  to  the  Nations  or  Empires  that  were  neigh- 
bowing  to  the  Jew.;. —  1.  Tine. — 2.  Egypt. — S.  Ethiopia. — 
4.  Nineveh. — 5.  Babylon. — 8.  'The  four  great  monarchies. 
— Class  !!!.  Prophecie*  directly  announcing  the  ^Messiah; 
their  Number,  Variety,  and  Minute  Circumstantiality. — I. 
That  the  Messiah  was-  to  come, — 2.  The   Time. — 3.  The 

Place  of  his   Coming. 1.    His  Birth    anil  .Manner   of  Life 

and  Doctrine. — 5.  His  Sufferings  and  Death. — f>.  His  Re- 
surrection and  Ascension. — 7.  The  Abolition  of  the  Jewish 
Covenant  by  that  of  the  Gospel. —  The  Certainty  with 
which  these  Prophecies  can  only  he  applied  to  Christ. — 
Class  IV.  Prophecies  delivered  by  Jesus   Christ  and  hit 

Apostles. —  1.  Prophecies  of  Christ  concerning  his  Death 
and  Resurrection,  the  Descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  the  De- 
struction  of  Jerusalem  and  its  Temple,  and  the  Spread  of 
Christianity. — Refutation  of  objections  drawn  from  its  re- 
jection by  Jews  and  Gentiles,  and  from  the  existence  ana 
prevalence  of  Mohammedism. — 2.  Prophecies  of  the  Apos- 
tles concerning  the  Corruptions  of  the  Gospel  by  the  Church 
of  Rome,  and  the  Spread  of  Infidelity. — V.  Refutation  of 
objections  from  the  alleged  obscurity  of  Prophecy. —  Con- 
cluding observations  on  the  evidence  afforded  by  Prophecy. 

I.  Prophecy  defined. 

The  various  criteria  and  considerations  which  have  been 
stated  in  the  preceding  section  will  enable  the  impartial  in- 
quirer to  distinguish  between  true  and  false  miracles.  We 
add,  that  it  is  equally  easy  to  distinguish  between  true  and 
false  prophecies ;  for  prophecy  is  a  miracle  of  knowledge,  a 
declaration,  or  description,  or  representation  of  something  future, 
beyond  the  power  of  human  sagacity  to  discern  or  to  calculate, 
and  it  is  the  highest  evidence  that  can  be  given  of  supernatural 
communion  with  the  Deity,  and  of  the  truth  of  a  revelation  from 
God. 

The  knowledge  of  future  events  is  that  object,  which  man, 
with  the  greatest  desire,  has  the  least  ability  to  attain.  By 
tracing  cause  and  effect  in  their  usual  operations,  by  observ- 
ing human  characters,  and  by  marking  present  tendencies, 
he  may  form  some  plausible  conjectures  about  the  future : 
and  an  experienced  politician,  who  is  thoroughly  acquainted 
with  the  circumstances,  interests,  and  tempers  both  of  his 
own  community  and  of  those  who  are  his  neighbours,  will 
frequently  anticipate  events  with  a  sagacity  and  success. 
which  bears  some  resemblance  to  direct  prescience,  and  ox- 
cites  the  astonishment  of  less  penetrating  minds.  Still,  how- 
ever, he  is  limited  to  a  kind  of  contact  with  present  circum- 
stances. That  which  he  foresees  must  have  some  connection 
with  what  he  actually  Ik  holds,  or  some  dependence  on  it: 
otherwise  his  inquiries  are  vain,  and  his  conjectures  idle  and 
delusive  ;  and  even  within  those  narrow  limits,  how  often  is 
his  penetration  baffled,  and  his  wisdom  deceived!  The 
slightest  intrusion  of  uncommon  circumstances,  the  smallest 
possible  deviation  from  rules,  which  cannot  by  any  means 
be  rendered  exact,  destroys  the  visionary  chain  which  In  has 
constructed,  and  exposes  his  ignorance  to  himself  and  others. 
The  prescience  of  the  most  experienced  politician,  in  short, 
bears  a  close  resemblance  to  that  of  an  experienced  general 
or  a  skilful  chess-player.  Judging  how  he  himself,  were  he 
in  his  adversary's  place,  would  act  in  consequence  of  one  of 
his  own  movements,  he  builds  upon  his  adversary's  acting 
in  the  same  manner,  when  placed  in  the  same  circumstances ;. 
and  thence,  on  the  presumption  of  his  thus  acting,  he  pro- 
vides against  what  be  foresees  must  be  the  result  of  it ;  anti- 
cipating in  this  manner  the  final  winding  up  of  the  affair, 
even  when  he  is  at  a  considerab!e#  distance  from  its  temai- 
nation.  Prescience,  then,  of  the  'present  description,  will 
extend  just  so  far  as  the  principle  upon  which  it  is  built.  But 
the  deducing  of  effects  from  a  combination  cf  causes  can 
never  be  carried  forward  to  any  very  rem')*0  period  :  because 


120 


PROPHECIES  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES, 


[Hw.?  IV 


perpetually  spring  up;  and  consequently,  as  those  new 
causes  are  as  yet  unknown,  no  human  sagacity  can  deduce 
"'  cuts  from  such  causes. 

To  foresee  and  foretell  future  events  is  a  miracle  of  which 
ine  testimony  Remains  in  itself.  It  is  a  miracle,  because  to 
foresee  and  foretell  future  events,  to  which  no  change  of  cir- 
cumstances lends.no  train  of  probabilities  points,  is  as  much 
beyond  the  ability  of  human  agents,  as  to  cure  diseases  with 
a  word,  or  even  to  raise  the  dead,  which  may  properly  be 
termed  miracles  of  power.  That  actions  of  the  latter  kind  were 
ever  performed  can  be  proved,  at  a  distant  period,  only  by 
witnesses,  against  whose  testimony  cavils  may  be  raised,  or 
causes  for  doubt  advanced  :  but  the  man,  who  reads  a  pro- 
phecy and  perceives  the  corresponding  events,  is  himself  the 
witness  of  the  miracle ;  he  sees  that  thus  it  is,  and  that  thus 
by  human  means  it  could  not  possibly  have  been.  A  pro- 
phecy yet  unfulfilled  is  a  miracle  at  present  incomplete ;  and 
these,  if  numerous,  may  be  considered  as  the  seeds  of  future 
conviction,  ready  to  grow  up  and  bear  their  fruit,  whenever 
the  corresponding  facts  shall  be  exhibited  on  the  theatre  of 
the  world.  So  admirably  has  this  sort  of  evidence  been  con- 
trived by  the  wisdom  of  God,  that  in  proportion  as  the  lapse 
of  ages  might  seem  to  weaken  the  argument  derived  from  mi- 
racles long  since  performed,  that.very  lapse  serves  only  to 
strengthen  the  argument  derived  from  the  completion  of  pro- 
phecy.' 

If  the  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament  be  genuine 
and  authentic,  that  is,  were  written  by  the  persons  to  whom 
they  are  ascribed,  and  at  or  about  the  times  when  they  pro- 
fess to  have  been  written  (and  these  points  have  already  been 
proved  to  demonstration),  the  very  numerous  predictions 
which  they  contain  must  necessarily  be  divine.  For  they  are 
a  regular  chain,  extending  almost  from  the  beginning  to  the 
end  of  time ;  and  many  of  them  relate  to  events  so  distant,  so 
contingent,  and  so  apparently  improbable,  that  no  human 
foresight  could  ever  anticipate  them.  Some  relate  to  dates 
and  circumstances  that  require  the  most  exact  accomplish- 
ment, and  some  are  fulfilling  to  the  present  time,  and  before 
our  eyes  :  so  that,  though  this  kind  of  evidence  might  be  ren- 
dered doubtful  or  suspicious,  yet  it  is  daily  accumulating, 
and  gathering  strength  as  it  accumulates. 

II.  On  the  Difference  between  the  pretended  predictions  of 
heathen  oracles  and  the  prophecies  contained  in  the  Scriptures. 

When  we  meet  with  a  prophecy,  the  avowed  end  of  which 
is  to  satisfy  some  trivial  curiosity  or  abet  the  designs  of  some 
ambitious  leader,  suspicion  must  necessarily  take  the  alarm. 
This  was  evidently  the  character  of  the  ancient  oracles. 
However  directed,  whether  by  evil  men  or  evil  spirits,  they 
3ertainly  spoke  as  they  were  paid  or  intimidated ;  and  the 
long  continued  history  of  ancient  times  has  completely  in- 
formed us  of  the  practices  by  which  the  priests  of  the  false 
gods  endeavoured  to  gain  credit  for  their  idols,  and  profit  for 
themselves,  by  foretelling  things  to  come.  "  But  how  did 
they  conduct  this  difficult  traffic  1  Did  they  make  it  hazard- 
ous as  well  as  difficult,  by  pledging  their  lives  on  the  truth 
of  their  predictions  1  Far  otherwise : — they  had  very  different 
arts  and  plans,  much  more  compatible  with  the  conscious- 
ness of  being  extremely  liable  to  error.  In  the  first  place, 
unless  a  direct  appeal  to  their  inspiration  was  made  by  direct 
inquiry,  they  usually  observed  a  prudent  silence.  Ihey  ut- 
tered no  spontaneous  prophecies.  In  saying  nothing,  they 
exposed  themselves  to  no  detection ;  and  when  they  were 
obliged  to  speak,  it  was  always  with  sufficient  precaution. 
Obstacles  were  first  thrown  in  the  way  of  inquiry.  By 
magnificent  and  repeated  sacrifices,  it  was  rendered  extreme- 
ly expensive.  This  preliminary  had  a  double  advantage  :  it 
lessened  the  number  of  inquirers,  and  at  the  same  time  se- 
cured abundant  advantage  to  the  priests.  These  sacrifices 
were  preceded,  attended,  and  followed  by  many  prescribed 
ceremonies ;'  the  omission  or  mismanagement  of  any  one  of 
which  was  sufficient  to  vitiate  the  whole  proceedino-.  The 
gods  were  not  at  all  times  in  a  humour  to  be  consulted. 
Omens  were  to  be  taken,  and  au<ruries  examined,  which,  if 
unfavourable  in  any  particular,  either  precluded  the  inquiry 
for  the  present,  or  required  further  lustrations,  ceremonies, 
and  sacrifices  to  purify  the  person  who  consulted,  and  ren- 
dered him  fit  to  receive  an  answer  from  the  gods,  orto  bring 
their  wayward  deities  to  a  temper  suitable  to  the  inquiry.'** 
When  indeed  answers  were  given,  the  heathen  oracles  had 
no  determinate  scheme,  and  related  to  detached,  unconnected 
events ;  while  the  prophecies  of  Scripture  respect  one  great 

i  Van  Dale,  De  Oraculis,  torn.  i.  p.  3. 

»  Dr.  Nares's  ConnectedView  of  the  Prophecies  relative  to  the  Christian 
•  "nurch,  p.  14. 


scheme,  and  point  to  one  person,  whose  family,  country, 
character,  and  circumstances,  they  announce,  long  before  he 
was  born.  The  heathen  oracles  spoke  what  rulers  dictated, 
or  what  tended  to  advance  the  interest  of  the  priests :  pre- 
cepts of  morality,  and  rules  of  just  conduct,  were  seldom — 
if  ever — delivered  from  the  cave,  or  from  the  consecrated 
tripos.  The  purest  sentiments  prevalent  among  the  pagans 
were  either  delivered  by  the  philosopher  (who  had  no  means 
of  enforcing  them),  or  adorned  the  pages  of  the  poet :  while 
the  Hebrew  prophets,  on  the  contrary,  boldly  reproved  kings, 
enforced  the  purest  morality  by  the  most  solemn  sanctions, 
and  suffered  rather  than  gained  by  the  predictions  which  they 
uttered.3  They  did  iK>t  prophesy  in  compliance  with  the 
wishes  or  natural  propensities  of  their  countrymen  ;  but  op- 
posed their  prejudices,  by  predicting  the  impending  calami- 
ties, the  humble  state  of  the  Messiah,  the  rejection  of  the 
Jews,  and  the  call  of  the  Gentiles.  Their  prophecies  tended 
to  one  end  ;  and  the  total  cessation  of  them,  when  that  end 
was  answered,  proves  that  they  did  not  owe  their  accomplish- 
ment to  chance  or  to  imposture. 

Further,  when  no  means  of  evasion  remained,  the  answer- 
given  by  the  heathen  oracles  were  frequently  delusive,  and 
capable  of  quite  contrary  interpretations  ;  and  the  most  cele- 
brated of  them  concealed  their  meaning  in  such  ambiguous 
terms,  that  they  required  another  oracle  to  explain  them. 
Of  this  ambiguity  several  authentic  instances  are  recorded. 
Thus,  when  Croesus  consulted  the  oracle  at  Delphi  relative 
to  his  intended  war  against  the  Persians,  he  was  told  that 
he  would  destroy  a  great  empire.'  This  he  naturally  inter- 
preted of  his  overcoming  the  Persians,  though  the  oracle 
was  so  framed  as  to  admit  of  an  opposite  meaning.  Crossus 
made  war  against  the  Persians,  and  was  ruined;  and  the 
oracle  continued  to  maintain  its  credit.  The  answer  given 
to  Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus,  many  ages  after,  was  of  yet 
more  doubtful  interpretation,  being  conceived  in  terms  so 
ambiguous,  that  it  might  either  be  interpreted  thus  : — /  say 
that  thou,  son  of  JEacus  canst  conquer  the  Romans.  Thou  shall 
go,  thou  shalt  return,  never  shalt  thou  perish  in  war  ,-5  or  thus, 
/  say  that  the  Romans  can  conquer  thee,  son  of  JEucus,  Tliou 
shalt  go,  thou  shalt  never  return,  thou  shalt  perish  in  war. 
Pyrrhus  understood  the  oracle  in  the  former  sense ;  he  waged 
an  unsuccessful  war  with  the  Romans,  and  was  overcome : 
yet  still  the  juggling  oracle  saved  its  credit.  Another  re- 
markable instance  of  the  ambiguity  of  the  pretended  pro- 
phets occurs  in  1  Kings  xxii.  5,  6.  Jehoshaphat,  king  of 
Judah,  and  Ahab,  king  of  Israel,  having  united  their  forces 
against  the  Syrians,  in  order  to  recover  Ramoth-Gilead,  the 
latter  monarch  gathered  the  false  prophets  together,  about  four 

»  "  Happy  had  it  been  for  the  heathen  world,  if,  upon  the  subject  of  mo- 
rality, their  oracles  had  been  invariably  silent.  The  few  sentiments  which 
they  did  deliver  were  not  always  grounded  upon  the  severe  principles  of 
reason  and  truth  :  they  varied  with  the  fluctuation  of  human  opinions,  and 
were  even  accommodated  to  the  prejudices,  the  passions,  and  the  vices  of 
their  votaries.  Nay,  they  frequently  even  commanded  the  grossest  viola- 
tions of  morality  and  decorum,  and  veiled,  under  the  prostituted  name  of 
religion,  the  most  flagitious  and  horrible  abominations,  which  havi 
been  permitted  to  pollute  the  annals  of  the  human  race.  The  prophets  of 
the  true  God  were  inspired  by  the  purest  principles.  They  actively  and  in- 
variably exerted  themselves  in  the  cause  of  virtue.  The  system  of  morality 
which  they  sanctioned  was  pure,  severe,  and  founded  upon  determinate 
and  acknowledged  principles.  They  tempered  its  severity,  however,  with 
the  love  of  mercy  and  the  gentle  feelings  of  benevolence.  With  all  the 
warmth  of  zeal,  and  energy  of  eloquence,  they  recommended  the  cause  <  f 
the  stranger,  the  widow,  and  the  orphan.  Neither  the  pomp  ofstation,  nor 
the  tyranny  of  power,  could  shield  the  offender  from  their  manly  and  indig- 
nant rebukes:  and  exhibiting  a  boldness,  which,  perhaps,  is  unparalleled 
in  the  whole  history  of  mankind,  and  which  couldonly  be  inspired  by  the 
confidence  of  truth  and  the  certainty  of  divine  assistance,  they  even  chas- 
tised a  powerful  monarch  for  the  unlawful  indulgence  of  his  passions  ;  and 
openly  denounced  the  vengeance  of  the  High  Being,  by  whom  they  were  in- 
spired, against  a  formidable  tyrant,  who  had  murdered  for  the  sake  of  plun- 
der  the  poor  possessor  of  a  neighbouring  vineyard.  The  piety  which  they 
required  was  not  the  cold  and  inefficient  duty  of  an  external  ritual :  it  was 
the  religion  of  the  heart,  the  control  of  the  internal  feelings  of  the  soul,  and 
an  inward  and  ever-active  persuasion  of  the  existence  and  providence  oi  an 
all-judging  God.  It  earnestly  excited  gratitude  for  his  favours,  supplication 
for  his  forgiveness,  and  reliance  on  his  protection.  These  moral  and  reli- 
gious duties  were  not  varied  with  the  progress  of  civilization,  nor  made  lo 
bend  to  temporal  occurrences,  to  the  will  of  a  favoured  monarch,  or  die 
caprices  of  contending  parties.  They  were  independent  of  human  events 
regular  as  the  order  of  nature,  and  eternal  as  the  Fountain  of  inspiration 
Their  influence  was  the  most  extensive  which  the  imagination  can  conceive. 
They  were  not  calculated  to  aggrandize  a  favourite  state,  nor  appropi 
to  the  inhabitants  of  a  particular  climate  ;  but  they  were  equally  useful  to 
all  countries,  and  obligatory  on  the  whole  human  race."  Dr.  Rjchards's 
Hampton  Lectures,  for  1800,  pp.  £41—244. 

«  Herodotus,  lib.  i.  c.  53.  Though  the  identical  words  of  the  oracle  have 
been  lost  from  the  text  of  Herodotus,  yet  they  have  been  preserved  by 
various  writers,  and  particularly  by  Suidas,  (Li  licun.  voce  Kpoio-c;,  torn 
iii.  p.  382.  edit.  Kuster),  according  to  whom  they  run  thus  :  Kpcicr3;  'a>.v 

»  The  oracle  in  question  has  been  thus  translated  ■ 
Aio  te  JEacida  Romanos  vincere  posse. 
Ibis,  redibis,  nunquam  in  belloperibis 


Sect.  III.] 


A  PROOF  OF  THEIR  INSPIRATION. 


121 


hundred  men,  and  said  unto  them,  Shall  I go  against  lluniolh- 
Gib  nd  to  batik,  or  shall  I  forbear  ?  Jlnd  they  saiil,  Go  up,  for 
the  Ijord  shall  deliver  [»7J  into  the  hand*  of  thr  king.  It  is  to 
be  observed,  that  the  word  [?'/]  is  not  in  the  original,  and 
that  the  reply  of  the  pseudo-prophets  is  so  -artfully  con- 
structed, that  it  might  Be  interpreted  either  for  or  agatnst  die 
expedition;  as  thus, — the  Lord  wiU  deliver  (it)  Ramoth- 
Gilead  into  t he  king's  (Ahab's)  hand)  or,  the  Lord  wiB deliver 
(Israel)  into  the  king's  hana\  thai  is,  into  the  hands  of  the 
king  of  Syria.1  Relying  upon  this  ambiguous  oracle,  the 
monarehs  of  Judah  and  Israel  engaged  the  Syrians,  and 
were  utterly  discomfited. 

\\  henever  the  oracles  (ailed,  thr  priests,  who  officiated  al 
them,  were  never  at  a  loss  for  subterfuges  for  preserving 

their  credit,      [f  the  event  happened  not  to  correspond  with 

the  prophecy,  it  was  discovered,  when  too  late,  that  some 
indispensable  ceremony  or  observance  had  been  omitted  ;  that 

the  gods  Wl  re  averse  to  the  inquirer;  or  that  he  had  not  been 

in  a  proper  state  for  consulting  them.  If  an  evil  event  took 
place  when  a  good  one  had  heen  promised,  it  was  the  fault 
of  the  inquirer.  If,  on  the  contrary,  tin;  result  was  more  fa- 
vourable than  the  prediction,  this  was  owing  to  the  interces- 
sion of  the  priests,  to  the  prayers  they  had  offered,  or  to  the 
rites  they  had  performed  tor  propitiating  the  otfended  pow- 
ers. But  notwithstanding  ail  these  and  other  precautions, 
the  heathen  priests  succeeded  very  imperfectly  in  maintain- 
ing the  credit  of  the  oracles.  The  wiser  and  more  sagacious 
heathens,  especially  in  later  times,  held  them  in  utter  con- 
tempt.- They  were  ridiculed  by  the  comic  poets;  and  the 
pretendedly  inspired  priestess  was,  in  several  instances,  even 
popularly  accused  of  being  bribed  to  prophesy  according  to 
the  interests  of  a  particular  party.  Such  was  the  success 
of  false  prophecy,  even  with  all  the  aids  of  art,  and  a  sys- 
tematic plan  of  imposture  to  preserve  it  from  detection.3 

How  widely  different  from  these  pretended  predictions  are 
the  prophecies  contained  in  the  Scriptures  !  They  were  de- 
livered without  solicitation,  and  pronounced  openly  before 
the  people  ;  and  the  prophet  knew  himself  by  law  exposed 
to  capital  punishment,  it  any  one  of  his  predictions  were  to 
be  overthrown.  The  events  which  were  foretold  were  often 
both  complicated  and  remote,  depending  on  the  arbitrary  will 
of  many,  and  arising  from  a  great  variety  of  causes,  which 
concurred  to  bring  them  to  pass.  Some  of  them  were  ac- 
complished shortly  after  they  were  delivered;  others  had 
their  accomplishment  somewhat  later,  but  the  prophets  who 
delivered  them  saw  the  event.  Others  again  had  a  more 
distant  object  which  exceeded  the  prophet's  life ;  but  the 
different  events  which  he  foretold  were  so  connected  together, 
that  the  most  distant  bordered  pretty  nearly  upon  some  others, 
the  accomplishment  of  which  was  preparatory  to  the  last. 
The  fulfilment  of  the  first  prophecies  served  to  raise  an  ex- 
pectation of  those  which  were  distant;  and  the  accomplish- 
ment of  the  last  confirmed  the  first.  The  predictions  of 
Isaiah  will  furnish  an  illustration  of  the  correctness  of  these 
remarks  ;  and  whoever  reads  the  prophets  with  attention  will 
readily  find  many  more  instances. 

The  kings  of  Syria  and  Israel,1  who  separately  had  done 

>  Dr.  A.  Clarke  on  1  Kini_'s  x.xii.  15.' 

»  Thus  Aristotle  observes,  with  his  usual  accuracy  and  penetration,  that 
irophieis  express  themselves  in  gem  ml  language.    In  a  game 
at  odd  and  even,  a  man  may  say,  whether  the  number  be  odd  or  even, 
much  sooner  than  what  ii  is;  and  thai  such  athing  will  happen,  than  when. 
Therefore  those  who  deliver  oracles  never  define  token." 
IUp.  iii.  c.  5.  S  4.    Op.  torn.  iv.  edit  Bipont)— C ro  likewise  lias  the  fol- 
lowing remark :  "  If  this  be  foretold,  Who  is  the  person  mean)  and  what 
is  the  no  I    The  writer  has  conducted  himself  so  dexterously,  that  any 
whatever  will  suil  his  prophecy,  since  there  la  so  speeifleat 
md   Wines."      (DeDivinat.  lib.  Ii.  c.  54.  Op.  torn.  xi.  p.  867.  edit 
Bipont  )    Horace  also  ridicules  with  great  humour  the  pompous  nothing- 
the  heathen  uracil's  in- the  following 

OLaertiade,  quicquid dicam, aul  erit,  autnon; 

lh\  nare  etent  m  magnas  mini  donal  Apollo       Sal  lib.  ii.  sat  6.  v. 69, 60. 

that  I  now  foretell,  trill  cither  come  to  pass,  or  it 
irill  nut ; 
For  Ou  |  "ip  to  divine. 

Lastly,  Lucian,  in  his  history  of  Alexander,  after  relating  in  what  manner 
pretendi  d  to  answer  the  sealed  questions  delivered  to  him, 
without  opening  the  seal,  adds :—" Thus  he  delivered  oracles,  and  gave 
divine  responses  but  with  greal  prudence,  and  giving  ; 

Borne  be  en- 
couraged; others  he  dissuaded,  replying  as  he  thought  proper.    To  s< 

he  prescribed  plain  remedies  and  diets,  for  he  knew  many  useful  medi- 
cines.    But.  with  respect  to  the  hopes  (of  advancement),  the  incr 
property,  and  successions  to  inheritances,  he  altoay,  riving  an 

answer,  adding,  "  All  things  shall  be  don  •  when  I  am  <ri  Um  g,  ana  when  my 
prophet  Alexander  shah  entreat  me.  and  shall  offer  prayers  in  your  be- 
ha't  "~\t  is  to  be  observed  that  this  impostor  spoke  in  the  name  of  the 
god  Aisculapius  ;  and  that  he  did  not  give  his  responses  tor  nothing,  his 
stated  price  being  one  drachma  and  two  oboli  (about  10;d.  sterling)  for 
each  answer.  Luciana  Alexander  seu  Pseudomantis.  Op.  torn.  v.  no  S5 
66.  edit.  Bipont.  tv      , 

•  Nares  on  Prophecy,  p.  16.  *  Isa.  vii.  1.  9—16 

Vol.  I.  Q 


neat  damage  to  the  kingdom  of .  udah,  united  together  abso- 
lutely to  destroy  it,  and  came  to  lay  siege  to  Jerusalem. 
Aha/.,  king  of  Judah,  and  all  his  subjects, being  seized  with 
terror,  the  prophet  Isaiah  came  to  him,  and  publicly  assured 
him  that  the  enterprise  of  the  two  kings  should  be  frus- 
trated :  that  in  a  short  time  they  would  both  die  ;  and  that,  be- 
fore a  child,  that  was  to  be  bom  in  about  ten  months,  could 
say,  ••  My  father  and  my  mother,"  Damascus,  the  capital  of 
Syria,  and  Samaria,  the  capital  of  the  kingdom  ol  Israel, 
should  he  subject  to  the  kitier  of  Assyria.  Within  three  short 
years  the  event  justified  the  prophecy  in  till  its  parts,  though 
it  was  without  any  natural  probability.1 — The  destruction 
of  Sennacherib's  army,  together  with  -.ill  the  minute  circum- 
stances of  his  previous  advance,  was  announced  by  Isaiah  a 
long  time  before  it  happened,  with  this  additional  circum- 
stance, that  such  destruction  should  take  place  in  the  night; 
and  that  the  noise  of  the  thunder  thai  should  roll  over  the 

Assyrians  should  he  to  .h  rusali  m  an  harmonious  sound,  and 

like  a  melodious  concert,  I"  cause  it  would  be  followed  with 
public  thanksgivings.6  It  was  these  precise  and  circum- 
stantial predictions  that  supported  the  hope  of  Hezekiah, 
notwithstanding  every  thing  that  seemt  d  to  oppose  it.  Nor 
can  it  excite  our  astonishment  that,  aft.  ,-  their  accomplish- 
ment, the  pious  monarch  and  his  people  were  persuaded  that 
Isaiah  was  a  prophet,  to  whom  the  Almighty  revealed  his 
designs,  and  that  he  spoke  by  his  command*. — In  like  man- 
ner, after  the  departure  of  the  ambassadors,  whom  Mi  rodach- 
lialadan,  king  of  Babylon,  had  sent  to  congratulate  Heze- 
kiah on  his  recovery  from  sickness,  the  same  prophel  was 
commissioned  to  tell  the  Jewish  sovereign  that  all  his  trea- 
sures (which  in  the  secret  pride  of  his  heart  he  had  shown 
to  his  ambassadors)  should  be  conveyed  to  Babylon  ;  that 
princes  descended  from  him  should  be  made  captives ;  and 
that  they  should  be  employed  by  the  conqueror  in  menial 
offices.7  This  prediction  was  apparently  contrary  to  all  pro- 
bability :  the  kings  of  Babylon  and  Judah  were  then  allies 
and  united  in  interest.  The  former  seemed  in  no  respect 
formidable,  when  compared  with  the  kings  of  Assyria, 
whose  yoke  he  had  but  just  shaken  off,  and  to  whom  he 
was,  perhaps,  still  tributary  ;  and  yet  the  prophecy  is  posi- 
tive, and  Hezekiah  entertained  no  doubt  of  it.  It  was  lite- 
rally accomplished,  and  then  the  Jews  hoped  for  their  return 
from  captivity,  which  Isaiah  had  not  only  foretold  many 
times,  and  in  the  most  magnificent  terms,'  but  also  marked 
out  the  conqueror  of  Babylon,  and  the  deliverer  of  the  Jews 
by  name,9  considerably  more  than  one  hundred  years  before 
Cyrus  became  king  of  Persia,  and  liberated  the  captive 
Jews. — Lastly,  Isaiah  clearly  declared  the  ruin  of  Babylon, 
after  he  had  seen,  in  prophetic  spirit,  all  its  splendour  and 
glory  under  Nebuchadnezzar  ;in  and  it  is  astonishing  with 
what  exactness  all  the  parts  of  his  predictions  were  accom- 
plished ;  so  that  the  precise  site  of  Babylon  cannot  now  be 
ascertained. 

Once  more,  a  large  proportion  of  the  Scripture  propln  ciea 
was  committed  to  writing,  and  preserved  in  hooks  which 
were  always  left  open  to  public  examination,  and  all  persons 
were  enjoined  to  peruse  them.  This  is  a  test  which  the 
spurious  predictions  of  the  heathens  never  could  endure. 
Their  oracles  were  never  collected  in  any  authentic  records; 
never  brought  into  one  view,  with  even  a  pretence  to  prove 
the  prescience  of  their  deities.  Certain  officers  only  were 
allowed  to  superintend  them.  In  Egypt,  the  oracular  books 
were  kept  by  the  priests  exclusively,  and  written  in  a  pe- 
culiar character ;  and  at  Borne,  the  Sibylline  books  were 
allowed  to  be  consulted  only  byr  the  quindecemviri,  and  not 
even  by  these  privileged  few  w  ithout  an  order  from  the  se- 
nate. And  when  at  length  a  compilation  was  offered  to  the 
world,  professing  to  contain  the  Sibylline  oracles,  it  was  so 
gross  and  clumsy  a  forgery  as  never  to  impose  on  any  man  of 
sense,  who  exerted  even  the  smallest  skill  in  bringing  it  to 
the  test  of  criticism." 

It  is  a  remark,  which  holds  alike  in  every  circumstance  of 
divine  revelation,  that  impostors  never  did  attempt  to  produce 
their  credentials  in  such  a  manner  as  the  real  messengers  of  God, 
Yet  does  the  malice  or  the  blindness  of  its  opposers  con- 
tinually endeavour  to  confound  them.  Because  there  have 
been  lying  prophets,  the  true  must  be  suspected  ;  because 

»  isa.  viii.  2—4.    2 Kings  xv.  29,  30.  xvi.  9.    Isa.  viii.  7,  8. 
'  Isa.  x.  26.  28.  et  scq.  xxix.  6—8.  xxx.  29.  31,  32. 
'  Compare  Isa.  xxxix.  5 — 7.  and  2  Kings  xx. 

•  See  particularly  Isa.  Iii.  2.  and  xlii.  4.  »  Isa.  M:v.  and  xrv. 

i«  Isa.  xlvii.  1.  7,  8,  9.  12,  13.     xiii.  4.  19,  20.  21.  et  seq.  nv.  22—24. 
'•  Dr.  Jortin  has  examined  the  pretended  Sibylline  oracles,  and  has  shown 
that  they  are  to  be  rejected  as  forgeries  and  impostures.    Remarks  oa 
Ecil.  Hist  vol.  i.  pp.  1S8— 217. 


122 


PROPHECIES  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES, 


[OlIAP.  IV. 


there  have  been  false  prophets — pretenders  to  inspiration — 
therefore  they  to  whom  the  Spirit  of  God  has  truly  spoken 
cannot  obtain  a  candid  hearing.  Yet,  if  the  things  consi- 
dered differ  most  essentially  in  the  mode,  in  the  circum- 
stances, in  the  proof, — in  all  respects,  indeed,  except  the  name, 
— where  is  the  candour,  or  even  the  common  sense,  of  in- 
volving them  in  one  sentence  of  rejection?1  The  false  pre- 
tensions to  prophecy  that  have  appeared  in  the  world  are  no 
more  a  proof  that  there  never  were  true  predictions,  than  the 
circulation  of  base  coin  proves  that  there  is  no  pure  gold  or 
silver  employed  in  commerce  and  manufactures. 

III.  The  Use  and  Intent  of  Prophecy  may  be  consider- 
ed in  various  lights.  Some  have  represented  it  as  designed 
to  meet  and  accommodate  the  natural  anxiety  and  impatience 
of  men  to  know  futurity — to  relieve  and  soothe  the  trou- 
bled mind — to  repress  the  vain  and  forward — to  discourage 
schemes  of  vice — to  support  desponding  virtue.  Some  have 
argued,  that  prophecy  was  designed  to  cherish  and  promote  a 
religious  spirit — to  confirm  the  faith  of  God's  sovereignty  and 
particular  providence.  Some  men,  measuring  the  thoughts 
and  ways  of  God  by  those  of  men,  have  fancied,  that  an  ob- 
scure people,  a  carpenter's  son,  his  birth,  and  acts,  and  igno- 
minious death,  were  subjects  beneath  the  attention  of  the 
Supreme  Ruler ;  and  have  substituted,  as  more  becoming 
objects  of  prophecy,  the  splendid  events,  as  they  supposed, 
of  the  rise  and  fall  of  kingdoms,  and  the  revolutions  of  mighty 
states  and  empires.  But  the  ways  of  God  are  not  as  our 
ways,  nor  his  thoughts  as  our  thoughts.  The  events  which 
to  us  appear  magnificent  and  interesting  are  trivial  in  his 
sight,  and  those  which  we  might  overlook  or  despise  form 
the  principal  figures  in  the  plan  of  his  infinite  wisdom  and 
goodness.  There  were  intermediate  events  predicted,  as 
subordinate  ends  of  prophecy,  as  the  state  and  history  of 
Abraham's,  and  Jacob's,  and  David's  family  ;  but  the  great 
use  and  intent  of  prophecy,  to  which  all  others  were  subser- 
vient, was  to  maintain  the  faith  of  the  Messiah,  and  to  pre- 
pare the  world  for  his  appearance  and  mediation.  At  the 
same  time,  it  was  calculated  to  serve  as  an  evidence  of  the 
divine  origin  of  Scripture.  Considering  it  in  this  light,  we 
should  first  satisfy  ourselves  that  it  was  given,  not  after,  but 
long  before  the  events  took  place ;  and  then  carefully  com- 
pare the  facts  and  circumstances  predicted  with  the  events 
accomplished.  If  they  correspond,  the  conclusion  is  un- 
avoidable, that  the  prophet  was  commissioned  by  Omni- 
science to  utter  the  prophecy,  and  that  it  has  been  fulfilled  by 
sovereign  and  almighty  power.  Have  Jacob  and  Moses, 
David  and  Isaiah,  Daniel  and  the  other  prophets,  many  hun- 
dreds of  years  before,  accurately  described  times,  places, 
characters,  and  ends,  with  their  relative  circumstances  and 
contingencies  1  And  have  these  descriptions  been  verified  in 
subsequent  and  exactly  corresponding  events  1 — then  they 
must  have  been  divinely  inspired,  and  their  record  and  testi- 
mony must  be  true  and  divine.  By  these  prophecies,  inter- 
spersed with  the  greater  part  of  the  Scriptures  both  of  the  Old 
and  New  Testament,  the  sacred  writers  have  established 
their  claim  to  inspiration,  that  they  have  not  followed  cun- 
ningly devised  fables,  but  that  they  spoke  and  wrote  as  they  were 
moved  by  the  Holy  Ghost.  The  use  and  intent  of  prophecy, 
then,  was  to  raise  expectation,  and  to  soothe  the  mind  with 
hope, — to  maintain  the  faith  of  a  particular  providence,  and 

>  the  assurance  of  the  Redeemer  promised,  and  particularly  to 
attest  the  divine  inspiration  of  the  Scriptures.2 

IV.  On  the  Chain  of  Prophecy. 

The  prophecies  recorded  in  the  Scriptures  respect  contin- 
gencies too  wonderful  for  the  powers  of  man  to  conjecture  or 
to  effect.  Many  of  those,  which  are  found  in  the  Old  Tes- 
tament, foretold  unexpected  changes  in  the  distribution  of 
earthly  power;  and,  whether  they  announced  the  fall  of 
flourishing  cities,  or  the  ruin  of  mighty  empires,  the  event 
minutely  corresponded  with  the  prediction.  This  chain  of 
predictions  is  so  evident  in  the  Scriptures,  that  we  are  more 
embarrassed  with  the  selection  and  arrangement  of  them,  than 
doubtful  of  their  import  and  accomplishment.  To  a  super- 
ficial observer,  they  may  seem  to  be  without  order  or  connec- 
tion; but,  to  a  well-informed  mind,  they  are  all  disposed  in 
such  a  mode  and  succession  as  to  form  a  regular  system,  all 
the  parts  of  which  harmonize  in  one  amazing  and  consistent 
plan,  which  runs  parallel  with  the  history  of  mankind,  past, 
present,  and  to  come :  and  furnishes  a  perfect  moral  demon- 
stration, that  the  book  which  contains  such  predictive  infor- 

«  Nares  on  Prophecy,  p.  22. 

»  Dr.  Ranken's  Institutes  of  Theology,  pp.  346,  347.  See  also  Bp.  Sher- 
lock's Discourses  on  the  Use  and  Intent  of  Prophecy 


jnation  is  indeed  divine.  The  prophecies  contained  in  the 
criptures  may  be  referred  to  four  classes,  viz.  Prophecies 
relating  to  the  Jewish  nation  in  particular, — Prophecies  relat- 
ing to  the  neighbouring  nations  or  empires, — Prophecies  di- 
rectly announcing  the  Messiah, — and  Prophecies  delivered  hv 
Jesus  Christ  and  his  apostles. 

Class  I. 
Prophecies  relating  to  the  Jewish  Nation  in  particular. 

1.  We  begin  with  Abraham,  the  great  progenitor  of  the 
Jews.  At  a  time  when  he  had  no  child,  and  was  greatly 
advanced  in  years,  it  was  foretold  that  his  posterity  should 
be  exceedingly  multiplied  above  that  of  other  nations.  The 
chief  of  these  predictions  are  to  be  found  in  Gen.  xii.  1 — 3 
xlvi.  3.  Exod.  xxxii.  13.  Gen.  xiii.  16.  xv.  5.  xvii.  9. 
4—6.  xxii.  17. 

The  fulfilment  of  these  predictions  will  be  found  as  it  respects 
the  Jews  (to  omit  the  vast  increase  of  Abraham's  other  posterity) 
in  Exod.  i.  7.  9.  12.  Numb,  xxiii.  10.  Deut.  i.  10.  x.  22.  Ezek. 
xvi.  7.  Heb.  xi.  12.  In  less  than  five  hundred  years  after  the 
first  of  the  above  predictions  was  delivered,  the  number  of  the 
Israelites  amounted  to  six  hundred  thousand  men,  besides  women 
and  children ;  and  the  Scripture  accounts  of  their  numbers  are 
so  confirmed  by  the  testimonies  of  profane  authors,  that  no  doubt 
can  arise  as  to  the  exactness  of  the  completion. 

2.  Ishmael's  name  and  fortune  were  announced  before  he 
was  born ;  particularly,  that  his  descendants  should  be  very 
numerous,  and  that  he  should  beget  twelve  princes.  The 
whole  came  to  pass  precisely  as  it  was  foretold.  Compare 
Gen.  xvi.  10 — 12.  xvii.  20.  and  xxv.  12 — 18.  I  will  make 
him  a  great  nation,  said  Jehovah  to  Abraham  (Gen.  xvii.  20.) ; 
and  this  prediction  was  accomplished  as  soon  as  it  could  be 
in  the  regular  course  of  nature. 

From  Ishmael  proceeded  the  various  tribes  of  Arabs  (also 
called  Saracens,  by  Christian  writers),  who  anciently  were,  and 
still  continue  to  be,  a  very  powerful  people.  They  might,  in- 
deed, be  emphatically  styled  a  great  nation,  when  the  Saracens 
made  their  rapid  and  extensive  conquests  during  the  middle 
ages,  and  erected  one  of  the  largest  empires  that  ever  was  in  the 
world.  He  -will  be  a  -wild  man  (Gen.  xvi.  12.),  literally,  a  -wild 
ass-man,  that  is,  as  wild  as  a  wild  ass ;  and  the  account  of  that 
animal,  in  Job  xxxix.  5 — 8.,  affords  the  best  possible  description 
of  the  wandering,  lawless,  and  freebooting  lives  and  manners 
of  the  Arabs.  Who  hath  sent  out  the  -wild  ass  free?  or  who 
hath  loosed  the  bands  of  the  -wild  ass  ?  Whose  house  I  have 
made  the  wilderness,  and  the  barren  land  his  dwellings.  He 
scorneth  the  multitude  of  the  city,  neither  regardeth  he  the 
crying  of  the  driver.  The  range  of  the  mountains  is  his  pas- 
ture, and  he  searcheth  after  every  green  thing.  God  himself 
has  sent  them  out  free,  and  has  loosed  them  from  all  political  re- 
straint. The  same  wilderness,  in  which  their  ancestor,  Ishmael, 
dwelt  more  than  three  thousand  seven  hundred  years  ago,  is  still 
their  habitation,  and  in  the  barren  land,  where  no  other  human 
beings  could  live,  they  have  their  dwellings.  They  scorn  the 
city,  and  therefore  have  no  fixed  habitations.  For  their  multi- 
tude, they  are  not  afraid.  When  they  make  depredations  on 
cities,  towns,  or  caravans,  they  retire  into  the  desert  with  such 
precipitancy,  that  all  pursuit  is  eluded  ;  and  in  this  respect,  the 
crying  of  the  driver  is  disregarded.  They  may  be  said  to  have 
no  lands,  and  yet  the  range  of  the  mountains  is  their  pasture  ; 
they  pitch  their  tents  and  feed  their  flocks  wherever  they  please ; 
and  they  search  after  every  green  thing,  are  continually  look- 
ing after  prey,  and  seize  every  kind  of  property  that  comes  in 
their  way.  It  was  further  foretold  that  Ishmael's  hand  should 
be  against  every  man,  and  every  mans  hand  against  him. 
Sesostris,  Cyrus,  Pompey,  Trajan,  and  other  ancient  sovereigns 
vainly  attempted  to  subjugate  the  wandering  Arabs :  though 
they  had  temporary  triumphs  over  some  tribes,  they  were  ulti- 
mately unsuccessful.  From  the  commencement  of  the  Ishmael- 
ites  to  the  present  day,  they  have  maintained  their  indepen 
denc.y  :  and  if  there  were  no  other  argument  to  evince  the 
divine  origin  of  the  Pentateuch,  the  account  of  Ishmael.  and 
the  prophecy  concerning  his  descendants,  collated  with  their  his- 
tory and  manner  of  life  during  a  period  of  nearly  four  thousand 
years,  would  be  sufficient ;  it  may,  indeed,  be  pronounced  ab- 
solutely demonstrative.3 

3.  It  was  foretold  that  the  Posterity  of  Abraham,  Isaac, 

'  For  a  full  account  and  exposition  of  the  prophecies  concerning  Ish 
mael,  see  Bishop  Newton's  second  Dissertation. 


3*CT.  III.] 


A  PROOF  OF  THEIR  INSPIRATION. 


123 


and  Jacob,  should  possi'Sfi  the  land  of  Canaan  ;  so  that, 
though  they  should  he  expelled  thence  for  their  sins,  yet 
theii  ii'1''  should  endure,  and  they  should  ho  resettled  in  it, 

and    there  continue  in   peace  to  the  end  of  the  world.     (See 

Gen.xii.  7.  xiii.  11,  15.  17.  xv.  ih,  \:>,  90,  21.  Exod.iu.8. 
1 7.  <  ten.  xvii.  7,  8.)  In  unison  -,il  30  with  these  original  pro- 
are  the  predictions,  that  this  land  of  <  lanaan  should  be 
in  ih>'  children  of  Israel  an  everlasting  possession.  (See 
Oeui.  \w.  I,  'J,  3,4,  5.    Jer. xxx.  3.) 

The  completion  of  these  prediction!  has  been  as  remarkable 
Mid  exact  as  the  predictions  themselves!  (See  Num.  rxL  Dcut. 
it.  and  Josh,  iii.)  The  Israelites  enjoyed  this  land  fur  above  a 
thousand  years ;   and  when,  tor   their   wickedness,  God  sent    the 

tribes  of  Judahand  Benjamin  into  captivity  ,he  declared  it  should 

be  but  for  seventy  years,  which   accordingly  was  true  ;   and  the\ 

continued  si\  hundred  years  together,  till  by  their  rejection  and 

murder  of  the  Messiah  they  were  again  doomed  to  a  more  last- 
tptivity,  begun  by  Titus  Vespasian,  and  continued  to  this 
day.  And  though  the  ten  tribes  carried  away  captive  by  Shal- 
maneser,  and  the  body  of  the  two  tribes  by  Titus,  arc  not  now  in 
Canaan  ;  yel  since  the  period  of  their  final  restoration  is  not  yet 
come,  their  present  case  is  so  far  from  being  an  objection  against 
these  ancient  prophecies  before  us,  that  it  would  be  a  great  one 
against  the  others  if  it  were  so.  And  he  who  considers  that  the 
prediction,  now  under  consideration,  has  hitherto  been  exactly 
fulfilled  in  all  the  periods  already  past,  cannot  doubt  of  the  ful- 
filling of  what  remains  to  come  in  its  proper  season,  and  will 
not  question  but  that  God  will  ultimately  and  completely,  as  he 
promised,  give  to  the  seed  of  Abraham  all  the  land  of  Canaasi 
for  an  everlasting  possession.     See  E/.ck.  xxxvii.  25. 

I.  The  twenty-eighth  chapter  of  the  hook  of  Deuteronomy 
contains  a  series  of  most  striking  predictions  relative  to  the 
Jews,  which  are  fulfilling  to  this  very  day.  Bp.  Newton 
and  Dr.  Graves  have  shown  its  accomplishment  at  great 
length.1     To  specify  a  very  few  particulars : — 

(1.)  Moses  foretold  that  they  should  be  removed  into  all  the 
kingdoms  of  the  earth, — "scattered  among  all  people,  from  one 
en/  of  the  earth  even  unto  the  other, — find  no  ease  or  rest, — be 
impressed  and  crushed  always, — be  left  few  in  number  among 
the  heathen, — pine  away  in  their  iniquity  in  their  enemies'' 
land, — and  become  an  astonishment,  a  proverb,  and  a  by-word 
unto  all  nations.*1 

These  predictions  were  literally  fulfilled  during  the  subjection 
of  the  Jews  to  the  Chaldeans  and  Romans  ;  and  in  later  times, 
in  all  nations  where  they  have  been  dispersed.  Moses  foretold 
that  their  enemies  would  besiege  and  take  their  cities  ;  and  this 
prophecy  was  fulfilled  by  Shishak  king  of  Egypt,  Shalmaneser 
king  of  Assyria,  Nebuchadnezzar,  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  Sosius, 
and  Herod,  and  finally,  by  Titus.  Though  dispersed  through- 
out all  nations,  they  have  remained  distinct  from  them  all  ;  and 
notwithstanding  the  various  oppressions  and  persecutions  to 
which  they  have  in  every  age  been  exposed  in  different,  parts  of 
the  world,  "  there  is  not  a  country  on  the  face  of  the  earth  where 
the  Jews  are  unknown.  They  are  found  alike  in  Europe,  Asia, 
America,  and  Africa.  They  are  citizens  of  the  world,  without 
a  country.  Neither  mountains,  nor  rivers,  nor  deserts,  nor 
oceans, — which  are  the  boundaries  of  other  nations, — have  ter- 
minated their  wanderings.  They  abound  in  Poland,  in  Holland, 
in  Russia,  and  in  Turkey.  In  Germany,  Spain,  Italy,  France, 
and  Britain,  they  are  more  thinly  scattered.  In  Persia,  China,  and 
India, — on  the  east  and  the  west  of  the  Ganges, — they  areyi-w 
in  number  among  the  heathen.  They  have  trod  the  snows  of 
Siberia,  and  the  Bands  of  the  burning  desert;  and  the  European 
traveller  hears  of  their  existence  in  regions  which  he  cannot 
— even  in  the  very  interior  of  Africa,  south  of  Timbuctoo.2 
From  Moscow  to  Lisbon, — from  Japan  to  Britain, — from  Borneo 
to  Archangel, — from  Hindustan  to  Honduras, — no  inhabitant  of 
any  nation  upon  earth  would  be  known  in  all  the  intervening 
regions  but  a  Jew  alone." 

(■J.)  Moses  foretold  that  such  grit  vous  famines  should  pn  rail 
during  tin  sieges  of  their  cities,  that  they  should  eat  the  Jhsh  of 
tlieir  sons  and  daughters. 

This  prediction  was  fulfilled  about  six  hundred  years  after 
the  time  of  Moses,  among  the  Israelites,  when  Samaria  was  be- 
sieged by  the  king  of  Syria  ;   again,   about  nine   hundred  years 

1  Bishop  Newton  on  the  Prophecies,  vol.  i.  diss,  vii  Dr  Graves  on  the 
Pentateuch,  vol.  ii.  pp.  117 — 143.  Bee  also  Mr.  Rett's  History,  the  Inter- 
preter of  Prophecy,  vol.  i.  pp.  87—122. 

1  Lyon's  Travels  in  Africa,  p.  146. 

*  Keith's  Evidence  of  the  Truth  of  the  Christian  Religion  from  the  Ful- 
filmem  of  Prophecy,  p.  84.  (8vo.  edition.)    In  pp.  SO— 160.  there  is  a  coni- 

5endious  and  excellently  arranged  digest  of  the  predictions  respecting  the 
ows,  »nd  their  accomplishment. 


after  Moses,  among  the  Jews,  during  the  siege  of  Jerusalem 
before  the  Babylonish  captivity;  and  finally,  fifteen  aundred 
Mars  after  his  time,  during  the  siege  of  .Jerusalem  by  the 
Romans. 

(,'J.)  Though  the  Hebrews  were  to  be  as  the  stars  of  heaven 
for  multitude,  Moses  predicted  that  they  should  be  few  in  nuni- 
/"  r. 

This  prophecy  was  literally  fulfilled  in  the  last  siege  of  Jeru- 
■ali  m,  in  which  Joeephus  tells  us  that  an  infinite  multitude. 
perished  by  famine  ;  and  he  computes  the  total  number  who 
perished  by  it  and  by  the  war  in  Jerusalem,  and  other  parts  of 
Judma,  at  one  million  two  hundred  and  forty  thousand  four  hun- 
dred and  ninety,  besides  ninety-nine  thousand  two  hundred  who 
were  made  prisoners,  and  sold  unto  their  enemies  for  bondmen 
and  bondwomen ■■  and  after  their  last  overthrow  by  Hadrian, 
many  thousands  of  them  were  sold  ;  and  those,  for  whom  pur- 
chasers could  not  be, found  (Moses  had  forct  >)d  that  no  man 
would  buy  them)  wire  transported  into  Er.\  pt,  where  multitudes 
perished  by  shipwreck  or  famine,  or  were  massacred  by  the  in- 
habitants. Since  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  they  have  been 
scattered  among  all  nations,  among  -whom  they  have  found  no 
ease,  nor  have  the  soles  of  their  feet  hud  rest  :  they  have  been 
oppressed  and  spoiled  ever  more,  especially  in  the  East,  where 
the  tyranny  exercised  over  them  is  so  severe,  as  to  aiford  a  literal 
fulfilment  of  the  prediction  of  Moses,  that  thy  life  shall  hang  in 
doubt  before  thee,  and  thou  shaltfear  day  and  night,  and  shali 
have  now  assurance  of  thy  life.  (Dcut.  xxviii.  bo.)'  Yet,  not- 
withstanding all  their  oppressions,  they  have  still  continued  a 
separate  people,  without  incorporating  with  the  natives  ;  and  they 
have  become  an  astonishment  and  a  by-ivord  among  all  the  na- 
tions, whither  they  have  been  carried,  since  their  punishment  has 
been  inflicted.  The  very  name  of  a  Jew  has  been  used  as  a  term 
of  peculiar  reproach  and  infamy.  Finally,  it  was  foretold  that 
their  plagues  should  be  -wonderful,  even  great  plagues,  and  of 
long  continuance.  And  have  not  their  plagues  continued  more 
than  seventeen  hundred  years  1  In  comparison  of  them,  their 
former  captivities  were  very  short :  during  their  captivity  in 
Chaldffia,  Ezekiel,  and  Daniel  prophesied  ;  but  now  they  have  no 
true  prophet  to  foretell  the  end  of  their  calamities.  What  nation 
has  suffered  so  much,  and  yet  endured  so  long  ?  What  nation 
has  subsisted  as  a  distinct  people  in  their  own  country  so  long  as 
the  Jews  have  done  in  their  dispersion  into  all  countries  t  And 
what  a  standing  miracle  is  thus  exhibited  to  the  world,  in  the 
fulfilment,  at  this  very  time,  of  prophecies  delivered  considerably 
more  than  three  thousand  years  ago  !  What  a  permanent  attes- 
tation is  it  to  the  divine  legation  of  Moses ! 

5.  Josiah  was  prophetically  announced  by  name,  three 
hundred  and  sixty-one  years  before  the  event  (1  Kings  xiii. 
2.)  by  a  prophet,  who  came  out  of  Judah  on  purpose  to  de- 

«  "The  condition  of  the  Jews  in  Palestine  is  more  insecure,  and  exposed 
to  insult  and  exaction,  than  in  Egypt  and  Syria,  from  the  frequent  lawlesi 
and  oppressive  conduct  of  the  governors  and  chiefs."  (Carne'e  Letters 
from  the  East,  p.  305.)  The  quarter  of  Jerusalem,  now  inhabited  by  the 
Jews  (all  travellers  attest),  presents  nothing  but  filth  and  wretchedness. 
"  Poor  wretches !  every  thing  about  them  exhibited  signs  of  depression  and 
misery :  outcasts  from  the  common  rights  and  sympathies  of  men ;  op- 
pressed and  despised  alike  by  Mahometans  and  Christians ;  living  as  aliens 
in  the  inheritance  of  their  fathers,— what  an  awfullesson  of  unljeliefdothey 
hold  out!"  (Three  Weeks  in  Palestine,  p.  C9.)  The  Rev.  Mr.  Jowett, 
speaking  of  the  actual  state  of  the  Jews  in  the  East,  relates  the  following 
circumstances  (on  the  authority  of  a  gentleman  who  had  for  some  years 
been  the  British  consul  at  Tripoli),  which  strikingly  illustrate  the  accom- 
plishment of  prophecy,  as  well  as  the  state  of  degradation  in  which  the  Jews 
there  live.  "The  life  of  a  man  seems  to  be  there  valued  no  more  than  the 
life  ofamoth.  If  the  Bey  hasafear  or  jealousy  of  any  man,  he  sends  some 
one  to  put  a  pistol  to  his  head  and  shoot  him.  If  it  happens  to  be  a  Chris- 
tian remonstrance  is  made  by  the  consul  of  his  nation  ;  the  Bey  is  quits 
ready  to  give  satisfaction;  he  sends  some  one  to  shoot  the  first  agent  of  his 
cruelty  ;  and  then,  with  an  air  of  great  regret,  asks  the  consul  if  he  is  satis- 
fied ;  [f  not,  he  is  ready  to  give  him  satisfaction  still  further.  But  if  the  ob- 
ject of  his  wrath  be  a  Jew,  no  one  would  think  of  demanding  satisfaction  foi 
nis  death.  This  people  feel  the  curse  in  full,  that,  among  the  nations  where 
they  are  scattered,  they  should_/ind  no  ease,  and  have  none  assurance  of 
their  life.  They  are  known,  by  their  being  compelled  to  wear  a  particular 
dress,  which  they  sometimes  change  in  their  own  houses,  on  occasion  of 
iheir  merry-makings;  but  even  in  these  they  are  not  free,  the  Moors  exer- 
cising the  privilege  of  free  ingress  at  any  time.  When  a  vessel  comes  into 
port,  the  merchant  (a  Mahometan)  compels  every  Jew,  whom  he  meets  by 
the  way,  to  come  and  help  in  unlading,  carrying,  <tc.;  nor  do  they  dare  to 
resist."  (Jowett's  Christian  Researches  in  the  Mediterranean,  p.  "231.  Lon- 
don, 1822,  8vo.  See  also  his  Christian  Researches  in  Syria,  pp.  232—234. 
London.  1885.  8vo.)  Nor  is  the  situation  of  the  Jews  in  Persia  much  better. 
"It  is  disgusting,"  savs  a  recent  intelligent  traveller,  "to  see  the  way  in 
which  the  Persians  abuse  and  oppress  the  unfortunate  Israelites.  When 
a  Persian  wishes  to  have  the  snow  cleaned  from  his  flat-roofed  house,  he 
goes  into  a  street,  and  catches  a  Jew.  and  obliges  him  to  perform  the  office. 
For  the  murder  of  a  Jew,  a  Persian  has  only  to  cut  round  a  finger,  so  as  to 
draw  blood,  and  the  offence  is  expiated."  (Alexander's  Travels  from  India 
to  England,  p.  178.  London.  1527.  4to.)  On  the  degraded  and  insecure  state 
of  the  Jews  in  Turkey.  Mr.  Hartley  has  collected  some  painfully  interesting 
anecdotes.     (Researches  in  Greece,  pp.  202—208.) 


124 


PROPHECIES  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES, 


[Chap.  IV 


uounce  the  judgments  of  God  upon  the  priests  of  the  altar, 
and  upon  the  altar  itself,  which  Jeroboam  had  then  recently 
erected  at  Bethel. 

The  delivery  of  this  prediction  was  accompanied  with  two  mi- 
racles :  one  wrought  upon  Jeroboam,  by  the  drying  up  of  his  hand, 
which  he  had  raised  against  the  prophet,  at  whose  prayer  it  was 
restored  to  him  again  ;  the  other  miracle  was  performed  upon  the 
altar  by  rending  it  and  pouring  the  ashes  from  it.  The  fulfilment 
of  this  prophecy  was  no  less  remarkable,  plainly  showing  it  to  be, 
—not  from  man,  but  from  God.  (2  Kings  xxxiii.  15.) 

6.  Isaiah  predicted  the  utter  subversion  of  idolatry  among 
the  Jews.  (ii.  18—21.) 

On  their  return  from  the  Babylonish  captivity,  more  than  two 
hundred  years  afterwards,  they  were  perfectly  cured  of  this 
strange  infatuation. — The  same  prophet  foretold,  that  general  dis- 
tress and  ruin  w  >ukl  befall  the  Jewish  people,  on  account  of 
their  extreme  wickedness  ;  and  within  two  hundred  years  after- 
wards the  calamities  denounced  overtook  them.  (Isa.  iii.  1 — 14. 
compared  with  2  Chron.  xxxvi.)  On  the  capture,  however,  of 
Jerusalem  by  the  Chaldeans,  a  few  poor  persons  were  left  to  till 
the  land,  precisely  as  Isaiah  had  prophesied.  (Isa.  xxiv.  13,  14. 
compared  with  Jcr.  xxxix.  10.) 

7.  Jeremiah  foretold  the  conquests  of  Nebuchadnezzar, 
and  the  captivity  of  the  Jews  by  him,  in  so  remarkable  and 
solemn  a  manner,  that  it  was  notorious  to  all  the  neighbour- 
ing nations. 

According  to  the  custom  of  delivering  prophecies  by  visible 
uigns,  as  well  as  words,  he  sent  bonds  and  yokes  "  to  the  kings 
of  Edom,  Moab,  the  Ammonites,  Tyre,  and  Zidon,  by  the  hand 
of  the  messengers  which  came  to  Jerusalem  (from  these  several 
kings)  unto  Zedekiah  king  of  Judah  ;"  and  foretold,  "  that  all 
these  nations  should  serve  Nebuchadnezzar,  and  his  son,  and  his 
son's  son."  (Jer.  xxvii.  3 — 7.) — And  the  Jews  put  him  in  pri- 
son for  this  prophecy  ;  where  he  was  kept,  when  Nebuchadnez- 
zar took  the  city,  and  set  him  at  liberty,  (xxxix.  11 — 14.)  This 
prophet  was  opposed  and  contradicted  by  several  false  prophets, 
who  prophesied  deceitful  and  flattering  delusions   to  the  people, 
persuading  them  that  no  evil  should  come  upon  them  ;  of  whom 
Jeremiah  foretold,  that  Hananiah  should  die  that  same  year  in 
which  he  uttered  his  false  prophecies  (xxviii.  16,  17.),  and  that 
Ahab  the  son  of  Kolaiah,  and  Zedekiah  the  son  of  Maaseiah, 
should  be  taken  captive  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  and  slain  in  the 
sight  of  the  people  of  Judah,  and  roasted  in  the  fire.   (xxix.  21, 
22.)—  And  thus  distinctly  foretelling  the  time  and  manner  of 
the  death  of  those  false  prophets,  he  vindicated  his  own  prophe- 
cies, which  were  at  first  so  unwillingly  believed,  beyond  all  con- 
tradiction.    But  that  which  se.cmed  most  strange,  and  was  most 
objected  against,  in  the  prophecies  of  Jeremiah,  was  his  predic- 
tion concerning  the  death  of  Zedekiah  ;  in  which  he  and  Ezekiel 
were  thought  to  contradict  each  other. — Jeremiah  prophesied  in 
Jerusalem,  at  the  same  time  when  Ezekiel  prophesied  in  Baby- 
lon, and  concerning  the  same  things  ;  and  Jeremiah's  prophecy 
was  sent,  to  the  captives  in  Babylon,  and  Ezekiel's  to  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Jerusalem.     Now  these  two  prophets,  writing  of  the  cap- 
tivity of  Zedekiah,  enumerate  all  the  circumstances  of  it  between 
them,  in  such  a  manner,  that  they  were  believed  to  contradict 
each  other;  and  thus  the  expectation  and  attention  of  the  people 
were  then  more  excited  to  observe  the  fulfilment  of  their  prophe- 
cies.   (Compare  Jcr.  xxxiv.  2 — 7.  and  Ezek.  xii.  13.) — Jeremiah 
said  that  he  should  see  the  king  of  Babylon,  and  be  carried  to 
Babylon;  Ezekiel,  that  he  should  not  sec  Babylon  :  Jeremiah,  that 
he  should  die  in  peace,  and  be  buried  after  the  manner  of  his  an- 
cestors ;  Ezekiel,  that  he  should  die  at  Babylon.    And  if  we  com- 
pare all  this  with  the  history,  nothing  ever  was  more  punctually 
fulfilled  :  for  Zedekiah  saw  the  king  of  Babylon,  who  commanded 
his  eyes  to  be  put  out,  before  he  was  brought  to  Babylon  ;  and  he 
died  there,  but  died  peaceably,  and  was  suffered  to  have  the  usual 
funeral    solemnities.     (Jer.  xxxix.   4.    7.    2  Kings  xxv.  6,  7.) 
Therefore  both  prophecies  proved  true  in  the  event,  which  before 
seemed  to  be  inconsistent.     And  so  critical  an  exactness  in  every 
minute  circumstance,  in  prophecies  delivered  by  two  persons,  who 
were  before  thought  to  contradict  each  other,  was  such  a  convic- 
tion to  the  Jews,  after  they  had  seen  them  so  punctually  fulfilled, 
in  their  captivity,  that  they  could  no  longer  doubt  but  that  both 
were  from  God. 

8.  While  Ezekiel  was  a  captive  in  Chaldsa,  he  prophe- 
sied that  the  Jews,  who  still  remained  in  Judaea,  should  bo 
severely  chastised  for  their  wickedness;  that  one-third  part 
of  them  should  die  with  the  pestilence  and  famine  ;  that  an- 
other third  part  should  periyh  uy  the  sword  ;  and  that  the  re- 


mainder should  be  scattered  into  all  the  winds  ;  and  that  even 
then  the  sword  should  follow  them.  In  a  very  few  years  all 
these  evils  came  upon  them  by  the  hand  of  the  Chaldeans. 

!».  The  Profanation  of  the  Temple  by  Antiochus  Epi- 
phanes,  together  with  his  death,  and  a  description  of  Ins 
temper,  ami  even  of  his  countenance,  was  clearly  foretold  by 
Daniel,  four  hundred  and  eight  years  before  the  accomplish- 
ment of  his  prediction.  (Dan.viii.)  He  likewise  proph 
the  destruction  of  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  the  desolation  of  thai 
city,  and  also  of  Judaea,  and  the  cessation  of  the  Jewish  sa- 
crifices and  oblations,  (ix.  26,  27.)  The  accomplishment  of 
these  predictions  is  attested  by  all  history. 

10.  Lastly,  Hosea  foretold  the  present  State  of  the  people 
of  Israel,  in  these  remarkable  words : — They  shall  be  wan- 
derers among  ihe  nations,  (ix.  17.) 

The  preceding  are  only  a  small  number  in  comparison  fit 
the  multitude  of  predictions  (nearly  two  hundred)  that  might 
have  been  adduced ;  and  which  refer  to  the  Israelites  and 
Jews,  and  other  descendants  of  Abraham.  We  now  pro- 
ceed to 

Class  II. 

Prophecies  relating  to  the  Nations  or  Empires  that  u-ere  neigh- 
bouring to  the  Jews. 

1.  Tyre  was  one  of  the  most  flourishing  and  opulent  cities 
of  anciftfit  times.  The  inhabitants  became  very  wicked  and 
abandoned;  and  the  Hebrew  prophets  were  commanded  to 
foretell  its  ruin.  At  the  time  their  predictions  were  uttered, 
the  city  was  extremely  prosperous,  successful  in  commerce, 
and  abounding  in  riches  and  glory.  These  predictions  were 
extremely  minute  and  circumstantial  ;2  and  announced  thai 
the  city  was  to  be  taken  and  destroyed  by  the  Chaldaeais 
(who,  at  the  time  of  the  delivery  of  the  prophecy,  were  an 
inconsiderable  people),  and  particularly  by  Nebuchadnezzar, 
king  of  Babylon  ;  that  the  inhabitants  should  flee  over  the 
Mediterranean  into  the  adjacent  islands  and  countries,  and 
even  there  should  not  find  a  quiet  settlement ;  that  the  city 
should  be  restored  after  seventy  years,  and  return  to  her  g?  in 
and  merchandise ;  that  it  should  be  taken  and  destroyed  a 
second  time;  that  the  people  should,  in  time,  forsake  their 
idolatry,  and  become  converts  to  the  worship  and  true  reli- 
gion of  God  ;  and,  finally,  that  the  city  should  be  totally  de- 
stroyed, and  become  a  place  only  for  fishers  to  spread  their 
nets  upon.  All  these  predictions  were  literally  fulfilled  :3  for 
want  of  room,  we  are  compelled  to  notice  here  only  those 
predictions  which  denounce  its  utter  destruction. 

Thus  saith  the  Lord  God,  Behold  I  am  against  thee,  0  Ty- 
rus,  and  will  cause  many  nations  to  come  up  against  thee,  us  /,.-, 
sea  causeth  his  waves  to  come  up  ,•  and  ihey  shall  destroy  iht 
walls  of  Tyrus  and  break  down  her  towers, •  I  will  also  scrape 
her  dust  from  her,  and  make  her  like  the  top  of  a  rock.  It  shall 
be  a  place  for  the  spreading  of  nets  in  the  midst  of  the  sea .-  fur 
I  have  spoken  it,  saith  the  Lord  God.  (Ezek.  xxvi.  3 — 5.)  To 
show  the  certainty  of  the  destruction,  the  prophet  repeats  it : 
(ver.  14.)  I  will  make  thee  like  the  top  of  a  rocfc  ,■  thou  shall  be 
a  place  to  spread  nets  upon;  thou  shalt  be  built  no  more,  for  1 
the  Lord  have  spoken  it.  And  again,  I  will  make  thee  a  terrw, 
and  thou  shalt  be  no  more  ,•  though  thou  be  sought  for,  yet  shall 
thou  never  be  found  again,  saith  the  Lord  God.  (ver.  21.)  Jill 
they  that  know  thee  among  the  people,  shall  be  astonished  at 
thee ;  thou  shalt  be  a  terror,  and  never  shall  tliou  be  any  more. 
(xxviii.  19.) 

These  various  predictions  received  their  accomplishment  by  de- 
grees. Nebuchadnezzar  destroyed  the  old  city  ;  and  Alexander 
the  Great  employed  its  ruins  and  rubbish  in  making  a  causeway 
from  the  continent  to  the  island  whereon  it  had  been  erected, 
both  of  which  were  henceforth  joined  together.  "  It  is  no  won- 
der, therefore,"  as  a  learned  traveller  has  remarked,''  "that  there 
are  no  signs  of  the  ancient  city  ;  and  as  it  is  a  sandy  shore,  the 
face  of  every  thing  is  altered,  and  the  great  aqueduct  in  man- 
parts  is  almost  buried  in  the  sand."  So  that,  as  to  this  part  of 
the  city,  the  prophecy  has  literally  been  fulfilled,  "  Thou  shalt 
be  built  no  more:  though  thou  be  sought  for,  yet  shalt  thoi? 
never  be  found  again."  It  may  be  questioned,  whether  the  new 
city  ever  after  arose  to  that  height  of  power,  wealth,  and  great- 
ness, to  which  it  was  elevated  in  the  times  of  Isaiah  and  Ezekiel. 

i  Ezek.  v.  U.  andviii.  and,  for  the  fulfilment,  sec  Prijeaux's  Connection, 

pari  i.  ln.dk  i.  sub  anno 588.  vol.  i  pp. SO— 84. 8th  e  ' 

"See  Isa.  xxiii.  Jcr.  xxv.  Ezek.  xxvi.  xxvii.  x.win.  Amos  i.  9,  10. 
Zech.  ix   i 

*  See  a  .  npious  illustration  of  them  in  Bp.  New*  n's  eleventh  Disserts 
tir.n.  ami  in  Rollin's  Ancient  History,  book  xv.  sect.  t;.  vol.  v.  pp.  94 — iUJ. 

«  Bp.  Pococke's  Description  of  the  East,  vol.  ii.  pp.  81.  82. 


8ei  t    III. 


A  PROOF  OF  THEIR  INSPIRATION. 


125 


It  received  a  great  blow  from  Alexander,  not  only  by  his  taking 
and  burning  the  city,  but  much  more  by  his  building  of  Alexan- 
dria in  Egypt,  which  in  time  deprived  it  of  much  of  its  trade, 
anu  thus  contributed  more  effectually  to  its  ruin.  It  had  the 
misfortune  afterwards  of  changing  its  masters  often,  being  some- 
times in  the  hands  of  the  Ptolemies,  kings  of  Egypt,  and  some- 
times of  the  Selcucidre,  kings  of  Syria,  till  at  length  it  fell  under 
the  dominion  of  the  Romans.  It  was  taken  by  the  Saracens' 
about  the  year  of  Christ  639,  in  the  reign  of  Omar  their  third 
emperor.  It  was  retaken  by  the  Christians2  during  the  time  of 
the  holy  war,  in  the  year  1124,  Baldwin,  the  second  of  that 
.tame,  being  then  king  of  Jerusalem,  and  assisted  by  a  fleet  of 
.he  Venetians.  From  the  Christians3  it  was  taken  again,  in  the 
year  1289,  by  the  Mamelukes  of  Egypt,  under  their  Sultan  Al- 
pliix,  who  sacked  and  mad  this  and  Sidon,  and  other  strong 
towns,  in  order  that  they  might  never  afford  any  harbour  or  shel- 
ter to  the  Christians.  From  the  Mamelukes  it  was  again  taken 
in  the  year  1516,  by  Selim,  the  ninth  emperor  of  the  Turks; 
and  under  their  dominion  it  continues  at  present.  But,  alas, 
how  fallen,  how  changed  from  what  it  was  formerly  !  For  from 
being  the  centre  of  trade,  frequented  by  all  the  merchant  ships 
oi  the  e:ist  and  west,  it  is  now  become  a  heap  of  ruins,  visited 
only  by  the  boats  of  a  few  poor  fishermen.  So  that,  as  to  this 
part  likewise  of  the  city,  the  prophecy  has  literally  been  fulfilled  : 
— I  -will  make  thee  like  the  top  of  a  rock  ;  thou  shall  be  a  place 
to  spread  nets  upon.* 

How  utterly  this  once  flourishing  city  is  now  destroyed, 
agreeably  to  the  divine  predictions,  every  traveller  attests 
who  has  visited  its  site.  We  select  two  or  three  of  the  most 
striking. 

Dr.  Suaw,  who  travelled  in  the  former  part  of  the  last  century, 
says,  "  I  visited  several  creeks  and  inlets,  in  order  to  discover 
what  provision  there  might  have  been  formerly  made  for  the  se- 
curity of  their  vessels.  Yet  notwithstanding  that  Tyre  was  the 
chief  maritime  power  of  this  country,  I  could  not  observe  the 
least  token  of  either  cothon  or  harbour  that  could  have  been  of 
any  extraordinary  capacity.  The  coasting  ships,  indeed,  still 
find  j\  tolerably  good  shelter  from  the  northern  winds  under  the 
southern  shore,  but  are  obliged  immediately  to  retire,  when  the 
wind?  change  to  the  west  or  south  :  so  that  there  must  have  been 
»ome  better  station  than  this  for  their  security  and  reception.  In 
the  N.  N.  E.  part  likewise  of  the  city,  we  see  the  traces  of  a  safe 
and  commodious  basin,  lying  within  the  walls;  but  which  at  the 
same  time  is  very  small,  scarce  forty  yards  in  diameter.  Neither 
could  it  ever  have  enjoyed  a  larger  area,  unless  the  buildings 
which  now  circumscribe  it  were  encroachments  upon  its  original 
dimensions.  Yet  even  this  port,  small  as  it  is  at  present,  is  not- 
withstanding so  choked  up  with  sand  and  rubbish,  that  the  boats 
of  those  poor  fishermen,  who  now  and  then  visit  this  once  re- 
nowned emporium,  can  with  great  difficulty  only  be  admitted."5 
"  This  city,"  says  Maun dhell,  who  travelled  nearly  about  the 
same  time,  "  standing  in  the  sea  upon  a  peninsula,  promises  at 
a  distance  something  very  magnificent.  But  when  you  come  to 
it,  you  find  no  similitude  of  that  glory,  for  which  it  was  so  re- 
nowned in  ancient  times,  and  which  the  prophet  Ezckiel  describes, 
chap,  xx  vi.  xxvii.  xxviii.  On  the  north  side  it  has  an  old  Turkish 
jngarrisoned  castle  ;  besides  which  you  see  nothing  here,  but  a 
mere  Babel  of  broken  walls,  pillars,  vaults,  &c.  there  being  not 
so  much  as  one  entire  house  left:  its  present  inhabitants  are  only 
a  few  poor  wretches,  harbouring  themselves  in  the  vaults,  and 
nubsistinsr  chiefly  upon  fishing,  who  seem  to  be  preserved  in  this 
place  by  Divine  Providence,  as  a  visible  argument  how  God  has 
fulfilled  his  word  concerning  Tyre,  viz.  that  it  should  be  as  the 
top  of  a  rock,  a  place  for  fishers  to  dry  their  nets  on.''6 

•■  Of  this  once  powerful  mistress  of  the  ocean,"  says  a  recent 
traveller,  "  there  now  exist  scarcely  any  traees.  Some  miserable 
cabins,  ranged  in  irregular  lines,  dignified  with  the  name  of 
streets,  and  a  few  buildings  of  a  rather  better  description,  occu- 
pied by  the  officers  of  government,  compose  nearly  the  whole  of 
the  town.  It  still  makes,  indeed,  some  languishing  efforts  at 
commerce,  and  contrives  to  export  annually  to  Alexandria  car- 
goes of  silk  and  tobacco,  but  the  amount  merits  no  consideration. 
— '  The  noble  dust  of  Jliexander,  traced  by  the  imagination 
till  found  stopping  a  beer  barrel'  would  scarcely  afford  a  stronger 

>  Osklev'sHist.  of  the  Saracens,  vol.  i.  p.  340. 

•  Abtil-Pharajii  Hist.  Dyn.  9.  p.  250.  Vers.  Pocockii.  Savage's  Abridg- 
ment of  Knolles  and  Rycaut,  vol.  i.  p.  26. 

•  Swage's  Abridgment,  vol.  i.  p.  95.  Pococke's  Description  of  the  East, 
»ol.  ii.  book  i.  chap.  23.  p.  83. 

•  Bp.  Newton  on  the  Prophecies,  vol.  i  p  193.  edit  1793. 

•  Shaw's  Travels,  vol.  ii.  pp.  30.  31    3d  sdit. 

•  Huodrell'i  Travels,  d.  *8 


contrast  of  grandeur  and  debasement  than  Tyre,  at  the  peviod  of 
being  besieged  by  that  conqueror,  and  the  modern  town  of  Tsour 
erected  on  its  ashes."" 

2.  Egypt  was  one  of  the  most  ancient  and  powerful  king- 
doms in  formal  BOM  ;  and  at  one  period  is  said  to  have  con- 
tained eighteen  thousand  cities  and  seventeen  millions  of  in- 
habitants. The  revolutions  and  state  of  this  kingdom  were 
minutely  described  by  the  prophets  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  and 
lv/.ikiel.8  The  last-mentioned  prophet,  among  other  most 
striking  denunciations,  expressly  says,  that  Egypt  shall  be 
the  basest  <>f  kingdom,  neither  .shall  it  exalt  itself  any  mort 
above  the  nations  :  frr  I  ivill  diminish  them,  that  they  shall  no 
more  rule  over  the  nations.  1  will  make  the  land  of  Egypt 
utterly  waste  and  desolate,  from  the  tower  of  Syene  even  under 
the  border  of  Ethiopia,  J'he  pride  of  her  power  shall  tome 
down :  from  the  tower  of  Syene  shall  they  fall  in  it  by  the 
sword.  And  I  will  make  the  rivers  dry,  ana  sell  the  land  i?ito 
the  hand  of  the  wicked,  and  1  will  muke  the  land  waste,  ana 
all  that  U  therein,  by  the  hand  of  strangers.  I  will  a/so  de- 
stroy the  id»Ls,  and  t  will  cause  their  idols  to  cease  out  of  Nop h 
(or  Memphis,  Ezek.  xxix.  15.  10.  xxx.  G.  12,  13). 

It  is  now  upwards  of  two  thousand  four  hundred  years  since  this 
prophecy  was  delivered;  and  what  likelihood  or  appearance  was 
there,  that  so  great  a  kingdom,  so  rich  and  fertile  a  country, 
should  for  so  many  ages  bow  under  a  foreign  yoke,  and  never 
during  that  long  period  be  able  to  recover  its  liberties,  and  have  a 
prince  of  its  own  to  reign  over  them?  But  as  is  the  prophecy, 
so  is  the  event.  For,  not  long  afterwards,  Egypt  was  successively 
attacked  and  conquered  by  the  Babylonians  and  Persians:  on 
the  subversion  of  the  Persian  empire  by  Alexander,  it  became 
subject  to  the  Macedonians,  then  to  the  Romans,  and  after  them 
to  the  Saracens,  then  to  the  Mamelukes,  and  is  now  a  province 
of  the  Turkish  Empire;  and  the  general  character  of  its  inha- 
bitants is  a  compound  of  baseness,  treachery,  covetousness,  and 
malice.9  Syene  is  in  ruins ;  and  the  idols  of  Egypt  are  scattered. 
And  all  modern  travellers  attest  that  the  numerous  canals  with 
which  this  country  was  ancientiy  intersected  are  (with  the  ex- 
ception of  a  few  in  Lower  Egypt)  now  neglected.  The  conse- 
quence is,  that  a  very  large  proportion  of  the  country  is  aban- 
doned to  sand  and  to  unfruitfulness,  while  the  effect  is  a  fulfil- 
ment of  the  threatening,  /  -will  make  her  rivers  dry.  The  an- 
nual supply  of  enriching  and  fertilizing- water  being  now  lost  to 
an  immense  tract  of  country  on  both  sides  of  the  Nile,  sand,  the 
natural  soil,  prevails  :  vegetation,  which  once  bound  together  the 
earth  by  the  roots  and  fibres  of  grass,  is  burnt  up.  And  what 
was  once  a  fruitful  field  has  become  desolate,  overwhelmed  by 
flying  blasts  of  sand,  and  consigned  to  ages  of  solitude.10 

3.  Ethiopia  was  a  very  considerable  kingdom  of  Africa, 
bordering  upon  Egypt.  Its  doom  was  denounced  by  the  pro- 
phets Isaiah  and  Ezekiel ;"  and  Nahum,  after  its  accomplish- 
ment, declares  what  that  doom  was  : — Art  thou  better,  says 
he  to  Nineveh,  than  populous  JSo,  that  was  situate  among  the 
rivers,  that  had  waters  round  about  it,  whose  rampart  was  the 
sea,  and  her  wall  was  from  the  sea  ?  Ethiopia  and  Egypt  were 
her  strength,  and  it  ic ax  infinite  ,•  Put  and  Lubim  were  thy 
helpers.  Yet  was  she  curried  away,  she  wen  I  into  captivity  ;  her 
young  children  aho  were  dashed  in  pieces  at  the  fop  of  a  I!  the 
streets  :  and  thetj  cast  lots  for  her  honourable  men.  (Nah.  iii. 
8—10.) 

Ethopia  was  invaded  and  most  cruelly  ravaged  by  Sennacherib 
king  of  Assyria,  or  Esarhaddon  his  son,  and  also  by  Cambyses 
king  of  Persia.  About  the  time  of  our  Saviour's  birth,  the  Ro- 
mans ravaged  part  of  this  country  ;  and  since  the  subversion  of 
their  empire,  it  has  been  ravaged  successively  by  the  Saracens, 
Turks,  and  Giagas. 

4.  Nineveh  was  the  metropolis  of  the  Assyrian  empire, 
an  exceeding  great  city,  according  to  the  prophet  Jonah  (iii. 
3.),  whose  statement  is  confirmed  by  profane  historians,  »f 
three  days'1  journey  in  circuit,  and  containing  a  population  of 
more  than  six  hundred  thousand  inhabitants.  Though  the 
Ninevites  repented  at  the  preaching  of  Jonah,  yet  that  re- 

Eentance  was  of  no  long  continuance :  for  soon  after,  Na- 
uru predicted  not  only  the  total  destruction  of  that  city, 
which  was  accomplished  one  hundred  and  fifteen  years  after- 
wards, but  also  the  manner  in  which  it  was  to  be  effected. 

'  Jolliffe's  Letters  from  Palestine,  p.  13.  1320.  8vo. 

•  See  Isa.  xix.   Jer.  xliii.  8—13.  and  xlvi.  and  Ezek.  chapters  xxix—  xxxii 
»  The  prophecies  concerning  Egypt  are  minutely  considered  and  illus- 
trated by  Bishop  Newton  in  his  twelfth  Dissertation. 

'•  Jowett's  Christian  Researches,  p.  161. 

•  •  See  Is*   ITifi   1  -6.    I     9— 6     xlii.  3.   Ezek.  xxx.  4—* 


126 


PROPHECIES  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES, 


[Chj 


1\ 


While  they  were  folden  together  as  thorns,  they  were  devoured  i  their  dominion  ;  and  did  actually  form  one  vast  republic,  whicl. 
as  the  stubble  full  dry.  (i.  10.)  |  was  different  from  all  other  governments  that  had  preceded  UV 

The  Medians,  under  the  command  of  Arbaces,  being  informed    The  prophecies  of  Daniel,  and  his  history  of  the  four  monarch 


of  the  negligence  and  drunkenness  that  prevailed  in  their  camp, 
assaulted  them  by  night,  and  drove  such  of  the  soldiers  as  sur- 
vived the  defeat,  into  the  city.  The  gates  of  the  river  shall  be 
opened,  and  the  palace  shall  be  dissolved;  which,  Diodorus 
Siculus  informs  us,  was  literally  fulfilled.  And  its  utter  destruc- 
tion foretold  by  Nahum  (i.  8,  9.  ii.  8—13.  iii.  17—19.)  and 
Zephanioh  (ii.  13 — 15.),  has  been  so  entirely  accomplished,  that 
no  vestiges  whatever  have  remained  of  it.  Such  an  utter  end 
has  been  made  of  it,  and  such  is  the  truth  of  the  divine  pre- 
dictions.1 

5.  Concerning  Babylon,  it  was  foretold  that  it  sliould  be 
shut  up  by  the  Medes,  Elamites,  and  other  nations  (Isa.  xiii. 
4.  Jer.  Ii.  7.) ;  that  the  river  Euphrates  should  be  dried  up 
(Isa.  xliv.  27.  Jer.  1.  38.  Ii.  36.)  ;  and  that  the  city  should  be 
taken  by  surprise  during  the  time  of  a  feast,  when  all  her 
rulers  and  mighty  men  were  drunken.    (Jer.  1.  24.    Ii.  39.  57.) 

All  which  was  accomplished  when  Belshazzar  and  his  thou- 
sand princes,  who  were  drunk  with  him  at  a  great  feast,  were 
slain  by  Cyrus's  soldiers  (men  of  various  nations)  after  Cyrus 
had  turned  the  course  of  the  Euphrates,  which  ran  through  the 
midst  of  Babylon,  and  so  drained  its  waters,  that  the  river  be- 
came easily  fordable  for  his  soldiers  to  enter  the  city.  Further,  it 
was  particularly  foretold,  that  God  would  make  the  country  a 
possession  for  the  bittern,"1  and  pools  of  water  (Isa.  xiv.  23.)  ; 
which  was  accordingly  fulfilled,  by  the  country  being  overflowed, 
and  becoming  boggy  and  marshy,  in  consequence  of  the  Eu- 
phrates being  turned  out  of  its  course  in  order  to  take  the  city, 
and  never  restored  to  its  former  channel.  Could  the  correspond- 
ence of  these  events  with  the  predictions  be  the  result  of  chance  1 
But  suppose  these  predictions  were  forged  after  the  event,  can 
the  following  also  have  been  written  after  the  event,  or  with  any 
reason  be  ascribed  to  chance  1 

The  wild  beasts  of  the  desert  shall  dwell  there, — and  the 
owls  shall  dwell  therein;  and  it  shall  be  no  more  inhabited 
for  ever,  neither  shall  it  be  dwelt  in  from  generation  to  genera- 
tion. As  God  overthrew  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  and  the  neigh- 
boring cities  therof — so  shall  no  man  dwell  there,  neither  shall 
any  son  of  man  dwell  therein. — They  shall  not  take  of  thee  a 
stone  for  a  corner,  nor  a  stone  for  foundations  ;  but  thou  shalt 
be  desolate  for  ever,  saith  the  Lord. — Babylon  shall  become 
heaps,  a  dwelling-place  for  dragons,  an  astonishment  and  a 
hissing,  without  an  inhabitant. — Babylon  shall  sink  and  shall 
not  rise  from  the  evil  that  I  will  bring  upon  her.  Babylon,  the 
o-lory  of  kingdoms,  shall  be  as  when  God  overthrew  Sodom 
and  Gomorrah.  It  shall  never  be  inhabited,  neither  shall  it  be 
dwelt  in  from  generation  to  generation  :  neither  shall  the 
Arabian  pitch  tent  there,  neither  shall  the  shepherds  make  their 
fold  there.  But  wild  beasts  of  the  desert  shall  lie  there,  and 
their  houses  shall  be  full  of  doleful  creatures ;  and  owls  shall 
dwell  there, — and  dragons  in  their  pleasant  places.3 

It  is  astonishing  with  what  exactness  these  various  predictions 
have  been  accomplished.  After  its  capture  by  Cyrus,  it  ceased 
to  be  a  metropolis.  It  was  afterwards  dispeopled  by  the  erection 
of  the  new  cities  of  Seleucia  and  Ctesiphon  (b.  c.  293),  which 
were  built  with  this  design  in  its  neighbourhood,  and  which 
completed  the  ruin  and  desolation  of  Babylon, — a  desolation  that 
continues  to  this  day.4 

6.  Daniel  predicted  the  fate  of  the  Four  Great  Monarch- 
ies, viz.  the  subversion  of  the  Babylonian  empire  by  the 
Medo-Persians,  and  of  the  Persian  empire  by  the  Grecians, 
under  Alexander  the  Great;  the  division  of  his  empire  into 
four  parts,  which  accordingly  took  place  after  the  death  of 
Alexander  ;  and  the  rise  of  the  Romans,  who  were  to  reduce 
all  other  kingdoms  under  their  dominion,  and  form  one  vast 
empire,  that  was  to  be  different  from  all  former  kingdoms. 

The  Romans  did  arise,  and  reduce  all  other  kingdoms  under 

1  Bp.  Newton,  vol.  i.  Diss,  ix 

»  The  Hon.  Capt.  Keppel,  who  visited  the  ruins  of  "Babylon  in  the  year 
1 324,  thus  describe.;  the  scene  :— "  As  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  the  hori- 
f.m  presented  a  broken  line  of  mounds:  the  whole  of  this  place  was  a 
■I  Mat;  the  only  vegetation  was  a  small  prickly  shrub  thinly  scattered 
over  the  plain,  and  some  patches  of  grass  where  the  water  had  lodged  in 
l>o  its,  occupied  by  immense  flocks  of  bitterns  :  so  literally  has  the  prophe- 
cy of  Isaiah  been  fulfilled  respecting  devoted  Babylon,  that  it  should  be 
swept  with  the  besom  of  destruction,'  that  it  should  be  made   'aposses- 
-'  m   for  the  bittern  and  pools  of  water.'  "    Narrative  of  a  Journey  from 
[•id  t  to  England,  vol.  i.  p.  125.    (London,  1827.  8vo.)    In  pp.  171—188.  Capt. 
I  has  described  the  present  state  of  the  ruins  of  Babylon. 
3  Jer.  1.  39,  40.  Ii.  26.37.  64.     Isa.  xiii.  19—22. 

1  Bp.  Newton,  vol.  i.  Diss.  x.  See  also  Kelt's  History,  the  Interpreter  of 
1'  npheoi    vol.  i.  pp   123.  et  seq. 


ies,  are  so  exactly  parallel,  that  the  celebrated  infidel  Porphyry,  in 
the  second  century,  could  only  evade  the  force  of  them  by  assert- 
ing, contrary  to  all  evidence,  that  they  were  written  long  after  the 
events  :  which  is  as  absurd  as  if  any  one  should  maintain  thai 
the  works  of  Virgil  were  net  written  under  Augustus,  but  aft<  i 
his  time ;  for  the  book  of  Daniel  was  as  public,  as  widely  dis- 
persed, and  as  universally  received,  as  any  book  could  ever  pos- 
sibly be. 

Here  let  us  pause,  and  consider  the  series  of  prediction'; 
exhibited  in  the  preceding  pages,  which  indeed  form  only  a 
small  part  in  comparison  of  those  which  might  have  be<  n 
adduced.  Let  the  reader  carefully  and  impartially  surv<  y 
them,  and  contrast  them  with  their  respective  accomplish- 
ments ;  and  let  him  then  say,  whether  the  prophecies'  do  nol 
contain  information  more  than  human  ?  Not  to  dwell  on 
general  prophecies,  let  him  select  the  five  first  of  those  con- 
tained in  this  second  class,  and  compare  and  meditate  fully 
on  these  five  predictions.  "The  priority  of  the  records  to 
the  events  admits  of  no  question ;  the  completion  is  obviou? 
to  every  inquirer.  Here  then  are  five  facts.  We  are  called 
upon  to  account  for  those  facts  upon  rational  and  adequate 
principles.  Is  human  foresight  equal  to  the  chance  1  Enthu- 
siasm'? Conjecture?  Chance?  Political  contrivance 1  If 
none  of  these — neither  any  other  principle  that  maybe  devised 
by  man's  sagacity — can  account  for  the  facts  ;  then  true  phi- 
losophy, as  well  as  true  religion,  will  ascribe  them  to  the 
inspiration  of  the  Almighty.  Every  effect  must  have  a 
cause.  But  if  God  is  the  author  of  these  predictions,  then 
the  book  which  contains  them  is  stamped  with  the  seal  of 
heaven  :  a  rich  vein  of  evidence  runs  through  the  volume  of 
the  Old  Testament;  the  Bible  is  true;  infidelity  is  confound- 
ed for  ever  ;  and  we  may  address  its  patrons  in  the  language 
of  Saint  Paul  — Behold,  ye  despisers,  and  wonder,  and  vc- 
rish  ."'6 

Class  III. 
Prophecies  directly  announcing  the  Messiah. 

If  we  turn  from  the  prophecies  respecting  the  circumstances 
of  individuals,  as  well  as  the  empires  and  kingdoms  of  the 
world  in  ancient  times,  to  those  predictions  in  which  we  our- 
selves are  more  immediately  concerned,  we  shall  find  thai 
they  are  not  less  remarkable,  and  astonishingly  minute. 

The  great  object  of  the  prophecies  of  the  Old  Testament 
is  the  redemption  of  mankind.  This,  as  soon  as  Adam's  fall 
had  made  it  necessary,  the  mercy  of  God  was  pleased  to 
foretell.  And,  as  the  time  for  its  accomplishment  drew  near, 
the  predictions  concerning  it  gradually  became  so  clear,  that 
almost  every  circumstance  in  the  life  and  character  of  the 
most  extraordinary  personage  that  ever  appeared  among  men 
was  most  distinctly  foretold.  The  connection  of  the  predic- 
tions belonging  to  the  Messiah,  with  those  which  are  con- 
fined to  the  Jewish  people,  gives  additional  force  to  the 
argument  from  prophecy ;  affording  a  strong  proof  of  the 
intimate  union  which  subsists  between  the  two  dispensations 
of  Moses  and  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  equally  precluding  the  art- 
ful pretensions  of  human  imposture,  and  the  daring  opposition 
of  human  power.  The  plan  of  prophecy  was  so  wisely  con- 
stituted, that  the  passions  and  prejudices  of  the  Jews,  instead 
of  frustrating,  fulfilled  it,  and  rendered  the  person,  to  whom 
they  referred,  the  suffering  and  crucified  Saviour  who  had 
been  promised.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  most  of  these 
predictions  were  delivered  nearly,  and  some  of  them  more 
than  three  thousand  years  ago.  Any  one  of  them  is  sufficient 
to  indicate  a  prescience  more  than  human :  but  the  collective 
force  of  all  taken  together  is  such,  that  nothing  more  can  be 
necessary  to  prove  the  interposition  of  omniscience,  than  the 
establishment  of  their  authenticity;  and  this,  even  at  so  re- 
mote a  period  as  the  present,  we  have  already  seen,  is  placed 
beyond  all  doubt.  For  t'-e  books,  in  which  they  are  con- 
tained, are  known  to  havo  oeen  written  at  the  time  to  which, 
and  by  the  persons  to  whom,  they  are  respectively  assigned, 
and  also  to  have  been  translated  into  different  languages,  and 
dispersed  into  different  paits,  long  before  the  coming  of 
Christ.  It  is  absurd,  therefore,  to  suppose  that  any  forgery 
with  respect  to  them,  if  attempted  by  the  first  Christians, 

*  Dan.  ii.  39,  40.  vti.  17—24.  viii.  and  ix.  '.;-.  Newton,  13th,  14th,  15th. 
and  16th  Dissertations,  an'1  Brown's  Harmony  of  Scripture  Prophecy, 
chapters  xii. — xiv.  pp.  141—174.  Edinburgh,  1800.  Religionis  Naturalis  ci 
Revelatee  Principia,  torn.  ii.  pp.  142 — 158. 

•  A  Key  to  the  Prophecies,  by  the  Rev.  David  Simpson,  p.  76. 


.-*ECT.   III.] 


A  PROOF  OF  THEIR  INSPIRATIOK 


12" 


should  not  bave  been  immediately  detected:  and  still  more 
al)surd,  if  possible,  to  suppose  that  any  paesagi  B  thus  forged 
should  afterwards  bave  been  admitted  universally  into  their 
Scriptures  by  the  .lews  themselves;  who,  from  the  first  ap- 
plication  of  these  predictions  to  Jems  Christ,  have  endea- 
voured by  every  method  to  pervert  their  meaning.  Surely, 
if  the  prophecies  iii  question  hud  not  been  found  at  thai  time 
in  the  writings  to  which  the  first  propagators  of  Christianity 

appealed,  the  .1.  W8  needed  only  to  produce  those  writings, 
in  order  to  reflite  the  imposition  :  and  since  no  refutation  was 

then  attempted,  it  was  a  demonstration  to  the  men  of  that 

a<_-v  ;  and  the  same  prophecies,  being  found  there  now,  with- 
out the  possibility  of  accounting  for  it  if  they  were  forged, 
convey  in  all  reason  as  forcible  a  demonstration  to  ourselves 

at  present,  that  they  were  written  there  from  the  beginning, 
and,  consequently,  by  divine  inspiration.1 

The  prophecies  which  respect  the  .Messiah  are  neither  few 
in  number,  nor  vague  and  equivocal  in  their  reference;  but 
numerous,  pointer],  and  particular.  They  bear  on  them  those 
discriminating  marks,  by  which  divine  inspiration  may  be 
distinguished  from  the  conjectures  of  human  sagacity;  and 
a  necessary  or  probable  event  from  a  casual  and  uncertain 
contingency.  They  are  such  as  cannot  be  referred  to  the 
dictates  of  mere  natural  penetration;  because  they  are  not 
confined  to  general  occurrences,  hut  point  out  with  singular 
exactness  a  variety  of  minute  circumstances  relating  to  times, 
places,  and  persons  which  were  neither  objects  of  foresight 
nor  conjecture,  because  they  were  not  necessarily  connected 
with  the  principal  event,  or  even  probable  either  in  them- 
selves or  in  their  relation.  They  were  such  as  could  only 
have  occurred  to  a  mind,  that  was  under  the  immediate  in- 
fluence of  the  Divinity,  by  which  distant  periods  were  re- 
vealed, and  the  secrets  of  unborn  ages  disclosed.  The  scheme 
of  prophecy,  considered  in  its  first  opening,  its  gradual  ad- 
vance, and  its  final  and  full  completion  in  the  advent,  the 
ministry,  the  death,  and  resurrection  of  the  Messiah,  and  the 
extensive  progress  of  the  gospel  among  the  Gentiles,  toge- 
ther with  its  blessed  influence  on  individuals,  societies,  coun- 
tries, and  the  whole  race  of  mankind — is  an  object,  the 
greatest  and  most  sublime  that  imagination  can  conceive, 
and  the  most  pleasing  and  important  that  the  human  mind 
can  contemplate.  To  Jesus  give  all  the  prophets  witness,-  and 
around  him  they  throw  the  beams  of  their  united  light.  In 
illustration  of  these  remarks,  we  shall  now  select  a  few  of 
the  most  striking  predictions  relative  to  the  Messiah,  and 
shall  show  their  accomplishment  in  the  person  of  Jesus 
Christ;  referring  the  reader  to  the  Appendix  for  a  more  co- 
pious series  of  prophecies,  with  their  fulfilment  in  the  very 
words  of  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament.-2 

W  e  behold  the  promise  of  a  Redeemer  given  to  our  first 
parents,  immediately  after  the  fall,  in  obscure  and  general 
terms.  (Gen.  iii.  15.)  It  foretold  a  victory  which  would  he 
gained  over  the  enemy  that  had  deceived  and  conquered 
mem;  a  victory  the  most  illustrious  in  its  effects  and  conse- 
quences, and  which  should  amply  revenge  on  the  serpent's 
head  the  evils  and  miseries  which  he  hail  introduced  into  the 
world,  further,  we  behold  the  promise  renewed,  in  some- 
what clearer  language,  to  the  patriarchs,  particularly  to  Abra- 
ham, the  great    father  of  the  faithful,  and   the  precise  line 

indicated  from  which  the  Messiah  was  to  he  d<  scended;  the 
fulfilment  of  which  prophetic  promise  may  he  seen  in  the 
-;  of  Jesus  Christ,  taken  from  the  public  registers 
by  Matthew  and  Luke. 

The  prophets  have  not  only  foretold,  in  general  terms,  a 
great  revolution  that  would  take  place  in  the  world  by  the 
coming  of  the  Messiah;  hut  they  have  delineated  some  par- 
ticular circumstances  attending  it,  which  only  the  eye  of  Om- 
niscience could  have  I  They  have  marked  out  the 
precise  time  and  place  of  the  Messiah  S  birth ;  they  have  de- 
1  with  wonderful  exactni  S3  the  distinguishing  features 
of  his  otlice  and  character;  they  have  displayed  with 
beauty  and  truth  the  effects  and  consequences  of  his  advent; 
and,  through  all  their  predictions,  something  pointing  to  the 
Messiah,  either  by  direct  application,  or  by  secondary  and 
distant  reference,  is  so  interwoven  with  the  general  contex- 
ture, the  universal  scheme  of  prophecy,  that,  by  keeping  it 
in  our  eye,  we  shall  be  furnished  with  a  clue  to  trace  out 
their  ultimate  design,  and  contemplate  their  mutual  connec- 
tion with,  and  dependence  on,  each  other :  for  the  testimony 
of  Jesus  is,  clearly  and  eminently,  the  spirit  of  prophecy.  This 
is  its  ruling  and  vital  principle.     Dive3ted  of  this,  it  loses  its 

1  Or.  Evel  sigh's  Hampton  Lectures  for  1792,  pp.  2I0:  211. 
*  Seethe  Appendix  to  this  volume,  No.  VI.  chapter  i. 


spiat  and  its  power.  We  behold  no  consistency :  the  lm- 
pression  of  its  dignity  is  weakened  ;  its  object  is  debased  ; 
its  end  is  darkened.  But,  viewed  in  this  light,  we  behold 
in  it  a  harmony  which  delights,  a  grandeur  which  astonishes, 
and  from  the  result  of  the  whole  arises  such  evidence  as  car- 
ries conviction  to  the  understanding.3     More  particularly, 

1.  The  prophecies  of  the  Old  Testament  distinctly  an- 
nounced that  the  Messiah  was  to  come,  when  the  govern- 
ment should  he  utterly  lost  from  Judah.  The  sceptre  (peculiar 
prerogative  and  dignity)  •  hall  not  depart  from  Judah  till  Shi- 
hh  come.  (Gen.  xlTx.  16.)     This  prediction  all  the  ancient 

Jews  applied  to  the  Messiah. 

The  tribe  of  Judah  is  no  longer  apolitical  body  ;  it  has  no  au- 
thority or  magistrates  of  its  own,  but  is  dispersed  and  confound- 
ed among  the  other  tribes  of  Jews;  its  present  condition,  there- 
fore, is  an  evident  mark  that  Shiloh,  or  the  Messiah,  is  already 
come. 

2.  Daniel  points  out  the  precise  Time  in  which  he  was  to 
come,  to  make  an  end  of  sin,  to  make  reconciliation  for  ini 
cjuity,  and  to  bring  in  an  everlasting  righteousness.1  He 
fixes  the  seventy  weeks  (of  years,  that  is,  four  hundred  and 
ninety  years),  on  one  side,  at  the  edict  of  Artaxerxes,  for  the 
rebuilding  of  Jerusalem,  which  was  accomplished  by  Nehe- 
miah ;  and,  on  the  other,  at  the  death  of  the  Messiah,  and 
the  establishment  of  his  church.  The  two  points  of  this  du- 
ration are  therefore  known,  and  one  determines  the  other : 
the  term  at  which  a  revolution  of  four  hundred  and  ninety 
years  commences  necessarily  shows  where  it  ends.  The 
prophets  Haggai  and  Malachi6  foretold  that  the  Messiah, 
the  desire  of  au  nations,  whom  tiny  were  seeking,  should  come 
before  the  destruction  of  the  second  temple,  and  that  his  pre- 
sence should  fill  it  with  a  glory  which  the  first  temple  had 
not,  though  it  was  far  richer  and  more  magnificent. 

Jesus  Christ  preached  in  that  temple,  which  was  totally  de- 
stroyed, within  forty  years  afterwards.  This  second  temple  has 
been  destroyed  upwards  of  seventeen  centuries ;  whence  it  is 
manifest  that  more  than  seventeen  centuries  have  elapsed  since 
the  Messiah  came. 

3.  The  Place  where  the  Messiah  was  to  be  born, — viz. 
Bethlehem, — and  the  Tribe  from  which  he  was  to  spring 
(that  of  Judah),  were  literally  predicted  by  Micah. 

Both  these  circumstances  are  recorded  by  the  evangelists  as 
fulfilled ;  the  providence  of  God  so  ordering  it  that  Augustus 
should  then  command  a  general  census  to  be  taken,  which  caused 
Joseph  and  Mary  to  go  to  Bethlehem,  not  only  that  she  might 
be  delivered  there,  but  that,  their  names  being  there  entered, 
their  family  might  be  ascertained,  and  no  doubt  might  afterwards 
arise  as  to  their  being  of  the  line  of  David.  All  the  evangelists 
have  mentioned  that  Jesus  was  born  in  Bethlehem  of  Judaea,  and 
that  this  is  an  undoubted  fact  we  are  informed  by  Paul,  when  he 
asserts  that  it  is  evident  our  Lord  sprang  out  of  Judah: 

4.  The  prophet  Isaiah  has  particularly  foretold,  that  the 
Messiah  should  be  born  of  a  virgin  (Isa.  vii.  14.),  and  that 
he  should  descend  from  the  family  of  David  (ix.  6,  7.  xi.  1, 
•J.),  which  was  a  particular  branch  of  the  tribe  of  Judah. 
While  he  points  out  his  miraculous  birth,  and  describes  his 
descent,  he  portrays  his  character  in  colours  so  striking  and 
distinguishing,  as  to  render  its  appropriation  to  Christ  obvi- 
ous to  every  one  who  compares  the  picture  with  the  original. 
It  was  this  holy  prophet  that  foretold  that  the  Messiah  should 
be  (liii.  1,  0,  3.)  destitute  of  outward  power  or  influence  to 
attract  the  esteem  and  insure  the  attachment  of  the  world  ; 
that  though  in  the  eye  of  God  he  should  he  (xxviii.  lb'.)  the 
chief  corner-stone,  elect,  precious ;  yet  that  he  should  be  (viii. 
14,  15.)  a  stone  of  stumbling  and  a  rock  of  offence  to  men  who 

ruided  by  the  springs  which  in  general  actuate  the  hu- 
man breast,  such  as  interest,  ambition,  and  the  love  of 
sual  enjoyments:  and  particularly  it  was  foretold,  that  the 
Jews  mould  fall  on  this  rock  ,■  should  refuse  to  build  on  him 
as  the  only  foundation  of  their  hopes  ;  but  should,  in  their  at- 
tempt to  shake  and  overthrow  it,  be  themselves  scattered  and 
broken  to  pit  cos.  The  same  prophet  declared  that  he  should 
(vi.  'J,  10,  11.)  veil  the  eyes  of  the  wis.e  and  learned,  and 
preach  the  gospel  to  the  poor  and  illiterate;  that  he  should 
(xlii.  1,  &c.)  restore  sight  to  the  blind,  health  to  the  dis- 
eased, and  light  to  those  who  had  been  oppressed  with  dark- 
ness ;  that  he  should  teach  the  true  and  perfect  way,  and 
should  be  the  great  instructor  of  the  Gentiles;  that  (Ix.  10  ) 

»  Pr.  White's  Bampton  Lectures,  p.  291. 2d  edit. 

4  Dan.  ix.  24—27.  •  Haggai  ii.  C-9.     Mai.  ifa.  I 

«  Micah  v.  2.    Matt  ii.  1     Heb  vii.  14. 


128 


PROPHECIES  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES, 


[Chap.  If 


kings  should  fall  down  before  hirn,  and  all  nations  pay  him 
homage  and  obedience ;  that  his  reign  should  be  gentle  and 
benevolent;  and  that  the  influence  of  his  gospel  should  har- 
monize the  jarring  (lv.  13.)  passions  of  mankind,  and,  to- 
gether with  the  knowledge  and  worship  of  the  true  God,  es- 
ablish  peace  and  purity  on  the  earth,  (lvi.  6,  7,  8.) 

5.  In  the  fifty-third  chapter,  the  prophet  gives  a  most 
striking  and  affecting  picture  of  the  temper  and  behaviour  of 
the  Messiah  amidst  the  most  distressing  and  humiliating 
scenes  through  which  he  passed.  His  Death,  considered  as 
the  great  propitiation  for  the  sins  of  the  whole  world,  was  an 
object  of  such  vast  importance,  that  it  pleased  the  Divine 
Beino-  strongly  to  mark  the  more  distinguished  circumstances 
of  it  fn  prophetic  language  ;  to  the  end  that  our  faith  in  him 
micrht  have  every  evidence  to  confirm  it  that  was  necessary 
to  give  satisfaction  to  modest  and  impartial  inquirers. 

The  fact  in  every  respect  corresponded  with  the  prediction; 
and  so  far  was  the  prophet  introduced  into  the  secret  counsels  of 
the  divine  mind,  that  when  he  spoke  of  future  events,  he  appears 
to  be  relating  their  past  history :  for  to  that  omniscient  God, 
whose  light  directed  the  prophet's  eye  through  the  darkest  re- 
cesses of  distant  ages,  prescience  and  accomplishment  are  the 
same  ;  and  the  future  and  the  past  form  but  one  object.  Hence 
the  most  striking  scenes  of  Christ's  passion  are  delineated  by  the 
prophetic  pencil  with  the  same  truth  and  exactness  as  if  they 
had  been  drawn  on  the  spot  when  the  secret  volume  of  the  divine 
decrees  was  unrolled,  and  when  that  which  had  been  foreseen  in 
vision  was  exhibited  in  reality.1 

In  addition  to  these  prophecies  of  Isaiah,  we  may  remark, 
that  long  before  his  time  David  foretold  the  change  of  the 
order  of  the  priesthood  by  the  Messiah, — the  office  he  should 
sustain, — the  sufferings  which  he  should  undergo, — and  the 
glorious  triumphs  he  should  enjoy  from  his  resurrection,  his 
ascension,  and  the  extensive  propagation  of  his  gospel.2 

6.  The  Messiah  was  not  to  lie  in  the  grave  and  see  cor- 
ruption,3 but  was  to  be  raised  from  the  dead  on  the  third  day 
after  his  interment,4  and  to  ascend  into  heaven,  there  to  reign 
at  his  Father's  right  hand,  invested  with  universal  dominion.5 

How  exactly  all  these  things  were  accomplished  in  the  person 
of  Christ  is  obvious  to  every  one  that  carefully  compares  these 
predictions  with  their  fulfilment. 

»  Compare  Mark  xx.  27,  28.— White's  Bampton  Lectures,  pp.  291—291. 
So  striking  is  the  prediction  of  Isaiah  above  referred  to,  and  with  such  pre- 
cision has  it  been  fulfilled  in  the  person  of  Jesus  Christ,  that  the  modern 
opposers  of  revelation  are  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  the  most  absurd  and 
contradictory  assertions  in  order  to  evade  the  forcible  argument  which  it 
affords  to  the  truth  of  the  Scriptures.  Thus  some  have  affirmed,  that  the 
prophecy  in  question  was  composed  after  the  commencement  of  the  Chris- 
tian eera.  Not  to  repeat  the  evidence  already  adduced  (see  pp.  27 — 33.  supra) 
for  the  genuineness  of  Isaiah's  writings  as  a  component  part  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament, we  may  remark  that  this  assertion  is  completely  refuted  by  the  fact 
of  his  prophecy  being  extant  in  the  Septuagint  Greek  version  of  the  Hebrew 
Scriptures,  which  was  executed  only  282  years  before  the  Christian  aera. 
Other  opposers  of  revela'ion  assert  that  Jeremiah  is  the  person  to  whom 
the  prophet  referred.  T)  s  opinion  was  first  asserted  by  the  Jewish  rabbi 
Saadiah  Gaon  (in  Aben  Ezra's  commentary  on  Isaiah),  and  was  adopted  by 
Grotius,  from  whom  it  has  been  copied  by  Collins,  Paine,  and  other  infidel 
writers.  But  the  characters  given  of  the  person,  who  is  the  subjectof  this 
prophecy,  by  no  means  agree  with  Jeremiah.  For  this  person  is  repre- 
sented as  one  without  guilt,  entirely  free  from  sin,  and  who  had  never  gone 
istray  like  other  men;  as  one  who  was  to  suffer  for  the  sins  of  others,  which 
sufferings  he  was  to  bear  with  the  utmost  patience, — nay,  he  was  even  to 
make  intercession  for  those  transgressors  who  were  the  cause  of  his  suf- 
ferings ;  and  though  he  was  to  be  cut  off,  or  die,  yet  he  was  to  live  again, 
have  a  large  number  of  disciples  and  followers,  and  be  highly  exalted  and 
dignified.  Now  none  of  these  characters  are  applicable  to  Jeremiah,  who 
was  subject  to  the  same  sinful  infirmities  as  other  men  are  ;  he  was  not 
wounded  or  bruised,  nor  did  he  die  for  the  sins  of  his  people  ;  and  the  suf- 
ferings which  he  underwent  on  their  account  he  was  so  far  from  bearing 
with  patience,  that  he  even  cursed  the  day  wherein  he  was  bom  (Jer.  xx.  14.) 
on  account  of  them ;  and  prayed  that  he  might  see  the  vengeance  of  God 
upon  his  countrymen  (xx.  12.),  and  that  God  would  pull  them  out  like  sheep 
for  the  slaughter,  and  prepare  them  for  the  day  of  slaughter,  (xii.  3.) 
Further,  Jeremiah  had  not  a  large  number  of  disciples,  neither  was  he  ex- 
alted and  extolled  as  the  person  described  by  Isaiah  is  said  to  be.  But  all 
and  every  part  of  this  prophecy  exactly  agrees  with  the  Messiah,  Jesus, 
whose  first  appearance  was  mean  and  abject;  on  which  account  he  was 
despised  by  men,  from  whom  he  suffered  many  things  with  inexpressible 
patience,  and  at  last  endured  an  ignominious  death,  which  was  an  expiatory 
sacrifice  for  the  sins  of  the  world:  and  being  raised  from  the  dead,  he  is 
now  exalted  high,  on  his  Father's  right  hand,  where  he  ever  lives  to  make 
intercession  for  transgressors;  and  has  ever  since  had  a  large  number  of 
disciples,  who  have  embraced  his  doctrines  and  espoused  his  cause, — a 
need  which  has  served  him  and  will  continue  to  serve  him  until  time  shall 
tie  no  more.  For  an  account  of  other  evasions,  to  which  the  modern  Jews 
have  recourse  in  order  to  elude  the  force  of  Isaiah's  prophecy,  see  Bp. 
Pearson  on  the  Creed,  pp.  183, 184,  folio.  10th  edit. ;  alsoPaley's  Evidences, 
roL  ii.  pp.  1 — U.j  and  Religionis  Naturalis  et  Revelata;  Principia,  torn.  ii.  pp. 
131-443. 
»  Psal.  ii.  6,  <tc.  xxii.  ex. 
»  Compare  Psal.  xvi.  It.  with  Matt,  xxviii.  G. 

•  Compare  Hos.  vi.2.  with  Matt.  xx.  19.  xxviii.  1—7.  and  1  Cor.  xv.  4. 
»  Compare  Psal.  xvi.  11.   Ixviii.  18  and  Isa.  ix.  7.  Luke  xxiv.  50,  51.    Act? 
.  ".  v  i  Matt,  xxviii.  18. 


7.  Lastly  it  was  foretold  that  the  M*»siah  should  abolish 
the  old,  and  introduce  a  new  Covenant  or  dispensation 
with  his  people  ;  and  accordingly,  Jesus  Christ  brought  in  a 
more  perfect  and  rational  economy.5 

The  old  covenant  is  abolished,  and  its  observance  rendered 
impossible  by  the  expulsion  of  the  Jews  from  Judaea  and  Jerusa- 
lem, and  the  destruction  by  fire  of  that  temple  and  altar,  on  which 
the  whole  of  the  Jewish  public  worship  depended.  It  is,  theffe- 
fore,  as  impossible  to  doubt  that  the  mediator  of  the  new  cove- 
nant is  come,  as  to  question  those  external  facts  which  prove 
that  the  ancient  covenant  subsist*  no  longer. 

The  manner  in  which  the  evangelical  historians  showed 
the  fulfilment  of  the  prophecies  by  Christ  is  remarkable,  for 
they  did  not  apply  them  with  hesitation,  as  if  they  were 
doubtful  concerning  their  sense,  or  undecided  as  to  their  object. 
Their  boldness  of  assertion  bore  the  stamp  and  character  of 
truth.  They  had  the  clearest  proofs,  more  particularly  from 
miracles,  that  their  master  was  the  promised  Messiah,  and 
therefore  were  fully  persuaded  that  all  the  prophecies  centred 
in  him.  They  appear  to  have  had  no  conception,  that  this 
evidence  could,  in  the  nature  of  things,  be  referable  to  any 
one  else ;  and  therefore  they  pressed  the  arguments  drawn 
from  the  Old  Testament  upon  the  minds  of  the  unconverted, 
with  all  the  sincerity  of  conviction,  and  all  the  authority  oi 
truth.7 

The  preceding  is  a  concise  view  of  the  predictions  contained 
in  the  Old  Testament,  concerning  the  advent,  life,  doctrine, 
sufferings,  death,  resurrection,  and  ascension  of  Jesus  Christ. 
Such  a  variety  of  circumstances,  therefore,  predicted  concern- 
ing one  person  so  many  years  before  he  was  born,  and  of 
such  an  extraordinary  nature, — all  accomplished  in  Christ, 
and  in  no  other  person  that  ever  appeared  in  the  world, — 
point  him  out  with  irresistible  evidence  as  the  Messiah,  the 
Saviour  of  mankind.  If  only  one  single  man  had  left  a  book 
of  predictions  concerning  Jesus  Christ,  and  had  distinctly 
and  precisely  marked  out  the  time,  place,  manner,  and  other 
circumstances  of  his  advent,  life,  doctrine,  death,  resurrec- 
tion, and  ascension  ; — a  prophecy,  or  series  of  prophecies,  so 
astonishing,  so  circumstanced,  so  connected,  would  be  the 
most  wonderful  thing  in  the  world,  and  would  have  infinite 
weight.  But  the  miracle  is  far  greater :  for,  here  is  a  suc- 
cession of  men,  for  four  thousand  years,  who  were  widely 
separated  from  each  other  by  time  and  place,  yet  who  regu- 
larly, and  without  any  variation,  succeeded  one  another  tc 
foretell  the  same  event.  Here,  therefore,  the  hand  of  God  is 
manifest;  and  Jesus  Christ  is  evidenced  to  be  the  Messiah. 
Since  the  beginning  of  the  world,  all  the  prophecies  have 
been  present  to  his  mind :  he  has  taken  from  them  all  that 
seemed  contradictory,  when  not  considered  in  respect  to  him ; 
he  has  equally  accomplished  them,  whether  the  thing  they 
predicJed  concerning  him  were  humiliating  or  divine ;  and 
has  demonstrated  that  he  is  the  centre  and  end  of  them  all, 
by  reducing  them  to  unity  in  his  own  person. 

Further,  by  the  accomplishment  of  the  prophecies,  which 
is  the  particular  and  incommunicable  character  of  Jesus 
Christ,  all  seducers  or  pretended  messiahs,  whether  past  or 
future,  are  convicted  ot  imposture.  A  few  considera^'ons 
will  fully  prove  this  point. 

There  is  but  one  deliverer  promised,  and  to  one  only  do 
the  Scriptures  bear  testimony.  Whoever,  therefore,  has 
neither  been  promised  nor  foretold,  can  be  nothing  but  an 
impostor ;  and  whoever  cannot  ascend  as  high  as  the  first 
promise,  or  grounds  himself  upon  Scriptures  less  ancient 
than  those  of  the  Jews,  stands  convicted  of  imposture  by 
that  circumstance  alone,  either  because  he  has  no  title,  or  has 
only  a  false  one. 

All  the  prophets  foretell  what  the  Messiah  is  to  do  and 
surfer:  there  can,  therefore,  he  no  doubt  between  him  who 
has  done  and  suffered  what  the  prophets  foretold,  and  him 
who  has  had  no  knowledge  of  their  predictions,  or  has  not 
fulfilled  them. 

Among  the  predictions  of  the  prophets  there  are  some  that 
cannot  be  repeated,  and  which  are  so  annexed  to  certain 
times  and  places,  that  they  cannot  be  imitated  by  a  false  Mes- 
siah. It  was  necessary,  for  instance,  that  the  true  Messiah 
should  come  into  the  world  before  the  destruction  of  the 
second  temple,  because  he  was  to  teach  there.  It  was  ne- 
cessary that  he  should  lay  the  foundations  of  the  church  in 
Jerusalem,  because  from  Mount  Sion  it  was  to  be  diffused 
over  the  whole  world.      It  was    I    .cssary  that  the  Jew? 

«  Compare  Jer.  xxxi.  31—34.  with  Heb.  viii  6—11 
7  Kctl  on  Prophecy,  vol.  i.  p.  18C. 


Sect.  III.] 


A  PROOF  OF  THEIR  INSPIRATION. 


12i= 


should  rejecl  him  before  iluir  dispersion,  because  it  was  to 
oethe  punishment  of  their  wilful  blindness.  Finally,  it  was 
necessary  that  the  conversion  of  the  Gentiles  should  be  bis 
work  or  that  of  bis  disciples,  since  it  is  by  this  risible  mark 
that  the  prophets  point  liim  out. 

Now  tin'  temple  is  no  more;  Jerusalem  is  possessed  by 
strangers;  the  Jews  are  dispersed,  and  the  Gentiles  are  con- 
verted. It  is  clear,  therefore,  that  the  Messiah  is  come;  but 
it  is  not  less  manifest  that  no  one  else  can  repeal  the  proof, 
which  lie  lias  riven  of  his  coming;  and  consequently,  no  our 
else  can  accomplish  what  tlu  prophets  foretold  would  be  fulfilled 
by  the  Messiah. 

Bishop  Kurd's  fine  view  of  prophecy  will  terminate  this 
class  of  the  Old  Testament  predictions  with  great  propriety 
and  force.  "  If,"  says  that  very  learned  and  elegant  writer, 
•■  we  took  into  those  writings,  we  find, — 

1.  "That  prophecy  is  of  a  prodigious  extent  ;  that  it  com- 
menced from  the  fall  of  man,  and  reaches  to  the  consumma- 
tion of  all  things  :  that  for  many  ages  it  was  delivered 
darkly,  to  few  persons,  and  with  large  intervals  from  the 
date  of  one  prophecy  to  that  of  another;  but,  at  length,  be- 
came  more  clear,  more  frequent,  and  was  uniformly  carried 
on  in  the  line  of  one  people,  separated  from  the  rest  of  the 
world,  among  other  reasons  assigned,  for  this  principally,  to 
be  the  repository  of  the  divine  oracles;  that,  with  some  in- 
termission, the  spirit  of  prophecy  subsisted  among  that  peo- 
ple to  the  coming  of  Christ ;  that  he  himself  and  his  apos- 
tles exercised  this  power  in  the  most  conspicuous  manner; 
and  left  behind  them  many  predictions,  recorded  in  the  books 
of  the  New  Testament,  which  profess  to  respect  very  distant 
events,  and  even  run  out  to  the  end  of  time,  or,  in  St.  John's 
expression,  to  that  period,  when  the  mystery  of  God  shall  be 
perfected.  (Rev.  x.  7.) 

9.  "  Further,  besides  the  extent  of  this  prophetic  scheme, 
the  dignity  of  the  person  whom  it  concerns  deserves  our 
consideration.  He  is  described  in  terms  which  excite  the 
most  augnst  and  magnificent  ideas.  He  is  spoken  of,  in- 
deed, sometimes  as  being  the  seed  of  the  woman,  and  as  the 
ton  if  man,-  yet  so  as  being  at  the  same  time  of  more  than 
mortal  extraction.  He  is  even  represented  to  us,  as  being 
superior  to  men  and  angels  ;  as  far  above  all  principality 
and  power,  above  all  that  is  accounted  great,  whether  in 
heaven  or  in  earth ;  as  the  word  and  wisdom  of  God;  as  the 
eternal  Son  of  the  Father  ;  as  the  heir  of  all  things,  by  whom 
he  made  the  world;  as  the  brightness  of  his  glory,  and  the 
express  image  of  his  person.  We  have  no  words  to  denote 
greater  ideas  than  these :  the  mind  of  man  cannot  elevate 
itself  to  nobler  conceptions.  Of  such  transcendent  worth 
and  excellence  is  that  Jesus  said  to  be,  to  whom  all  the  pro- 
phets bear  witness. 

3.  "  Lastly,  the  declared  purpose,  for  which  the  Messiah, 
prefigured  by  so  long  a  train  of  prophecy,  came  into  the 
world,  corresponds  to  all  the  rest  of  the  representation.  It 
was  not  to  deliver  an  oppressed  nation  from  civil  tyranny,  or 
to  erect  a  great  civil  empire,  that  is,  to  achieve  one  of  those 
acts  which  history  accounts  most  heroic.  No  :  it  was  not 
a  mighty  state,  a  victor  people — 

M  '  iVon  res  Romanse  periturarjuc  regna — ' 
that  was  worthy  to  enter  into  the  contemplation  of  this  di- 
vine person.  It  was  another  and  far  sublimer  purpose,  which 
He  came  to  accomplish  :  a  purpose,  in  comparison  of  which 
all  our  policies  are  poor  and  little,  and  all  the  performances 
of  man  as  nothing.  It  was  to  deliver  a  world  trom  ruin  ;  to 
abolish  sin  and  death;  to  purify  and  immortalize  human 
nature  :  and  thus,  in  the  most  exalted  sense  of  the  words,  to 
be  the  Saviour  of  all  men,  and  the  blessing  of  all  nations. 

"There  is  no  exaggeration  in  this  account.  I  deliver  the 
undoubted  sense,  if  not  always  the  very  words,  of  Scripture. 

"  Consider  then  to  what  this  representation  amounts.  Let 
us  unite  the  several  parts  of  it  and  bring  them  to  a  point. 
K  spirit  of  prophecy  pervading  all  time ;  characterizing  one 
person,  of  tne  highest  dignity;  and  proclaiming  the  accom- 

Slishment  of  one  purpose,  the  most  beneficent,  the  most 
ivine,  that  imagination  itself  can  project. — Such  is  the  scrip- 
tural delineation,  whether  we  will  receive  it  or  no,  of  that 
economy  which  we  call  Prophetic !"' 

Class  IV. 

Prophecies  delivered  by  Jesus  Christ  and  his  Apostles. 

The  predictions  delivered  by  Jesus  Christ  and  his  apostles, 
and  which  are  recorded  in  the  books  of  the  New  Testament, 

1  Up-  Hnrd's  Introduction  to  the   Study  of  the  Prophecies,  Serai,  it. 
Works,  ™i.  v.  nn  35—37.1 
Vol.  I.  R 


are  not  less  evidently  the  inspiration  of  Omniscience  than 
those  contained  in  the  Old  Testament. 

The  prophecit  B  of  Christ,  indeed,  were  such  as  gave  ad- 
ditional evidi  oce  t  >  his  divine  character,  and  clearly  proved 
him  to  be  filled  with  a  spirit  more  than  human.  He  uttered 
numerous  predictions  of  events,  altogether  improbable  on  the 
ground  of  present  appearances,  and  such  as  the  most  pene- 
trating mind  could  never  have  foreseen,  nor  conjectured,  much 
less  have  described  With   all  their  peculiarities,  and   ma 

out  the  several  incidents  that  attended  them.    Thus,  leans 

Christ  foretold  his  own  death  and  resurrection  with  an  enu- 
meration of  many  circumstances  attending  them, — the  desci  nl 
of  the  Holy  Spirit, — the  astonishing  (and  to  all  human  views 
improbable)  rate  of  the  temple  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  total 

d.  StniCtion  of  the  city, — and  the  universal  spread  of  his 
gOSpt  1.  together  with  its  extraordinary  and  gloTlOUB  triumph 

over  the  power  and  policy  of  the  world,  notwithstanding  all 

the  violent  oi.ih  sition  to  which  it  would  be  exposed. - 

1.  Jesus  Christ  foretold  his  own  DEATH  several  times. 
with  an  enumeration  of  many  of  the  circumstances  that  were 
to  attend  it. 

In  Matt.  xvi.  21.  he  told  his  disciples  that  he  must  go  to  Je- 
rusalem, and  there  suffer  many  things  of  the  elders,  and  chief 
priests,  and  scribes,  and  be  killed.  In  Mark  x.  33,  34.  and 
Matt.  xx.  18,  19.  he  foretells,  more  particuarlly,  the  manner  in 
which  they  would  proceed  against  him,  viz.  that  the  chief  priests 
and  scribes  -would  condemn  him  to  death,  but  that  they  would 
not  put  him  to  death,  but  deliver  him  to  the  Gentiles,  to  mock, 
and  scourge,  and  crucify  him,  which  was  afterwards  done  bv 
Pilate,  the  Roman  governor.  He  likewise  predicted  in  what 
manner  this  was  to  be  accomplished,  as  that  he  would  be 
betrayed  into  the  hands  of  men,  and  by  the  man  -who  dipped  his 
hands  -with  him  in  the  dish,  and  that  all  his  disciples  would 
forsake  him.  (Matt.  xx.  18.  xxvi.  13.  31.)  And  when  Peter 
declared  his  resolution  to  adhere  to  him,  Christ  foretold  that  the 
apostle  would  deny  him,  with  very  particular  circumstances  of 
the  time  and  manner  of  his  denial.  This  ?iight  before  the  cock 
crow  twice,  thou  shall  deny  me  thrice  (Matt.  xiv.  30.)  ;  all  which 
was  punctually  accomplished. 

2.  Jesus  Christalso distinctly  predicted  his  Resurrection, 
with  its  circumstances,  viz.  that  he  should  rise  again  the  third 
dun  (Matt.  xvi.  21.),  and  that  after  he  was  risen  he  would  go 
before  them  into  Galilee  (Matt.  xxvi.  32.),  which  was  fulfilled. 
(Matt,  xxviii.  16.) 

3.  He  likewise  foretold  the  Descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit 
on  the  apostles,  in  miraculous  powers  and  gifts,  and  specifies 
the  place  where  the  Holy  Spirit  should  descend. 

Behold,  I  send  the  promise  of  my  Father  upon  you;  but 
tarry  ye  in  the  city  of  Jerusalem  until  ye  be  endued  with  power 
from  on  high.  (Luke  xxiv.  41).)  And  he  particularly  declares 
what  the  effects  of  such  descent  should  be  : — And  these  signs 
shall  follow  them  that  believe ;  in  my  name  shall  they  cast  out 
devils,  and  they  shall  speak  with  new  tongues  ;  they  shall  take 
up  serpents,  and  if  they  drink  any  deadly  thing  it  shall  not 
hurt  them  ;  they  shall  lay  hands  on  the  sick,  and  they  shall 
recover.  (Mark  xvi.  17,  18.)  All  which  was  punctually  fulfilled 
in  the  second  chapter  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  in  the 
following  part  of  that  history. 

4.  The  next  instance  of  Christ's  prophetic  spirit  is,  his 

FORETELLING    THE     DESTRUCTION    OF    JERUSALEM,    and    of    itS 

celebrated  temple,  with  all  its  preceding  signs,  and  conco- 
mitant and  subsequent  circumstances.  He  not  only  predicted 
the  period  when  this  awful  event  should  take  place,  but 
described  the  very  ensigns  of  those  arms  which  were  to  effect 
the  direful  catastrophe ;  and  also  foretold  the  various  ca- 
lamities that  should  befall  the  Jewish  nation,  and  the  total 
ruin  in  which  their  ecclesiastical  and  civil  policy  should  be 
involved  :  and  the  very  generation,  that  heard  the  prediction, 
lived  to  be  the  miserable  witnesses  of  its  fulfilment.1  Of  the 
prophecies,  indeed,  that  respect  the  Jews  (and  which  are 
common  to  the  New  as  well  as  to  the  Old  Testament),  some 
have  long  since  been  accomplished ;  others  are  every  day 
receiving  their  accomplishment  before  our  eyes,  and  all  of 
them  abundantly  prove  the  divine  origin  of  the  Gospel  pro- 
phecy. The  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  with  its  unparalleled 
circumstances  of  horror,  is  not   more   clearly  recorded  by 

»  On  the  predictions  of  Jesus  Christ,  see  the  Appendix  to  this  Volume. 
No.  VI.  chap.  ii. 

»  See  the  particulars  of  this  prophecy,  with  the  historical  evidence  of 
its  fulfilment,  infra,  in  the  Appendix.  No.  VI.  chapter  ii. 


130 


PROPHECIES  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES. 


[Chap.  IV 


Josephus,1  than  it  is  foretold  b)  ~'  i  by  Jesus  Christ. 

Nor  did  the  latter  prophesy  only,  in  the  most  definite 
anguage,  the  di  "l-  38-.)?  aml 

particularly  that  not  one  stone  of  the  temple  (.Mark  xin.  'J.) 
should  be  left  upon  another;  he  also  expressly  lorctold  that 
Jerusalem,  thus  destroyed,  should  be  trodden  under  loot  by 
the  Gentiles,  till  the  time  of  the  Gentiles  should  be  fulfilled; 
while  the  Jews  were  to  be  carried  away  captive  into  all  lands : 
and  according  to  the  denunciation  of  their  oreat  lawgiver 
CDeut.  xxviii?37.),  were  to  become  an  astonishment  and  a 
by-word. 

Jerusalem  WAS  taken  by  the  Romans,  and  the  temple  was 
levelled  to  the  ground.  Whatever  the  distinguished  affection 
of  the  Jews  for  their  religion  and  country  could  suggest,  and 
whatever  infidelity  end  hatred  of  Christianity  could  help 
forward  in  their  favour,  was  tried  in  vain,  with  the  malignant 
view  of  confronting  and  defeating  these  prophecies.  The  apos- 
tate Julian, — an  emperor  qualified  for  the  attempt  by  his  riches, 
power,  and  persevering  hostility  to  the  name  of  Christ, — collected 
the  Jews  from  all  countries,  and  led  them  on,  under  his  favourite 
Alypius,  to  rebuild  their  temple.  Every  human  power  co-operated 
with  them,  and  every  difficulty  appeared  to  have  vanished  :  when 
on  a  sudden,  the  work  was  broken  up  with  terror  and  precipita- 
tion; and  an  enterprise  of  which  the  execution  was  so  zealously 
desired  and  so  powerfully  supported,  was  at  once  deserted.  As 
the  influence  of  human  means  was  entirely  engaged  in  its  favour, 
the  miscarriage  of  it  must  be  ascribed  to  supernatural  interposi- 
tion. What  this  was,  we  are  informed  by  contemporary  and 
other  writers,  and  particularly  by  Ammianus  Marccllinus  ;  whose 
testimony  as  a  pagan,  a  philosopher,  and  a  bosom  friend  of  the 
apostate  prince,  infidelity  would  fully  and  readily  admit,  were 
it  not  beforehand  apprized  of  its  contents.  He  declares,  that 
"  horrible  balls  of  lire,  breaking  out  near  the  foundation,  with 
frequent  and  reiterated  attacks,  rendered  the  place  from  time  to  time 
inaccessible  to  the  scorched  and  blasted  workmen ;  and  that  the 
victorious  element  continuing  in  this  manner  obstinately  bent,  as 
it  were,  to  repel  their  attempts,  the  enterprize  was  abandoned."2 
So  satisfactory  and  decisive  is  this  evidence  of  the  impartial 
heathen  writer,  that  the  historian  of  the  Decline  and  Fall  of  the 
Roman  Empire,  although  he  attempts  with  stubborn  scepticism 
to  invalidate  some  of  its  proofs,  and  insinuates  a  want  of  im- 
partial authorities,  is  compelled  not  only  to  acknowledge  the 
general  fact,  but  many  of  the  particular  circumstances  by  which 
it  was  accompanied  and  distinguished.3 

How  literally  the  latter  part  of  the  above-noticed  prediction, 
relative  to  the  dispersion  and  degradation  of  the  Jews,  has  been 
fulfilled,  from  the  days  of  Titus  and  Hadrian  to  the  present 
time,  every  historian  informs  us :  that  it  is  so  now,  we  have  the 
evidence  of  our  own  senses  and  personal  knowledge.  The  na- 
tions, that  once  shook  the  world  with  their  arms,  have  in  their 
turns  disappeared,  and  mingled  again  with  the  common  mass  of 
mankind:  but  the  Jews,  though  exiles  in  every  country  under 
heaven,  and  in  every  country  oppressed,  hated,  and  despised, 
have  yet,  by  a  peculiar  fate,  of  which  the  world  affords  no  second 
instance,  survived*  for  more  than  seventeen  centuries,  the  loss 
of  their  country  and  the  dissolution  of  their  government,  have 
preserved  their  name  and  language,  their  customs  and  religion, 
in  every  climate  of  the  globe ;  and,  though  themselves  not  a  peo- 
ple, have  yet  subsisted  a  separate  and  distinct  race  in  the  midst 
of  every  other  nation.  Having  totally  lost  the  sceptre,  and  hav- 
ing no  lawgiver  independently  of  a  foreign  tribunal,  they  afford 
a  standing  proof  that  the  Shiloh  is  come,  toxuhom  the  gathering 
of  the  people  should  be ;  and  thus  exhibit  a  wonderful  example 
of  the  truth  of  their  own  prophetic  Scriptures,  and  in  conse- 
quence a  continual  and  increasing  evidence  of  the  divine  autho- 
rity of  ours. 

5.  Further,  Jesus  Christ  foretold  th  tt  he  should  have  a 
Church  and  People,  not  only  by  express  prophecies,  but 
also  by  monuments  or  ordinances  of  perpetual  observance, 
instituted  by  him  for  his  church,  and  which,  as  we  have 
already  seen,1  subsist  to  the  present  day.  He  commanded 
his  apostles  to  go  and  teach  all  nations;  and  accordingly 
they  went  forth,  after  his  ascension,  and  preached  the  Gospel 

«  The  sixth  and  seventh  book  of  Josephus's  History  of  the  Jewish  War 
with  the  Romans,  contain  a  detailed  narrative  o!"  the  events,  which  were 
predicted  by  Jesus  Christ  in  afcic  teords. 

»  Ammian.  Marcell.  Hist.  lib.  xxiii.  c.  i.  torn.  i.  p.  332.  edit.  Bipont. 

»  Decline  and  Fall,  vol.  iv.  p.  108.  Up.  Warburton  has  fully  examined,  and 
vindicated,  the  history  of  the  event  above  noticed,  in  his  treatise  entitled 
"Julian  ;  or,  a  Discourse  concerning  the  Earthquake  and  fiery  Eruption, 
which  defeated  that  Emperor's  Attempt  to  rebuild  the  Temple  at  Jerusa- 
lem," in  the  eighth  volume  of  the  8vo.  edition  of  his  works. 
See  pp.  07.  Bupi  a 


when,  with  grea  '    Lord  working  with  litem 

and  confirming  the  words  with  signs  or  miracles  following. 

Both  sacred  and  profane  historians  bear  testimony  to  the  rapid 
propagation  of  the  Gospel,  after  the  death  of  its  author.  In  a 
few  days  after  the  ascension,  there  were  at  Jerusalem  about  one 
hundred  and  twenty  disciples  (Acts  i.  15.):  on  the  day  of  Pen- 
tecost, which  was  ten  days  afterwards,  there  were  added  to  them 
about  tubes  thousand  souls  (ii.  41.);  and  soon  after  the 
number  cf  the  men  was  about  Jive  thousand  (iv.  4.):  after  this 
we  are  told  that  multitudes  of  believei's,  both  men  and  women, 
were  added  to  the  Lord  ;  that  the  number  of  the  disciples  were 
multiplied  in  Jer  atly,  and  that   a  great  company  of 

priests  were  obedient  io  the  faith,  (v.  and  vi.)  This  rapid  dif- 
fusion of  Christianity  among  the  Jews  was  accomplished  within 
the  short  space  of  two  years  after  the  ascension.  In  the  course 
of  the  seven  following  years,  the  Gospel  was  preached  to  the 
Gentiles  in  Cffisarea;  and,  a  year  after  this,  a  great  number  of 
them  was  converted  at  Antioch.  The  words  of  the  historian 
are — A  cheat  number  believed  and  turned  to  the  Lord;— 
much  people  was  added  to  the  Lord ; — and,  the  apostles  Bar 
nabas  and  Saul  taught  much  people,  (xi.  21.  24.  26.)  On 
the  death  of  Herod  (which  happened  next  year),  the  word  of  God 
grew  and  multiplied  (xii.  24.);  and,  in  the  three  following 
years,  when  Paul  preached  at  Iconium,  a  great  multitude 
both  of  Jews  and  also  of  the  Greeks  believed  (xiv.  1.)  ;  and  he 
afterwards  taught  many  at  Dcrbe,  a  city  of  Iivcaonia.  (21.)  In 
three  years  after  this,  or  in  sixteen  years  after  the  ascension, 
Paul  found  the  Gentile  converts  of  Antioch,  Syria,  and  Cilicia, 
established  in  the  faith,  and  increasing  in  number  daily, 
(xvi.  5.)  In  Thessalonica,  some  of  the  Jews  believed,  and  of 
the  devout  Greeks  a  great  multitude,  and  of  the  chief  women 
not  a  few.  (xvii.  4.)  At  Berea  many  of  the  Jews  believed; 
also  of  honourable  women  which  were  Greeks,  and  of  men  not 
a  few  (12.):  at  Corinth,  many  hearing,  believed  and  were 
baptized  (xviii.  8.)  ;  and  the  remark  of  the  historian  Luke — 
so  mightily  grew  the  word  of  God  and  prevailed  (xix.  20.) — 
proves  the  success  of  Paul's  preaching  at  Ephesus ;  as  also  does 
the  complaint  of  Demetrius,  that  throughout  all  Asia  this  Paul 
hath  persuaded  and  turned  away  much  people.  (26.)  At 
Athens  certain  men  clave  unto  him,  and  believed,   (xvii.  34.) 

What  the  evangelical  historian  here  relates  is  further  confirmed 
by  history  to  be  plain  and  undoubted  matter  of  fact:  for  tha 
apostle  Paul  wrote  epistles  to  all  the  saints  at  Home,  to  the 
chinches  at  Corinth,  in  Gulatia,  at  Ephesus,  Colossst,  and 
Thessalonica,  and  to  all  the  saints  at  Philippi,  with  the  bishops 
and  deacons  ;  which  he  neither  would  nor  could  have  done,  if 
there  had  not  been  a  considerable  number  of  Christians  in  all 
these  places.  Further,  he  stationed  Timothy  at  Ephesus,  and 
gave  him  directions  for  the  government  of  the  church  there;  and 
he  left  Titus  in  Crete,  with  a  commission  to  set  in  order  the 
t/iiugs  that  were  -wanting,  and  ordain  elders  in  every  city. 
(Tit.  i.  5.)  Peter  directs  his  epistle  to  the  elect,  scattered 
throughout  Pontics,  Galatia,  Cappadocia,  .dsia,  and  Bithynia. 
(1  Pet.  i.  1,  2.)  In  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Colossians  (i.  6.  23.) 
he  represents  the  Gospel  as  then  already  preached  in  all  the 
world,  and  to  every  creature  which  is  under  heaven.  This  was 
nearly  thirty  years  after  the  ascension  of  Jesus  Christ,  or  about 
the  year  62  of  the  vulgar  asra.  We  also  learn  from  ecclesiastical 
history  that,  soon  after  the  first  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  churches 
were  established,  and  bishops  settled,  in  every  part  of  the  then 
klicfwn  World ;  the  names  of  many  of  whom  are  recorded.  There 
were  also  Christian  writers,5  many  of  whose  works  arc  still  ex- 

s  "It  may  help  to  convey  to  us  some  notion  of  the  extent  and  pr 
.-!  Christianity,  or  rather  of  the  character  and  quality  of  many  eraly  Cnris- 
.«**,«,  of  their  learning  and  their  labours,  to  notice  the  number  of  Christian 
writers  who  flourished  in  these  ages.     Saint  Jerome's  catalogue  contains 
sixty-six  writers  within  the  first,  three  centuries,  and  the  first  six  years  of 
the  fourth ;  and  fifty-Jour  between  that  time  and  his  own,  viz.  a.  d.  392 
Jerome  introduces  his  catalogue  with  the  following  just  remonstrai 
'Let  those,  who  say  the  church  has  had  no  philosophers,  nor  eloquent  and 
learned  men,  observe  who  and  what  they  were  who  founded 
and  adorned  it :  let  them  cease  to  accuse  our  faith  of  rusticity,  and  confess 
their  mistake.'  (Jer.  Prol.  in  Lib.  de  Sacr.  Eccl.)  Of  these  writers  several, 
as  Justin,  Irenseus,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Tertullian,  Origen,  Bardi 
HippolitiH,  liusebius,  were  voluminous  writers.  Christian  writers  ah 
ed  particularly  about  the  year  178.     Alexander,   bishop  ol  Jen 
founded  a  library  in  that  city,  a.  d.  212.     Paniphilus,  the  friend  of  Origen, 
founded  a  library  at  Csesarea,  a.  d.  294.     Public  defences  wire 
forth  by  various  advocates  of  the  religion,  in  the  course  ol  the  first  three 
centuries.     Within  one  hundred  years  after  Christ's  ascension,  Quad 
and  Aristides,  whose  works,  except  some  few  fragments  ol  the  first,  are 
lost;  and  about  twenty  years  afterwards,   '  lartyr,  whose  works  re 

main,  presented  apologies  for  the  Chnstn  to  Hie  Roman 

rors;  Quadratus  and  Aristides  to  Adrian  hi  itin  to  Antoninus  Pi^s.  and  a 
second  to  Marcus  Antoninus.  Melito,  bishop  of  Sardis,  and  Apollinaiis, 
bishop  of  Hierapolis,  and  Miltiades,  men  of  great  reputation,  did  the  same 
to  Marcus  Antoninus,  twenty  years  afterwards  (Euseb.  I'ist.  lib.  iv.  c-  2G 


Sect.  III.] 


A  PROOF  OF  THEIR  INSPIRATION. 


131 


(ant,  in   all   parts  of  the  world,  as  ;it  Antioch,  Smyrna,  Sardis, 

■.,  Athens,  Corinth,  Alexandria,  Carthage,  Borne,  and  in 
Gaul;  and  who  have  already  furnished  ns  with  striking  testimo- 
nies to  the  genuineness  and  authenticity  of  the  Christian  Scrip- 
tures 

In  considering  the  testimonies  above  cited  from  the  historian 
Luke,  it  ia  worthy  of  remark,  lhal  his  account  is  a  verj  incom- 
plete narrative  of  the  propagation  of  Christianity;  a  very  small 
pari  of  it  onlj  being  appropriated  t"  the  history  of  the  twelve 
apostles,  more  particularly  of  Peter,  and  the  remainder  (forming 
about  two-thinls  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles)  being  occupied  with 
the  relation  of  Paul's  conversion  and  apostolic  labours: — not  to 
mention  that,  in  this  history,  large  portions  of  time  are  passed 
over  with  a  very  slight  notice.  If,  therefore,  what  we  read  in  the 
Arts  of  the  Apostles  be  true,  much  more  than  is  contained  in 

,;  torj  must  be  true  also.  We  are,  moreover,  indebted  for 
the  information,  which  it  presents  to  us  respecting  the  spread  of 
the  GospeL  more  to  incident  or  occasion  than  to  any  design  in 
the  historian  to  magnify  the  number  or  rank  of  the  converts. 

.  Luke  is  totally  silent  concerning  some  of  the  apostles,  as 
well  us  the  Dumber  of  converts  to  the  Christian  name  and  faith, 
at  Philippi,  d'alatia,  and  other  places  and  countries;  nor  is  it 
likely  that  we  should  have  known  any  thing  of  the  number  in 
many  places,  hail  not  incidents  occurred,  which  made  it  neces- 

ir  the  historian  to  mention  them.1 

Besides  the  intimations  contained  in  the  New  Testament 
respecting  the  progress  of  Christianity,  its  wonderful  and 
Bpeedy  propagation  throughout  the  world  is  attested  by  the 

joint  consent  of  contemporary  pagan  and  of  Christian  writers. 
Thus,  the  historian  Tacitus,  speaking  of  the  persecutions  by 
Nero,  a.  ii.  65,  says,  that  this  pestilent  superstition  (so  he  terms 
the  Christian  religion)  spread  itself  not  only  through  Judaea,  but 
even  in  the  city  of  Rome,  and  that  a  vast  multitude  of  Christians 
was  seized  and  put  to  death  by  the  emperor.  Here  then  is  a 
most  incontestable  proof  of  the  wonderful  propagation  of  Chris- 
tianity. In  the  time  of  Nero,  scarcely  more  than  thirty  years 
from  the  first  publication  of  the  Gospel  at  Jerusalem,  there  was 
not  only  a  vast  multitude  at  Rome,  who  embraced  the  Chris- 
tian religion,  but  also  a  large  number  of  Christians  who  were 
arraigned  and  condemned  to  death  for  the  profession  of  their 
faith.  But  most  strong  is  the  testimony  of  the  younger  Plixt 
in  his  epistle  to  the  emperor  Trajan,  a.  n.  107,  from  which  we 
learn  that,  during  his  proconsulate  in  Pontus  and  Bithynia,  the 
Ch  -tans  abounded  in  those  provinces;  that  informations  had 
lodged  against  many  on  this  account;  and  that  he  had 
made  diligent  inquiry,  even  by  torture,  into  the  nature  of  the 
charge  against  them,  hut  could  not  discover  any  crime  of  which 
they  were  guilty,  besides  (what  he  terms)  an  evil  and  excessive 
superstition.  He  adds,  that  he  thought  it  necessary,  on  this 
occasion,  to  consult  the  emperor,  "  especially  on  account  of  the 
(iiii:iT  MMiiKii  of  persons,  who  are  in  danger  of  suffering: 
for  main/,  of  all  ages  and  of  ever;/  rank,  of  both  sexes,  are 
accused  and  will  be  accused;  nor  has  the  contagion  of  this 
superstition  seizeil  cities  on/it,  hut  the  lesser  towns  also,  and 
the  open  country."  And  he  further  intimates  that  the  temples 
had  been  almost  deserted,  the  sacred  solemnities  discontinued, 
and  that  the  victims  had  met  with  but  few  purchasers.3  Thus 
mightily  grew  the  word  of  God  and  prevailed  in  a  province 
far  distant  from  Judaea,  within  seventy  years  after  its  first  pro- 
mulgation. 

The  Christian  Fathers  attest  the  same  rapid  and  exti  n- 
sive  progress  of  the  Gospel. 

Clement,  the  fellow-labourer  of  Paul  (Phil.  iv.  3.),  testifies 

drier,  vol.  ii.  p.  666);  and  ten  rears  after  this,  apollonius,  who 
n  under  the  emperor  Commodus,  composed  an 
faith,  which  he  read  in  the  senate,  and  which  was  afterwards  pub- 
lished. (Lardner,  vol.  ii.  p.  i  '  en  years  after  the  ap 

Tertullian  addressed  the  work,  which  now  remains  under  that  name, 
io  iii.>  governors  of  pro\  inces  In  the  Roman  empire ;  an. I  about  the  same 
lime.  Minucius  Felix  composed  a  defence  of  the  f'hns  i  in  religion,  which 
is  still  oxranl  :  and  shortly  after  the  conclusion  of  this  century,  copii 
■    iristianity  were  published  by  Arno  P 

Evidences,  vol.  ii.  pp.  231. 

1  The  incidents  above  alluded  to  are,  "the  murmuring  of  the  Grecian 
converts;  the  rest  from  persecution;  Herod's  death ;  the  sending  of  Bar- 
nabas to  Antioch,  ami  Barnabas  calling  Paul  to  his  assistance  ;  Paul  coming 
to  a  place,  and  finding  there  disciples  ;  the  clamour  of  the  .lews ;  the  com- 
plaint of  artificers  interested  in  the  support  of  the  popular  religion:  the 
reason  assigned  to  induce  Paul  to  aive  satisfaction  to  the  Christians  of  Jeru- 
salem. Had  it  not  been  for  these  occasions,  it  is  probable  that  no  notice 
whatever  would  have  been  taken  of  rhe  number  of  converts,  in  several  of 
the  passages  in  which  that  notice  now  appears.  All  this  tends  to  remove 
the  suspicion  of  a  design  to  exaggerate  or  deceive."  Paley's  Evidences, 
vol  i.  p.  214. 

»  See  the  testimonies  of  Tacitus  and  Pliny  at  length,  pp.  S2. 
supra. 


that  this  apostle  preached  "both  in  the  east  and  west,  taught 
the  wiioi.K  would  righteousness,  and  travelled  to  the  utmost 
parts  of  the  -west"  Justih  Mautyk,  who  nourished  in  the 
second  centurj  (a.  n.  140,  about  thirty  years  alter  the  dale  of 
Pliny's  letter),  says,  that  in  his  time  utherev>as  no  fast  oj 

mankind,  wheilier  Jiarbariuit:;  or  Greeks,  among  whom  pi ayert 
and  thanksgivings  are  not  offered  up  to  the  Creator  of  the 
■world,  through  the  name  of  the  crucified  Jesus"*  IkknjBus, 
who  later  in  the  same  century  (a.  ii.  170)  was  bishop  of  Lyons 
in  Caul,  assures  u>  that  •'  the  Qospel  was  preached  THBOUOHOUT 
TBI  WHOLE  woiii.n,  (o  the  extreme  parts  of  the  earth,  by  the 
.  and  ih<-ir  disciples  ;■■  and  that,  in  his  time,  there  were 
churches  founded  in.  Germany,  .Spain,  Caul,  and  in  the  East, 
Egypt,  and  Lybia."  Aftei  fifty  sears  ( ».  n.  190)  Tsbtux- 
i.ian,  another  Christian  latin  r,  appeals  to  the  Roman  governors, 
saying—"  We  were  but  of  yesterday,  and  we  have  filled  your 
cities,  islands,  towns,  and  burghs;  the  camp,  the  senate,  and  the 
forum; — every  sex,  age,  rank,  and  condition  are  converts  to 
Christianity."'  Thirty  years  farther  down,  Obiseh  (a.  d.  220) 
represents  Christianity  as  now  triumphant.  "By  the  good  pro- 
vidence of  God,"  Bays  he,  "the  Christian  religion  basso  nou- 
rished and  increased,  continually,  that  it  is  now  preached  freely 
and  without  molestation,  although  there  were  a  thousand 
cles  to  the  - 1  if  the  doctrines  of  Jesus  in  the  world. "k 

About  eight)  years  alter  this,  \.  -,i.  306,  Christianity,  undei 
Constaniine.  became  the  established  religion  of  the  Roman  em- 
pire.9 

The  Character  in  which  the  Christian  faith 

first  pro  Is  n  distinct  consideration. 

It  was  not  a  barbarous  and  uncivilized  period,  but  was  re- 
markable for  those  improvements  by  which  the  human  faculties 
were  strengthened.  In  most  countries  knowledge  was  diffused 
further  and  more  universally  than  it  had  been  at  any  former 
time:  there  never  was  a  more  learned,  more  philosophical,  oi 
more  discerning  age,  than  that  in  which  the  Christian  religion 
was  proposed  to  mankind;  and  when,  from  the  profound  peace 
which  the  world  enjoyed  under  the  Roman  government,  an  easy 
communication  subsisted  between  all  countries,  so  that  wise  men 
could  not  only  judge  of  such  extraordinary  events  as  had  hap- 
pened, hut  could  also  freely  impart  to  one  another  their  senti- 
ments concerning  them.  Now,  in  such  an  enlightened  age  as 
this  was,  if  the  facts  and  doctrines  preached  by  the  aposth 
been  false,  they  would  instantly  have  been  discerned  to  be  so; 
and  the  confutation  of  them  would  have  quickly  passed  from  one 
country  to  another,  to  the  utter  confusion  of  the  persons  who 
had  endeavoured  to  propagate  the  belief  of  them.  The  genera- 
lity of  the  first  converts,  it  is  true,  were  men  in  the  middle  and 
lower  stations  of  I  in  these,  in  an  age  of  such 

ledge  and  intercourse,  wore  sufficiently  secured  against  false 
pretensions  of  any  kind.  Indeed,  supposing  even  that  theii 
minds  were  but  imperfectly  imbued  with  knowledge,  their  at- 
tachment to  their  first  religious  notions  would  he  strong  it; 
portion  lo  their  ignorance,  and  no  argument  would  lie  sufficient 
to  induce  persons  of  this  character  and  rank  to  change  then 
principles  but  evident  miracles.  Wherefore,  this  class  of  pc 
being  converted  in  such  numbers,  and  so  early,  is  an  absolute 
demonstration  that  many  and  great  miracles  were  every  where 
wrought  by  the  first  preachers  of  the  GospeL  Hut  the  first  con- 
verts to  Christianity  were  not  confined  to  the  middle  and  lower 
ranks  of  life  i  even  in  the  earliest  age,  we  find  among  them  men 
of  character,  rank,  learning,  and  judgment,  whose  offices  and 
stations  rendered  them  conspicuous;  courtiers,  statesmen,  chief 
priests  and  rul  governors  of  cities,  proconsuls,  consuls,  and 
heathen  philosophers;"1  many  of  whom  wrote  learned  and  able 
apologies  for  the  Christian  faith,  which  are  still  extant.     I: 

,   time,  it  was  not  a  single  distinguished  person,  in   this 
city,  or  in  that  nation,  who  obeyed  the  Gospel ;  but  vastmul'i' 
of  the  noble,  the  learned,  the  wise,  and  the  mighty,  as  well  as 

nth.  96. 

«  Justin.  Dial,  cum  Trvphone,  p.  315, 

.  Uteres,  lib.  i.  c.  2.  •  Ibid.  c.  4. 

i  Apol.  •  In  Cels.  lib.  i. 

»  For  a  tnli  view  of  the  universal  and  rapid  propagation  of  Christianity 
with  the  \, :nuus  testimonies  of  Christian,  and  especially  of  pagan,  authors, 
see  M.  Vernet's  elaborate  Traite  de  la  Veritc  de  la  Religion  Chrctienne. 
tomes  viii.  ix.  x.  ?-ee  also  Dr.  Benson's  History  of  the  Propagation  of 
Christianity. 

>o  Ariiobius,  who  nourished  in  the  former  part  of  the  third  century. 
urgingtlo-  triumphant  efficacy  of  the  I  " 

not  believe  it.  when  he  sees  in  how  short  a  time  it  lias  conquered  so  greal 
apartof  the  wort!;  when  men  of  •  rstanding,  orators,  gram- 

marians, rhetoricians,  lawyers,  i  '»'  philosophers,  have  re- 

nounced their  former  sentiments,  and  have  embraced  the  doctrines  of  the 
Gospel  V    Adv.  Gentes,  lib.  ii.  d.  ?1 


132 


PROPHECIES  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES, 


[Chap.  IV 


>thers,  in  every  country  (though  they  could  have  no  temptation 
ur  inducement  whatever  to  forsake  the  religions  in  which  they 
Lad  been  educated),  voluntarily  embraced  Christianity,  and  wor- 
shipped Jesus  Christ  as  God,  constrained  by  the  irresistible  force 
of  truth  in  the  evidences  of  the  Gospel. 

A  circumst  n.-  thnl  adds  weight  to  the  preceding  facts, 
ind  which  therefore  deserves  particular  attention,  is,  that  the 
jtrofessum  of  (  h  ■•'  <<"  ty  wax  followed  by  no  worldly  advantage, 
that  could  induce  men  to  renounce  their  native  religions,  and 
embrace  a  form  of  worship  so  different  from  every  thing  that 
was  then  practised. 

On  the  contrary,  those  who  renounced  heathenism  not  only 
denied  themselves  many  gratifications  in  which  their  respective 
religions  had  formerly  indulged  them,  but  also  voluntarily  sub- 
jected themselves  to  a  rigid  and  severe  course  of  life,  widely  dif- 
ferent from  that  to  which  they  had  been  accustomed,  and  to  the 
forfeiture  of  the  favour  of  their  families  and  friends,  as  well  as  ex- 
posed themselves  to  the  loss  of  honour,  fame,  and  fortune,  yea, 
even  to  the  most  excruciating  and  terrible  sufferings.  By  the 
magistrates  they  were  subjected  to  heavy  fines,  their  property  was 
confiscated,  and  they  were  made  to  suffer  a  variety  of  ignominious 
punishments,  which  to  generous  minds  are  more  grievous  than 
death  itself.  They  were  imprisoned  and  proscribed ;  they  were 
banished ;  they  were  condemned  to  work  in  the  mines ;  they 
were  thrown  to  be  devoured  by  wild  beasts,  or  made  to  fight  with 
them  in  the  theatres  for  the  diversion  of  the  people  ;  they  were  put 
to  the  torture  ;  they  were  placed  in  redhot  iron  chairs ;  they  were 
crucified,  impaled,  burnt  alive  ;  in  short,  they  were  subjected  to 
all  the  torments  which  cruelty  and  barbarity,  refined  and  inflamed 
by  revenge,  could  invent;  torments,  the  bare  mention  of  which 
excites  horror  in  the  human  mind.1  Now,  as  all  these  things  are 
most  repugnant  to  human  nature,  it  follows  that  whatever  was 
the  cause  of  them  would  be  received  with  the  utmost  reluctance 
and  difficulty.  Nothing  therefore  but  evidence,  the  most  con- 
vincing and  resistless,  could  make  men,  in  such  circumstances, 
acknowledge  th  •  truth  of  the  Gospel  history,  and  receive  a  reli- 
gion founded  thereon,  which  plunged  them  into  such  certain  and 
terrible  misfortunes.  The  blood  of  the  martyrs  became  the  seed 
of  the  church  :  their  constancy  under  the  tortures  to  which  they 
were  exposed  excited  the  attention  of  many  distinguished  philo- 
sophers,'- and  made  them  inquisitive  into  the  nature  of  that  re- 
ligion, which  c  >ul  !  ndue  the  mind  with  so  much  strength,  and 
overcome  the  fear  ol  death,  nay,  even  raise  an  earnest  desire  of 
it,  though  it  appeared  in  all  its  terrors.  This,  they  found,  had  not 
been  effected  by  all  the  doctrines  of  those  philosophers,  whose 
writings  they  had  carefully  studied,  and  who  had  been  labouring 
at  this  great  point.  The  sight  of  these  dying  and  tormented  mar- 
tyrs engaged  them  to  search  into  the  history  and  doctrines  of  him 
for  whom  they  had  suffered.  The  more  they  investigated,  the 
more  they  were  convinced  ;  until  their  conviction  grew  so  strong, 
that  they  themselves  embraced  the  same  truths,  and  either  actually 
laid  down  their  lives,  or  were  always  in  readiness  so  to  do,  rather 
than  depart  from  the  faith  and  hope  of  the  Gospel.  To  adopt  the 
declaration  of  one,  whose  hatred  of  Christianity  will  acquit  him 
of  intentional  exaggeration  on  this  point : — "  While  that  great 
body"  (the  Roman  empire)  "  was  invaded  by  open  violence  or 
undermined  by  slow  decay,  a  pure  and  humble  religion  gently 
insinuated  itself  into  the  minds  of  men  ;  grew  up  in  silence  and 
obscurity ;  derived  new  vigour  from  opposition ;  and  finally 
erected  the  triumphant  banner  of  the  cross  on  the  ruins  of  the 
capitol.  Nor  was  the  influence  of  Christianity  confined  to  the 
period  or  to  the  limits  of  the  Roman  empire.  After  a  revolution 
of  thirteen  or  fourteen  centuries,  that  religion  is  still  professed  by 
the  nations  of  Europe,  the  most  distinguished  portion  of  human 
kind  in  arts  and  learning,  as  well  as  in  arms.  By  the  industry 
and  zeal  of  the  Europeans,  it  has  been  widely  diffused  to  the  most 
distant  shores  of  Asia  and  Africa  ;  and  by  means  of  their  colonies 
has  been  firmly  established  from  Cnaada  to  Chili,  in  a  world 
unkno  vn  to  the  ancients.'" 

Th,:  success  of  the  Gospel,  independently  of  its  being  a 
literal  and  most  signal  fulfilment  of  prophecy,  affords  a  most 
striking  proof  of  its  truth  and  divine  origin,  when  we  con- 
sider the  weakness  and  meanness  of  the  instruments  that 
were  employed  in  this  great  work.  "  Destitute  of  all  human 
advantages." protected  by  no  authority,  assisted  by  no  art,  not 
recommended,  by  the  reputation  of  its  author,  not  enforced  by 
eloquence  in  its  advocates,  the  word  of  God  grew  mightily  and 

•  See  an  examination  of  the  difficulties  attendant  on  the  first  propagation 
of  Christianity,  in  the  Appendix,  No.  V.  infra. 

»  Justin  Martyr,  Quadratus,  Aristides,  Athenagoras,  Tertullian,  Lactan- 
titis,  Arnobius,  and  others. 

•  Gibbon's  Decline  in  1  Fall,  vol.  ii.  p.  265. 


prevailed.  Twelve  men,  poor  and  artless,  and  illiterate,  we. 
behold  triumphing  over  the  fiercest  and  most  determined  op- 
position— over  the  tyranny  of  the  magistrate,  and  the  subtle- 
ties of  the  philosopher ;  over  the  prejudices  of  the  Gentile, 
and  the  bigotry  of  the  Jew."  They  offered  violence  to  no 
man ;  they  did  not  go  about  to  compel  any,  by  force,  to  enter- 
tain the  doctrine  which  they  preached,  and  to  enlist  under 
their  banner;  they  were  not  attended  with  legions  of  armed 
men,  to  dispose  men  for  the  reception  of  their  doctrine,  by 
plunder,  by  violence,  by  tortures  ;  neither  did  they  go  about 
to  tempt  and  allure  men  to  their  way  of  thinking  and  acting 
by  the  promises  of  temporal  rewards,  and  by  the  hopes  of 
riches  and  honours  ;  nor  did  they  use  any  artificial  insinua- 
tions of  wit  and  eloquence  to  gain  upon  the  minds  of  men. 
On  the  contrary,  they  utterly  disclaimed,  both  in  word  and 
deed,  all  violent  and  harsh  measures  of  proceeding,  all  force 
and  compulsion  upon  the  human  conscience,  and  all  conver- 
sions made  by  the  terror  of  punishment  or  the  sword.  The 
weapons  of  their  warfare  were  the  purity,  spirituality,  and 
reasonableness  of  the  doctrines  which  they  delivered,  the 
authority  of  the  high  name  by  whose  commission  they 
preached,  and  the  miraculous  works  which  they  were  en- 
abled to  perform  ;  nor  did  they  use  any  other  arms  to  conquer 
the  virulence  of  their  enemies,  and  to  gain  proselytes  to  the 
faith,  except  patience,  meekness,  humility,  submission  to  the 
civil  power  in  all  things  lawful,  and  universal  good  will  to 
mankind.  The  followers  of  Jesus  were  numerous  enough, 
long  before  the  empire  became  Christian,  to  have  attempted 
the  way  of  force,  had  it  been  permitted  to  them ;  and  the  in- 
sults, the  oppressions,  the  persecutions  which  they  suffered, 
from  their  pagan  enemies,  were  enough  to  have  provoked  the 
most  passive  tempers  to  some  acts  of  hostility  and  resistance. 
But  every  one  knows  that  they  had  recourse  to  no  arms,  be- 
sides those  of  the  Spirit ;  they  took  no  advantage  of  distracted 
times,  to  raise  commotions  in  behalf  of  the  new  religion,  or  to 
suppress  the  old  one :  yet  with  meekness,  and  patience,  and 
suffering  ;  by  piety,  by  reason,  by  the  secret  influence  of  the 
divine  blessing  on  these  feeble  efforts,  the  doctrine  of  the 
cross  insensibly  gained  ground,  spread  itself  far  and  wide ; 
and  in  the  end  became  victorious  over  all  the  rage,  and 
power,  and  sophistry  of  an  unbelieving  world.  It  succeeded 
in  a  peculiar  degree,  and  in  a  peculiar  manner :  it  derived 
that  success  from  truth ;  and  obtained  it  under  circumstances 
where  falsehood  must  have  been  detected  and  crushed  :  and 
the  Christian  religion  has  remained  to  this  day  in  full  vigour, 
notwithstanding  its  adversaries  have  every  where  strenuously 
attacked  it  both  with  arguments  and  with  arms.  But  vain 
have  been  the  efforts  of  its  antagonists  :  all  that  they  have 
written  and  said  has  only  contributed  to  elucidate  and  con- 
firm those  parts  of  Scripture,  which  had  not  before  been  fully 
examined.  Driven  from  the  field  by  the  overpowering  weight 
and  evidence  of  facts,  the  insidious  ingenuity  of  the  iafidel 
and  sceptic  has  been  employed  in  the  futile  and  preposterous 
endeavours  of  accounting  for  the  miraculous  success  of 
Christianity  from  causes  merely  human. 

Accordingly,  a  late  eminent  historian  (the  elegance  of 
whose  style  has  conferred  an  alarming  popularity  on  the 
licentiousness  of  his  opinions) — though  he  affects  to  admit 
that  the  propagation  of  the  Gospel  was  owing  to  the  con- 
vincing evidence  of  its  doctrine,  and  to  the  ruling  providence 
of  its  great  Author,  has  assigned  the  reception  of  Christianity 
to  five  causes  ,■  each  cf  which  he  has  represented  as  in  reality 
unconnected  with  any  divine  interposition.  And  as  his  account 
of  the  spread  of  Christianity  has  been  industriously  circu- 
lated, in  a  detached  form,  by  the  enemies  of  divine  revelation, 
a  few  remarks  on  this  historian's  five  causes  may  properly 
claim  a  place  here.  The  causes  in  question  are  as  follow  : — 
"  I.  The  Inflexible  and  Intolerant  Zeal  of  the  first  Christians, 
derived  from  the  Jews,  but  purified  from  the  unsocial  spirit 
which  had  deterred  the  Gentiles  from  embracing  the  law.  II. 
The  Doctrine  of  a  Future  Life,  improved  by  every  additional 
circumstance  which  could  give  weight  and  efficacy  to  that 
important  truth.  III.  The  Miraculous  Powers  ascribed  to 
the  primitive  church.  IV.  The  Pure  and  Austere  Morals  of 
the  first  Christians.  V.  The  Union  and  Discipline  of  the 
Christian  Republic,  which  gradually  formed  an  independent 
and  increasing  state  in  the  heart  of  lhe  Roman  empire."' 
Such  are  the  historian's  five  causes ;  which,  unhappily  for 
his  sagacity,  are  totally  inadequate  to  the  effects  he  supposes 
them  to  have  produced:  for  the)  ..uuld  not  operate  till 
Christianity  had  obtained  a  considerable  establi?  hment  in  the 
world  ;  and  the  fact  is  (as  we  have  already  shown  from  the 

«  Gibbon's  Decline  and  Fall,  vol.  ii.  p.  2G7. 


i 


«F.CT.    III.] 


A  PROOF  OF  THEIR  INSPIRATION*. 


133 


testimonies  of  heathen  as  well  as  of  Christian  writers).1 
that  the  first  and  greatest  miracle,  in  the  propagation  of  Chris- 
tianity, had  been  wrought  befobi  the  causes  assigned  by  him 
could  begin  to  iterate.  "  Wire  it,  indeed,  even  to  be  con- 
ceded, aa  in  reason  it  never  will  be,  that  the  causes  assigned 
ny  .Mr.  Gibbon  tor  the  rapid  extension  of  Christianity  were 
adequate  and  true,  one  difficulty,  Rent  as  it  is.  would  only 
lie  removed  for  the  substitution  of  a  greater.  For,  what  hu- 
man ingenuity,  though  pitied  with  the  utmost  n  ach  of  dis- 
crimination, can  ever  attempl  the  solution  of  the  question, 
how  were  all  these  occull  causes  (for  hidden  they  must  have 
been),  which  the  genius  of  Gibbon  first  discovered,  fori 
their  combination  Known,  and  all  their  wonderful  effects  dis- 
tinctly described  for  many  «  nturies  pnor  to  their  existence, 
or  to  the  commencement  of  the  period  of  their  alleged  opera- 
tion !■"- 

Let  us,  however,  briefly  examine  these  secondary  causes, 
and  B66  if  they  really  are  adequate  to  the  effects  ascribed  to 
them. 

1.  The  first  is  utke  Inflexible  and  Intolerant  Zeal  of  the 
first  <  'Arts/ion*." 

Hut  how  an  inflexible  and  intolerant  zeal,  such  as  condemned 
even  those  practices,  which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  historian, 
"  might  perhaps  have  been  tolerated  as  mere  civil  institutions," 
could  invite  pagans,  amidst  all  their  prejudices,  to  embrace  Chris- 
tianity, does  not  seem  altogether  easy  to  explain.  It  might,  in- 
deed, produce  the  only  effect, which  the  historian  in  the  recapitu- 
lation of  his  argument  might  assign  to  it;  viz.  it  might  supply 
Christians  with  that  "  invincible  valour,"  which  should  keep  them 
firm  to  their  principles,  but  it  could  hardly  be  of  service  in  con- 
verting pagans.  Is  not  then  this  secondary  cause  inadequate  to 
its  declared  effect  ?  But  we  deny  the  fact  that  any  kind  or  any 
degree  of  intolerance  existed  among  the  primitive  Christians ;  on 
the  contrary,  they  experienced  every  possible  kind  of  suffering  and 
torture  from  the  intolerance  of  their  heathen  persecutors.  And, 
as  to  their  zeal,  we  maintain  that  it  did  not  bear  the  slightest 
similitude  to  the  fierceness  and  bigotry  of  the  Jews,  from  whom 
it  is  insinuated  that  they  derived  it.  "  It  was  derived  from  very 
different  causes,  and  aimed  at  far  nobler  ends.  It  was  not  the 
narrow  and  temporal  interests  of  one  nation,  but  the  general  re- 
formation and  the  spiritual  happiness  of  the  -whole  world,  which 
the  teachers  of  Christianity  were  anxious  to  promote.  That  firm- 
ness which  may  be  construed  into  intolerance,  and  that  activity 
which  we  are  content  to  call  by  the  name  of  zeal,  had,  in  the 
usual  course  of  human  allahs,  a  tendency  to  retard  rather  than 
to  facilitate  the  propagation  of  the  Gospel.  The  Christian,  in- 
stead of  Billing  into  the  fashionable  and  popular  intercommunity 
of  worship,  disdained — amid  the  terrors  of  impending  death — to 
throw  incense  on  the  altar  of  Jupiter:  he  boldly  pronounced  the 
whole  system  of  pagan  mythology  imposture;  and  charged  the 
whole  ritual  of  its  external  devotions  with  grovelling  superstition 
and  profane  idolatry." 

2.  To  the  next  secondary  cause  alleged  we  may  certainly 
attribute  more  force  ;  and  the  friends  of  Christianity  will  very 
readily  acknowledge  "  the  Doctrine  of  a  Future  Life"  (de- 
livered as  it  was  with  the  demonstration  of  the  spirit  and  of 
power)  to  have  had  its  share  in  spreading  the  belief  of  it. 

But  the  success,  perhaps,  was  owing  rather  to  this  demonstra- 
tion of  spirit  and  of  power  than  to  the  doctrine  itself,  which  was 
by  no  means  suited  either  to  the  expectations  or  wishes  of  the 
pagan  world  in  general  :  for  it  was  offensive  to  the  Epicureans, 
by  the  punishments  it  denounced  against  the  voluptuous  and  the 
wicked;  and  it  was  not  attractive  to  the  vulgar  by  the  very  re- 
wards which  it  proposed.  The  pride  of  the  philosopher  was 
shocked  by  the  doctrine  of  a  resurrection,  the  mode  of  which  he 
was  unable  to  comprehend  ;  and  the  imaginations  of  other  men 
were  feebly  impressed  by  the  representations  of  B  future  stall', 
which  did  not  hold  out  ihe  serene  sky,  and  the  luxurious  enjoy- 
ments, ofanelysium.  Men.  indeed,  must  have  believed  the  GoS- 
pcl  in  general,  before  they  believed  the  doctrine  of  futurity  on  its 
authority:  they  must  have  been  Christian  believers  before  they 
admitted  that  doctrine  ;  so  that  this  doctrine  could  not  have  been 
a  cause  of  the  propagation  of  Christianity. 

3.  M  The  Miraculous  Powers  ascribed  to  the  primitive  church" 
are  assigned  as  a  third  cause  by  the  historian,  who  proceeds 
in  a  style  of  the  most  contemptuous  and  bitter  derision,  to 
insinuate  that  these  powers  were  never  possessed. 

The  considerations  already  offered  on  the  subject  of  miracles,3 

1  See  pp.  130—131.  supra. 

»  Kei'li's  Evidence  from  Propliecv,  p.  51.  note. 

1  *<■'■  I  p.  51,  SO.  83.  103.  supra. 


to  which  the  reader  is  referred,  prove  that  miraculous  powers 
were  not  merely  ascribed,  but  actually  possessed  by  the  apostles 
and  first  preachers  of  Christianity;  to  which  we  may  add,  that 
neither  Porphyry,  Celsus,  Julian,  nor  any  other  of  its  must  viru- 
lent enemies,  denied,  or  attempted  to  deny,  the  existence  and 
reality  of  those  miracles;  and  Christianity  has  nothing  to  fear 
from  the  improbable  cause  (magic)  to  which  they  ascribed  them. 
Besides,  the  Christian  miracles  were  liable  to  peculiar  difficulties, 
which  obstructed  ttn-ir  reception :  so  that  if  they  had  not  really 
and  indisputably  been  performed,  they  neither  could  nor  would 
have  been  credited.  "The  multitude  of  popular  gods  admitted 
among  the  heathens  did.  by  necessary  consequence,  occasi  »n  such 
a  multitude  of  pretended  miracles,  that  they  insensibly  hat  their 

force,  and  mink-  in  their  esteem.  Though  the  philosophers  in 
general,  and  men  of  reading  and  contemplation,  could   not  hut 

discover  the  grossness  and  absurdity  of  the  civil  religion,  yet  this 
could  have  little  effect  on  the  vulgar  or  themselves : — not  on  tin 
vulgar,  because  it  was  the  business  of  the  wisest  and  most  p 
heads  zealously  to  support  and  encourage  them  in  their  practices 
not  on  themselves,  because  if  they  despised  their  gods,  they  must 
despise  tleir  miracles  too."1      Now,   under  these  circumstances, 
miracles  ascribed  to  the  first  propagators  of  Christianity   must 
have  created    an  immediate   and  stubborn   prejudice  again.it  their 
cause;   and  nothing  could  have  subdued  that  prejudice  but  mira- 
cles  really    and    visibly    performed.     Mr.  Gibbon's  third    ■ 
therefore,  is  as  inadequate  as  the  two  preceding. 

•1.  A  fourth  cause  is  "  (he  I' are  and  Austere  Morals  o 
fir.^l  Christians"  which  he  reduces  to  a  mean  and  timid  re- 
pentance lor  former  sins,  and  to  an  impetuous  zeal  in  support 
ing  the  reputation  of  the  society  in  which  they  were  engi 

"  But  surely  in  the  eyes  of  the  haughty  and  jealous  Romans 
such  repentance  and  such  zeal  must  have  equally  excitt  d  opposi> 
tiou  to  Christianity.     The  first  would   have  provoked  contempt 
among    persons   of  their  daring  self-sufficiency  ;  and  tie- 
would  have  awakened  the  jealousy  of  the  magistrate.    True  it  is. 
that  the  Christians  had  virtues  of  a  nobler  kind.     It  is  also  true 
that    those    virtues  did  ultimately  triumph  over  the  scon;    and 
malice  of  their  foes;  and  it  is  true,  that  a  religion,  producing 
such  elfects  on  its  followers,  and  deriving  success   from   su<  b 
means,  carries  with  it  a  presumptive  proof  of  which   imj 
never  could  boast."  Though  the  historian  ascribes  the  growth  of 
Christianity  to  the  exemplary  virtues  of  its  first  convci  -,  which 
encouraged  others  to  join  their  communion,  he  does  not  account 
for  the  exemplary  virtues  of  the  first  converts  themselves  ;  nor  for 
the  conversion  of  abandoned  heathens  to  the  Gospel  of  Christ, 
and  to  holiness  of  heart  and  in  life.     The   virtues  of  thi 
Christians   arose  from  their  faith,  and  not  their  faith  from  their 
virtues.  Nothing  but  a  conviction  of  its  truth  could  have  is 
its  first  converts  to  repent,  and  to  require  their  proselytes  to 
repent,  as  a  condition  of  salvation. 

5.  The  last  secondary  cause,  mentioned  by  this  writer,  is 
"Mc  Union  and  Discipline  of  tht  Cltrist  an"  church,  or  '•  Jit- 
public,'''  as  he  is  pleased  to  term  it. 

It  must  be  acknowledged  that  union  essentially  contributes  to 
secure  order  and  stability,  and  to  enlarge  the  interests  of  every 
society,  but  it  is  an  incontrovertible  fact,  that  the  Gospel  was 
propagated  (though  perhaps  thinly)  before  its  professors  were 
sufficiently  numerous  to  establish  a  discipline,  or  to  form  them- 
selves into  societies.  And  when  they  increased,  their  divisions 
(for  divisions  early  rent  the  church  of  Christ)  must  have  checked 
its  progress  ;  and  their  strict  discipline  was  more  likely  to  deter 
men  from  their  communion,  than  to  invite  or  allure  them  to  it. 
If  the  Gospel  succeeded,  not  only  amidst  the  furious  assaults  of 
its  enemies,  but  the  no  less  violent  contentions  of  its  friends,  we 
must  .ook  for  its  success  in  some  other  cause  than  those  which 
eptica]  historian  has  assigned,  and  which  the  enemies  of 
Christianity  have  so  industriously  circulated.5  The  universal 
prevalence,  therefore,  of  the  despised  doctrine  of  a  crucified  law- 
giver, against  the  allurements  of  flesh  and  blood,  the  blandish- 
ments of  the  world,  the  writings  of  the  learned,  and  the 
inary  persecutions  of  the  great  and  powerful,  must  ever  be 
regarded  by  every  sincere  and  candid  inquirer  as  an  irrefragable 
argument  that  its  original  was  divine,  and  its  protector  almighty. 

Notwithstanding  the   force  and   variety  of  the  evidence 

«  Weston  on  the  Rejection  of  Christian  Miracles  by  ihe  Heathen,  p.  348. 

»  White's  BainptonLectu  \iA.    Chclsum's  Remark#onMr. 

Gibbon's  Decline  and  Fall  pi  fry  for  Christianity, 

in  a  series  of  letters  to  Mr.  Gibbon,  letters  i.— v.  The  wilful  misrepresen- 
tations ami  blunders  of  li.e  sceptical  historian  are  likewise  exposed  with 
equal  learning  and  elesranc-  in  Mr.  Keifs  Bamplon  Lectures  for  1790,  8vo. 
1792  (2d  edition) ;  and  in  the  lai-  learned  am  R<  v.  J.  Milner's  treatise,  en- 
tided,  ^'Gibbon's  Account  ol  O.-'-iianitv  considered."  bvo.  1808.  (2d  edit > 


REJECTION  OF  THE  GOSPEL  BY  UNBELIEVING  JEWS, 


134 

in  behalf  of  Christianity,  its  opposera  continue  to  object, 
that  they  do  not  see  realized  the  prophecies  and  intimations 
relative  to  the  universality  of  the  Christian  religion ;— that 
ltw.  neater  part  of  the  Jews  in  the  timed 

Christ  and  also  by  the  rreater  part  ol  the  Gentiles;- 

"'  receiw 
that  Christianity  is  known  only  to  a  small  portu 
finally,  that  if  the  Christian  revelation. 
■1  of  the  human  race  would  remain  ignorant  oi  it, 
•  indin<r  would  fail  to  be  convinced  by  it. 
objecti  ifausible;  but,  like  those  already  noticed  in 

>urse  of  this  volume,  they  fall  to  the  ground  as  soon  as 
ire  subjected  to  the  test  of  critical  examination.     That 
the  victorious  propagation  of  the  Gospel  has  not  been,  hither- 
to, so  complete,  as  to  answer  the  promise  of   an  absolute 
sality,  we  readily  acknowledge,  but  are  in  no  pain  for 
rent;1  as  the  same  oracles  which  have  thus  tar  been 
ied  suppose  the  present  condition  of  things;  and,  what 
is  more,  assure  us  of  a  time  to  come,  wlten  the  fulness  of  the 
shall  come  in. 
(1.)   The  rejection  of  the  Gospel  by  the  unbelieving  Jews, 
who  were  contemporary  with  Christ  and  h  s  apostles,  is  no  ar- 

'  against  the  divine  original  of  Christianity. 
~  The  Almighty  never  acts  towards  his  accountable  creatures 
h  a  manner  as  to  farce  their  judgment,  and  irresistibly 
to  influence  their  moral  conduct ;  but  on  the  contrary,  leaves 
iu  all  such  instances  to  the  application  of  their  rational 
.  rs,  and  to  that  freedom  of  will,  which  are  essential  to  a 
right  faith  and  practice.  It  depends  wholly  on  ourselves,  on 
the  affections  of  the  heart,  rather  than  on  the  acuteness  of  the 
understanding,  whether  we  will  seriously  and  earnestly  ad- 
vert  to  the  ovidence,  which  is  offered  in  proof  of  religious 
truth,  and  candidly  give  it  a  fair,  honest,  and  impartial  exami- 
nation. To  argue,  therefore,  either  for  the  credibility,  or 
hood,  of  any  point  of  history  or  doctrine,  merely  from 
imbers  who  receive  or  reject  it,  is  a  very  fallacious  way 
of  informing  the  judgment ;  and  he  must  be  very  little  ac- 
quainted with  the  usual  course  of  the  world,  who  has  not 
tound  by  his  own  experience,  that,  as  there  are  some  men 
capable  of  believing  the  grossest  absurdities,  so  there  are 
others  equally  notorious  for  questioning,  denying,  and  oppos- 
ing the  plainest  truths.  If,  therefore,  in  the  case,  before  us, 
we  consider  the  circumstances  and  prejudices  of  the  Jews, 
during  the  time  of  Christ,  we  shall  be  able  to  account  most 
satisfactorily  for  their  infidelity  then,  as  well  as  for  their 
continuance  to  the  present  day  in  rejecting  him  as  the  Mes- 
siah ;  and  shall  further  derive  additional  evidence  to  the  truth 
of  the  Gospel.  It  is  certain  that  great  numbers^  of  Jews  and 
devout  proselytes  were  converted  at  first  to  Christianity  ;2 
which  plainly  showed  that  it  was  not  destitute  of  proof  or 
truth,  and  that  it  was  not  rejected  for  want  of  evidence,  but 
for  some  other  reasons,  which  it  is  not  difficult  to  assign. 

One  '.neat  and  general  cause,  to  which  the  infidelity  of  the 
Jews  is  to  be  ascribed,  is  their  wickedness  ,■  which  certainly 
cause  sufficient  to  produce  such  an  effect.  If  a  man  be 
vicious,  he  is  disposed  to  reject  evident  truths,  and  to  em- 
brace ridiculous  opinions.  That  vice  weakens  the  under- 
standing, infatuates  the  judgment,  and  hinders  it  from 
discerning  between  truth  and  falsehood,  especially  in  matters 
of  morality  and  re  igion,  is  a  truth  not  more  constantly 
affirmed  in  tin-  Scriptures  than  confirmed  by  reason  and  ex- 
perience. How  wicked  the  Jews  were,  is  evident  from  many 
passages  of  the  New  Testament;1  and  .Tosephus,  their  own 
historian  and  a  priest  of  Jerusalem,  informs  us  of  the  enor- 
mous villanies  practised  by  them.  "It  is,"  says  he,  "im- 
possible to  give  a  particular  account  of  all  then  iniquities. 
Thus  much,  in  general,  it  may  suffice  to  say,  that  there  never 
was  a  city  which  suffered  such  miseries,  or  a  race  of  men 
from  the  beginning  of  she  world  who  so  abounded  in  wicked- 
ness.''   "I  verily  believe  that  if  the  Romans  had  de- 
layed to  destroy  these  wicked  wretches,  the  city  would  have 
either  been  swallowed  up  by  an  earthquake,  or  overwhelmed 
hy  the  waters,  or  struck  with  fire  from  heaven  like  another 
Sodom;  for  it  produced  a  far  more  impious  generation  than 
those  who  suffered  such  punishment."'  Can  it  then  be  a 
matter- of  astonishment,  that  the  Gospel  should  meet  with 

"The  vision  is  yel    •  "   <■?  ippoinlcd  ti ,  but  at  the  end  it  sliaU  speak 

;  ireiy  como,  il  will 

Hab      .Mil.  .1. 
tne  proofs  ol  this  fact,  supra,  |>.  !30. 
»  See  an  account  "I  the  extreme  corruption  of  the  Jewish  people,  infra, 
vol.  ii.  part  iii.  cliap  vi.  sect.  lii. 

i  Josephus,  De  Bell.  Jul.  lib.  v.  c.  11.  §5.  and  c.  13.5  0.  The  wl...],.  of  his 
fourth,  fifth,  and  sixth  books  abound  with  instances  of  the  consummate 
depravity  and  desperate  wickedness  of  the  Jews 


[Chap.  IV 


no  better  reception  amongst  such  monsters  of  iniquity  1  How 
could  the  voluptuous  Sauducee  digest  the  doctrines  of  morti- 
fication and  self-denial,  of  taking  up  his  cross,  and  following- 
the  Captain  of  his  salvation  through  sufferings'?  How  could 
rid  haughty  Pharisee  condescend  to  be  meek  and 
lowly,  and  worshipping  God  in  irn  to 

worship  him  ia  spirit  and  in  truth  ?  What  methods  could  lie 
taken  to  win  those  who  were  resolved  to  quarrel  with  every 
one  1  What  reason  could  prevail  on  them  who  were  nevei 
disposed  to  hear  reason,  who  were  always  cloudy  and  sullen, 
seh-willed  and  obstinate,  and  "exceedingly  mad"  against 
those  who  differed  from  them'?  What  more  could  be  done 
for  them  who  had  withstood  the  last,  the  utmost  means  of 
conviction,  and  had  rendered  themselves  incapable  of  mercy, 
by  blasphemy  against  the  Holy  Spirit  of  God,  by  ascribing 
to  the  power  of  the  devil  those  miracles  which  had  manifest- 
ly been  wrought  by  the  power  of  God  1  No  man,  said  Jesus 
Christ,  can  come  unto  me  except  the  Father,  tvhich  has  sent  me, 
draw  hi  in.  (John  vi.  44.)  No  man  can  embrace  the  Christian 
religion  without  the  help  of  divine  grace  (which  neither 
forces  the  mind,  nor  controls  the  moral  liberty  of  man)  ;  and 
divine  grace  is  justly  withheld  from  those  who  have  made 
themselves  unworthy  of  it.  In  short,  a  judicial  infatuation 
seized  the  Jews.  God  left  them  to  that  blindness  and  hard- 
ness of  heart,  which  they  by  their  sins  had  brought  upon 
themselves ;  so  that  they  could  not  see  ivith  their  eyes,  and  un- 
derstand with  their  hearts,  and  be  converted  and  healed.  (John 
xii.  40.) 

A  still  more  evident  cause  of  the  rejection  of  Jesus  Christ 
by  the  Jews  is  to  be  found  in  their  strong  prejudice,  and  ad- 
herence to  former  opinions  and  practices  :  by  which  their 
understandino-s  were  blinded  and  unable  to  see  the  evidence 
produced,  'Ihey  were  offended  at  the  meanness  of  his  life 
and  the.  ignominy  of  his  death.  The  prophets  had  employed 
the  loftiest  images  to  set  forth  the  glories  of  the  Messiah  ; 
and  in  describing  his  spiritual  kingdom,  had  borrowed  their 
metaphors  from  earthly  kingdoms.  What  was  thus  figura- 
tively spoken,  the  Jews  had  expounded  literally  ;  and  these 
traditionary  expositions,  being  transmitted  from  generation 
to  generation,  produced  in  the  Jews  a  notion  of  a  mighty 
temporal  prince ;  a  notion  highly  gratifying  to  a  people 
whose  affairs  were  on  the  decline,  and  whose  polity  seemed 
to  be  tending  towards  dissolution.  Impressed  with  this  ex- 
pectation, the  Jews  woidd  not  recognise  the  Messiah  in  Jesus 
Christ ;  they  looked  for  a  prince  of  they  knew  not  what  high 
extraction  ;  but,  with  respect  to  Jesus,  they  took  it  for  grant- 
ed that  he  was  the  carpenter's  son.  Having  learned  from 
their  prophets  that  Bethlehem  was  to  be  the  place  of  the 
Messiah's  nativity,  because  Jesus  resided  at  Nazareth,  they 
hastily  concluded,  that  he  was  born  there,  and  that  no  good 
thing  could  come  out  of  Galilee.  They  were  pleasing  them- 
selves with  gaudy  dreams  of  greatness,  with  the  prospect  of 
conquest,  and  empire  ;  but  he  declared  that  his  kingdom  was 
not  of  this  world,  and  accordingly  he  taught  them, — not  how 
to  shake  off  the  hated  Roman  yoke,  but  how  to  liberate 
thf  mselves  from  the  greater  yoke  and  tyranny  of  sin  ; — no 
how  to  triumph  over  foreign  enemies,  but  how  to  subdue 
their  domestic  adversaries,  their  lusts  and  vices.  They  hoped 
to  enjoy  certain  rights  and  privileges  above  the  rest  of  man- 
kind ;  but  Christ  came  to  break  down  the  wall  of  partition, 
and  to  unite  both  Jews  and  Gentiles  as  one  body,  under  one 
head.  They  expected  to  become  lords  of  the  nations,  and  to 
have  Jerusalem  for  their  seat  of  empire  ;  and  were  shocked 
to  hear  that  their  city  and  temple  would  be  destroyed,  and 
that  all  who  will  live  godly  in  Christ  Jesus  ■must  suffer  persecu- 
t,on. — We  know  also  that,  about  the  time  of  Christ,  there 
arose  many  false  Messiahs  and  false  prophets,  who  drew 
away  much  people  after  them.  And  even  those  persons,  who 
were  too  wise  to  lend  an  ear  to  these  impostors,  would  yet 
many  of  them  become  unreasonably  suspicious,  and  mislead 
themselves  for  very  fear  of  being  misled  by  others.  Seeing 
so  many  impostors  abroad,  they  would  be  apt  to  regard  at. 
men  as  impostors,  and  reject  the  true  Messiah  among  so 
many  false  ones.  At  length,  when  they  saw  him  put  to  an 
ignominious  death,  that  very  thing  was  sufficient  to  cancel  all 
his  miracles,  and  to  convince  them  that  he  could  not  be  their 
Messiah,  little  considering  that  he  was  the  Lamb  of  God, 
I  li'il  was  thus  to  tithe  away  the  si  as  if  the  world. 

Besides  the  preceding  prejudices,  which  were  common  to 
the  Jewish  nation  collectively,  the  chief  priests,  scribes,  and 
Pharisees,  had  particular  motive-:  f  .  rejecting  the  Gospel. 
They  hated  Christ,  because  he  had  reproved  and  openly  ex- 
posed their  pride,  their  hypocrisy,  their  uncharitableness 
their  covetousness,  their  zeal  for  traditions ;  and  their  ha 


.-     .  I1I.J 


NO  JUST  GROUND  OF  OBJECTIO.V 


135 


inst  him  disposed  them  to  think  ill  of  him, 
i  all  ill  offices.     W  e  di  r  \\  hen  v 

.     !i  pposing and  calumniating  him, if 

idi  r  that  they  wi  re  a  .  f  urn,  and  that 

I  publicl)  and  m  quently  reproved  i! 
v  incensed  against  him,  and  in  which 

made  of  him,  they  were  directed  bj  their  pi 

Nor  il'nl  anger  and  resentment  onlyfi 
with  prejudices  against  Christ,  but  Belf-interesl  also 
orldly  policy.    The  people  who  had  seen  the  mil 
of  Christ,  particularly  that  miracle  by  which  he  bad 
groal  multitude,  had  at  one  time,  at  St.  John  relates,  a  de- 
to  make  him  th<  ir  king,  o  including,  re  isonably  enough, 
Ui;it  under  such  a  leader  thi  ■    Then  - 

fore  <  !hri  it,  if  he  had  been  a  deceiver, 
ambitious  designs,  might  easily  have  made  himself  ai 

ttighl  have  incited  the  people  to  shake  off  the  Roman 
.  whirli  was  grievous  to  them. 
The  chief  priests  and  principal  persons  among  the  Jews 
.  thai  if  Christ  should   make  such  an  attempt  they 
d        ruined,  whatsoever  the  consequences  of  it  were. 
It'  the  Jews  under  his  conduct  should  endeavour  to  recover 
liberties,  and  fail  in  it,  they  knew  that  the  nation  would 
.iM'.'lv  punished  by  the  Romans.     Nor  was  their  pros- 
bad,  if  Christ  should  deliver  the  people  from  their 
subjection  to  a  foreign  power,  and  rule  over  them  himself; 
i  they  hatea  the  Romans,  yel  doubtless  they  thought 
I  'hrist  would  be  a  worse  ruler  for  them  than  any  Roman 
V  knew  that  he  had  a  had  opinion  of  them, 

ed  their  vices  ;  and  therefore  the\ 
establishment  of  his  authority  would  be  the 
ruin  of  theirs.    Thus  they  were  incited  not  only  by  resent- 
ment, but,  as  they  fancied,  by  interest,  to  deny  that  Christ 
the   Messiah,  to  oppose  him,  and  to  destroy  him ;  for 
th(  y  were  persuaded  that  the  Messiah  should  he  a  tem- 
poral  king,  they  could  not  acknowledge  Christ  to  be  the 
Mi      iah,  i  all  iss  at  the  same  time  they  owned  him  to  be  their 

They  succeeded  in  their  endeavour^,  they  stirred  up  the 
people,  they  intimidated  the  governor,  they  prevailed  to  have 
<  'hrist  crucified,  and  by  his  death  they  thought  themselves 
at  last  secure  from  all  these  evils.  But  he  arose  again,  and 
his  disciples  appeared  openly  in  Jerusalem,  working  miracles, 
and  teaching  mat  Jesus  was  the  Messiah.  One  would  at 
first  think  that  no  man  could  withstand  such  evidence  ;  but 
we  shall  not  so  much  wonder  at  their  obstinacy,  if  we  ob- 
serve that  their  fears,  and,  as  they  thought,  their  interests, 
led  them  again  to  oppose  the  truth.  They  considered  that 
they  were  the  persons  who  had  n  presented  Christ  as  a  man 
who  had  lost  his  senses,  a  di  moniac,  an  impostor,  a  ma- 
gician, a  violator  of  the  law,  a  seditious  teacher,  a  rebel, 
aemy  to  Caesar,  and  a  false  Messiah  ;  who  had  instigated 
the  people,  and  who  had  persuaded  Pilate  to  crucify  him; 
they  heard  that  the  apostles  wrought  miracles  in  the  name 
of  Christ,  and  they  concluded  that,  if  the  apostles  were  per- 
mitted to  proceed  in  this  manner,  they  would  convert  a  great 
part  of  the  .lews;  and  they  feared  that,  if  the  doctrines 
taught  by  Christ's  disciples  were  received,  they  who  had 
his  implacable  enemies  should  be  accounted  not  only 
ignorant  and  blind  guides,  but  dishonest  men;  that  they 
Should  not.  only  lose  their  credit,  and  authority,  bul  b<  ex- 
posed to  the  resentment  of  the  incensed  multitude;   and 

therefore  they  thought  that    the   best  way  to  secure   : 
Selves  was  to  deter  and  hinder  the  apostles  from   app 
any  more  in  public,  and  from  preaching  the  Gospel.     Ana 
when  the  disciples  continued  to   perform  the  functions  of 
their  ministry,  the  high-priest  asked   th>  in,  saying,  /' 

\raightly  command  you  that  you  should  not  teach  in  this 
.-'     .  hiil  behold,  ye  have  Jlil      '  a  with  your  doe- 

trine,  and  inti  nil  to  bring  this  man's  blood  upon  us.  (Act  i  v.  28.) 
Miracles  were  wrought  to  convince  them  ;  but  when  a  man 

is  violently  bent  to  believe  or  disbelieve,  he  is  more  than 
half  persuaded  that  things  are  as  he  desires.  They  hastily 
concluded  that  those  miracles  were  either  delusions  and  im- 
postures, or  wonderful  works  performed  by  the  aid  of  evil 
spirits. 

From  these  ill  dispositions  proceeded  suitable  effects  ;  for 
they  persecuted  the  first  Christians,  they  accused  them  to 
the  Roman  magistrates  of  sedition,  they  heat  them  in  their 
synagogues,  they  imprisoned  them,  they  banished  then, 
put  many  of  them  to  death,  and  strove  to  the  utmost  of  their 
power  to  destroy  this   rising  sect.      Some1  ancient  writers 

1  Justin  Martyr  and  Eusebius.    See  Justin,  p.  171.  and  Thirlby's  Notes, 
»n  I  Pabricius  d'e  Ver.  ltd.  Christ,  n.  665 


assure  us,  that  the  Jews  t  ok  the  pain-  ..  from 

Jerusalem  into  all  countries,  to  accuse  the  Christians  of 
atheism    and   other  crimes,  and    to  make  them  as  odiou9  as 
they  possibly  could.2 
Sue!  I  causes  of  the  infidelity  of  the 

.  and  of  their  rejection  of  Christ  as  i  iah,  a/ 

first  .-nor  isjl  difficult  to  conceive  what  may  be  the  reasons 
ir  persisting  in  the  same  infidelity  now.     In  the  first 
/"''•/  "f  '  Bl  (if  not  all)  of  the  same 

reasons  which  gave  birth  to  their  infidelity  continue  to  nourish 
it,  particularly  their  obstinacy,  their  vain  hopes  and  expecta- 
tions of  worldly  greatness,  and    the   false   CQristS   and   false 

prophet  i,  who  at  different  times  have  arisen  up  among  them. 

I'o  which  'nay  I  .  ir  want  of  charitahlen.  BS  towards 

the  Christians,  and  continuing  to  live  insulated  from  all  the 
I  mankind.    All  these  Circumstai)  ,,  r.  present 

great  difficultu  b  to  'heir  conversion.     Secondly,  on  Vie  part 
<>J  the  world,  the  grand  obstacles  to  the  conversion  of  the 
.lews  are,  the  prevalence  of  Mohammedism  and  other  false 
religions,  the  schisms  of  Christians,  the  unholy  livi 
nominal  Christiai  "which,  on 

various  pretexts  and  at  different  turn   .  n  most  un- 

justly innicti  d  on  this  unhappy  pi  ople. 

From  the  account  which  we  I  f  the  obstinacy 

of  the  Jews,  and  of  til 

that  their  unbelief  is  no  objection  t  » the  truth  of  the  Gospel. 
The  modem  Jews,  tie 

that  their  ancest  not  and  could  not  jected 

Christ,  if  the  miracles  i  the  Gospi  1  bad  '••  n  really 

wrought.    Against  th:  ntwemayal  .that 

it  can  do  no  service  I  it  would 

much.    It  would  prove  that  Moses  wrought  no  miri 
since  the  whole  peop!  rebelled  against  him  : 

it  would  prove  that  many  of  the  prophets  recorded  in  tin- 
Old  Testament  were  false  prophets,  be  were  per- 
secuted by  the  Jews.  The  Jews  are  not  able  to  give  any 
reason  why  they  acknowledge  the  law  of  Moses  to  be  a 
divine  revelation,  which  will  not  directly  and  more  strongly 
ilish  the  truth  and  authority  of  the  Gospi  I. 

So  far  indeed  is  the  infidelity  of  the  Jews  from  being  an 
objection  to  the  argument  from  prophecy  concerning  the 
spread  of  Christianity,  that,  on  the  contrary,  it  corroborates 
that  evidence  for  the  truth  of  the  Gospel.  For,  by  their 
infidelity,  Ave  gain  a  great  number  of  unsuspected  win 
to  the  truth  of  the  Old  Testament;  and,  by  their  dispersion. 

witnesses  abound  in  the  richest  and  most  commi 
parts  of  the  world.      Had  the  body  of  the  Jews  been  con- 

I  to  Christianity,  they  might  have  been   tuppos 
conspire  with  the  Christians  in  forging  and   sorrupting  the 
prophecies  relating  to  the  Messiah;  but  now  their  infid 
cuts  off  all  cavils  and  suspicions  of  that  kind,  and  makes 
their  testimony,  like  that  of  sworn  enemies,  t]  .  oura- 

ble,  the  more  unquestionable. 

Again,  by  the  infidelity  of  the  Jews,  and  their  dispersion 
in  consequence  of  it,  many  predictions  of  I  d  the 

prophets,  of  Christ  and  his  apostles,  an  remarkably  ful- 
filled; so  that  instead  of  doing  disservice  to  the  Christian 
cause,  it  does  it  real  honour,  and  tend  .11  v  to  pro- 

aid  advance  it  in  the  \  d  after  all  th 

and   revolutions,  after  all    t:  ations    and 

which  they  h  n  and  undergone  for  mi  even- 

teen  hundred  y  'ill  subsist  a  distinct  people  in 

'  other  prophecies,  that  (Rom.  xi. 
25,  26.)  "when  the  fulness  of  the  Gentiles  is  come  in,  all 
aved."  There  is  nothing  parallel  to  this 
to  be  found  in  history  from  the  creation  of  the  world 
down  to  this  time,  and  it  is  no  less  than  a  standing  mira- 
cle in  all  ages  and  countries  for  the  truth  of  the  Christian 
r>  ligion. 

ales,  it  is  a  great  advantage  to  the  Christian  religion 
to  have  been  first  pre:  propagated  in  a  nation  of 

unbelievers,  as  it  frees  the  account  of  the  facts  from  all  sus- 

Cicion  of  fraud  and  imposture.  Designing  men  may  easily 
e  supposed  to  carry  on  a  trick  among  their  creatures  and 
dependants,  among  those  of  the  same  side  and  party,  of  the 
same  profession  and  interest ;  but  how  was  it  possible  for  a 
small  number  of  poor  illiterate  fishermen  and  tent-makers  to 
succeed  in  an  attempt  of  this  nature  among  thousands  of 
secret  spies  and  open  enemies  !  Nothing  but  truth,  nothing 
but  divine  truth,  and  upheld  by  a  divine  "power,  could  have 

•  Jo  Trulh  of  (ho  Christian  Religion 

disc.  i.  "*•     ^ee  als°  BP 

Demonstration  o 
theMessias.    (Boyle  Lectures,  vol.  i   ; 


REJECTION  OF  THE  GOSPEL  BY  THE  UNBELIEVING 


136 

*t.ood  the  trial  and  borne  down  so  much  malice  and  opposi- 

aon  before  it.'  ,  . .    .      „ 

(2  ^  Theniection  of  the  Gospel  by  the  unielicv.ng  Gentiles, 
who  'were  contemporaries  with  Chnst  and  his  apostles,  is  rw  ob- 
:,  ■'.  on  to  the  truth  of  Christianity.  . 

Manv  of  the  arguments  which  have  been  stated  in  the 
preceding  pages,  with  reference  to  the  infidelity  of  the  Jews, 
may  be  applied  wit 
many  prejudices  in 
were  peculiar  to  themselves, 


fCHAP.  IV 


may  be  allied  With  respect  to  the  Gentile  nations,  who  had 
many  prejudices  in  common  with  the  Jews,  and  some  that 

es  of  "unbelief,  which  were  common  to  them  with 
the  lews  were,  a  great  corruption  of  manners ;  the  preju- 
,!„•,'  of  education,  which  led  the  Gentiles  to  despise  the  doc- 
trires  and  religious  rites  of  Christianity  previously  to  ex- 
amination ;2  the  purity  of  the  precepts  of  the  Gospel,  which 
were  entirely  opposite  to  their  vicious  inclinations  and  prac- 
tices- the  temporal  inconveniences  which  attended  the  pro- 
fession of  Christianity,  and  the  temporal  advantages  which 
might  be  secured  or  obtained  by  rejecting  or  opposing  it ; 
The"  mean  appearance  which  Christ  had  made  in  the  world, 
and  his  itmominious  death,  which  they  knew  not  how  to 
reconcile  with  the  divine  power  ascribed  to  him  by  his  dis- 
ciples ;  and  the  contempt  entertained  by  the  philosophers  for 
the  rank,  acquirements,  sufferings,  and  martyrdoms  of  the 
first  Christians.  All  these  things  produced  in  the  greater 
part  of  the  Jews  an  aversion  for  the  Gospel,  and  they  had 
the  same  effect  on  the  unconverted  Gentiles. 

But  besides  these  causes  of  unbelief,  the  Gentiles  had 
many  others  peculiar  to  themselves.  They  entertained  a  high 
notion  of  the  efficacy  of  magic,  of  the  strength  of  charms  and 
incantations,  and  of  the  almost  uncontrollable  power  of  their 
demons  and  demi-gods ;  and  this  notion  led  the  greater  part 
of  them  to  reject  the  Christian  miracles.  They  were,  more- 
over, extremely  careless  and  indifferent  about  all  religions  in 
general ;  consequently  they  had  only  very  imperfect  notions 
of  the  Divine  Being,  and  of  the  spiritual  adoration  which 
was  due  to  him  alone ;  and  they  were  offended  at  the  unso- 
eiableness  of  Christianity,  and  its  utter  incompatibility  with 
the  established  worship  of  their  several  countries. 

Further,  the  great  and  powerful  men  among  the  Gentiles, 
for  want  of  attending  to  the  intrinsic  merits  of  the  new  doc- 
trine, and  of  understanding  it  thoroughly,  were  not  able  to 
reconcile  it  with  their  particular  views  and  interests  ;  much 
less  was  it  to  be  expected  that  the  priests,  artificers,  and  ar- 
tizans,  who  lived  by  the  profits  of  idolatry,  would  readily 
open  their  eyes  and  ears  to  receive  a  faith  so  utterly  subver- 
sive of  their  present  gain.  Nor  would  the  bad  opinion,  which 
other  nations  in  general  had  conceived  of  the  Jews,  permit 
them  easily  to  pass  a  favourable  judgment  upon  the  Chris- 
tians, between  whom  and  the  Jews  they  did  not,  for  a  consi- 
derable time,  make  a  sufficient  distinction ;  accounting  Chris- 

i  Up.  Newton's  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  142.  "The  case  of  the  Jews  may  be 
useful  in  correcting  a  vain  opinion  which  every  one  almost  is  sometimes 
apt  to  entertain,  that  had  he  lived  in  the  time  of  our  Saviour  and  conversed 
with  him  personally,  had  he  been  an  ear-witness  to  his  words,  an  eye-wit- 
ness to  his  works,  he  should  have  been  a  better  Christian,  he  should  have 
resigned  all  his  scruples,  and  have  believed  and  obeyed  without  doubt  and 
without  reserve.  Alas  !  they,  who  are  infidels  now,  would  in  all  probability 
have  been  infidels  then.  The  Jews  saw  the  miracles  of  our  blessed  Lord 
and  yet  believed  not :  '  Blessed  are  they  that  have  not  seen  and  yet  have 
believed.1"  (Johnxx.  29.)  ibid.  p.  144.  The  unbelief  of  the  Jews  is  dis- 
cussed in  a  clear  and  conclusive  manner,  in  the  three  last  discourses  of 
Mr.  Frank's  excellent  "  Hulsean  Lectures  for  1821,  on  the  Evidences  of 
Christianity,  as  they  were  stated  and  enforced  in  the  discourses  of  our 
Lord:  comprising  a  connected  view  of  the  claims  which  Jesus  advanced, 
of  the  arguments  by  which  he  supported  them,  and  of  his  statements 
respecting  the  causes,  progress,  and  consequences  of  infidelity."  Cam- 
bridge, 1821. 8vo. 

»  The  state  of  religion  among  the  Greeks  and  Romans  had  a  tendency  to 
induce  this  disposition.  Christianity  had  nothing  in  it  to  attract  their  notice  : 
it  mixed  with  no  politics; — it  produced  no  fine  writers; — the  nature,  office, 
and  ministry  of  Jesus  would  be  alien  to  their  conceptions.  Its  connection 
with  Judaism  would  injure  it  with  the  learned  heathen,  who  regarded  Jeho- 
vah himself  as  the  idol  of  the  Jewish  nation,  and  this  would  preclude  all 
inquiry  among  men  of  education,  which  accounts  also  for  their  silence  on 
the  subject.  In  this  manner  Christianity  was  treated  by  Tacitus  and  by 
Pliny  the  Elder.  Without  inquiry,  Tacitus  disposes  of  the  whole  question 
(seep.  83.  supra),  by  railing  it  a  pestilent  superstition, — a  proof  how  little 
he  knew  or  concerned  himself  about  the  matter.  Let  the  reader  peruse 
the  instructions  of  Paul  to  the  Roman  converts  (Rom.  xii.  9.  xiii.  13.),  and 
then  judge  of  this  pestilent  superstition:  or,  let  him  take  Pliny's  descrip- 
tion of  the  conduct  and  principle  of  the  Christians  (see  p.  84.  supra),  and 
then  call  Christianity  a  pestilent  superstition.  On  the  woids  of  Tacitus, 
Dr.  Paley  founds  these  observations  :— 1.  The  learned  men  of  that  age  be- 
held Christianity  in  a  distant  and  obscure  view  ;— 2.  But  little  reliance  can 
be  placed  on  the  most  acute  judgments,  in  subjects  which  they  are  pleased 
to  despise.  If  Christianity  had  not  survived  to  tell  its  own  story,  it  must 
have  gone  down  to  posterity  as  a  pestilent  or  pernicious  superstition ; — 3. 
This  contempt,  prior  to  examination,  is  an  intellectual  vice,  from  which  the 
greatest  faculties  of  the  mind  are  not  free  ;— and,  4.  We  need  not  be  sur- 
prised that  many  writers  of  that  age  did  not  mention  Christianity,  when 
•hose  who  did  appear  to  have  misconceived  its  nature  and  character.  See 
Paley's  Evidences,  vol.  ii.  pp.  307—320.  where  the  preceding  hints  are  illus- 
trated at  length. 


tianity  to  be  only  a  particular  sort  of  Judais  n,  and  calling  the 
Christians  atheists,  because  they  taught  that  the  gods  of  the 
nations  were  either  nothing  at  all,  or  dead  men,  or  demons, 
and  because  they  worshipped  a  spiritual  Deity  in  a  spiritual 
manner,  and  had  neither  temples  nor  altars.  Afterwards, 
when  the  Gospel  began  to  spread,  and  false  teachers  and 
vicious  professors  infested  the  church  (as  Christ  had  foretold), 
the  Gentiles  would  not  distinguish  between  the  factious  here- 
tics (who  wished  to  make  themselves  heads  of  parties)  and 
the  true  disciples  of  Christ:  and,  as  the  ancient  Christians 
frequently  complained,  they  laid  the  crimes  of  these  false 
and  immoral  brethren  to  the  charge  of  Christianity :  not 
could  the  singular  innocence  and  piety  of  the  Christians  se- 
cure them  from  malicious  and  false  accusations. 

Lastly,  the  antiquity  of  paganism,  and  the  many  distin- 

fuished  blessings  which  (it  was  imagined)  the  propitious  in- 
uence  of  their  heroes  and  gods  had  from  time  to  time  con- 
ferred upon  their  several  countries,  together  with  the  simple 
and  artless  manner  in  which  the  apostles  and  first  Christians, 
and  their  followers,  propagated  a  religion  that  had  nothing  in 
its  external  appearance  to  recommend  it, — concurred,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  causes  already  stated,  to  lessen  the  force  of  the 
miracles  wrought  by  Jesus  Christ  and  his  apostles  ;  and  pre- 
vented no  small  number  of  the  rich,  the  great,  and  the  learned, 
from  giving  in  their  names  among  the  earliest  converts  to 
the  faith  and  obedience  which  is  in  Jesus  Christ.  "  Such 
were  the  prejudices  of  the  Jews  and  Gentiles,  which  made  so 
many  of  them  unwilling  and  unfit  to  receive  the  Christian 
religion.  But  there  is  reason  to  think  that  the  number  of 
unbelievers,  among  those  to  whom  the  Gospel  was  first 
preached,  was  not  altogether  so  great  as  is  commonly  ima- 
gined. Besides  those  who  professed  Christianity,  and  those 
who  rejected  and  opposed  it,  there  were  in  all  probability 
multitudes  between  both,  neither  perfect  Christians,  nor  yet 
unbelievers ;  they  had  a  favourable  opinion  of  the  Gospel, 
but  worldly  considerations  made  them  unwilling  to  own  it. 
There  were  many  circumstances  which  inclined  them  to 
think  that  Christianity  was  a  divine  revelation,  but  there 
were  many  inconveniences  which  attended  the  open  profes- 
sion of  it ;  and  they  could  not  find  in  themselves  courage 
enough  to  bear  them  ;  to  disoblige  their  friends  arid  families, 
to  ruin  their  fortunes,  to  lose  their  reputation,  their  liberty, 
and  their  life,  for  the  sake  of  this  new  religion.  Therefore 
they  were  willing  to  hope,  that  if  they  endeavoured  to  ob- 
serve the  great  precepts  of  morality,  which  Christ  had  repre- 
sented as  the  principal  part,  the  sum  and  substance  of  reli- 
gion, if  they  thought  honourably  of  the  Gospel,  if  they  never 
spake  against  it,  if  they  offered  no  injury  to  the  Christians, 
if  they  did  them  all  the  services  that  they  could  safely  per- 
form, they  were  willing  to  hope  that  God  would  accept  this, 
and  that  he  would  excuse  and  forgive  the  rest. 

The  account  which  we  have  of  those  times  is  very  short, 
but  enough  is  said  in  the  New  Testament  to  show  that  this 
supposition  is  not  groundless,  and  that  many  thought  and 
acted  in  this  manner ;  for  we  are  there  told  that  several  believed 
in  Christ,  but  durst  not  own  it,  some  because  they  loved  the 
praise  of  men,  others  because  they  feared  the  Jews,  because 
they  would  not  be  put  out  of  the  synagogue,  others  because 
they  would  not  part  with  their  possessions.  Joseph  of  Ari- 
mathea  is  said  to  have  been  secretly  his  disciple ;  Nicode- 
mus  seems  to  have  had  the  same  disposition  ;  and  afterwards 
Gamaliel,  and  other  Pharisees  who  opposed  the  persecution 
and  the  punishment  of  the  apostles,  were  probably  not  a  lit- 
tle inclined  to  Christianity.  Thus  it  was  then,  and  thus  it 
hath  been  ever  since.  Truth  has  had  concealed  and  timo- 
rous friends,  who,  keeping  their  sentiments  to  themselves,  or 
disclosing  them  only  to  a  few,  complied  with  established 
errors  and  superstitions,  which  they  disliked  and  despised. 
They  who  are  at  all  acquainted  with  history  know  that  a3 
great  number  of  such  examples  might  be  produced. 

"  The  opposition  which  the  Gospel  experienced  from  the 
Jews  and  Gentiles  arose  principally  from  their  vices.  To 
this  cause  the  Scriptures  ascribe  their  unbelief,  and  observe 
that  truth  is  hidden  from  those  who  love  darkness  rather  than 
light,  whose  deeds  are  evil,  who  hate  to  be  reformed,  whose 
minds  are  carnal  and  cannot  be  subject  to  the  law  of  Goa, 

»  Erasmus,  Epist.  583.  says,  Quid  ego  potuissem  opilulari  Luthero,  si  me 
periculi  cornitem  fecissein,  nisi  ut  pro  uno  perirent  duo  7— Multa  quidein 
praeclare  et  docuit  et  monuit,  atque  utinam  sua  bona  malis  intolerabilibus 
nonvitiasset !  Quod  si  omnia  pie  scripsisset,  nun  tamen  irat  animus  ob 
veritatem  capite  periclitari.  Nonomnesad  mat  Ipfrium  satv  \ habent  roboris. 
Vereor,  ne,  si  quid  incident  tumult  us,  Petrtini  Siua  imitaturus. 

Father  Paul,  being  asked  by  a  friend  how  he  could  hold  communion  with 
the  church  of  Rome,  replied,  Deus  non  dedit  inihi  spiritum  Luther*.  See 
Burnet's  Life  of  Bedell,  p.  !("•  and  Bayle's  Diet.  art.  Weidnerus. 


Sect.  III.] 


GENTILES,  NO  JUST  GROUND  OF  OBJECTION. 


137 


and  who  have  pleasure  in  unrighteousness.     Of  inch  persona 

it  is  said,  that  none  of  them  shall  understand."1 

(3.)  A  third  objection  to  the  prophecies  that  announce  the 
universality  of  the  Christian  religion,  is  founded  on  the  fact, 
that  a  considerable  part  of  mankind,  both  in  Europe  and  Asia, 
now  embrace  Mbhammedism,  and  receive  the  Koran  of  Moham- 
med as  an  inspired  book .■  which  (hey  would  not  do  if  Chris- 
tianity were  really  f root  God. 

Jn.swer.  We  conceive  that  the  prophecies  are  fulfilled 
when  all  parts  of  the  world  shall  have  hod  the  offer  of  Chris- 
tianity/ but  by  no  means  that  it  shall  be  upheld  among  them 
by  a  miracle.  This  is  contrary  to  the  whole  analogy  of  na- 
ture. God  rives  increase  to  the  tree,  but  does  not  prevent 
its  decay.  He  gives  increase  to  a  man,  but  does  not  prevent 
his  growing  Infirm.  Thus  religion,  when  planted  in  a  coun- 
try, is  left  to  the  natural  course  of  things;  and  if  that  country 
grows  supine,  and  does  not  cherish  the  blessing,  it  must  take 
on  itsell  the  consequence.  We  conceive,  therefore,  that, 
with  regard  to  all  those  countries  which  receive  the  Koran, 
where  the  Gospel  once  flourished,  the  prophecy  has  already 
been  fulfilled.  Indeed,  their  present  state  is  an  accomplish- 
ment of  prophecy,  inasmuch  as  it  was  foretold  that  such  a 
falling  away  should  take  place.  Not  to  enter  into  too  minute 
details,  it  may  he  remarked,  that  the  seven  churches  of  Asia 
lie,  to  this  very  day,  in  the  same  forlorn  and  desolate  condition 
which  the  angel  had  signified  to  the  apostle  John  (Rev.  ii. 
iii.);  their  candlestick  is  removed  out  of  its  place,  their  churches 
are  turned  into  mosques,  and  their  worship  into  the  grossest 
superstition.  The  prevalence  of  infidel  principles  on  the 
Continent,  is  notorious;  and  equally  notorious  are  the  at- 
tempts making  to  disseminate  them  in  this  highly  favoured 
country.  Yet  all  these  countries  have  had  the  Gospel,  and  if 
they  should  hereafter  expel  it,  as  the  Fronch  did  a  few  years 
since,  it  will  be  their  own  fault.  The  prophecy  has  been  ful- 
filled. 

The  opposers  of  revelation  have  not  failed  to  contrast  the 
rapid  progress  of  Mohammedism  with  the  propagation  of 
Christianity ;  and  have  urged  it  as  an  argument,  to  show 
that  there  was  nothing  miraculous  in  the  extension  of 
the  religion  of  Jesus.  JJut,  in  making  this  assertion,  they 
have  either  not  known,  or  have  designedly  suppressed,  the 
connections  and  means  of  assistance  which  favoured  Mo- 
hammed, and  which  leave  nothing  wonderful  in  the  success 
of  his  doctrine.  That  success,  however,  is  satisfactorily  ac- 
counted for  by  the  religious,  political,  and  civil  state  of  the 
Bast  at  the  time  the  pseudo-prophet  of  Arabia  announced  his 
pretensions,  and  by  the  nature  of  his  doctrine,  as  well  as  by 
tin'  means  to  which  he  had  recourse  for  its  propagation. 

Mohammed  came  into  the  world  exactly  at  the  time  suited 
to  his  purposes,  when  its  political  and  civil  state  was  most 
favourable  to  a  new  conqueror. 

In  Arabia  Felix,  religion  was  at  that  time  in  a  most  de- 
plorable state.  Its  inhabitants  were  divided  into  four  reli- 
gious parties,  some  of  whom  were  attached  to  the  idolatrous 
worship  of  the  Sabians,  who  adored  the  stars  as  divinities  ; 
wliile  others  followed  the  idolatry  of  the  Magi,  who  wor- 
shipped fire.  The  Jewish  religion  had  a  gTeat  many  fol- 
lowers, who  treated  the  others  with  much  cruelty ;  and  the 
Christians  who  were  at  that  time  resident  there,  formed  prin- 
cipally an  assemblage  of  different  sects,  who  had  taken  re- 
fuge among  this  free  people  because  they  were  not  tolerated 
in  the  Roman  empire.  Among  the  Christian  sects  in  the 
eastern  part  of  the  empire,  bitter  dissensions  and  cruel  ani- 
mosities prevailed,  which  filled  great  part  of  the  east  with 
carnage,  assassinations,  and  such  detestable  enormities,  as 
rendered  the  very  name  of  Christianity  odious  to  many.  The 
pure  doctrines  and  holy  precepts  of  the  Gospel  had  b<  en  de- 
graded into  superstitious  idolatry;  and  the  decay  of  morality, 
in  every  class,  had  kept  equal  pace  with  that  of  piety.  Un- 
der such  a  distracted  stale  of  religion,  it  would  have  been 
highly  wonderful  if  in  a  short  time,  Mohammed  had  not  pro- 
cured a  numerous  train  of  followers.  Tin'  Christian  religion, 
on  the  contrary,  received  its  origin  in  a  country  win  re  the 
only  true  God  was  worshipped. and  the  Mosaic  ceremonial 
law  (which  it  abrogated)  was  universally  revered. 

If  the  corruptions  and  distresses  of  Christianity  were  thus 
signally  favourable  to  the  aspiring  views  of  Mohammed,  the 
political  state  of  the  world  at  that  time  contributed  not  less 

1  Jortin's  Discourses  on  the  Christian  Religion,  disc.  i.  pp.  91 — 94.  In  the 
preceding  part  of  that  discourse,  the  learned  author  has  discussed,  at 
length,  the  causes  ot'ttie  rejection  of  Christianity  by  the  Gentiles,  which  we 
have  necessarily  treaied  with  brevity.  That  "No  valid  Argument  can  be 
drawn  from  the  Incredulity  of  the  Heathen  Philosophers  against  the  Truth 
of  the  Christian  Religion,"  has  been  proved  by  Mr.  J.  A.  Jeremie,  in  his 
Norrisian  Prize  Essay,  Cambridge,  1326.  8vo 

Voi..  I.  8 


remarkably  to  the  success  of  the  impostor.  While  the  once 
formidable  empires  of  Rome,  on  the  one  han„,  overwhelmed 
by  the  fierce  incursions  of  the  northern  barbarians,  and  of 
lVrsia,  on  the  other,  distracted  by  its  own  intestine  divisions, 
W8ie  evidently  in  the  last  state  of  decay,  Arabia  was  in  every 
respect  prosperous  and  flourishing.  Naturally  populous  in 
itself,  it  had  received  a  very  considerable  accession  of  inha- 
bitants from  the  Grecian  empire;  whence  religious  intole- 
rance had  driven  great  numbers  of  Jews  and  Christians  to 
seek  an  asylum  in  a  country,  where  they  might  enjoy  theii 
opinions  without  interruption,  and  profess  them  without  dan- 
ger.  The  Arabians  were  a  free  but  illiterate  people,  not  de- 
Noted  like  other  nations  to  the  extravagances  of  sensual  plea- 
sures, hut  temperate  and  hardy,  and  therefore  properly 
qualified  for  now  conquests.  This  brave  people  were  at  that 
time  divided  into  separate  tribes,  each  independent  of  the 
other,  and  consequently  connected  by  no  political  union: — a 

Circumstance  that  greatly  facilitated  the  conquests  of  Mo- 
hammed. Thfl  pseudo-prophet  himself  was  descended  from 
a  family  of  much  power  and  consequence;  and,  by  a  fortu- 
nate marriage  with  an  opulent  widow,  was  raised,  from  in- 
digent circumstances,  to  be  one  of  the  richest  men  in  .Mecca. 
He  was,  moreover,  endowed  with  fine  and  politic  talents; 
and  from  the  various  journeys  which  hi:  made-  in  prosecuting 
his  mercantile  concerns,  had  acquired  a  perfect  acquaintance 
with  the  constitution  of  the  country.  These,  added  to  his 
high  descent  and  family  connections,  could  not  fail  of  attract- 
ing attention  and  followers  to  the  character  of  a  religious 
teacher,  in  an  age  of  ignorance  and  barbarism.  No  such  ad- 
vantages of  rank,  wealth,  or  powerful  connections  were  pos- 
sessed by  Jesus  Christ.  Of  humble  descent,  bred  up  in 
poverty,  he  continued  in  that  state  all  his  life,  having  fre- 
quently no  place  where  he  could  lay  his  head.  A  man  so 
circumstanced  was  not  likely,  by  his  own  personal  influence, 
to  force  a  new  religion,  much  less  a  false  one,  upon  the 
world. 

In  forming  a  new  religion,  Mohammed  studied  to  adapt  it 
to  the  notions  of  the  four  religions  that  prevailed  in  Arabia ; 
making  its  ritual  less  burdensome,  and  its  morality  more  in- 
dulgent. From  the  idolatry  of  the  Sabians  and  Magi,  he 
took  the  religious  observance  of  Friday,  and  of  the  four 
months  in  the  year,  together  with  various  superstitious 
fables  concerning  the  resurrection  of  the  dead  and  the  last 
judgment.  From  the  Jews,  to  whom  he  announced  himself 
as  the  Messiah,  the  conqueror  in  whom  their  prophecies 
centered,  he  borrowed  many  tales,  particularly  concerning 
angels,  numerous  purifications  and  lasts,  the  prohibition  of 
certain  kinds  of  food,  and  of  usury,  and  the  permission  of 
polygamy,  and  of  capricious  divorce.  From  tne  jarring  and 
corrupted.  Christian  sects  (to  whom  he  proclaimed  himself 
as  the  Paraclete  or  Comforter,  that  was  to  accomplish  the 
yet  unfulfilled  system  of  revelation)  he  derived  a  variety  of 
doctrinal  tenets,  both  false  and  true,  concerning  the  divine 
decrees,  the  authority  of  Jesus,  and  of  the  evangelists,  the 
resurrection  of  the  body,  and  the  universal  judgment  of  man- 
kind, together  with  many  moral  precepts.  By  this  artful 
compilation  he  united  all  the  four  religions  of  his  country, 
and  thus  procured  a  more  easy  admittance  for  his  new  doc- 
trine. 

Further,  Mohammed  established  his  religion  in  such  a 
manner,  that  it  did  not  excite  against  itself  the  passions  of 
men,  but  on  the  contrary  flattered  them  in  various  ways.  It 
was  easier  to  perform  certain  corporeal  ceremonies  and 
purifications,  to  recite  certain  prayers,  to  give  alms,  to  fast, 
and  to  undertake  pilgrimages  to  Mecca,  than  to  restrain  lusts, 
to  suppress  all  sinful  appetites,  and  to  confine  those  which 
are  innocent  within  proper  bounds.  Such  a  system  of  doc- 
trine, so  accommodating  to  every  bad  passion, — accom- 
panied by  the  permission  of  polygamy  and  capricious  divorce, 
and  by  the  promise  of  a  full  enjoyment  of  gross  sensual 
pleasures  in  a  future  life, — could  not  fail  of  procuring  him  a 
considerable  accession  of  followers,  and  in  no  long  time 
brought  the  brave  and  warlike  tribes  of  Arabia  under  his 
standard.  Far  different  was  the  holy  and  pure  doctrine  of 
Christ.  He  and  his  apostles  strictly  forbade  all  sin,  required 
of  all,  without  exception,  the  mortification  of  their  most 
beloved  lusts,  cancelled  the  ceremonies  of  the  Jews,  and  ali 
the  foolish  superstitions  of  the  heathens.  Christ  made  no 
allowance,  granted  no  indulgence;  and  yet  his  religion  has 
continued  to  prevail  against  the  strongest  corruptions  and 
most  inveterate  prejudices.  Mohammed  changed  his  system 
of  doctrine,  and  altered  his  laws  and  ceremonies,  to  suit  the 
dispositions  of  the  people.  He  sometimes  established  one 
law,  and  then  suppressed  it;  pretending  a  divine  revelation 


(38 


THE  SPREAD  OF  MOHAMMEDISM  NO  JUST 


[Chap.  IV 


for  both,  though  they  were  inconsistent.  But  Christ  was 
always  the  same,  and  his  laws  were  and  are  invariable.  Con- 
scious that  his  pretended  revelation  would  not  bear  the  test  of 
examination,  it  is  death  by  one  of  the  laws  of  Mohammed  to 
contradict  the  Koran,  or  to  dispute  about  his  religion.  Ihe 
Gospel,  on  the  contrary,  was  submitted  to  free  inquiry:  the 
more  strictly  it  is  examined,  the  brighter  do  its  evidences 
appear;  and  the  rude  assaults,  which  at  various  times  have 
been  made  against  it,  have  served  only  to  demonstrate  its 
divine  origin  Seyond  the  possibility  of  refutation. 

"  The  pretensions  of  Mohammed  were  not  accompanied 
by  any  of  those  external  evidences,  which  may  always  be 
expected  to  confirm  and  to  distinguish  a  divine  revelation. 
To  miraculous  power,  that  most  infallible  test  of  divine  in- 
terposition, he  openly  disclaimed  every  pretence,  and  even 
boldly  denied  its  necessity  to  confirm  the  mission  of  a  pro- 
phet.1 He  deemed  it  sufficient  to  appeal  to  a  secret  and 
unattested  intercourse  with  an  angel,  and  above  all^to  the 
inimitable  sublimity  and  excellence  of  the  Koran.  To  the 
former  of  these  pretences  no  serious  attention  is  due ;  for, 
instead  of  affording  any  evidence  in  support  of  the  claims  of 
Mohammed,  it  notoriously  wants  proofs  to  establish  its  own 
authenticity."  With  regard  to  the  boasted  sublimity  and 
excellence  of  the  Koran,— which  the  pseudo-prophet  alleged, 
bore  strong  and  visible  characters  of  an  almighty  hand,  and 
was  designed  by  God  to  compensate  the  want  of  any  mi- 
raculous power, — it  has  been  satisfactorily  shown  not  only 
to  be  far  below  the  Scriptures,  both  in  the  propriety  of  its 
images  and  the  force  of  its  descriptions ;  but  its  finest  pas- 
sages are  acknowledged  imitations  of  them,  and  like  all 
imitations,  infinitely  inferior  to  the  great  original.2  The 
Moslems  in  proof  of  their  religion  appeal  to  the  plenary  and 
manifest  inspiration  of  the  Koran.  They  rest  the  divinity 
of  their  book  upon  its  inimitable  excellence ;  but  instead  of 
holding  it  to  be  divine  because  it  is  excellent,  they  believe 
its  excellence  because  they  admit  its  divinity.  There  is 
nothing  in  the  Koran  which  affects  the  feelings,  nothing 
which  elevates  the  imagination,  nothing  which  enlightens  the 
understanding,  nothing  which  improves  the  heart.  It  con- 
tains no  beautiful  narrative,  no  proverbs  of  wisdom  or  axioms 
of  morality  ;  it  is  a  chaos  of  detached  sentences,  a  mass  of 
dull  tautology.  The  spirit  which  it  breathes  is  in  unison 
with  the  immoral  and  absurd  tenets  which  it  inculcates, — 
savage  and  cruel ;  forbidding  those  who  embrace  the  Mos- 
lem faith  to  hold  any  friendly  intercourse  with  infidels  or  those 
who  reject  it,  and  commanding  them  to  make  war  upon  the 
latter.  '  Such  is  the  Koran  as  now  extant;  but  it  is  well 
known  that  it  has  received  alterations,  additions,  and  amend- 
ments, by  removing  some  of  its  absurdities,  since  it  was 
first  compiled  by  Mohammed.3  The  Christian  revelation, 
on  the  contrary,  remains  to'this  day  as  it  was  written  by  its 
inspired  authors ;  and  the  more  minutely  it  is  investigated, 
the  more  powerfully  does  it  appeal  to  the  hearts  and  minds 
of  all  who  examine  it  with  honesty  and  impartiality. 

Of  the  prophetic  spirit  of  Mohammed,  we  have  this  soli- 
tary instance.  When  he  went  to  visit  one  of  his  wives,  he 
says,  that  God  revealed  to  him  what  she  desired  to  say  to 
him  :  he  approved  of  one  part  and  rejected  the  other.  When 
he  told  his  wife  what  was  in  her  will  to  speak  to  him,  she 
demanded  of  him  who  had  revealed  it  to  him  1  "  He  that 
knoweth  all  things,"  said  Mohammed,  "  hath  revealed  it  to 
me,  that  ye  mayl>e  converted  ;  your  hearts  are  inclined  to  do 
what  is  forbidden.  If  ye  act  any  thing  against  the  prophet, 
know  that  God  is  his  protector."  There  is  not  a  single  cir- 
cumstance to  render  this  relation  credible. 

Such  were  the  circumstances  that  contributed  to  promote 
the  success  of  Mohammedism ;  circumstances  that  in  no 
degree  appertained  to  the  origin  of  Christianity.  During 
the  first  seven  years,  indeed,  when 'the  Arabian  impostor 
used  only  peisiiasion,  and  confined  his  exertions  to  Mecca, 
it  appears  that  he  could  reckon  no  more  converts  than  eighty- 
three  men  and  eighteen  women.  Contrast  with  this  the 
rapid  spread  of  Christianity  during  the  same  period.4  But 
no  sooner  was  he  enabled  to  assemble  a  party  sufficient  to 
support  his  ambitious  designs,  than  he  threw  off  the  mask, 
which  was  no  longer  necessary ;  and  disclaiming  the  softer 
arts  of  persuasion  and  reasoning,  immediately   adopted  a 

i  Hence  no  credit  is  due  to  the  miraculous  stories  related  of  Mohammed 
by  Abulfeda,  who  wrote  the  account  six  hundred  years  after  his  death,  or 
which  are  found  in  the  legend  of  Al  Janabi,  who  lived  two  hundred  years. 

>  Professor  White's  Hampton  Lectures,  pp.  341—252. 

a  See  Koran,  ch.  ii.  pp.  22.  25.  ch.  iii.  p.  50.  and  ch  v.  o.  89.  Sale's  trans- 
lation, 4to.  edit. 

«  See  pp.  130   132.  supra. 


quicker  and  more  efficacious  mode  of  conversion.  It  was 
alleged  by  the  deceiver,  that,  since  a  disobedient  world  had 
disdained  or  rejected  the  ineffectual  summons,  which  divine 
mercy  had  sent  in  former  times  by  the  prophets,  who  came 
with  appeals  to  the  senses  and  reason  of  mankind  ;  it  had 
now  pleased  the  Almighty  to  send  forth  his  last  great  pro- 
phet, by  the  strength  of  his  arm  and  the  power  of  his  sword, 
to  compel  men  to  embrace  the  truth.  A  voluptuous  paradise 
and  the  highest  heavens  were  the  rewards  of  those  who 
fought  his  battles,  or  expended  their  fortunes  in  his  cause ; 
and  the  courage  of  his  adherents  was  fortified  and  sharpened 
by  the  doctrine  of  fatalism  which  he  inculcated.  From  all 
these  combined  circumstances,  the  success  of  the  arms  and 
religion  of  Mohammed  kept  equal  pace;  nor  can  it  excite 
surprise,  when  we  know  the  conditions  which  he  proposed 
to  the  vanquished.  Death  or  conversion  was  the  only  cnoice 
offered  to  idolaters;  while  to  the  Jews  and  Christians  was 
left  the  somewhat  milder  alternative  of  subjection  and  tribute, 
if  they  persisted  in  their  own  religion,  or  of  an  equal  partici- 
pation in  the  rights  and  liberties,  the  honours  and  privileges 
of  the  faithful,  if  they  embraced  the  religion  of  their  con- 
querors. 

How  different  the  conduct  of  Christ !  "  He  employed  no 
other  means  of  converting  men  to  his  religion,  but  persuasion, 
argument,  exhortation,  miracles,  and  prophecies.  He  made 
use  of  no  other  force,  but  the  force  of  truth — no  other  sword, 
but  the  sword  of  the  spirit,  that  is,  the  word  of  God.  He  had 
no  arms,  no  legions  to  fight  his  cause.  He  was  the  Prince  of 
peace,  and  preached  peace  to  all  the  world.  W  ithout  power, 
without  support,  without  any  followers,  but  twelve  poor  hum- 
ble men,  without  one  circumstance  of  attraction,  influence,  or 
compulsion,  he  triumphed  over  the  prejudices,  the  learning, 
the  religion  of  his  country  ;  over  the  ancient  rites,  idolatry, 
and  superstition,  over  the  philosophy,  wisdom,  and  authority 
of  the  whole  Roman  empire.  W  herever  Mohammedism  has 
penetrated,  it  has  carried  despotism,  barbarism,  and  igno- 
rance ;5  wherever  Christianity  has  spread,  it  has  produced 
the  most  beneficial  effects  on  nations  and  individuals,  in  the 
diffusion  of  knowledge,  in  morals,  religion,  governments,  in 
social  and  personal  happiness."6 

The  continued  prevalence  of  this  baleful  system  of  religion 
may  be  satisfactorily  accounted  for  by  the  profound  ignorance 
of  the  nature  of  the  human  heart,  in  which  Mohammedism 
leaves  its  votaries, — the  want  of  right  moral  feeling,  which 
accompanies  inveterate  and  universal  ignorance, — the  vices 
in  which  it  allows  its  professors  to  live,  and  the  climates  in 
which  they  live, — the  chilling  despotism  of  all  Mohammedan 
governments, — and  the  cunning  fraud  and  extortion  which 
universally  prevail  in  them.7 

"  Let  not  then  the  Christian  be  offended,  or  the  infidel 
triumph,  at  the  successful  establishment  and  long  continuance 
of  so  acknowledged  an  imposture,  as  affording  any  reasonable 
ground  of  objection  against  our  holy  faith.  Let  these  events 
rather  be  considered  as  evidences  of  its  truth, — as  accom- 
plishments of  the  general  prediction  of  our  Lord,  that  false  pro- 
phets and  fake  Christs  should  arise,  and  should  deceive  many  ,- 
and  especially  of  that  particular  and  express  prophecy  in  the 
revelations  of  his  beloved  disciple  (Rev.  ix.  1,  &c),  which 
has  been  determined  by  the  ablest  commentators  to  relate  to 
the  impostor  Mohammed,  and  to  his  false  and  impious  re- 
ligion, which,  arising  like  a  smoke  out  of  ihe  bottomless  pit, 
suddenly  overshadowed  the  eastern  world,  and  involved  its 
wretched  inhabitants  in  darkness  and  in  error."* 

(4.)  Lastly,  it  is  objected  that  Christianity  is  known  only 
to  a  small  portion  of  mankind,  and  that  if  the  Christian  revela- 
tion came  from  God,  no  part  of  the  human  race  would  remain 

i  "Mohammed  established  his  religion,"  says  the  profound  Pascal,  "  by 
killing  others  ;— .lesus  Christ,  by  making  his  followers  lay  down  their  own 
lives  ;  Mohammed,  by  forbidding  his  law  to  be  read,— Jesus  Christ  by  com- 
manding us  to  read.     In  a  word,  the  two  were  so  opposite,  that  if  Mo- 
hammed took  the  way  in  all  human  probability  to  succeed,  Jesus  Christ 
took  the  way,  humanly  speaking,  to  be  disappointed.    And  hence,  in 
of  concluding  that  because  Mohammed  succeeded,  Jesus  might    ii 
manner  have  succeeded,  we  ought  to  infer,  that  since  Mohammed  ha 
ceeded,  Christianity  must  have'mevitably  perished,  it  it  had  not  been  sup 
ported  by  a  cower  altogether  divine."     Thoughts,  p.  197.     London,  II 

•  And  yet^  notwithstanding  the  facts  above  stated  (ench  are  the  shil 
which  infidelity  is  driven),  it  has  lately  been  asserted  by  an  antagonist  of 
revelation,  that  "  of  the  two  books"  (the  Bible  and  the  Koran),  "the  lullcr" 
(the  Koran)  "  has  (he  most  truths,  and  amore  impressue  -nwrai  r.  .,■  .'.'.'" 

«  The  topics  above  hinted  are  fully  illustrated  by  Mr.  Jowett,  m  his  Chris, 
tian  Researches  in  the  Mediterranean,  pp.  247-' 

•  White's  Bampton  Lectures,  p.  99. ;  from  which  masterly  work  the  pre 
ceding  sketch  of  the  progress  of  Mohamnv  ■  ::m  has  been  chiefly  drawn. 
Less  on  the  Authenticity  of  the  New  Testament,  pp.  377— 3S5.  Bp.  Porteus 
on  the  Christian  Revelation,  proposition  viii.  See  also  Bp.  Sumner's  Evi- 
dences of  Christianity,  chap.  vii.  on  the  Wisdom  manifested  in  the  Chris-- 
tian  Scriptures,  compared  with  the  time-serving  policy  of  Mohammed. 


0IOT.    III.] 


GROUND  OF  OBJECTION  TO  THE  GOSPEL. 


139 


ignorant  of  it,  no  understanding  would  fait  to  I 

by  it. 

Answer.  The  opposers  of  the  Christian  revelation  cannot 
with  propriety  urge  its  non-universalil  jection;  for 

their  religion  (if  the  deism  or  rather  atheism,  which  they 
wish  to  propagate,  may  be  d  by  that  name,] 

rery  far  from  being  universal,  that,  \  t  one  wh 
deism,  wo  shall  find  in  the  world  one  thousand  who  | 
Christianity.  Besides,  we  clearly  Bee  that  many  benefits 
which  God  has  b  I  iwed  on  men  are  partial  as  to  the  en- 
joyment. Some  are  given  to  particular  nations,  but  denied 
to"  the  rest  of  the  world :  others  are  possessed  by  some  in- 
dividuals only  red  nation.  A  moderate  know- 
ledge of  history  will  be  Burncii  nl  to  convince  us,  that  in  the 
mora]  government  of  the  world,  the  bounties  of  Providence, 
i  well  as  mental  endowments,  and  the  means  of  improve- 
ment, are  distributed  with  what  appears  to  as  an  unequal 
hand.  Winn  the  objections  to  this  inequality  of  distribution 
are  considered  and  refuted,  the  objection  arising  from  the 
partial  knowledge  of  Christianity  is  answered  -.it  the  same 
time. 

The  subject,  however,  may  be  viewed  in  another  light. 
Some  blessings  flow  immediately  from  God  to  every  person 
who  enjoys  them:  others  are  conveyed  by  the  instrumen- 
tality 01  man;  and  depend  on  the  philanthropy  of  man  for 
their  continuance  and  extension.  The  last  is  the  case  as  to 
Ige  of  Christianity.  When  it,  was  first  revealed, 
ii  was  committed  into  the  hands  of  the  disciples  of  Jesus; 
i  propagation  in  the  world  ever  since  has  depended  on 
their  exertions  in  publishing  it  among  the  nations.  That 
incholy  negligence  has  been  too  often  betrayed,  must 
be  acknowledged  and  deplored.  But  at  the  same  time  it 
will  be  found,  that  in  numberless  instances  the  most  violent 
opposition  has  been  made  to  the  zealous  endeavours  of 
Christians  ;  and  that  it  is  owing  to  the  sanguinary  persecu- 
tions by  the  riders  of  the  world,  that  the  Gospel  does  not 
now  enlighten  the  whole  habitable  globe.  If  a  conqueror, 
followed  by  his  powerful  army,  desolate  a  country,  and  burn 
the  cities  and  villages,  and  destroy  the  cattle  and  the  fields 
of  corn,  and  the  people  perish  for  cold  and  hunger,  is  their 
misery  to  be  ascribed  to  a  want  of  goodness  in  God,  or  to  the 
rabounding  wickedness  of  man]  The  answer  will 
equally  apply  to  the  subject  before  us.1 

But  the  objection  will  appear  less  cogent,  when  it  is  con- 
sidered that  Christianity  is  not  the  religion  of  a  day,  nor  of  an 
age ;  hut  a  scheme  of  mercy,  that  gradually  attains  its  triumphs, 
and  which,  overcoming  all  opposition,  will  ultimately  be  pro- 
pagated throughout  the  earth.     The  most  enlightened  and 
lies!  civilized  nations  of  Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa,  have  been 
blest  with  the  Gospel;  and  with  regard  to  the  others,  to 
whom  it  has  not  yet  been  carried,  this  favour  has  been  with- 
held from  them,  because  it  is  ordained  that  the  spreading  of 
the  Gospel  should  keep  pace  with  the  improvements  of  rea- 
son.    The  wisdom  of  this  appointment  is  evident.     Hevela- 
tion  is  most  properly  bestowed  after  the  weakness  of  human 
reason,  in   its   best  state,  has   been  demonstrated   hy   experi- 
ence.    Besides,  it  would  not  have  answered  the  design  in- 
tended to  be  produced  by  the  Gospel,  if  it  had  been  univer- 
sally spread  at  the  beginning.     The  conceptions  which  the 
rted  heathens  formed  ef  the  true  religion  were  necessa- 
rily very  imperfect:  hence  sprang  the  rruptions  of 
Christianity  which  so  early  prevailed.     Had  the  Christian 
a  been  universally  propagated  in  the  first  ages.it  would 
have  been  diffused  in  an  imperfect  form.     Nor  is  this  all. 
The  partial  propagation  of  the  Gospel,  with  the  other  objec- 
that  have  been  broughl  against  Christianity,  having 
red  its  divine  original  a  matter  of  dispute,  the  tendency 
se  disputes  has  been  to  separate  the  wheat  from  the 
(wnich  at  the  beginning  necessarily  mixed  itself  with 

the  Gospel), and  to  make  Christians  draw  their  religion  from 
the  Scriptures  alone.     It  is  thus  thai  <  !hristianity,in  the  course 

.ill  acquire  its  genuine  form.     Then,  also,  it  will 
rounded  with   i!:  lustre  of  evidence;   and  al- 

though, for  the  •  stated,  the  Gospel  has  hitherto 

confined  to  comparatively  a  tew  countries,  yet  we  are 
d  that  in  due  time  it  will  he  offered  to  them  all,  and 
will  be  diffused  over  the  wh  de  earth,  with  all  its  attendant 
blessings.     The  predictions  of  the  prophets,  ,  f  Christ,  and 
Ids  apostles,  relative  to  -ion  of  the  ( \,  ..-pel.  expressly 

announce  that  it  is  to  be  thus  progressively  diffused,  and 
that  it  will   finally  triumph,  when  th  '  ill  be  full 

''J   the  knowledge   vf  the  Lord,  as  the  waters  cover  th 

Essay  on  th  »  D  of  the  New! 


I  ,  xi.  0.)  Through  the  divine  blessing  on  the  labi  urs  of 
hundreds  of  faithful  missionaries,  who  have  been  and  are  now 
employed  in  carrying  the  Gospel  into  all  lands,  we  ske  great 

advances  actually  made  in  spreading  Christianity;  and  wi- 
ne! hut  the  Gospel  will  be  planted,  agreeably  to  the  di- 
vine predictions,  in  all  the  vast  continents  of  Africa, -Asia, 
Ann  rica.  and  in  the  islands  of  Austral  Asia. 
The  sincerity  and  pit  ty  of  fallible  men,  it  is  true,  can  never 
ice  to  the  means  which  God  has  graciously  vouchsafed; 
ami  it  will  always  be  a  real  grief  to  good  men,  that,  among 
many,  there  exists  little  more  than  the  name  of  <  Christian.   Hut 

the  advocates  of  Christianity  do  not  pretend  that  its  evidence 
is  so  irresistible,  that  no  understanding  can  fail  of  being  con- 
vinced by  it;  nor  do  they  deny  it  to  have  been  within  the 
compass  of  divine  power,  to  have  enininuuienled  to  the  world 
a  higher  di  nrance,  anil  to  have  given   to  his  com- 

munication a  stronger  and  more  extensive  influence,  lint  the 
not  having  nee,  is  not  a  sufficient  reason  for  reject- 

ing that  which  we  already  have.  If  such  evidi  nee  were  irre- 
sistible, it  would  restrain  the  voluntary  powers  too  much,  to 
answer  the  purpose  of  trial  and  probation:   it  would  call  for 

no  exercise  of  candour,  seriousness,  humility,  inquiry ;  do  sub- 
mission of  passions,  interests,  and  prejudices,  to  moral  evi- 
dence, and  to  probable  truth;  no  habits  of  reflection ;  none  of 
thai  previous  desire  to  learn  and  to  obey  (he  will  of  God,  which 
forms  the  test  of  the  virtuous  principle,  and  which  h 
men  to  attend  with  care  and  reverence  to  every  credible  inti- 
mation of  that  will,  and  to  resign  present  advantages  and  pre- 
sent pleasures  to  every  reasonable  expectation  of  propitiating 
his  favour.  "Men's  moral  probation  may  be,  whether  they 
will  take  due  care  to  inform  themselves  by  impartial  consi- 
deration ;  and,  afterwards,  whether  they  will  act  as  the  case 
requires  upon  the  evidence  which  they  have.  And  this,  we 
find  by  experience,  is  often  our  probation,  in  our  temporal 
capacity."2 

Further,  if  the  evidence  of  the  Gospel  were  irresisti- 
ble, it  would  leave  no  place  for  the  admission  of  internal 
evidence  ;3  which  ought  to  bear  a  considerable  part  in  the 
proof  of  every  revelation,  because  it  is  a  species  of  evidence 
which  applies  itself  to  the  knowledge,  love,  and  practice  of 
virtue,  and  which  operates  in  proportion  to  the  degree  of  those 
qualities  which  it  finds  in  the  person  whom  it  addresses. 
Men  of  good  dispositions,  among  Christians,  are  greatly  affect- 
ed by  the  impression  which  the  Scriptures  themselves  make 
on  their  minds  ;  and  their  conviction  is  much  strengthened  by 
these  impressions.  It  is  likewise  true  that  they  who  sin- 
cerely act,  or  sincerely  endeavour  to  act,  according  to  what 
they  believe,  that  is,  according  to  the  just  result  ot  the  proba- 
bilities (or,  if  the  reader  please,  the  possibilities)  in  natural 
and  revealed  religion,  which  they  themselves  perceive,  and 
according  to  a  rational  estimate  of  consequences,  and  above 
all,  according  to  the  just  effect  of  those  principles  of  gratitud* 
and  devotion,  which  even  the  view  of  nature  generates  in  a 
well-ordered  mind,  seldom  fail  of  proceeding  further.  This 
also  may  have  been  exactly  what  was  designed.4  On  the 
contrary,  where  any  persons  never  set  themselves  heartily  and 
in  earnest  to  be  informed  in  religion, — or  who  secretly  wish  it 
may  not  prove  true,  and  who  are  less  attentive  to  evidence  than 
to  difficulties,  and  more  attentive  to  objections  than  to  what 
has  long  since  been  moi  irily  said  in  answer  to  them ; 

— such  persons  can  scarcely  he  thought  in  a  likely  way  of 
seeing  the  evidence  of  religion,  though  it  were  most  certainly 
true,  and  capable  cf  being  ever  so  fully  proved.  M  If  any 
accustom  themselves  to  consider  this  subject  usually  in  the 
way  of  mirth  and  sport:  if  they  attend  to  forms  and  repre- 
sentations, and  inadequate  manners  of  expression,  instead  of 
the  real  things  intended  by  them  (for  signs  often  can  be  no 
more  than  inadequately  expressive  of  the  things  signified) : 
or  if  they  substitute  human  errors,  in  the  room  of  divine  truth , 
why  may  not  all,  or  any  of  these  things,  hinder  some  men 
from  seeing  that  evidence  which  really  is  seen  by  others;  as 
a  like  turn  of  mind,  with  respect  to  matters  of  common  spe- 
culation and  practice,  does,  we  find,  by  experience,  hinder 
them  from  attaining  that  knowledge  and  right  understanding, 
in  matters  of  common  speculation  and  practice,  which  more 
fair  and  attentive  minds  attain  to?  And  the  effect  will  be 
the  same,  whether  their  neglect  of  seriously  considering  the 
evidence  of  religion,  and  their  indirect  behaviour  with  regard 
to  it,  proceed  from  mere  carelessness,  or  from  the  grosser 

*  Butler's  Analogy,  part  ii.  chap.  vi.  p.  227.    Tire  whole  of  that  chapter, 

which  treats  on  the  objecti low  under  consideration,  will  abundantly 

repay  the  trouble  of  a  diligent  perwaL 

3  This  sort  of  evidence  is  folly  staled  in  the  following  chapter 

«  Paley's  Evidences,  vol.  ii.  pp  340—352. 


140 


PROPHECY,  A  PROOF  OF  THE 


[Okai-.  IV 


▼ices ;  or  whether  it  be  owing  to  this,  that  forms  and  figura- 
tive manners  of  expression,  as  well  as  errors,  administer  oc- 
casions of  ridicule  when  the  things  intended,  and  the  truth 
itself,  would  not.  Men  may  indulge  a  ludicrous  turn  so  far, 
as  to  lose  al!  sense  of  conduct  and  prudence  in  worldly  fiffurs, 
and  even,  as  it  seems,  to  impairtheir  faculty oi  reason.  And, 
in  general,  levity,  carelessness,  passion,  and  prejudice,  do 
hinder  us  from  being  rightly  informed,  with  respect  to  com- 
mon things;  and  they  may,  in  like  manner,  and  perhaps  in 
some  fartnei  providential  manner,  with  respect  to  moral  and 
relio-ious  subjects,  hinder  evidence  from  being  laid  before  us, 
and  from  being  seen  when  it  is.  The  Scripture1  does  declare. 
that  every  one  shall  not  understand.  And  it  makes  no  differ- 
ence, hy  what  providential  conduct  this  comes  to  pass  : 
whether  the  evidence  of  Christianity  was,  originally  and  with 
design,  put  and  left  so,  as  that  those  who  are  desirous  of 
evaciinf  moral  obligations  should  not  see  it ;  and  that  honest- 
minded  persons  should  ;  or,  whether  it  come  to  pass  by  any 
other  means."2  Now,  that  Christianity  has  been  established 
in  the  world,  and  is  still  spreading  in  all  directions,  God  does 
not  work  miracles  to  make  men  religious;  he  only  sets  the 
truth  before  them,  as  rational  and  accountable  beings.  It 
was  and  is  the  merciful  design  of  God,  not  to  condemn  the 
world,  but  to  save  it, — even  to  save  all,  without  exception, 
who  will  listen  to  the  overtures  of  his  Gospel.  He  that  be- 
lieves and  obeys  the  Gospel  shall  not  finally  be  condemned, 
but  will  obtain  a  complete  pardon :  while,  on  the  other  hand, 
he  who  wilfully  rejects  this  last  great  offer  of  salvation  to 
mankind,  must  expect  the  consequence.  And  the  ground  of 
his  condemnation  is,  that  such  a  person  chooses  to  remain  igno- 
rant, rather  than  to  submit  himself  to  the  teachings  of  this 
heavenly  revelation.  Light  (Jesus  Christ,  the  Sun  of  Right- 
eousness, the  fountain  of  light  and  life)  is  come  into  the  world 
(diffusing  his  benign  influences  every  where,  and  favouring 
men  with  a  clear  and  full  revelation  of  the  divine  will)  :  ana 
yet  men  have  loved  darkness  rather  than  light,  have  preferred 
sin  to  holiness  : — and  why  1 — Because  their  deeds  were  evil. 
The  bad  man  avoids  the  truth  which  condemns  him ;  while 
the  good  man  seeks  it,  as  the  ground-work  and  proof  of  his 
actions.3 

It  were  no  difficult  task  to  adduce  other  examples  of  the 
fulfilment  of  prophecy,  if  the  limits  necessarily  assigned  to 
this  section  would  permit :  we  shall  therefore  add  but  two 
more  instances  in  illustration  of  the  evidence  from  prophecy. 

The  first  is,  the  long  apostasy  and  general  corruption  of 
the  professors  of  Christianity,  so  plainly  foretold,  and  under 
such  express  and  particular  characters,  in  the  apostolic  writ- 
ings ;  which,  all  the  world  may  see,  has  been  abundantly  ful- 
filled in  the  church  of  Rome.  Who  that  had  lived  in  those 
days,  when  Christianity  was  struggling  under  all  the  incum- 
bent weight  of  Jewish  bigotry  and  pagan  intolerance  and 
persecution,  could  from  the  state  of  things  have  possibly  con- 
jectured, that  a  rising  sect,  every  where  spoken  against,  would 
ever  have  given  birth  to  a  tyrant,  who  would  oppose  and  exalt 
himself  above  all  laws,  human  and  divine,  sitting  as  God  in 
the  temple  of  God,  and  claiming  and  swaying  a  sceptre  of 
universal  spiritual  empire  1  Who,  that  beheld  the  low  estate 
of  the  Christian  church  in  the  first  age  of  its  existence,  could 
ever  have  divined  that  a  remarkable  character  would  one  day 
arise  out  of  it,  who  should  establish  a  vast  monarchy,  whose 
coming  should  be  with  all  power,  and  signs,  and  lying  won- 
ders (pretended  miracles),  and  luith  all  deceivableness  of  un- 
righteousness, commanding  the  worship  of  demons,  angels, 
or  departed  saints ;  forbidding  to  marry,  and  commanding  to 
abstain  from  meats?  In  short,  we  see  the  characters  of  the 
beast,  and  the  false  prophet,  and  the  harlot  of  Babylon,  now  ex- 
emplified in  every  particular,  and  in  a  city  that  is  seated  upon 
seven  mountains  :  so  that,  if  the  pontiff  of  Rome  had  sat  for 
his  picture,  a  more  accurate  likeness  could  not  have  been 
drawn.4     The  existence  of  these  monstrous  corruptions  of 

i  Dun.  xii.  10.  Sec  also  Isa.  xxix.  13,  14.  Matt.  vi.  23.  and  xi.  25.  and  xiii 
11,  12.  John  iii.  19.  v.  44.  1  Cor.  ii.  14.  and  2  Cor.  iv.  4.  2  Tim.  iii.  13.  an 
that  affectionate  as  well  as  authoritative  admonition,  so  very  many  times  in- 
culcated, lie  that  hath  cars  to  hear,  let  him  hear.  Grotius  saw  so  strongly 
the  thing  intended  in  these,  and  other  passages  of  Scripture  of  the  lfke 
sense,  as  to  say,  that  the  proof  given  to  us  of  Christianity  was  less  than  it 
might  have  been  for  this  very  purpose:  Utitasermo  evangehitanquam  lapis 
esset  Lydius  ad  quern  ingenla  sanabilia  explorarentur.  Do  Yer.  Rel.  Christ. 
Kb.  ii.  towards  the  end. 

»  llutler's  Analogy,  part  ii.  ch.  vi.  pp.  272,  273. 

»  The  topics  above  considered  are  ably  discussed  and  illustrated  in  vari- 
ous  other  points  of  view,  in  Mr.  Lonsdale's  three  discourses,  entitl  tl  "Some 
popular  Objections  against  Christianity  considered,  and  the  general  Cha- 
racter of  Unbelief  represented."    8vo.  London,  \&>0. 

*  On  the  New  Testament  prophecies  respecting  the  papal  antichrist  (as 
welt  as  those  of  Daniel)  see  Dp.  Newton's  Dissertations,  vol.  ii.  Up  Hunt's 
Introduction  to  Prophecy,  sermons  7.  and  8.   (Works,  toI.  v.  pp.  171— ^3_'j 


the  purity  and  simplicity  of  the  Gospel,  which  no  human 
penetration  could  have  foreseen,  is  a  great  confirmation  ano 
standing  monument  of  the  truth  of  the  Gospel,  and  demon- 
strates the  divine  inspiration  of  these  persons  who  wrote  these 
boi  1%-'.  and  circumstantially  predicted  future  events  and  future 
corruptions  of  r<  ligion,  infinitely  beyond  the  reach  of  all  con- 
ception and  discernment  merely  human. 

The  other  instance  alluded  to,  is  the  present  spread  of  infi- 
delity, in  various  parts  of  the  professedly  Christian  world, 
the  efforts  of  which  to  subvert  the  Christian  faith  (we  know) 
will  ultimately  be  in  vain,  "for  the  g  ites  of  hell  shall  not 
prevail"  against  the  church  of  Christ,.  Among  the  various 
signs  of  the  lost  days,  that  is.  during  the  continuance  of  the 
Messiah's  kingdom,  or  the  prevalence  of  Christianity  in  the 
world,  it  is  foretold  that  "  there  shall  come  scoffers  and  mockers, 
walking  after  their  own  lusts,  who  separate  themselves  by  apos- 
tasy, sensual,  not  having  the  spirit,  lovers  of  their  oumsehes, 
covetous,  boasters,  proud,  blasphemers,  disobedient  to  parent}:, 
unthankful,  unholy,  without  natural  affection,  truce-breakers, 
false  accusers,  incontinent,  fierce,  despisers  of  those  that  are  good. 
traitors,  heady,  high-minded,  lovers  of  pleasure  more  than  lovers 
of  God;  having  a  form  of  godliness,  but  denying  the  power 
thereof:'  (2  Pet.  iii.  3.  *Jude  18,  19.  2  Tim.  iii.  2—5.^ 
These  predictions  point  out  the  true  source  of  all  infidelity. 
and  of  men's  motives  for  scoffing  at  religion. 

The  gospel  of  Jesus  Christ  is  pure  and  holy  ;  it  requires 
holiness  of  heart  and  of  life,  and  enjoins  submission  to  civil 
government  as  an  ordinance  of  God.  The  safety  of  all  states 
depends  upon  religion  ;  it  ministers  to  social  order,  confers 
stability  upon  government  and  laws,  and  gives  security  to 
property.  "  Religion,  unfeignedly  loved,  perfecteth  men's- 
abilities  unto  all  kinds  of  virtuous  services  in  the  common- 
wealth;" while  infidelity,  immorality ,  and  sedition  usually  gc 
hand  in  hand.  In  the  present  state  of  the  world,  infidelity  is- 
closely  allied  with  the  revolutionary  question ;  and,  generally 
speaking,  those  who  are  eager  to  revolutionize  all  existing 
governments,  under  the  ostensible  pretence  of  promoting  the 
liberty  and  prosperity  of  mankind,  are  alike  infidels  in  pre- 
cept and  in  practice.  The  one  is  a  necessary  consequence 
of  the  other,  for  scepticism  subverts  the  whole  foundation  of 
morals  ;  it  not  only  tends  to  corrupt  the  moral  taste,  but  also 
promotes  the  growth  of  vanity,  ferocity,  and  licentiousness.-' 
Hence,  presumptuous  and  impatient  of  subordination,  these 
"  scoffers"  and  "  mockers"  wish  to  follow  the  impulse  of 
their  own  lusts  and  depraved  passions,  and  consequently  hate 
the  salutary  moral  restraints  imposed  by  the  Gospel.  '•  The 
religion  of  Christ  is  a  code  of  laws  as  well  as  a  system  of 
doctrines  ;  a  rule  of  practice  as  well  as  of  faith.  It  has  cer- 
tain conditions  inseparably  connected  with  the  belief  of  it.  to 
which  there  is  but  too  often  a  great  unwillingness  to  submit. 
Belief,  to  be  reasonable  and  consistent,  must  include  obedi- 
ence ;  and  hence  arises  the  main  objection  to  it.  Cherishing 
unchristian  dispositions  and  passions  in  their  bosoms,  and 
very  frequently  also  devoted  to  unchristian  practices  which 
they  will  not  consent  to  abandon, — men  pretend  to  decide 
upon  the  evidences  of  a  religion  from  which  they  have  little 
to  hope  and  much  to  fear,  if  it  be  true."  Therefore,  they 
labour  to  prove  that  the  Gospel  is  not  true,  in  order  that  they 
may  rid  themselves  of  its  injunctions ;  and,  to  save  them- 
selves the  trouble  of  a  fair  and  candid  examination,  they  copy 
and  reassert,  without  acknowledgment,  the  oft-refuted  objec- 
tions of  former  opposers  of  revelation.  And,  as  ridiculing 
religion  is  the  most  likely  way  to  depreciate  truth  in  the  sight 
of  the  unreflecting  multitude,  scoffers,  having  no  solid  argu- 
ment to  produce  against  revelation,  endeavour  to  burlesque 
some  parts  of  it,  and  falsely  charge  others  with  being  contra- 
dictory ;  they  then  affect  to  laugh  at  it,  and  get  superficial 
thinkers  to  laugh  with  them.  At  length  they  succeed:  in  per- 
suading themselves  that  it  is  a  forgery,  and  then  throw  the 
reins  loose  on  the  neck  of  their  evil  propensities.  The  his- 
tory of  revolutionary  France, — the  avowed  contempt  of  reli- 
gion, morbid  insensibility  to  morals,  desecrated  Sabbaths, 
and  abandonment  to  amusements  the  most  frivolous  and  dissi- 
pating, which  still  prevail  in  that  country,  as  well  as  on  other 

Kett  on  Prophecy,  vol.  ii.  pp.  1— CI.  A  compendious  view  of  tlnse  predit 
tions  may  also  be  seen  in  Macknight's  Truth  of  the  Gospel  History,  i  p 
576—600. 

s  The  topics  above  alluded  to  are  illustrated  with  unequalled  argument 
and  eloquence  by  the  Rev.  Robert  Hall,  in  his  disc-nurse  on  Modern  Infideli 
ty,  considered  with  respect  to  its  influence  on  society.  The  experience  ot 
more  than  thirty  years,  which  have  elapsed  si  e  that  discourse  was  de- 
livered, lias  confirmed  the  truth  of  eveiy  un-  ..'  the  preacher's  observa- 
tions. 

•  Soon  after  the  return  of  Louis  XVIII.  to  the  throne  of  his  ancestors,  the 
French  compelled  him  to  repeal  his  decree  for  enforcing  a  more  derpn 
observance  of  the  Sauoaih. 


gfcCT.  III. J 


DIVINE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  SCRIPTURES. 


141 


parts  of  the  Continent, — the  rapid  strides  with  which  infi- 
delity is  advancing  in  various  parts  of  the  world,  and  the  ef- 
forts which  at  this  time  are  making  to  disseminate!  the  same 
deadly  principles  among  every  class  of  society  in  our  own 
country,  are  all  so  many  confirmations  of  the  truth  of  the  New 
Testament  prophecies.  But  the  spirit  which  predicted  these 
events  is  the  very  same  which  was  poured  out  upon  the 
apostles,  and  enlightened  their  minds  with  the  knowledge 
of  the  Gospel;  therefore  the  apostles,  who  wrote  the  New 
Testament,  had  the  Spirit  of  God,  and  were  enlightened 
by  it. 

The  preceding  instances  of  prophecy  and  its  accomplish- 
ment are  only  a  few,  in  comparison  of  those  which  might 
have  been  adduced  :  hut  they  are  abundantly  sufficient  to 
satisfy  every  candid  and  sincere  investigator  of  the  evidences 
of  divine  revelation,  that  the  writings  which  contain  them 
could  only  be  composed  under  divine  inspiration;  because 
they  relate  to  events  so  various,  so  distant,  and  so  contingent, 
that  DO  human  foresight  could  by  any  possibility  predict 
mem.  The  argument  from  prophecy  is,  indeed,  not  to  be 
formed  from  the  consideration  of  single  prophecies,  but  from 
all  the  prophecies  taken  together,  and  considered  as  making 
one  system  ;  in  which,  from  the  mutual  connection  and  de- 
pendence of  its  parts,  preceding  prophecies  prepare  and  illus- 
trate those  which  follow,  and  these  again  reflect  light  on  the 
foregoing:  just  as  in  any  philosophical  system,  that  which 
shows  the  solidity  of  it  is  the  harmony  and  consistency  of 
the  whole,  not  the  application  of  it  in  particular  instances. 
Hence,  though  the  evidence  be  but  small,  from  the  comple- 
tion of  any  one  prophecy  taken  separately,  yet  that  evidence 
being  always  something,  the  amount  of  the  whole  evidence 
resulting  from  a  great  number  of  prophecies,  all  relative  to 
the  same  design,  is  very  considerable ;  like  many  scattered 
rays,  which,  though  each  be  weak  in  itself,  yet,  concentred 
into  one  point,  shall  form  a  strong  light,  and  strike  the  senses 
very  powerfully.  This  evidence  is  not  simply  a  growing 
evidence,  but  is,  indeed,  multiplied  upon  us  from  the  number 
of  reflected  lights,  which  the  several  component  parts  of  such 
a  system  reciprocally  throw  upon  each ;  till  at  length  the 
conviction  rises  into  a  high  degree  of  moral  certainty.1 

V.  Objections  have  been  made  to  the  darkness  and  un- 
certainty of  prophecy ;  but  they  arise  from  not  duly  consider- 
ing its  manner  and  design.  The  language  has  been  assigned 
as  one  cause  of  its  obscurity,  and  the  indistinctness  of  its  re- 
presentation as  another,  but  with  how  little  reason  or  pro- 
priety the  following  considerations  will  evince. 

Answer. — 1.  As  prophecy  is  a  peculiar  species  of  writing, 
it  is  natural  to  expect  a  peculiarity  in  the  Language  of  which 
it  makes  use.  Sometimes  it  employs  plain  t"rms,  but  most 
commonly  figurative  signs.  It  has  symbols  of  its  own,  which 
are  common  to  all  the  prophets  ;  but  it  is  not  on  this  account 
to  be  considered  as  a  riddle.  The  symbols  are  derived  from 
the  works  of  creation  and  providence,  from  the  history  of  the 
Jews,  and  of  the  nations  with  whom  they  were  most  closely 
connected,  or  by  whom  they  were  most  violently  opposed. 
These  symbols  have  their  rules  of  interpretation,  as  uniform 
and  as  certain  as  any  other  kind  of  language  :2  and  whoever 
applies  his  mind  with  patience  and  attention  to  the  subject 
will  he  able  to  understand  the  general  scheme  of  prophecy, 
and  the  colour  of  the  events  foretold,  whether  prosperous  or 
■  ilamitous  ;  though  he  may  be  utterly  unable  to  discover  to 
what  person,  or  precise  time  and  place,  they  are  to  be  ap- 
plied. 

2.  With  regard  to  the  alleged  objection,  of  want  of  clear- 
ness in  prophecy,  arising  from  an  Indistinct  Representation 
>K  the  Invent,  it  should  be  remembered  that,  if  some  prophe- 
ciea  he  obscure,  others  are  clear:  the  latter  furnish  a  proof 
of  the  inspiration  of  the  Scriptures;  the  former  contain  no- 
thing against  it.  In  many  instances,  the  obscurity  is  ac- 
counted for,  from  the  extensive  grasp  of  prophecy.  Some 
predictions  were  to  have  their  accomplishment  in  the  early 
ages  of  the  church,  and  were  peculiarly  designed  for  the  bene- 
fit of  those  to  whom  they  were  immediately  delivered :  on 
which  account  they  were  more  plain.  This  remark  applies 
more  particularly  to  the  prophecies  contained  in  the  New 
Testament.  There  are  other  predictions.,  designed  for  the 
benefit  of  those  who  lived  in  after-ages,  particularly  the  mid- 
dle ages.  To  the  first  Christians  these  were  obscure;  but 
when  the  time  advanced  towards  their  accomplishment,  the 

1  Bp.  Hurd's  Introduction  to  trie  Study  of  Prophecy.  (Works,  vol.  v.  p.  39.) 
1  On  the  Interpretation  of  the  Prophetic  Language  of  the  Scriptures,  see 
vol  ii.  part  ii.  bookii.  chapter  v. 


veil  was  gradually  drawn  aside,  and  they  were  more  clearly 
seen,  and  better  understood.  Another  class  of  predictions 
looked  lor  ward  to  the  latter  ages  of  the  church.  These  ap- 
peared obscure  both  to  the  first  Christians  and  to  those  who 
lived  in  tin-  middle  ages  :  but,  when  that  generation  appeared, 
for  whose  use  it  was  the  Divine  Will  that  they  shoulci  be  left 
on  record,  light  began  to  shine  upon  them  ;  and  the  minds 
of  men  were  awakened  to  look  out  for  their  accomplish- 
in.  in  in  some  great  events,  which  would  display  the  glory 
of  God,  and  advance  the  happiness  of  his  servants.  In 
this  way  the  obscurity  of  many  prophecies  will  be  accounted 
for. 

3.  Another  reason  for  throwing  a  veil  over  the*  face  of  pro- 
phecy, whether  by  its  peculiar  symbols  or  by  a  dark  repre- 
sentation, will  appear,  on  considering  the  Nature  or  the 
Suhjkct.  Souk;  of  the  events  predicted  are  of  such  a  nature, 
that  the  fate  of  nations  depends  upon  them;  and  they  are  to 
be  brought  into  existence  by  the  instrumentality  of  men.  If 
the  prophecies  had  been  delivered  in  plainer  terms,  some  per- 
sons would  have  endeavoured  to  hasten  their  accomplish- 
ment, as  others  would  have  attempted  to  defeat  it :  nor  would 
the  actions  of  men  appear  so  free,  or  the  providence  of  God 
so  conspicuous  in  their  completion.  "  The  obscurity  of  pro- 
phecy was  further  necessary  to  prevent  the  Old  Testament 
economy  from  sinking  too  much  in  the  estimation  of  those 
who  lived  under  it.  It  served,  merely  to  erect  the  expecta- 
tion of  better  things  to  come,  without  indisposing  men  from 
the  state  of  discipline  and  improvement,  which  was  designed 
to  prepare  for  futurity.  The  whole  Jewish  dispensation  was 
a  kind  of  prophecy,  which  had  both  an  immediate  and  ulti- 
mate end.  It  immediately  separated  the  Jews  from  the  other 
nations,  and  preserved  the  holy  oracles,  committed  to  their 
custody,  from  being  corrupted  by  idolatrous  intercourse ;  and 
it  ultimately  maintained  the  hope  of  the  Messias  and  his 
reign.  The  illustration  of  this  view  of  the  ancient  Jewish 
law  and  constitution  is  the  subject  of  the  epistles  to  the  Gala- 
tians  and  Hebrews;  that  "the  law  was  a  schoolmaster  to 
lead  men  to  Christ" — "  that  it  was  the  shadowr  of  good  things 
to  come,  but  the  body  was  Christ." 

"  The  dispensation  of  prophecy  appears  to  have  been  ac- 
commodated with  great  wisdom  to  the  state  of  the  church  in 
every  age,  to  comfort  the  people  of  God  and  to  confirm  their 
faith,  according  as  they  and  the  state  of  religion  required  it. 
On  Adam's  fall,  on  Abraham's  separation  from  an  idolatrous 
world,  on  the  dispensation  of  the  new  economy  by  Moses,  on 
the  Babylonish  captivity,  and  on  the  commencement  of 
Christianity,  prophecies  were  communicated  with  a  growing 
light ;  and  they  will  become  more  and  more  luminous  with 
the  progress  of  events  to  the  end  of  the  world."3 

But  though  some  parts  of  the  prophetic  Scripture  are  ob- 
scure enough  to  exercise  the  church,  yet  others  are  sufficiently 
clear  to  illuminate  it ;  and  the  more  the  obscure  parts  are  ful- 
filled, the  better  they  are  understood.  In  the  present  form 
of  prophecy  men  are  left  entirely  to  themselves  and  they 
fulfil  the  prophecies  without  intending,  or  thinking,  or  know 
ing  that  they  do  so.  The  accomplishment  strips  off  the  vt-n  , 
and  the  evidence  of  prophecy  appears  in  all  its  splendoui. 
Time,  that  detracts  something  from  the  evidence  of  othei 
writers,  is  still  adding  something  to  the  credit  and  authority 
of  the  prophets.  Future  ages  will  comprehend  more  than 
the  present,  as  the  present  understands  more  than  the  past ; 
and  the  perfect  accomplishment  will  produce  a  perfect  know- 
ledge ot  all  the  prophecies.  Men  are  sometimes  apt  to  think 
that,  if  they  could  but  see  a  miracle  wrought  in  favour  of  re- 
ligion, they  would  readily  resign  all  their  scruples,  believe 
without  doubt,  and  obey  without  reserve.  The  very  thing 
which  is  thus  desired  we  have.  We  have  the  greatest  and 
most  striking  of  miracles  in  the  series  of  Scripture  prophecies 
already  accomplished  : — accomplished,  as  we  have  seen,  in 
the  present  state  of  the  Arahians,  Jews,  Egyptians,  Ethiou 
ans,  Tyre,  Nineveh,  Babylon,  the  four  great  monarchies,  the 
seven  churches  of  Asia,  Jerusalem,  the  corruptions  of  the 
church  of  Rome,  &c.  &c.  "  And  this  is  not  a  transient  mira- 
cle, ceasing  almost  as  soon  as  performed  ;  but  is  permanent 
and  protracted  through  the  course  of  many  generations.  It  is 
not  a  miracle  delivered  only  upon  the  report  of  others,  but  is 
subject  to  our  own  inspection  and  examination.  It  is  not  a 
miracle  delivered  only  upon  the  report  of  others,  but  is  open 
to  the  observation  and  contemplation  of  all  mankind ;  and 
after  so  many  ages  is  still  growing,  still  improving  to  future 
ages.     What  stronger  miracle,  therefore,  can  we  require  foi 

»  Dr.  Ranken's  Institutes,  p.  350. 


142 


DOCTRINES  AND  MORAL  PRECEPTS  OF  THE  BIBLE, 


[Chap.  T 


our  conviction'!  Or  what  will  avail  if  this  be  found  inefiec-  i  Scripture  piophecies  accomplished;  and  if  the  Scripture  pro 
tual  1  If  we  reject  the  evidence  of  prophecy,  neither  would  phecies  are  accomplished,  the  Scriptures  must  be  the  W  ord 
we  be  persuaded  though  one  rose  from  the  dead.  What  can  of  God  ;  and  if  the  Scripture  is  the  Word  of  God,  the  Chris 
he  plainer  1     We  see"  or  may  see,  with  our  own  eyes,  the  |  tian  Religion  must  be  true."1 


CHAPTER  V. 

INTERNAL    EVIDENCES    OF    THE    INSPIRATION    OF    THE    SCRIPTURES. 


The  arguments  from  miracles  and  prophecy  contained  in 
the  preceding  chapter,  form  what  has  been  termed  the  external 
evidence  that  the  Scriptures  are  the  inspired  Word  of  God  ;  and 
without  seeking  for  additional  testimony,  we  might  safely 
rest  the  divine  authority  of  the  Bible  on  those  proofs.  There 
are,  however,  several  internal  evidences,  which,  though  not  so 
obviously  striking  as  miracles  and  prophecy,  come  home  to 
the  consciences  and  judgments  of  every  person  whether  learned 
or  illiterate,  and  leave  infidels  in  every  situation  without  ex- 
cuse. These  internal  evidences  are,  the  sublime  doctrines 
and  the  purity  of  the  moral  precepts  revealed  in  the  Scrip- 
tures,— the  harmony  subsisting  between  every  part, — their 
miraculous  preservation, — and  the  tendency  ot  the  whole  to 
promote  the  present  and  eternal  happiness  of  mankind,  as 
evinced  by  the  blessed  effects  which  are  invariably  produced 
by  a  cordial  reception  and  belief  of  the  Bible, — together  with 
the  peculiar  advantages  possessed  by  the  Christian  revelation 
over  all  other  religions. 


SECTION  1. 

THE  SYSTEM  OF  DOCTRINE,  AND  THE  MORAL  PRECEPTS,  WHICH 
ARE  DELIVERED  IN  THE  SCRIPTURES,  ARE  SO  EXCELLENT,  AND 
SO  PERFECTLY  HOLY,  THAT  THE  PERSONS  WHO  PUBLISHED 
THEM  TO  THE  WORLD  MUST  HAVE  DERIVED  THEM  FROM  A 
PURER  AND  MORE  EXALTED  SOURCE  THAN  THEIR  OWN  ME- 
DITATIONS. 

Nothing  false  or  immoral  can  be  taught  by  a  God  of 
truth  and  holiness.  Accordingly,  the  account  of  the  Almighty 
and  of  his  perfections,  and  the  moral  precepts  which  are  con- 
tained in  the  Scriptures,  commend  themselves  to  our  reason, 
as  worthy  of  the  highest  and  most  excellent  of  all  beings. 
In  order,  however,  that  we  may  form  a  just  and  correct  idea 
of  the  doctrines  and  duties  of  religion,  which  are  offered  to 
our  consideration  in  the  Bible,  it  will  be  necessary  to  take  a 
brief  view  of  them  from  the  beginning.  The  sacred  volume 
opens  with  that  which  lies  at  the  foundation  of  religion, — an 
account  of  the  creation  of  the  world  by  the  Almighty,  which 
is  there  described  in  a  plain  and  familiar  manner,  accommo- 
dated to  the  capacities  of  man,  and  with  a  noble  simplicity ; 
together  with  the  original  formation  of  man,  who  is  represent- 
ed as  having  been  created  after  the  divine  image,  invested 
with  dominion  over  the  inferior  creation  (but  with  a  reserva- 
tion of  the  obedience  which  he' himself  owed  to  God  as  his 
sovereign  Lord),  and  constituted  in  a  paradisaical  state, — a 
happy  state  of  purity  and  innocence.  (Gen.  i.  ii.)  In  this 
account  there  is  nothing  but  what  is  agreeable  to  right  reason, 
as  well  as  to  the  most  ancient  traditions  which  have  obtained 
among  the  nations.  We  are  further  informed  that  man  fell 
from  that  state  by  sinning  against  his  Maker,2  and  that  sin 

-  Up.  Newton  on  Prophecy,  vol.  ii.  pp.  412—416.  Bogue  on  the  Divine 
Authority  of  the  New  Testament,  pp.  1(59—171. 

»  The  particular  injunction,  which  (Moses  tells  us)  was  laid  upon  our  first 
parents,  not  to  eat  of  the  fruit  of  a  particular  tree  (Gen.  ii.  17.),  has  been 
a  favourite  subject  of  sneer  and  cavil  with  the  opposers  of  revelation.     A 
little  consideration,  however,  will  show  that  it  had  nothing  in  it  unbecoming 
the  supreme  wisdom  and  goodness.     For,  since  God  was  pleased  to  consti- 
tute man  lord  of  this  inferior  creation,  and  had  given  him  so  large  a  grant 
and  so  many  advantages,  it  was  manifestly  proper  that  he  should  require 
surne  particular  instance  of  homage  and  fealty,  to  be  a  memorial  to  man  of 
'lis  dependence,  ami  an  acknowledgment  on  his  part  that  he  was  under  the 
dominion  of  a  higher  Lord,  to  whom  he  owed  the  most  absolute  subjection 
.mil  obedience.     And  what  instance  of  nomage  could  be  more  proper,  cir- 
tanced  as  man  then  was,  than  his  being  obliged,  in  obedience  to  the 
divine  command,  to  abstain  from  one  or  more  of  the  fruits  of  paradise?    It 
pleased  God  to  insist  only  upon  his  abstaining  from  one,  at  the  same  time 
h  U  lie  indulged  him  in  full  liberty  as  to  all  the  rest;  and  this  served  both 
act  of  homage  to  the  Supreme  Lord,  from  whose  bountiful  grant  he 
I  laradise  and  all  its  enjoyments,  and  was  also  fitted  to  teach  our  first  pa- 
id.is  a  noble  and  useful  lesson  of  abstinence  and  self-denial,— one  of  the 
;t  necessary  lessons  in  a  state  of  probation;  and  also  of  unreserved 
<ubtnission  to  the  authority  and  will  of  God,  and  an  implicit  resignation  to 


brought  death  into  the  world,  together  with  all  the  miseries, 
to  which  the  human  race  is  now  obnoxious;  but  that  the 
merciful  Parent  of  our  being,  in  his  great  goodness  and  com- 
passion, was  pleased  to  make  such  revelations  and  discoveries 
of  his  grace  and  mercy,  as  laid  a  proper  foundation  for  the 
faith  and  hope  of  his  oftending  creatures,  and  for  the  exercise 
of  religion  towards  him.  (Gen.  iii.)  Accordingly,  the  re- 
ligion delivered  in  the  Scripture  is  the  religion  of  man  in  his 
lapsed  state ;  and  every  one  who  impartially  and  carefully 
investigates  and  considers  it,  will  find  that  one  scheme  of  re- 
ligion and  of  moral  duty,  substantially  the  same,  is  carried 
throughout  the  whole,  till  it  was  brought  to  its  full  perfection 
and  accomplishment  by  Jesus  Christ.  This  religion  may  be 
considered  principally  under  three  periods,  viz.  the  religion 
of  the  patriarchal  times, — the  doctrines  and  precepts  ofthe 
Mosaic  dispensation, — and  the  doctrines  and  precepts  of  the 
Christian  revelation.'1 

§  1.    A  CONCISE  VIEW  OF   THE   RELIGION    OF  THE  PATRIARCHAL 
TIMES. 

Patriarchal  Doctrines  concerning,  I.   The  JYature  and  Attri- 
butes   of   God;  IT.    His    Worship;    and,    III.    The  Moral 

Duties  of  .Man. 

I.  The  book  of  Genesis  exhibits  to  us  a  clear  idea  of  the 
Patriarchal  Theology.  We  learn  from  it  that  God  is  the 
creator  of  all  things  (i.),  as  well  as  the  governor  of  all  things, 
by  his  general  and  particular  providence  (xiv.  19.  xlv.  5.  7,8. 
1.  20.  xxii.  8.  13,  14.)  ;  that  he  is  everlasting  (xxi.  33.)  ;  om- 
niscient, for  none  but  God  can  know  all  things,  whether  past 
or  future  (iii.  8 — 10.  xv.  3 — 16.  xviii.  18.  compared  with 
Exod.  i.  7.)  ;  true  (Gen.  vi.  7.  compared  with  vii.  xvii.  -20. 
compared  with  xxv.  10.  xxviii.  15.  compared  with  xxxii.  10.); 
almighty  (xvii.  1.  xviii.  14.  xxxv.  11.)  ;  holy  and  just  (xviii. 
25.  with  xix.)  ;  kind  (xxiv.  12.)  ;  supreme  (xiv.  19.)  ;  mere  - 
ful  (xxxii.  10.)  ;  and  lung-suffering  (vi.  3.)  ;  gracious  to- 
wards those  who  fear  him  (vi.  8.)  ;  and  that,  though  he 
sometimes  tries  them  (xxii.  1.),  yet  he  is  always  with  them 
(xxvi.  3.  xxviii.  15.  xxxix.  2,  3.  21,  22.),  and  has  an  especial 
regard  for  them.  (xv.  1.  xviii.  17.  26 — 32.  xix.  22.  xx.  6. 
xxv.  21.  xxvi.  12.  xxviii.  15.  xxix.  32.  xxxi.  42.)  We  learn 
further,  that  God  is  not  the  author  of  sin  (i.  31.) ;  and  that, 
since  the  fall,  man  is  born  prone  to  evil.  (vi.  5.  viii.  21.) 

the  supreme  wisdom  and  goodness.  It  tended  to  habituate  them  to  keep 
their  sensitive  appetite  in  subjection  to  the  law  of  reason  ;  to  take  them  oil 
from  too  close  an  attachment  to  inferior  sensible  good,  and  to  engage  them 
to  place  their  highest  happiness  in  God  alone  ;  ami,  finally,  to  keep  their 
desire  after  knowledge  within  just  bounds,  so  as  to  be  content  with  know 
ing  what  was  really  proper  and  useful  for  them  to  know,  and  not  presume 
to  pry  with  an  unwarrantable  curiosity  into  things  which  did  not  belong  to 
them,  and  which  God  had  not  thought  fit  to  reveal.  Leland's  View  of  the 
Deistical  Writers,  vol.  ii.  pp.  11 1,  145.  The  objection  here  briefly  answered 
is  fully  treated  and  refuted  by  the  same  learned  writer  in  his  Answer  to 
Christianity  as  old  as  the  Creation,  vol.  ii.  ch.  15. 

a  To  avoid  unnecessary  repetitions  of  references  to  authorities,  the  reader 
is  informed  (besides  the  authors  Sncidentallycited  for  some  particular  topics; 
the  following  sections  are  drawn  up  from  a  careful  examination  of  Dr.  Le- 
land's View  ofthe  Deistical  Writers,  vol.  ii.pp.377 — 41b\,  and  his  incompara 
ble  work  on  the  Advantage  and  Necessity  ofthe  Christian  Revelation,  2  vols. 
8vo.  ;  Bp.  Gibson's  Pastoral  Letters,  12mo.  ;  Dr.  Randolph's  Discourses, 
entitled  "The  Excellency  ofthe  Jewish  Law  Vindicated,'' in  the  second 
volume  of  his  "  View  of  our  Blessed  Saviour's  Ministry,"  <fcc.  ;  the  Ency 
cloptedia  Biblica  of  Alsteditis,  8vo.  Francofurti,  1625 :  Mr.  Faber's  Hora 
Mosaicae;  Dr.  Graves's  Lectures  on  the  Pentateuch;  the  Collection  of  the 
Boylean  Lectures  ;  Abbadie,  Trait'-  de  la  Verite  de  la  Religion  Clin  tier.ne 
tome  ii. ;  and  Vernet,  Traite  de  la  Verite  de  la  Religion  Chretienne,  tomes 
ii.  iii.  Sec  also  Mr.  T.  Erskine's  Remarks  on  the  Internal  Evidence  ol 
Christianity  (London,  1321,  12mo.);  which  an  eminent  professor  justly 
says,  "are  written  with  unction  and  eloquence,  and  are  designed  chiefly 
to  "show  that  the  doctrines  of  the  Gospel  are  taught  not  abstractly,  but  by 
(acts  on  which  they  are  grounded;  that  they  are  thus  more  easily  appre- 
hended and  retained,  and  produce  a  more  powei  ui  effect  on  the  mind  and 
conduct ;  that  they  remove  every  obstruction  Hit  of  the  way  of  our  access 
I"  God  ;  they  encoura°e  our  attachment  to  htm,  and  stimulate  us  to  serve 
him  by  a  holy  obedience.  In  a  word,  their  object  is,  to  bring  the  character 
of  man  into  harmony  with  the  character  of  God."  (Dr.  Ranken's  Institutes 
of  Theology,  p.  330.) 


Sect.  I.  $  a  n 


A  PROOF  OF  ITS  DIVINE  INSPIRATION. 


143 


The  patriarchs  cherish*  'I  a  hope  of  the  pardoning  mercy  of 
God  towards  penitent  sinners  (iv.  7.),  and  confided  in  aim, 
as  the  judge  of  all  the  i  arth  (xviii.  '2-").),  and  the  ,rn  at  re- 
warder  of  them  thai  diligently  seek  him;  which  reward  they 
expected,  not  merely  in  this  present  evil  world,  but  in  a 
future  state  :  for  we  are  told  that  they  Bought  a  better  country, 
//m/  is,  an  heavenly,  (v.  22.  24,  compared  with  1 1«  l>.  xi.  .">. 
xxviii.  L3.  compared  with  Matt.  xxii.  31,32.  and  xxv.  h. 
compared  with  Heb.  xi.  10.  ll — 16.1  To  the  preceding 
points  we  may  add,  that  a  hope  was  cherished  from  the  be- 
ginning, originally  founded  on  a  divine  promise  of  a  great 
Saviour,  who  was  to  deliver  mankind  from  the  miseries  and 
ruin  to  which  they  were  exposed,  and  through  whom  God 

was  to  make  the  tidiest  discoveries  of  his  grace  and  mercy 
towards  the  human  race,  and  to  raise  tin  in  to  a  high  degree 

of  glory  and  felicity,  (ui.  15.  iii.  3.  xvii.  L9.  \\ii.  18.  xxvi. 
I.  xlix".  10.) 

II.  These  were  the  chief  |irinci|ih  s  of  the  Religion  of  the 
Patriarchs,  who  were  animated  by  a  Strong  sense  OI their  obli- 
gation to  the  practice  of  piety,  virtue,  and  universal  light- 
ness. They  held  thai  it  was  the  duty  of  man  to  fear  God 
(xxii.  12.  k\\i.  53.  xlii.  18.);  to  ldess  him  for  mercies  re- 
ceived (xiv.  20.  xxiv.  27.  .r>2.);  and  to  supplicate  him  with 
profound  humility  (xvii.  18.  xviii.  22.  il  seq,  xxiv.  12 — 14.); 
that  the  knowledge  of  God  is  to  he  promoted  (xii.  h.  xxi. 
'A'.].)  ;  vows  made  to  him  are  to  he  performed  (xxviii.  20. 
xx\v.  1 — :!.);  and  that,  idolatry  is  to  be  renounced,  (xxxv. 
2 — 1.)  With  regard  to  the  external  rites  of  religion,  the 
most  ancient  on  record  is  that  of  offering  sacrifice  to  God 
(iii.  21.  iv.  .'5,  I.  viii.  20,  21.) ;  and  its  having  so  early  and 
universally  obtained  among  all  nations,  and  in  the  most  an- 
cient times,  as  a  sacred  rite  of  religion,  cannot  be  otherwise 
accounted  for,  than  by  supposing  it  to  have  been  a  part  of  the 
primitive  religion,  originally  enjoined  by  divine  appointment 
to  the  first  ancestors  of  the  human  race,  and  from  them  trans- 
mitted to  their  descendants.  The  Sabbath  also  appears  to 
have  been  observed  by  the  patriarchs.  There  is,  indeed,  no 
direct  mention  of  it  before  the  deluge:  but,  after  that  catas- 
trophe, it  is  evident  that  the  observance  of  it  was  familiar  to 
Noah;  for  he  is  represented  twice  as  waiting  seven  days  be- 
i  his  three  emissions  of  the  dove.  (viii.  10.  12.)  And 
if  Noah  was  acquainted  with  the  consecration  of  the  Sabbath, 
his  ancestors  could  not  have  been  ignorant  of  it. 

III.  The  Moral  Duties  between  man  and  man  are  likewise 
clearly  announced,  either  by  way  of  precept  or  by  example: 
more  particularly  the  duties  of  children  to  honour  their  pa- 
rents (ix.  21!,  21.),  and  of  parents  to  instil  religious  principles 
into  the  minds  of  their  offspring,  and  to  set  them  a  good  ex- 
ample (xviii.  1!).);  and  oi  servants  to  obey  their  masters, 
(xvi.  '.».)  Wars  may  be  waged  in  Agood  cause,  (xiv.  1  I  — 
20.)  Anger  i  I  a  sin  in  the  sight  of  God  (iv.  5,  tl.)  ;  strifes 
are  to  be  avoided  (xiii.  8,  il.)  ;  murder  is  prohibited:  (iv.  8 — 
12.  1").  ix.  li.) ;  hospitality  to  be  exercised  (xviii.  1.  xix.  1.). 
ami  also  forgiveness  of  injuries.  (1.  is — 20.)  Matrimony  is 
appointed  by  God  (i.  28.  ii.  18.  21 — 21.),  from  whom  a  vir- 
iious  wife  is  to  be  sought  by  prayer  (xxiv.  7.  12.);  and  a 
wife  is  to  be  subject  to  her  husband,  (iii.  10.)  All  improper 
alliances,  however,  are  to  be  avoided,  (vi.  1.  2.)  Children 
are  the  gift  of  God  (iv.  1.  xxv.  21.  xxx.  2.  22.)  ;  and  adul- 
tery and  all  impurity  are  to  he  avoided,  (xx.  3.  7.  9.  xxxix. 
''.  xxxiv.  7.  xxxviii.  '.'.)' 

The  Patriarchal  Religion,  as  above  described,  seems  to 
have  been  the  religion  of  Adam  after  his  fall,  of  Abel,  Seth, 
Knocb,  and  the  antediluvian  patriarchs;  and  afterwards  of 
Noah,   the   second    parent   of  mankind,   and    of  the   several 

heads  vi  families  derived  from  him,  who  probably  carried  it 
with  them  in  their  several  dispersions.     But  above  all,  this 
;i   was  signally   exemplified  in  Abraham,   who  was 
illustrious  for  his  faith,  piety,  and  righ  .  and  whom 

God  was  pleased  to  favour  with  special  discoveries  of  his 
will.  From  him  descended  many  great  nations,  among  whom 
'bis  religion,  in  its  main  principles,  seems  to  have  been  pre- 
served, of  which  there  are  noble  remains  in  the  book  of  Job.2 
There  were  also  remarkable  vestiges  of  it.  for  a  long  time. 
imong  several  other  nations;  and  indeed  the  belief  of  one 
supreme   God,   of  a   providence,   of  a   hope  of  pardoning 
mercy,  a  sense  of  the  obligations  of  piety  and  virtue,  and  Oi 
■  :eptance  and  reward  of  sincere  obedience,  and  the  ex- 
tion  of  a  future  state,  were  never  entirely  extinguished, 
whosoever  among  the  Gentiles  at  any  time,  or  in  any 

'  Moldenhawer,  Introd.  in  Libros  Oanonicos  Vet.  el  Nov.  Test.  pp.  19—21. 
*  An  outline  of  th>  patriarchal  doctrines  of  religion,  as  contained  in  the 
*  "f  Job,  is  given  infra,  vol.  ii.  part  i.  chapter  iii.  sect.  i.  §  x. 


nation,  feared  God  and  was  a  worker  of  righteousness,  might 
be  justly  regarded  as  of  the  patriarchal  religion.  Rut,  in 
process  of  time,  the  nations  became  generally  depraved,  and 
sunk  into  a  deplorable  darkness  and  corruption  ;  and  the 
great  principles  of  religion  were  in  a  great  measure  over 
whelmed  with  an  amazing  load  of  superstitions,  idolatries, 
and  corruptions  of  all  kinds. 

§  2.    A    SIMMAItV   VirW  Oi    VHI    OOfTRINES  AND    PRECEPTS    OI 
Till:    MOSAIC    IIISPENSATION. 

General  til/nervations  on  the  Mosaic  Dispensation. — I.  Sta't 
mr/it  of  its  Doctrine  concerning  Qods  1.  By  Moses ;  anil,  i 
By  Ha-  Prophets. — II.  Concerning  tlie  Duty  of  Man  to-war a 
Co,/.— III.  The  Belief  of  a  /'mure  State. — IV.  The  /:> 
pectation  of  a  Redeemer. —  V.  The  Morality  of  the  Je-.ris 
Code  delineated. — VI.  The  Mosaic  Dispensation  introdiu 
tor y  to   Cln  ixtianity. 

Tin:  second  view  of  religion,  presented  to  us  in  the  Sen,  • 

tures,  is  that  which   relates  t.,  the  Mosaic  dispensation 

This  was  really  and  essentially  the  same,  for  substai  i 
that  which  was  professed  and  practised  in  the  ancienl  : 
archal  times,8  with  the  addition  of  a  special  covenant  made 
with  a  particular  people;  among  whom  God  was  pli 
for  wise  ends,  to  erect  a  sacred  polity,  and  to  whom  h< 
a  revelation  of  his  will,  which  was  committed  to  v.ritii 
the  safest  mode  of  transmission ;  religion  having  hil 
been  preserved  chiefly  by  tradition,  which  was  more  i 
maintained  during  the  long  lives  of  men  in  the  firs- 
This  special  covenant  was  in  no  respect  inconsistent  with 
the  universal  providence  and  goodness  of  God  towards  man- 
kind ;  nor  did  it  in  any  degree  vacate  or  infringe  the  ancient 
primitive  religion  winch  had  obtained  from  the  beginning, 
but  which  was  designed  to  be  subservient  to  the  great  ends 
of  it,  and  to  preserve  it  from  being  utterly  depraved  and  ex- 
tinguished.    The  principal  end  ot  that  polity,  and  the  main 
view  to  which  it  was  directed,  was  to  restore  and  preserve 
the  true  worship  and  adoration  of  the  one  living  and  true 
God,  and  of  him  only,  in  opposition  to  that  polytheism  ana 
idolatry  which  began  then  to  spread  generally  through  the 
nations ;  and  to  engage  those  to  whom  it  was  made  known 
to  the  practice  of  piety,  virtue,  and  righteousness,  by  giving 
them  holy  and  excellent  laws,  expressly  directing  the  parti- 
culars of  their  duty,  and  enforced  by  the  sanctions  of  a  divine 
authority,  and  also   by  promises   and  threatenings  in   the 
name  of  God.  Another  essential  part  of  the  Mosaic  dispensa- 
tion was,  to  keep  up  the  hope  and  expectation  of  the  Re- 
deemer, who  had  been  promised  from  trie  beginning,  and  to 
prepare  men  for  that  most  perfect  and  complete  dispensation 
which  he  was  to  introduce.     And  whoever  impartially  exa- 
mines that  constitution,  must  be  obliged  to  acknowledge  that 
it  was  admirably  fitted  to  answer  these  most  important  ends. 

I.  The  Theology  of  Judaism  was  pure,  sublime,  and  de- 
votional. The  belief  of  one  supreme,  self-existent,  and  all- 
perfect  Being,  the  creator  of  the  heavens  and  the  earth,  was 
the  basis  of  all  the  religious  institutions  of  the  Israelites,  the 
sole  object  of  their  hopes,  fears,  and  worship.  His  adorable 
perfections,  and  especially  the  supreme  providence  of  Jeho- 
vah— as  the  s,,!e  dispenser  of  good  and  evil,  and  the  b< 
bnt  preserver,  protector,  and  benefactor  of  mankind — are 
described  by  the  inspired  legislator  of  the  Helm  ws  in  unuf- 
trains  i  f  unrivalled  sublimity  ;  which,  while  they  are 
adapt,  il  to  our  finite  apprehensions  by  imagery  borrowed 
from  terrestrial  and  sensible  objects,  at  the  same  time  raise 
our  c  to  the  contemplation  of  the  spirituality  and 

majesty  oi  Him,  who  "dwelled)  in  light  inaccessible."* 

1.  The  Law  of  Moses,  however,  will  best  speak  for  its.  If. 
It  was  the  avowed  design  of  that  law  to  teach  the  Isra 
thai  there  is  only  oira  God,  and  to  secure  them  from  that 
polytheism  and  idolatry  which  prevailed  among  all  the  na- 
tions round  about  them.  And  accordingly  his  essential  unity 
cially  inculcated,  no  less  than  his  underived  sel1 
existei  y,  and  immutability. 

•.  O  Israel,  says  Moses,  the  JZord  our  God  is  one  Lord 
(Deut.  vi.  4.)  Again — The  Lord,  he  ix  Gud  in  heaven  above, 
ami  upon  the  earth  beneath  ,■  /here  is  none  else.  (iv.  39.)  And 
the  first  commandment  required  them  to  have  no  other  gods 

a  The  Mosaic  law  repealed  or  altered  nothing  in  the  patriarchal  dispensa- 
tion, beyond  what  the  progressive  developeinent  of  the  design  of  Infinite 
Wisdom  absolutely  required.  Hence  it  adopted  several  particulars  from 
patnarchisin,  such  as  sacrifice,  the  distinction  between  clean  and  unclean 
animals,  the  priesthood,  the  payment  of  tithes,  certain  moral  precepts,  and 
the  observance  of  the  Sabbath.  These  points  arc  fully  proved  by  Mr.  Faber. 
Herae  Mosaics?,  vol.  ii.  pp.  25—33. 


DOCTRINES  AND  MORAL  PRECEPTS  OF  THE  BIBLE, 


144 

besides  him.  (Exod.  xx.  3.)  Idolatry,  or  the  worship  of  any 
other  gods  but  the  one  Supreme  Cod,  was  prohibited  under 
the  severest  penalties.  They  were  strictly  required  not  to 
bow  down  to  the  gods  of  the  heathen  nations,  nor  serve  them,  nor 
so  much  as  to  make  mention  of  their  names.  (Exod.  xxiii.  24.) 
The  law  punished  idolatry  with  death  (Deut.  xiii.  6,  &c.), 
and  denounced  the  curse  of  God  and  utter  destruction  against 
all  those  who  went  after  other  gods.  (vi.  14.  xi.  28.  xxviii. 
14,  &c.)  The  Pentateuch  begins  with  an  account  of  the 
creation  of  the  world  by  the  one  God,  who  in  the  beginning 
created  tlie  heaven  and  the  earth.  He  said,  Let  there  be  light, 
and  there  was  light.  He  made  the  beasts  of  the  earth,  and  the 
fowls  of  the  air,  and  every  living  creature  that  moveth  upon  the 
earth,  or  in  the  waters.  And  at  last  he  created  man  in  his  own 
image,  after  his  oivn  likeness ,-  and  gave  him  dominion  over  every 
living  thing  that  moveth  upon  the  earth.  (Gen.  i.)  This  one 
God  is  described  as  necessarily  self-existent — /  AM  THAT 
I  AM— is  his  name.  (Exod.  iii.  14.)  He  is  called  the  God 
of  god'!,  and  Lord  of  lords,  a  great  God,  a  mighty,  and  a  terri- 
ole.  (Deut.  x.  17.)  Who  is  like  unto  thee,  0  Lord,  amongst 
the  gods?  Who  is  like  thee,  glorious  in  holiness,  fearful  in 
praises,  doing  wonders  ?  (Exod.  xv.  11.)  He  is  called  the 
most  high  God,  the  possessor  of  heaven  and  earth .-  (Gen.  xiv. 
22,  &c.)  He  killdh  and  maketh  alive,  he  woundeth  and  he 
healeth:  neither  is  there  any  that  can  deliver  out  of  his  hand : 
(Deut.  xxxii.  39.)  He  gives  us  the  rain  in  its  due  seaso?i,  and 
sends  grass  in  our  fields:  And  again,  He  shuts  up  the  heaven 
that  there  be  no  rain,  and  that  the  land  yield  not  her  fruit. 
( Deut.  xi.  14,  &c.)  He  is  the  God  of  the  spirits  of  all  flesh. 
(Num.  xvi.  22.)  The  whole  history  of  the  Pentateuch  is  a 
narrative  of  God's  providential  dispensations,  his  love,  and 
care  of  his  faithful  servants,  and  his  constant  superintendence 
over  them ;  and  ascribes  all  events,  as  well  natural  as  mira- 
culous, to  God's  providence.  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob, 
and  Moses,  called  upon  the  Lord,  and  he  heard  them .-  and  he 
was  with  them  in  all  places  lohither  they  went.  The  history 
of  Joseph  sets  before  us  a  beautiful  and  instructive  example 
of  God's  providential  designs  brought  about  by  natural  causes. 
The  Lord  is  represented  as  God  in  heaven  above,  and  upon 
the  earth  beneath :  (Deut.  iv.  39.)  He  is  the  eternal  and  ever- 
lasting God.  (Gen.  xxi.  33.  Deut.  xxxiii.  27.)  He  lifteth 
up  his  hand,  and  saith,  Hive  for  ever,  (xxxii.  40.)  God  is 
not  a  man,  that  he  should  lie,  nor  the  son  of  man,  that  he  should 
repent.  (Num.  xxiii.  19.)  His  work  is  perfect,  for  all  his 
ways  are  judgment ,•  a  God  of  truth,  and  without  iniquity,- 
just  and  right  is  he.  (Deut.  xxxii.  4,  &c.)  He  is  the  judge 
of  all  the  earth:  (Gen.  xviii.  25.)  He  regardeth  not  persons, 
nor  taketh  reward:  (Deut.  x.  17.)  He  is  an  holy  God  (Lev. 
xix.  2.) ;  the  faithful  God,  which  keepeth  covenant  and  mercy 
with  them  that  love  him,  and  keep  his  commandments.  (Deut. 
vii.  9.)  The  Lord  is  nigh  unto  his  people  in  all  things  that 
they  call  upon  him  for.  (Deut.  iv.  7.)  Wlien  they  cry  unto 
him,  he  hears  their  voice,  and  looks  on  their  affliction,  (xxvi.  7.) 
To  him  bebngcth  vengeance  and  recompense.  The  Lord  shall 
judge  his  people .-  (xxxii.  35,  36.)  He  will  not  justify  the 
wicked  (Exod.  xxiii.  7.),  and,  by  no  means  clear  the  guilty ; 
but  he  is  merciful  and  gracious,  long-suffering,  and  abundant 
in  goodness  and  truth,  forgiving  iniquity,  and  transgression, 
and  sin.  (xxxiv.  6,  7.) 

2.  Such  is  the  sublime  and  beautiful  representation,  which 
Moses  has  given  us  of  the  Divine  Being  and  perfections :  a 
similar  representation,  but  much  more  clear  and  explicit  (if 
possible),  is  contained  in  the  writings  of  the  Prophets  and 
other  inspired  writers,  who  were  raised  up  from  time  to  time 
among  the  Jews.  They  teach  us,  that  the  Lord  is  God  alone 
of  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth,  and  made  heaven  and  earth 
f  Isa.  xxxvii.  16.) ;  that  he  is  the  first,  and  he  is  the  last,  and 
besides  him  there  is  no  God  (xliv.  6.) ;  that  by  the  word  of  the 
Lord  were  the  heavens  made,  and  all  the  host  of  them  by  the 
breath  of  his  mouth  (Psal.  xxxiii.  6.) ;  he  spake  the  word,  and 
they  were  made,  he  commanded,  and. they  were  created.  (Psal. 
cxlviii.  5.)  He  is  the  Lord  ahne,  he  made  heaven,  the  heaven 
of  heavens,  with  all  their  host;  the  earth,  and  all  things  that  are 
therein;  the  seas,  and,  all  that  is  therein,-  and  he  preserveth 
them  all;  and  the  host  of  heaven  worshippeth  him.  (Neh.  ix.  6.) 
The  supreme  God  is  in  these  sacred  writings  distinguished 
by  the  name  of  Jehovah,  which  signifies  necessary  existence ; 
and  by  the  title  of  the  Almighty,  the  Most  High.     We  are 


,w,v*   "J     ""—     —  -***   v-     -""  -— n"  J  '      "~   *.-.ww*  ..igu.  » »  ^    an 

told  that  the  world  is  his,  and  the  fulness  thereof.  (Psal.  1.  12. 
In  his  hand  is  the  soul  of  every  living  thing,  and  the  Irreath  of 
til  mankind.    (Job  xii.  10.)      His  is  the  greatness,  and  the 
power,  and  the  glory,  and  the  victory,  and  the  majesty  ,-  for  all 
'hat  is  in  the  heavei\,  and  in  the  earth,  is  his ;  his  is  the  king- 


[Chap.  V 

dom,  and  he  is  exalted  as  head  above  all:  Both  riches  and  ho- 
nour come  of  him,-  and  he  reigneth  over  all.  (1  Chron.  xxix 
11,  12.)  The  pillars  of  the  earth  are  the  Lord's ,■  and  he 
hath  set  the  world  upon  them.  (1  Sam.  ii.  8.)  He  ruleth  in 
the  kingdom  of  men,  and  givcth  it  to  whomsoever  he  will.  (Dan. 
iv.  32.)  He  changeth  the  times,  and  the  seasons .-  He  removeth 
kings,  and  setteth  up  kings,  fii.  21.)  He  causelh  the  va- 
pours to  ascend  from  the  ends  of  the  earth:  He  maketh  light- 
nings with  rain,  and  bringeth  forth  the  wind  out  of  his  trea- 
sures. (Jer.  x.  13.)  Fire  and  hail,  snow  and  vapour,  and 
stormy  wind,  fulfil  his  word.  (Psal.  cxlviii.  8.)  He  is  the 
true  God,  the  living  God,  an  everlasting  King.  (Jer.  x.  10.) 
He  is  the  high  and  lofty  One,  that  inhabiteth  eternity.  (Isa. 
lvii.  15.)  Before  the  mountains  were  brought  forth,  or  the 
earth  and  the  world  were  formed,  even  from  everlasting  to  ever- 
lasting he  is  God.  (Psal.  xc.  2.)  He  is  the  Lord,  he  changeth 
not.  (Mai.  iii.  6.)  The  earth  and  the  heavens  shall  perish,  but 
he  shall  endure :  He  is  the  same,  and  his  years  shall  have  no 
end.  (Psal.  cii.  26,  27.)  Heaven  is  his  throne,  and  earth  is 
his  footstool.  (Isa.  lxvi.  1.)  Am  I  a  God  at  hand,  saith  the 
Lord,  and  not  a  God  afar  off?  Can  any  hide  himself  in  secret 
places  that  1  shall  not  see  him  ?  saith  tlie  Lord :  Do  not  I  fill 
heaven  and  earth?  (Jer.  xxiii.  23,  24.)  He  is  about  our  path 
(says  the  Psalmist),  and  about  our  bed,  and  spieih  out  all  our 
ways. —  Whither  shall  1  go  from  thy  spirit?  Or  whither  shall 
I  go  from  thy  presence?  If  I  climb  up  into  heaven,  thou  art 
there;  if  I  go  down  to  hell,  thou  art  there  also. —  Yea,  the 
darkness  is  no  darkness  with  thee ,-  the  darkness  and  light  to  thee 
are  both  alike.  (Psal.  cxxxix.  3,  &c.)  The  eyes  of  the  Lord 
are  in  every  place,  beholding  the  evil  and  the  good.  (Prov.  xv. 
3.)  His  eyes  are  upon  the  ways  of  man ,-  and  he  seeth  all  his 
goings.  There  is  no  darkness,  nor  shadow  of  death,  where  the 
workers  of  iniquity  may  hide  themselves.  (Job  xxxiv.  21.)  He 
understandeth  our  thoughts  afar  off: — Nor  is  there  a  word  in 
our  tongue,  but  fie  knoweth  it  altogether.  (Psal.  cxxxix.  2.  4.) 
He  searcheth  all  hearts,  and  understandeth  all  the  imaginations 
of  the  thoughts.  (1  Chron.  xxviii.  9.)  He  only  knoweth  the 
hearts  of  all  the  children  of  men.  (1  Kings  viii.  39.)  His  un- 
derstanding is  infinite :  He  sees  at  once  things  past,  present, 
and  to  come,  declaring  the  end  from  the  beginning,  and  from 
ancient  times  the  things  that  are  not  yet  done.  (Isa.  xlvi.  10.) 
And  in  this  the  true  God  is  distinguished  from  all  the  gods 
of  the  heathen,  that  he  is  able  to  show  the  things  that  are  to 
come  hereafter,  and  to  show  what  shall  happen,  (xli.  22,  23. 
xliv.  7.)  He  is  mighty  in  strength  and  wisdom :  (Job  xxxvi. 
5.)  Wonderful  in  counsel,  excellent  in  working.  (Isa.  xxviii. 
29.)  He  taketh  the  wise  in  their  own  craftiness.  (Job  v.  13.) 
He  turneth  wise  men  backward,  and  maketh  their  knowledge 
foolish.  (Isa.  xliv.  25.)  For  there  is  no  wisdom,  nor  under- 
standing, nor  counsel  against  the  Lord.  (Prov.  xxi.  30.)  He 
can  do  every  thing  (Job  xlii.  2.) ;  and  there  is  nothing  too  hara 
for  him.  (Jer.  xxxii.  17.)  In  his  hand  there  is  power  ana 
might,  so  that  none  is  able  to  withstand  him.  (2  Chron.  xx.  6.) 
The  Lord  is  righteous  in  all  his  ways,  and  holy  in  all  his 
works.  (Psal.  cxlv.  17.)  There  is  none  holy  as  the  Lord. 
(1  Sam.  ii.  2.)  God  will  not  do  wickedly,  neither  will  the 
Almighty  pervert  judgment.  (Job  xxxiv.  12.)  He  is  of  purer 
eyes  than  to  behold  evil,  and  cannot  look  on  iniquity.  (Hab.  i. 
13.)  He  is  called  the  God  of  truth.  (Isa.  lxv.  16.)  His 
counsels  of  old  are  faithfulness  and  truth,  (xxv.  1.)  He  will 
ever  be  mindful  of  his  covenant ,- — the  works  of  his  hands  are 
verity  and  judgment.  (Psal.  cxi.  5. 7.)  The  Lord  is  gracious, 
and  full  of  compassion;  slow  to  anger,  and  of  great  mercy.  He 
is  good  to  all;  and  his  tender  mercies  are  over  all  his  works.— 
He  openeth  his  hand,  and  satisfieth  the  desire  of  every  living 
thing,  (cxlv.  8,  &c.)  He  is  a  father  of  the  fatherless,  and  a 
judge  of  the  widows  (lxviii.  5.) ;  and  delivereth  the  poor  and 
needy  from  Mm  that  spoilcth  him.  (xxxv.  10.)  Like  as  a  father 
pitieth  his  children,  so  the  Lord  pitieth  them  that  fear  him. 
(ciii.  13.)  The  eyes  of  the  Lord  are  over  the  righteous,  and  his 
ears  are  open  unto  their  prayers,  (xxxiv.  15.)  He  is  nigh 
unto  all  them  that  call  upon  him,  to  all  that  call  upon  him  in 
truth.  He  will  fulfil  the  desire  of  them  that  fear  Mm ,-  he  wiJ 
also  hear  tlieir  cry,  and  will  save  them.  (cxlv.  18,  19.)  He  is 
good,  and  ready  to  forgive.  (Ixxxvi.  5.)  If  the  wicked  forsake 
his  way,  and  return  unto  the  Lord,  he  well  have  mercy  upon  him, 
and  will  abundantly  pardon.  (Isa.  Iv.  7.)  He  retaineth  not 
his  anger  for  ever,  because  he  delight 'eth  in  mercy.  (Mic.  vii. 
18.)  But  though  he  is  slow  to  anger,  he  will  not  acquit  the 
wicked.  (Nah.  iT3.)  To  him  belongeth  vengeance  (Psal.  xciv. 
10 ;  and  he  will  render  to  every  man  a  cording  to  his  works 
(Prov.  xxiv.  12.)  Righteous  is  tht  Lord,  and  upright  are 
his  judgments.  (Psal.  cxix.  137.)     Ther°  is  no  iniquity  with 


titer 


§  2-J 


A  PROOF  OF  ITS  DIVINE  INSPIRATION. 


141 


the  Lord  our  (lor/,  nor  respa  I  of  persons,  nor  taking  of  gifts, 
"(2  Chron.  xix.  7.)  Lastly,  though  great  is  the  Lord,  and 
greatly  to  In1  praised,  yet  nit  greatness  is  unsearchable.  (Psal. 

cxlv.  3.)  f->o,  these  are  pari:;  of  his  ways  (says  .1  <  j!>  ),  but  how 
little  a  portion  in  heard  of  him?  Hut  the  thunder  "J  his  power 
who  rim  understand?  fjob  xxvi.  1 1.)  Jfa  the  heavens  are 
higher  than  the  earth  (saith  God  himself),  so  are  my  ways 
higher  than  your  ways,  and  my  thoughts  than  your  thoughts. 
(Isa.  lv.  9.) 

Were  every  passage  relating  to  the  nature  and  attributes 
of  the  Deity  to  be  cited,  it  would  be  requisite  to  extract  a 
very  considerable  portion  of  the  Old  Testament ;  but  the  pre- 
ceding will  suffice  to  evince  the  sublimit y  and  oxc<  U(  rice  of 
its  doctrines  concerning  these  topics. 

II.  Equally  excellent  and  explicit  is  the  doctrine  of  the 

do  dispensation  relative  to  cur  Duty  towards  God; 

which  is  there  set  forth  in  a  mannoi  suitable  to  the  idi  a  given 

of  his  perfections,  and  with  a  s  demnity  becoming  its  im- 

fort  i  nee.  Hear,  0  Israel,  Bays  the  illustrious  legislator  of  the 
[ebrews,  The  Lord  our  Goa  is  one  Lord,  Jlndthou  skalt  love 
the  Lord  tin/  God  with  all  thine  heart,  and  with  oil  thy  soul, 
and  with  oil  thy  might.  ( I )eut.  vi.  i,  5.)  Take  good  heed  un- 
ntrsehes,  says  Joshua,  that  ye  love  the  Lord  your  God: 
(Josh,  xxiii.  11.)  0  love  the  Lord-,  alive  his  saints,  says  the 
Psalmist.  (Psal.  xxxi.  23.)  The  fear  ox  ( fod  is  as  strictly  re- 
quired ;  and  such  a  fear  as  would  induce  them  to  keep  God's 
commandments : — Thou  shall  fear  thy  God,  and  serve  him, 
says  Moses.  (Deut.  vi.  13.)  Fear  God,  says  the  preacher, 
and  keep  his  commandments  ,■  for  this  is  the  whole  duty  of  man. 
(Eccles.  xii.  13.)  Abraham, Isaac,  and  the  ciders  are  repre- 
sented as  fearing  God  (Gen.  xxii.  12.  xxxi.  12.  xliii.  18.); 
believing  in  him,  trusting  in  his  promises,  and  obeying  his 
voice,  (xv.  6.  xxii.  18.  xxvi.  5.)  Solomon  exhorts  men  to 
trust  in  the  Lord  with  allthi  (Prov.  iii.  5.)     Blessed 

is  tfie  man,  says  the  prophet,  tlutt  trusfit'i  i.i  the  Lord,  and 
whose  Ivope  the  Lord  is.  (Jer.  xvii.  7.)  The  Psalmist  on  every 
occasion  expresses  his  firm  trust  in  (Jod,  and  faith  in  his  pro- 
mises : — In  God,  says  he,  [have  put  my  trust  ,•  I  will  not  fear 
what  flesh  can  do  unto  me,  (Psal.  lvi.  1 .) — And  again,  My  soul, 
wait  thou  only  upon  God ;  fur  my  tamed  Hon  is  from  him.  I/c 
only  is  my  rock  and  my  solvation  .•  He  is  my  defence,  1  shall  not 
be  moved.     In  God  is  my  salvati  glory  {  the  rock  of 

my  strength  and  my  refuge  is  in  God.  Trust  in  him  at  all 
times,  ye  people,  (lxii.  5,  &c.)  Obedience  to  all  God's  com- 
mandments is  strongly  insisted  on  throughout  the  Old  Testa- 
ment; and  (what  seems  peculiar  to  the  Jewish  law)  all  mo- 
ral duties  are  enforced  on  this  principle,  /  cm  the  Lord  your 
God.  (Lev.  xix.  3,  &c.) — We  have  i.i  Job  the  greatest  ex- 
ample of  patience  and  resignation  to  God's  \\\\\.—The  Lord 
gave,  says  he,  and  the  Lord  hath  taken  away  ;  blessed  be  the 
name  of  the  Lord.  (Job  i.  21.') — And  again.  Shall  we  receive 
good  at  the  hand  of  God,  and  shall  we  m  I?  (ii.  10.) 

—And  Solomon  teaches  the  same  good  lesson,  My  son,  de- 
spise not  the  chastening  of  the  Lord;  n  /,'  r  be  weary  of  his 
correction.     For  whom  the  Lord  lot  th  //,  even  as  a 

father  the  son  in  whom  he  delighteth.  (Prov.  iii.  11,  12.)  The 
Israelites  were  required  to  walk  humbly  with  their  God (Mic. 
vi.  8.)  ;  and  are  taught  that  the  sucrifues  of  God  are  a  brokt  n 
spirit ;  and  that  a  broken  and  contrite  heart  God  will  not  de- 
spise. (Psal.  Ii.  17.) — Not  merely  an  external  service,  but  the 
internal  worship  of  a  pure  heart  was  required  of  them.  Offer 
unto  God  not  sacrifice  but  thanksgiving,  and  pay  thy  vows  un- 
to the  Most  High.  (1.  14.)  The  sacrifice  of  the  wicked  is  an 
abomination  unto  the  Lord ;  but  the  prayer  of  the  upright  is 
his  delight.  (Prov.  xv.  8.)  Give  unto  the  Lord  the  glory  due 
unto  fits  name:  worship  the  Lord  in  tlu  bet  '  /  of  holiness. 
(Psal.  xxix.  2.)  Wc  have  already  seen  how  strictly  all 
idolatry  was  prohibited  by  the  Mosaical  law ;  and  the  same 
doctrine  is  taught  by  all  the  prophets.  The  one  God  was 
the  sole  and  constant  object  of  their  worship  ;  to  him  they 
gave  all  honour,  glory,  and  praise  ;  to  him  ah  ne  they  offered 
their  prayers  ;  and  to  him  tney  returned  thanks  as  the  giver 
of  all  good  things;  and  him  they  worshippt  <!.  not  under  the 
vain  representation  of  an  image  or  idol,  but  in  a  manner  suit- 
able to  his  spiritual  nature,  and  transcendent  majesty.  To 
the  one  God  alone,  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob,  Moses,  Sa- 
muel, and  the  prophets,  offered  their  prayers  ;  and  he  heard 
them.  The  whole  book  of  Psalms  consists  i  f  prayers,  and 
praises,  offered  to  the  one  true  God.  /  will  call  upon  God, 
says  David,  and  the  Lord  shall  save  me.  (Psal.  lv.  1G.) — And 
again,  0  thou  that  nearest  prayer,  unto  th  i  . .'.,  U  alljlesh  come. 
^lxy.  2.)  The  whole  service  of  the  tabernacle  and  temple 
was  directed  to  the  one  God.  >At  the  dedication  of  the  tem- 
Vol.  I.  T 


pie,  Solomon  offered  up  a  solemn  prayer  to  Jehcivah  the  God 
of  Israel,  to  whom  there  was  no  God  like  in  heaven  above,  or 
th  beneath,  Him  he  besought  to  have  respect  unto  the 
prayers  and  supplications  which  should  be  there  offered,  and 
his  dwelling-place.  (1  Kings  viii.  23.  20,  30.) 
And  '  d  tu  I, ■in,  and  assure'!  : 

his  pr         and  that  "■■■  - 

tin  unto  the  prayer  thai 
vii.  12,  &c.)' 
III.  The  Belief  or  \  Future  State  which  we  ht  ve 
ly  seen  was  held  by  the  patriarchs2  (though  not  expli- 
citly taught  by  Moses,  whose  writings  presuppose  it  us  ;: 

I  article  of  religion),  was  transmitted  from 

tin  m  to  th-  !  ,  and  appears  in  various  parts  of  the 
Old  Testament.  Prom  the  circumstance  of  the  promise  of 
1  ')■  ingprincipally, if  nol  entirely,  annex*  I 
to  the  la .  f  op  Warburton  attempted  to  de- 
duce a  dh  ine  mission.1  P  is 
impossible  here  to  enter  into  an  examination  i  f  this 
ment:  but  we  may  ob    irve,  in  the  first  place',  "th  I 

omission  of  a  future  state,  OS  a  .-auction  to  the  lairs  of  Maes, 

ran  be  satisfactorily  accounted  far,-  and,  secondly,  that  the 

Old  Testament  shows  that  he  himself  believed  in  a  future  slate, 
and  contains  a  gradual  developetment  of  it.  These  two  propo- 
sitions, the  former  of  which  is  in  unison  with  the  opinion  of 
Warburton,  the  latter  at  variance  with  him,  appear  to  be  very 
satisfactorily  established  by  the  luminous  reasoning  of  Dr. 
Graves.4  Instead  of  employing  the  omission  of  theaoctrine 
as  a  medium,  by  which  to  prove  that  a  divine  interposition 
was  necessary  for  the  erection  and  maintenance  of  Judaism, 
he  first  shows  the  reality  of  a  divine  interposition,  and  then 
that  the  omission  in  question,  so  far  from  being  inconsistent 
with  the  divine  origin  of  the  system,  does,  in  fact,  necessarily 
result  from  the  peculiar  nature  of  the  dispensation,  and  from 
the  character  of  the  people  to  whom  it  was  given. — The  po- 
lytheistic principle  of  tutelary  deities  maintained  that  their 
worship  was  attended  with  a  national  prosperity.  The  fu- 
tility of  this  it  was  the  intention  of  God  to  display  by  open 
and  unequivocal  demonstrations  of  his  own  omnipotence. 
The  moral  government  of  Jehovah  was  to  be  exhibited  on 
the  earth  by  the  theocracy  which  he  established.5  Its  very 
nature  required  temporal  sanctions,  and  their  immediate  en- 
forcement; its  object  could  not  be  attained  by  waitino- till 
the  invisible  realities  of  a  future  state  should  be  unveiled. 
The  previous  exhibition  of  such  a  moral  government  was  the 
best  preparation  for  the  full  revelation  of  man's  future  des- 
tiny, ana  of  the  means  provided  for  his  welfare  in  it,  by  a 
merciful  and  redeeming  God.  'Life  and  immortality  were 
thus  to  be  fully  brought  to  light  by  :he  Gospel.'  As  yet  the 
bulk  of  mankind  were  unprepared  !•  r  it,  and  were  better 
fitted  to  comprehend,  and  be  influenced  by  sensible  mani- 
festations of  the  divine  Judgments,  than  byr  the  remoter  doc- 
trine of  a  future  state  ofretnbuti 

"The  Old  Testament,  however,  and  even  the  writings  of 
Moses,  contained  intelligible  intimations  of  immortality. 
The  four  last  books  of  the  Pentateuch,  indeed,  were  princi- 
pally occupied  in  the  detail  cf  the  legal  regulations,  and  the 
sanctions  necessary  to  enforce  them;  yet  even  from  them  Je- 
sus Christ  deduced  an  argument  to  the  confusion  of  the  Sad- 
ducees.6  And  in  the  book  of  Genesis  are  several  occur- 
rences, which  must  have  led  the  pious  Jews  to  the  doctrine 
of  a  future  existence,  even  had  they  possessed  no  remains  of 
patriarchal  tradition.  The  account  of  the  state  of  man  before 
the  fall,  of  the  penalty  first  annexed  to  his  transgression,  and 
of  the  sentence  pronounced  upon  our  first  parents,  considered 
in  connection  with  the  promise  of  a  deliverance,  would  ne- 
cessarily suggestsuch  a  doctrine.  Could  the  believing  Jews 
conclude  that  death  would  have  followed  the  acceptance  of 
Abel's  sacrifice,  unless  he  was  translated  to  some  better  state 
of  existence  and  felicity]  How  also  did  God  show  his  ap- 
probation of  Enoch's  piety,  unless  he  took  him  to  hi;, 
and  to  immortality  and  bliss] — Doubtless  the  author  of  the 

'  Dr.  Randolph's  (wo  Sermons  on  the  Excellency  of  the  Jewish  Law  vin- 
dicated, in  vol.  ii.  of  his  View  of  our  Blessed  Saviour's  Ministry,  Ax.  pp. 
259-273. 

*  See  p.  143.  st^pra. 

3  The  following  is  a  summary  of  his  hypothesis :— The  doctrine  of  a  fu- 
ture state  is  necessary  to  the  well-being  of  civil  society,  under  the  ordinary 
government  of  providmcc  :  all  mankind  have  ever  bo  conceived  of  the  mat- 
ter. The  Mosaic  institution  was  without  this  support,  and,yet  did  not  want 
it.  What  follows,  but  that  the  Jewish  affairs  were  administered  by  an  ex- 
traordinary providence,  distributing  rewards  and  punishments  with  an 
ecj;-.al  hand,  and,  consequently,  that  the  mission*  of  Moses  was  divins  1 
Warburton's  Divine  Legation  of  Moses,  book  vi.  sect.  0.  (Works,  vol.  vi 
p.  106.  etseq.  Svo.  edit.) 

*  On  the  Pentateuch,  part  3.  lect.  3,  1. 
«  Matt.  xxii.  32.     Mark  xu.  26,  27.     Luke  xx.  37. 


•  Div.  Leg.  b.  v   <;-  c:  4 


146 


DOCTRINES   \ND  MORAL  PRECEPTS  OF  THE  BIBLE, 


Chip.  V 


Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  was  not  the  first  who  discovered 
that  '  the  fathers  did  not  look  for  transitory  promises  ;'  that 
'  they  sought  a  better  country,  even  a  heavenly ;'  and  that 
'God  hath  prepared  for  them  a  city;'  and  that  Moses  him- 
self rejected  the  '  enjoyment  of  the  pleasures  of  sin  for  a  sea- 
son,' because  'he  had  respect  to  the  recompense  of  the 
reward.' — This  important  and  consolatory  truth  of  a  fu- 
ture state  of  being  was,  in  process  of  time,  displayed  to 
the  Jews  more  and  more  clearly. — The  book  of  Job  is 
very  explicit  upon  the  subject.  The  royal  Psalmist  1ms 
spoken  of  it  with  great  confidence ;'  and  Solomon,  besides 
several  passages  in  his  proverbs,2  which  seem  to  allude  to 
it,  is  supposed  to  have  written  the  book  of  Ecclesiastes, 
which  concludes  with  a  clear  declaration  of  it,  for  the  ex- 
press purpose  of  proving  and  enforcing  it.3  The  translation 
of  Elijah,1  and  the  restoration  to  life  of  three  several  persons 
by  him  and  his  successor,5  must  have  given  demonstration 
of  the  probability  of  the  same  doctrine ;  which  also  Isaiah, 
Ezekiel,  Hosea,  Amos,  and  especially  Daniel,  very  fre- 
quently inculcate,  and  even  pre-suppose  as  a  matter  of  noto- 
riety and  popular  belief.6 

To  these  considerations  we  may  add  the  fact,  that  in  the 
books  of  Leviticus  (xix.  26.  31.  xx.  27.),  and  Deuteronomy 
(xviii.  10,  11.),  there  are  various  enactments  against  divi- 
ners, enchanters,  and  those  who  profess  to  know  the  future 
by  consulting  either  familiar  spirits,  or  the  spirits  of  the  de- 
parted. All  these  superstitions  suppose  the  belief^pf  spirits, 
and  the  doctrine  of  the  existence  of  souls  after  death ;  and 
Moses  would  not  have  prohibited  the  consulting  of  them  by 
express  laws,  if  he  had  not  been  apprehensive  that  the  He- 
brews, after  the  example  of  the  neighbouring  heathen  na- 
tions, would  have  abused  the  doctrine  of  the  immortality  of 
the  soul,  which  was  universally  received  among  them.  Se- 
vere, however,  as  these  laws  were,  they  did  not  entirely  re- 
press this  abuse ;  for  the  Psalmist  (cvi.  28.)  reproaches  the 
Israelites  with  having  eaten  the  sacrifices  of  the  dead,  that  is, 
sacrifices  offered  to  the  manes  of  the  dead.  We  have  also, 
in  Saul,  a  signal  instance  of  this  superstition.  After  he  had 
cut  off  those  that  had  familiar  spirits,  and  the  wizards  out  of 
the  land  (1  Sam.  xxviii.  3.  9.),  having  in  vain  consulted  the 
Lord  respecting  the  issue  of  his  approaching  conflict  with 
the  Philistines,  he  went  in  quest  of  a  woman  that  had  a  fa- 
miliar spirit,  and  commanded  her  to  evoke  the  soul  of  the 
prophet  Samuel,  (ver.  7 — 12.)  This  circumstance  evidently 
proves  that  Saul  and  the  Israelites  believed  in  the  immor- 
tality of  the  soul. 

IV.  The  Expectation  of  a  Redeemer,  which  was  che- 
rished by  the  patriarchs,  was  also  kept  up  under  the  Mosaic 
dispensation  by  predictions,  both  by  the  Hebrew  legislator 
and  by  the  prophets  who  succeeded  him,  until  the  fulness  of 
time  came,  when  the  Messiah  was  manifested.  But  as  this 
topic  (which  is  introduced  here  only  to  show  the  connection 
between  the  patriarchal  religion  and  that  of  the  Jews)  has 
already  been  noticed  as  an  accomplishment  of  prophecy,7  we 
proceed  to  remark, — 

V.  That  the  Morality  of  the  Jewish  Code  exhibits  a 
perfection  and  beauty,  in  no  respect  inferior  to  its  religious 
doctrines  and  duties.  We  owe  to  it  the  decalogue,  a  reposi- 
tory of  duty  to  God  and  man,  so  pure  and  comprehensive  as 
to  be  absolutely  without  parallel ;  and  these  commandments 
are  not  the  impotent  recommendations  of  man,  or  the  uncer- 
tain deductions  of  human  reason,  but  the  dictates  of  the  God 
of  purity,  flowing  from  his  immediate  legislation,  and  pro- 
mulgated with  awful  solemnity.  The  sanctions  also  of  the 
remaining  enactments  of  the  law  are  such  as  morality  pos- 
sessed in  no  other  nation. 

1.  In  the  first  place,  the  most  excellent  and  amiable  virtue 
of  humility,  a  virtue  little  practised,  and  scarcely  ever  taught 
by  the  philosophers,  is  recommended  and  taught  in  the  Old 
Testament,  as  well  as  in  the  New.  Moses  admonishes 
the  children  of  Israel  to  beware  lest  their  heart  be  lit 'ted-up,  and 
they  forget  the  Lord  their  God,  and  ascribe  their  wealth  and 
prosperity  to  their  own  power  and  might.  (Deut.  viii.  14,  &c.) 
And  the  prophet  Micah  teacheth  them,  that  to  walk  humbly 
with  their  God,  was  one  of  the  principal  tilings  which  the 
Lord  required  of  them.    (Mic.  vi.  8.)    We  are  assured  by 

«  See  Psalms  xxi.  xxxvi.  xlix.  lxxiii.  exxxix.  Also  Bp.  Home  on  Psalms 
xvi.  xvii.  and  xlix.  •>■  Prov.  v.  21— 23.  xiv.  32 

»  Eccles.  iii.  16, 17.  and  viii.  11. 13.  4  2Kings  ii.  11. 

*  1  Kings  xvii.    2  Kings  iv.  and  xiii,  21. 

•  Isa.  xiv.  19.  and  xxvi.  19—21.  Hosea  xiii.  14.  Amos  iv.  12,  13.  Dan 
xii.  1—3.    Franks's  Norrisian  Prize  Essay  on  the  Use  and  Necessity  of  Re 

velation,  pp.  72—75.    Du  Voisin,  Autorite  des  Livres  de  Moyse,  pp.  406 

421. 

»  See  pp.  126 — 12S  »upra,  and  the  Appendix,  No.  VI.  infra. 


Isaiah  that  God  dwells  with  him  that  is  of  a  contrite  and  hum. 
ble  spirit.  (Isa.  lvii.  15.)  And  Solomon  declares,  that  pride 
goeth  before  destruction,  and  a  haughty  spirit  before  a  fall; 
that  better  it  is  to  be  of  a  humble  spirit  with  the  lowly,  than  to 
divide  the  spoil  with  the  proud,-  and  again — Every  one  that  is 
proud  in  heart  is  an  abomination  to  the  Lord.  (Prov.  xvi.  5, 
he.)  The  kindred  virtue  of  meekness  is  also  a  doctrine  of 
the  Old  Testament.  The  Psalmist  assures  us,  that  God  will 
guide  the  meek  in  judgment,  and  teach  them  his  way.  (Psal. 
xxv.  9.)  And  Solomon  teaches  us,  that  he  that  xs  slow  to 
finger  is  better  than  the  mighty  ,•  and  he  that  nileth  his  spirit, 
than  he  that  takt  1h  a  city.  (Prov.  xvi.  32.)  It  is  not  necessary 
to  adduce  the  many  exhortations  to  diligence,  which  we 
meet  with  in  the  writings  of  the  Old  Testament.  Every 
one  knows  that  beautiful  passage  in  the  book  of  Proverbs  : — 
Go  to  the  ant,  thou  sluggard,  consider  her  ways  and  be  wise, 
which,  having  no  guide,  overseer,  or  ruler,  provideth  her  meat 
in  the  summer,  and  gathereth  her  food  in  the  harvest,  (vi 
6,  &c0 

2.  Further,  lewdness  and  debauchery  were  not  oidy  com- 
monly practised  and  allowed  among  the  heathen  nation  ;  but 
shameless  prostitutions  and  the  most  abominable  impurities 
were  introduced  into  their  temples,  and  made  a  part  of  their 
religion.  But  all  uncleanness,  and  unnatural  lusts,  were 
strictly  forbidden  in  the  law  of  Moses.  It  is  said  that 
because  of  these  abominations,  the  Lord  cast  out  the  Canaanites 
before  them;  and  that  whosoever  shall  commit  any  of  these 
aoominations  shall  be  cut  off  from  among  their  people.  The  chil- 
dren of  Israel,  therefore,  were  required  not  to  defile  themselves 
therein  (Lev.  xviii.  and  xx.),  but  to  be  holy,  because  the  Lord 
their  God  was  holy  (xix.  2.)  The  law  ordains,  that  there 
should  be  no  whore  of  the  daughters  of  Israel,  nor  a  sodomite  of 
the  sons  of  Israel.*  (Deut.  xxiii.  17.)  And  in*  general,  all 
prostitution  is  forbidden : — Do  not  prostitute  thy  daughter, 
says  the  law,  to  cause  her  to  be  a  whore,  lest  the  land  fall  to 
whoredom,  and  the  land  become  full  of  wickedness.  (Lev.  xix. 
29.)  And  these  were  some  of  the  crimes  which  provoked 
God  to  visit  the  Jews,  and  destroy  their  city  and  temple : — 
They  committed  adultery,  and  assembled  themselves  by  troops 
in  the  harlots''  houses.  (Jer.  v.  7,  &c.)  Frequently  and 
earnestly  does  Solomon  call  upon  young  men  to  beware  of 
the  arts  of  strange  women.  Ilejoice,  says  he,  with  the  wife 
of  thy  youth,  and  embrace  not  the  bosom  of  a  stranger.  Lor 
the  ways  of  man  are  before  the  eyes  of  the  Lord,  and  he  pon- 
dereth  all  his  goings.  (Prov.  v.  18,  &c.) 

3.  The  same  wise  man  cautions  men  as  earnestly  against 
gluttony  and  drunkenness  : — Be  not,  says  he,  amongst  wine- 
bibbers,  amongst  riotous  eaters  of  flesh.  For  the  glutton  and 
t/ie  drunkard  shall  come  to  poverty,  (xxiii.  20,  21.)  And 
Isaiah  pronounces  a  woe  unto  them  that  rise  up  early  in  the 
morning,  that  they  may  follow  strong  drink,  that  continue  until 
night,  till  wine  inflame  them.  (Isa.  v.  11.)  And  it  is  enacted 
by  the  law,  that,  if  a  son  be  accused  by  his  parents  as  stub- 
born, and  rebellious,  a  glutton,  and  a  drunkard,  he  shall  be 
stoned  to  death.  (Deut.  xxi.  20,  21.)  All  covetous  desires  are 
also  prohibited.  The  tenth  commandment  forbade  the  Isra- 
elites to  covet  any  of  their  neighbours'1  goods.  (Exod.  xx.  17.) 
They  were  admonished  not  to  be  greedy  of  gain  (Prov.  xv. 
27.),  or  labour  to  be  rich  (xxiii.  4.j;  and  are  taught  to  ask 
of  God,  that  he  would  give  them  neither  poverty  nor  riches,  but 
feed  them  with  food  convenient  for  them.  (xxx.  8.)  Our  duty 
to  our  neighbour  is  also  clearly  and  fully  set  forth  in  the  law 
and  the  prophets.  Thou  shall  love  thy  neighbour  as  thyself 
(Lev.  xix.  18.),  was  a  precept  of  the  law,  that  in  one  word 
comprehends  every  duty  which  we  owe  one  to  another. 

4.  All  the  relative  duties  of  life  are  therein  most  plainly 
taught.  We  read  in  the  book  of  Genesis,  that  woman  was 
taken  out  of  man,-  and  therefore  shall  a  man  leave  his  father, 
and  his  mother,  and  shall  cleave  unto  his  wife ,-  and  they  shall 
be  one  flesh.  (Gen.  ii.  23,  24.)  Adultery  was  forbidden  by 
the  seventh  commandment  (Exod.  xx.  14.)  ;  and  was  by  the 
Mosaical  law  punishable  with  death.  (Lev.  xx.  10.)  The 
fifth  commandment  required  them  to  honour  their  father,  and 
their  mother,  that  their  days  may  be  long  upon  the  land  which 
the  Lord  their  God  gave  them.  (Exod.  xx.  12.)  And,  if  a 
man  had  a  stubborn  and  rebellious  son,  ivho  would  not  obey  ihe 
voice  of  his  father,  or  mother,  and  when  they  had  chastened  him, 
would  not  hearken  unto  them,  they  might  bring  him  unto  the 

•  The  words  in  the  original  signify  persons  consecrated  to  these  lewd 
purposes,  who  prostituted  themselves  in  t!  I:  temples,  and  whose  hire 
was  dedicated  to  the  service  of  their  filthy  gods.  And  accordingly  it  fol- 
lows in  the  next  verse,  Thou  shalt  not  '  p  jig  Ihe  hire  of  a  whore,  or  Ihe 
price  of  a  dog  (a  fit  appellation  for  these  catamites),  into  the  house  of  the 
Lord  thy  God  for  any  vow ;  for  even  both  these  are  an  abomination  un" 
the  Lord  thy  God. 


8sct.  I.  §  2.] 


A  PROOF  OF  ITS  DIVINE  INSPIRATION. 


147 


elders  of  the  city ;  and  all  tlie  men  of  his  city  .shall  ttoiu  him 
with  stones  that  lie  die  i  so,  says  Moses,  shall  thou  put  away 
evil  from  among  you,  and  all  Israel  shall  hear  and  fear,  (Oeut. 
xxi.  18,  &c.)  And  the  same  law  pronounces  a  curse  on  all 
disobedient  children, — Cursed  he  he  that  utteth  light  l>y  his 
father  or  his  mother,  (xxvii.  1G.)  The  Israelites  were  for- 
bidden to  use  their  servants  ill, — Thou  shah  not  rule  over  him 
with  rigour,  saith  the  law;  but  shall  far  thy  Ood.  (Lev. 
xxv.  43.)  Again, — Thou  shall  not  oppretaan  hind  tenant, 
that  is  ])oor  am!  needy,  whether  In'  hi-  of  thy  brethren,  or  of  /In/ 
ttrangers,  that  are  in  thy  land  within  thy  gates.  At  hu  day 
than  shall  give  him  his  hire,  neither  shall  tin-  sun  go  down  upon 

it  ;  for  he  is  poor,  and  setteth  his  heart  upon  it ;  lest  he  cry 
against  thee  unto  the  hird.  and  it  he  sin  unto  thee,  (l)eet.  xxiv. 
14,  &c.)  And  to  the  same  purpose  speaKS  Job,—//'  I  did 
despite  the  caute  of  my  man-iervant.  or  of  my  maidservant, 
when  /hey  contended  with  me,  who/  /hen  shall  I  do  when  God 
riseth  up?    JSnd  when  he  vuiteth,  what  shall  I  answer  him? 

Did  not  he  Had  made  me  in  /he  womb  mahe  him  ?  And  did 
not  one  fashion  us  in  the  womb?   (Job  xxxi.  13,  &C.) 

5.  Every  duty  of  justice  was  indeed  strictly  required  by 
the  law  of  Moses.  Murder  was  forbidden  by  the  sixth  com- 
mandment, adultery  by  the  seventh,  and  theft  by  the  eighth. 
/ 1  Ttoso  sheddeth  man's  blood,  by  man  shuH  his  blood  be  shea 
(Gen.  ix.  6.),  was  the  first  commandment  given  to  Noah 
after  the  flood.  And  the  same  sentence  was  denounced 
against  murder  by  the  Mosaical  law.  All  kinds  of  violence, 
oppression,  or  fraud,  were  also  forbidden.  (Exod.  xxi.  12. 
Num.  xxxv.  Deut.  xix.) — That  which  is  altogether  just  shall 
thou  follow,  that  thou  may  est  live,  says  the  law.  (Deut.  xvi. 
20.)  Ye  shall  not  oppress  one  another ,-  but  thou  shall  fear  the 
Lord  thy  God.  (Lev.  xxv.  17.)  Thou  shall  not  defraud  thy 
neighbour,  neither  rob  him.  (xix.  13.)  Ye  shall  not  steal,  nei- 
ther deal  falsely,  neither  lie  one  to  another,  (xix.  11.)  Ye  shall 
do  no  unrighteousness  in  judgment,  in  mete-yard,  in  weight, 
or  in  measure.  Just  balances,  just  lueights,  a  just  ephah,  and 
a  just  hin  shall  ye  have.  I  am  the  Lord  your  God.  (xix.  35, 
&c.)  The  same  commandment  is  repeated  in  the  book  of 
Deuteronomy ;  and  it  is  added,  that  all  that  do  such  things, 
and  all  that  do  unrighteously,  are  an  abominat ion  unto  t/ie  Lord. 
(Deut.  xxxv.  13,  &c.)  And  therefore  our  Saviour,  when  he 
says  to  his  disciples, —  Whatsoever  ye  would  that  men  should 
do  to  you,  do  ye  even  so  to  them, — adds, — for  this  is  the  law  and 
the  prophets.  (Matt.  vii.  12.) 

6.  The  law  of  Moses  was,  moreover,  characterized  by 
benevolence  and  goodness,  which  tended  to  develope  the 
same  virtues  among  the  Hebrews.  It  indignantly  prohibited 
human  sacrifices,  which  at  that  time  were  so  generally  preva- 
lent ;  it  softened  the  horrors  of  war,  so  frightful  in  those 
barbarous  ages ;  it  defended  the  cause  of  the  poor,  of  the 
accused,  of  the  fatherless,  and  of  slaves.  In  all  these  re- 
spects, the  Hebrew  legislator  was  obliged  to  make  some 
concessions  to  his  countrymen ;  but,  when  we  compare  his 
institutions  with  the  usages  which  then  generally  prevailed, 
we  cannot  mistake  the  tendency  and  effect  of  the  Mosaic 
laws.  We  see,  not  only  all  injustice  but  all  hatred  forbid- 
den, and  humanity  towards  the  poor  most  positively  enjoined. 
Thou  shall  not  hate  thy  brother  in  thine  heart  ,■  thou  shall  not 
avenge,  nor  bear  any  grudge  against  the  children  of  thy  •people  ; 
hut  thou  shall  love  ihy  neighbour  as  tliysilf.  (Lev.  xix.  17, 18.) 
If  they  saw  their  brother's  ox  or  sheep  go  astray,  they  lucre  to 
bring  them  again  to  him.  If  they  saw  his  ass  or  his  ox  fall 
down  by  the  way,  they  were  to  help  him  /<>  lift  /him  up  again. 
(Deut.  xxii.  1,  &c.)  If  their  brother  was  waxen  poor,  and 
fallen  in  decay,  they  were  commanded  to  relieve  him,  yea,  though 
he  be  a  stranger,  or  sojourner,  and  to  take  no  usury  of  him,  or 
increase.  (Lev.  xxv.  35,  36.)  If  they  at  all  look  their  neigh- 
hours  raiment  to  pledge,  they  were  to  deliver  it  to  him  by  that 
the  sun  goeth  down.  (Exod.  xxii.  26.)  To  the  same  purpose 
we  read  (Deut.  xv.) — If  there  be  among  you  a  poor  man  of 
one  of  thy  brethren,  thou  s/udt  not  harden  thy  heart,  nor  shut 
thine  hand  from  thy  poor  brother  ,•  but  thou  shall  open  thine 
hand  wide  unto  him,  and  shalt  surely  lend  him  sufficient  for 
his  need.  (Deut.  xv.  7,  8.)  They  were  required,  when  they 
reaped  the  harvest  of  their  land,  not  to  mahe  clean  riddance  of 
the  corners  of  their  field,  nor  to  gather  any  gleaning  of  their 
harvest  ,•  but  to  leave  them  unto  the  poor,  and  to  the  stranger. 
(Lev.  xxiii.  22.)  The  like  they  were  to  do  in  their  olive- 
yard  and  vine-yard  :  they  were  not  to  go  over  them  again,  but 
leave  the  gleanings  for  the  stranger,  the  fatherless,  and  the 
widow,  remembering  that  they  themselves  were  bondmen  in  the 
land  of  Egypt.  (Deut.  xxiv.  20,  &c.)  Nor  were  these  kind 
offices  to  be  performed  only  to  their  brethren  or  friends.     If 


they  met  their  enemy's  ox  or  ass  going  astray,  they  were  re 
quired  to  bring  it  back  to  him  again.  If  they  saw  the  ass  of 
him  that  hated  them  lying  under  his  burden,  they  were  surely 
to  In l/i  with  him.  (Exod.  xxiii.  4,  5.)  To  the  same  purpose 
speaks  Solomon  : — If  thine  enemy  be  hungry,  give  hem  brean 
to  eat  t  and  if  In  bt  thirsty ',  give  him  water  to  drink.  (Prov. 
xxv.  21.)  Nay,  tliev  were  to  extend  their  mercy  even  to 
tlie  brute  beasts. —  Thou  .dm!/  not  muzzle  the  ox,  when  he 
treadeth  out  the  earn.  (xxv.  1.)  Winn  a  hu  Hock,  or  a  sheep, 
or  it  goat  is  brought  forth,  then  it  shall  be  siren  days  under  tlie 
dam.  Whether  ■/  be  cow,  or  ewe,  ye  thatt  not  ktll  it  and  her 
young  both  in  on*  day.  (Lev.  xxii.  27,  28.)  If  a  bird's  nest 
chance  to  bt  before  thee,  than  shalt  not  tola  the  dam  with  the 
young.  (I)eut.  wii.  6.)  Thou  .-/ml/  not  seethe  a  kid  in  his 
mother's  milk.  (Exod.  xxiii.  19.) 

In  short,  it  seems  that  Moses  was  desirous  of  softening 
and  civilizing  the  Hebrews,  gradually,  by  mercy  and  benefi- 
cence. A  few  observations  on  the  laws  respecting  strangers 
will  confirm  and  illustrate  this  remark. 

It  is  well  known  to  all  who  are  conversant  with  antiquity, 
that  strangers,  who  were  denominated  barbarians,  were 
treated  as  enemies,  and  often  put  out  of  the  protection  of  the 
laws.  The  Gospel  had  not  yet  taught  that  all  men  were 
brethren,  and  that  heretics  and  enemies  are  alike  our  neigh- 
bours. Further,  the  Mosaic  legislation  tended  to  insulate 
the  Jews  among  other  nations,  and  to  detach  them  from  their 
neighbours  in  order  to  protect  them  from  their  example.  One 
would  expect,  therefore,  that  Moses  would  treat  strangers  in 
the  same  manner  as  they  were  at  that  time  universally 
treated,  and  perhaps  even  with  greater  severity:  but  it  was 
his  especial  objeel  to  render  his  people  compassionate  and 
generous,  at  the  same  time  he  endeavoured  to  remove  stran- 
gers to  a  dist. nice  fr<  m  Palestine,  by  every  means  consistent 
with  humanity.  The  following  are  his  enactments  respect- 
ing them  : — If  a  si  ranger  sojourn  ivilh  thee  in  your  land,  ye 
shall  not  vex  him  .  but  the  stranger,  that  dwelleth  in  your  land, 
shall  be.  unto  you  as  one  born  amongst  you,  and  thou  shalt  love 
him  as  thyself,-  for  ye  were  strangers  in  the  land  of  Egypt. 
I  am  the  Lord  your  God.  (Lev.  xix.  33,  34.)  And  again, 
God  loveth  the  stranger  in  giving  him  food  andraiment.  Love 
ye  therefore  the  stranger,  for  ye  were  strangers  in  the  land  of 
Egypt-  Apprehensive  lest  strangers  should  be  exposed  to 
legal  injustice  (an  occurrence  which  is  frequent  in  the  infancy 
oi  legislation),  Moses  enacted  that  they  should  be  subject  to 
the  same  laws  and  penalties  as  the  Hebrews  themselves  were. 
(Lev.  xxiv.  15 — 22.  Num.  xv.  15,  16.)  And,  finally,  the 
oppression  oi  strangers  was  one  of  the  twelve  crimes 
which  were  Sdlcuuily  cursed  on  Mount  Ebal  (Deut.  xxvii. 
19.V 

>Such  is  a  concise  view  of  the  purity  and  extent  of  the 
moral  law,  delivered  by  Moses.  How  admirably  are  such 
language  and  such  sentiments  as  these  suited  to  the  sacred 
original  whence  they  flow  !  How  strongly  do  they  attest 
the  Divine  benevolence  which  dictated  the  Jewish  law,  which 
alone  could  enforce  such  precepts  by  adequate  sanctions,  and 
impress  such  sentiments  upon  the  human  heart  with  practical 
conviction  !  If  the  intermixture  of  such  sentiments  and  pre- 
cepts with  the  civil  code,  and  the  union  of  political  regula- 
tions with  moral  instructions  and  religious  observances,  is 
unparalleled  in  any  other  country.  ;.nd  by  any  other  lawgiver, 
— does  not  this  circumstance  afford  a  strong  presumptive 
evidence  of  the  divine  original  of  the  Mosaic  code'? 

VI.  The  .Mosaic  dispensation,  in  its  general  provisions, 
comprehend)  d  a  complete  form  of  government,  both  civil  and 
religious;  and  in  both  these  respects  it  was  purely  a  theo- 
cracy, [ts  i  nactments  were  adapted  to  peculiar  cases 
and  circum  itances ;  but  they  enjoined,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
duties  of  serial  life  in  all  its  several  relations;  and  they  ap- 
pointed civil  rulers  to  carry  these  laws  into  effect.  The  reli- 
gious en  ictments  of  the  Mosaic  dispensation  contained  cer- 
tain doctrines,  promises,  threatenings,  and  predictions,  which 
were  the  authoritative  rule  of  faith  to  the  Jews;  these  enact- 
ments also  prescribed  a  great  multitude  of  ceremonial  and 
judicial  institutions,  which,  however  indifferent  in  them 
selves,  were  obligatory  on  the  Jews,  by  the  commanding 
authority  of  God.2  The  precise  use  of  all  these  institutions  we 

»  This  was  forbidden,  not  only  as  it  was  an  iddatrous  custom  practice: 
among  the  heathen,  but  as  it  carried  with  it  the  appearance  of  barbarity 
Vide  Phil.  Jud.  -,9,  9.>.»»«p»s-.»;.  Joseph,  contra  Apion,  1.  n  422,  &c 
Dr.  Randolph's  View  of  our  Blessed  Saviour's  Ministry,  &c.  pp.  282—290 
Cellerier,  de  l'Orig'me  Authentique  et  Divine  ile  l'Ancien  Testament,  pp 
221—233.    Du  Voisin,  Autorite  des  Livres  de  Moyse,  pp  368—396. 

*  See  a  full  account  of  the  religious  and  civil  polity  of  the  >?ws,  infra 
vol.  ii. 


148 


DOCTMNES  AND  MORAL  PRECEPTS  OF  THE  BIBLE, 


[Chap.  V 


cannot,  at  this  distance  of  time,  fully  ascertain.  But  some  of 
them  were  manifestly  established  in  opposition  to  the  rites 
of  the  Egyptians  and  other  neighbouring  nations,  and  with  a 
view  to  preserve  them  from  the  infections  of  their  idolatries. 
Others  of  their  riles  were  instituted  as  memorials  of  the  sig- 
nal and  extraordinary  acta  of  Divine  Providence  towards 
hem,  especially  those  by  which  their  law  had  been  con- 
firmed and  established.  And  the  history  of  the  Jewish 
people,  the  vengeance  executed  by  them  on  idolatrous  na- 
tions, the  wonderful  works  of  God  wrought  among  them, 
and  the  excellency  of  their  laws  and  constitutions,  could  not 
but  awaken  the  attention  of  the  rest  of  mankind,  and  hold 
forth  a  light  to  the  heathen  world  throughout  which  they 
wore  dispersed. 

Infinite  wisdom,  however,  had  a  still  further  design  in  the 
Mosaic  dispensation.  It  was  designed  to  prepare  the  way 
for  that  more  perfect  dispensation  which  was  to  succeed  it. 
Its  rites  and  ceremonies  prefigure  and  set  forth  the  coming  of 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  was  the  end  of  the  Law  (Rom.  x. 
4.),  and  who  is  pointed  out  and  referred  to  through  every 
part  of  the  Old  Testament.  The  law  was  their  schoolmaster 
to  bring  them  unto  Christ.  (Gal.  iii.  24.)  And  though  the 
elements  which  it  taught  were  weak  and  poor,  in  respect  of 
the  more  complete  system  which  was  afterwards  to  take 
place,  yet  they  were  excellent  in  their  kind,  and  wisely 
adapted  to  the  exigencies  of  those  times. 

1  he  law,  though  not  absolutely  perfect,  had  a  perfection 
suitable  to  its  kind  and  design  :  it  was  adapted  to  the  genius 
of  the  people  to  whom  it  was  given,  and  admirably  calcu- 
lated to  keep  them  a  people  distinct  from  the  rest  of  man- 
kind, and  prevent  their  being  involved  in  the  idolatries  com- 
mon among  other  nations.  And  it  was  at  the  same  time  or- 
dained to  presignify  good  things  to  come,  and  to  bear  a  strong 
attestation  to  the  truth  of  the  Christian  religion.  These  were 
surely  good  ends,  and  worthy  of  a  wise  and  good  God.  If 
God  then  chose  Israel  for  his  peculiar  people,  it  was  because 
all  the  rest  of  the  world  was  immersed  in  idolatry  and  super- 
stition. Nor  did  he  thereby  cease  to  be  the  God  of  the  Gen- 
tiles. He  left  not  himself  without  ivitness  amongst  them ;  he 
did  them  good,  and  gave  them  rain  from  heaven,  and  fruitful 
seasons.  (Acts  xiv.  17.)  And  his  eternal  power  and  godhead 
(Rom.  i.  19,  20.)  was  manifested  to  them  by  the  works  of  his 
creation.  He  was  also  at  all  times  ready  to  receive  those 
who  turned  from  their  idolatries,  and  became  proselytes  to 
the  true  religion.  And  he  had  prepared  his  Son  a  ransom  for 
all,  to  be  testified  in  due  time.  (1  Tim.  ii.  6.)  The  Jews  might 
indeed  take  occasion  from  hence  to  value  themselves,  and 
despise  others  :  their  law,  however,  gave  them  no  encourage- 
ment or  pretence  so  to  do ;  but  quite  the  contrary.  And  with 
regard  to  their  ceremonial  law, 'they  were  all  along  taught, 
both  by  Moses  and  their  prophets,  that  true  religion  did°not 
consist  in  such  external  observances.  Circumcise  the  foreskin 
of  your  heart  (Deut.  x.  16.),  said  Moses  to  them.  And  again; 
The  Lord  thy  God  will  circumcise  thine  heart,  and  the  heart  of 
thy  seed,  to  love  the  Lord  thy  God  with  all  thine  heart,  and  with 
all  thy  soul,  that  thou  mayest  live.  (xxx.  G.)  The  like  doc- 
trine taught  Samuel : — Haiti  the  Lord  as  great  delight  in 
burnt-offerings,  and  sacrifices,  as  in  obeying  the  voice  of  the 
JMrd?  Behold,  to  obey  is  better  than  sacrifice,  and  to  hearken 
than  tliefat  of  rams.  (1  Sam.  xv.  22.)  Them  desirest  not  sacri- 
Jice,  says  David,  else  would  I  give  it:  Thou  delightest  not  in 
burnt-offering.  The  sacrifices  of  God  are  a  broken  spirit :  A 
broken,  and  a  contrite  heart,  0  God,  thou  wilt  not  despise.  (Psal. 
h.  16,  17.)  To  do  justice  and  judgment,  says  Solomon,  ismore 
acceptable  to  the  Lord  than  sacrifice.  (Prov.  xxi.  3.)  Isaiah 
speaks  very  fully  to  the  same  purpose  :—  To  what  purpose  is 
the  multitude  of  your  sacrifices  unto  me?  saith  the  Lord:  lam 
full  of  the  buml-offenngsoframs,  andthe  fat  of  fed  beasts,  and 
I  delight  not  in  the  blood  of  bullocks,  or  of  lambs,  of  he-goats, 
f'-,^"  ye>  make  2/e  clean,  put  away  the  evil  of  your  doings 
from  before  mine  eyes,  cease  to  do  evil,  learn  to  do  well,  seek 
judgment,  relieve  the  oppressed,  judge  the  fatherless,  plead  for 
the  widow  (Isa.i.ll,&c.)  Thus  also  speaks  Jeremiah,— 
Thus  saith  the  Lord  of  Hosts,  the  God  of  Israel,  Amend  your 
ways  and  your  doings,  and  1  toill  cause  you  to  dwell  in  this 
place.  Trust  ye  not  in  lying  vmrds,  saying,  The  temple  of  the 
Lord,  the  temple  of  the  Lord.  (Jer.  vii.  3,  4.)  I  desired  mercy, 
and  not  sacrifice,  says  God  by  the  prophet  Hosea,  and  the 
knowledge  of  God  more  than  burnt-offerings.  (Hos.  vi.  6.) 
Lastly,  we  read  in  the  prophet  Micah, —  Wherewithal  shall' I 
come  before  the  Lord,  and  bow  myself  before  the  high  God? 
Shall  I  come  before  him  with  burnt-offerings,  with  calves  of  a 
year  old  ?     Will  tlie  Lord  be  pleased  with  thousands  of  ramt,  or 


with  ten  thousands  of  rivers  of  oil?  Shall  I  give  my  first-born 
for  my  transgression,  the  fruit  of  my  body  for  the  sin  of  my 
soul?  He  hath  showed  thee,  0  mun,'what  is  good,-  and  what 
doth  the  Lord  require  of  thee,  but  to  do  justly,  and  to  lore  mercy, 
and  to  walk  humbly  with  thy  God?  (Mic.  vi.  6,  &c.)  If  then 
the  Jews  placed  their  dependence  on  an  external  show  of  re- 
ligion, they  must  stand  condemned  by  their  own  Law,  and 
their  Prophets. 

But,  however  excellent  the  Mosaic  institution  was  in 
itself,  and  admirably  adapted  to  the  Jews,  for  the  purposes 
for  which  it  was  intended,  yet  it  was  imperfect,  as  being  only 
one  part  of  the  grand  revelation  of  the  divine  purpose  to  save 
mankind  through  the  blood  of  the  Messiah,  and  also  as  being 
designed  for  a  small  nation,  and  not  for  the  whole  world,  ft 
was  indeed  strictly  of  a  local  and  temporary  nature.  One  part 
of  its  design  being  to  separate  the  Israelites  from  the  rest  of 
mankind  (which  it  effectually  accomplished),  many  of  its 
ordinances  are  therefore  of  such  a  nature,  that  they  are  not 
calculated  for  general  adoption.1  The  Jewish  dispensation 
was  only  temporary,  and  preparatory  to  that  fuller  manifes- 
tation of  the  divine  will,  which  in  the  fulness  of  time  was 
to  be  made  known  to  the  world.  This  is  not  only  implied  in 
ite  typical  character,  which  has  already  been  noticed,  but  is 
also  intimated,  in  no  obscure  terms,  in  those  predictions 
which  announce  its  abrogation,  the  substitution  of  the  evan- 
gelical laws  by  the  advent  of  the  Messiah,  and  the  conver- 
sion of  the  Gentiles.  To  omit  the  prophecies  concerning  the 
Messiah,  which  have  already  been  noticed,2  the  cessation  of 
the  Mosaic  dispensation  is  foretold  by  Jeremiah  in  the  follow- 
ing explicit  terms  : — Behold  the  days  come,  saith  the  Lord,  that 
I  will  make  a  new  covenant  with  the  house  of  Israel,  and  loith 
the  house  ofJudah:  not  according  to  the  covenant  that  I  made 
with  the  house  of  their  fathers,  in  the  day  that  I  took  them  by  the 
hand,  to  bring  them  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt  (which  my  cove- 
nant, they  brake,  although  I  was  a  husband  to  them,  saith  the 
Lord)  ;  but  this  shall  be  the  covenant  luhich  I  will  make  with 
the  house  of  Israel.  After  those  days,  saith  the  Lord,  I  will  put 
my  law  in  their  inward  parts,  and  write  it  in  their  hearts,  and 
will  be  their  God,  and  they  shall  be  my  people.  And  they  shall 
teach  no  more  every  man  his  neighbour,  saying,  Know  ye  the 
Lord:  for  they  shall  all  know  me,  from  the  least  of  them  to  the 
greatest  of  them,  saith  the  Lord :  for  I  will  forgive  their  iniquity, 
and  I  will  remember  their  sin  no  more.  (Jer.  xxxi.  31—34.) 
From  which  passage,  Paul  infers  (Heb.  viii.  7 — 13.),  that 
the  mention  oi  a  new  covenant  necessarily  implies  the  first  to 
be  old,  and  that,  if  that  first  covenant  had  been  faultless,  there 
would  have  been  no  occasion  for  the  second.  Compare alsc 
Hatrgai  ii.  6.  with  Heb.  xii.  26,  27. 

Equally  important  are  all  those  predictions,  which  mention 
the  calling  of  the  Gentiles.2  All  these  are  punctually  ful- 
filled in  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  but  are  not  so  much  as 
possible,  supposing  the  law  to  be  still  in  force  which  con- 
fined all  solemn  worship  and  sacrifices  to  the  temple  at 
Jerusalem.  Nay,  further,  this  enlargement  of  the  church 
plainly  supersedes  those  other  ceremonies,  which  were  de- 
signed to  distinguish  the  Israelites  as  God's  peculiar  people ; 
for  the  partition  wall  must  necessarily  be  broken  down,  and 
Jew  and  Gentile  both  made  one  whenever  those  prophecies 
should  be  accomplished. 

Let  us  then  adore  the  wisdom  and  goodness  of  God  in  all 
his  dispensations.  His  statutes  are  right  and  rejoice  the  hearty 
and  all  his  commandments  are  righteous.  (Psal.  xix.  8.) 
And  these  same  righteous  commandments  and  holy  doctrines 
are  delivered  to  us  in  the  Gospel  (as  will  be  shown  in  the 
following  pages)  with  still  greater  purity  and  perfection, 
and  free  from  that  burthen  of  ceremonies,  which  the  circum- 
stances of  the  Jewish  age  and  people  rendered  necessary. 


§  3.    A  SUMMARY  VIEW  OF  THE   DOCTMNES  AND  PRECEPTS  OK 
THE  GOSPEL  DISPENSATION. 

I.  Divine  Character  of  the  Founder  of  the  Christian  Religion 
— II.  The  Leading  Doctrines  of  the  Gospel  are  -worthy  of 
the  character  of  the  Almighty  ;  particularly,  1.  The  account 

i  Thus  the  Jews  were  commanded  to  appear  personally  in  Jerusalem  at 
their  three  great  festivals;  and  if  all  men  had  been  converted  to  Judaism, 
this  law  would  have  been  equally  binding  upon  them.  But  it  would  have 
been  impossible  for  the  greater  part  of  mankind  to  repair  to  Jerusalem 
three  or  four  times  in  the  year  ;  lor,  if  this  vi  a  necessary  part  of  religion, 
the  lives  of  half  the  world  would  be  entire'v  spent  in  a  wearisome,  never 
ending  pilgrimage.    Faber'sHorffi  Mos";L.r,  vol.  ii.  p.  435. 

*  See  pp.  126— 129.  supra,  and  the  Appendix,  No.  VI. 

*  Seelsa.  ii. 2.  x.  xi.  xix.  24.  xlix.  lx.  Mic.  iv   Mai.  i.  II. 


J 


Sect.  I.  §  3.] 


A  PROOF  OF  ITS  DIVINE  INSPIRATION. 


i*9 


of  God  and  of  his  perfections,  and  the  duty  mid  ipiritual 
■worship  ■which  -we  owe  to  him. — 2.  The  vicarious  atonement 
made  for  sin  by  Jesus  Christ. — 8.  Forgiveness  of  sin  : — 
4.  Justification  by  faith,  and  reconciliation  to  God. — 5.  The 
promise  of  the  Holy  Spirit  to  sanctify  and  renew  our  na- 
ture.— 6.  The  immortality  of  the  soul;  and  a  future  state 
of  rewards  and  punishment t. — III.  The  Moral  Precepts 
of  the  JVew  Testament  are  admirably  adapted  to  the  actual 
State  vf  Mankind. — 1.  Summary  of  the  duty  it  enjoins  be- 
t-Ki-'.r.    man    and    man.    particularly    integrity    "J     conduct, 

churity,  forgiveness  of  injuries. — 2.  The  duties  oj 

and  sul'j  .   and  servants,  husbands  and  wives, 

parents  ami  children. — 8,   The  personal  duties  of  sobriety, 

chastity,  temperance,  &c. — \.  The  holiness  of  the  moral 
precepts  of  the  Gospel,  a  proof  of  its  divine  origin. — 5. 
Considerations  on  the  manner  in  which  the  moral  precepts 
of  the  Gospel  are  delivered  ;  and  on  the  character  of  Jesus 
Christ  as  a  moral  teacher. — IV.  Superiority  of  the  Motive:; 
to  Duty  presented  by  the  Gospel. — They  are  drawn,  1.  From 
a  consideration  of  the  reasonableness  of  the  duty. — 2.  From 
the  singular  favours  bestowed  by  God. — 3.  From  the  e.c- 
ample  of  Christ. — 4.  From  the  sanctions  of  duty,  which  the 
civil  relations  among  men  have  received  from  God — 5. 
From  the  regard  which  Christians  owe  to  their  holy  pro- 
fession.— 6.  From  the  acceptableness  of  true  repentance  and 
the  promise  of  pardon. — 7.  From  the  divine  assistance 
offered  to  support  men  in  the  practice  of  their  duty. — 8. 
From  our  relation  to  heaven  while  upon  earth. — 9.  From 
the  rewards  and  punishments  proc.'aimcd  in  the  Gospel. 

I.  Divine  Character  of  the  Founder  of  the  Christian 
Religion. 

The  third  ami  last  dispensation  of  religion  is  that  which 
was  introduced  by  that  divine  and  glorious  person  whom  the 
prophets  had  foretold.  This  is  properly  the  Christian  Dis- 
pensation, which  was  designed  ana  fitted  for  an  universal 
extent,  and  in  which,  considered  in  its  original  purity,  religion 
is  brought  to  its  highest  perfection  and  noblest  improvement. 
An  admirable  wisdom,  goodness,  and  purity  shone  forth  in 
the  whole  conduct  and  character  of  the  great  author  of  it. 
He  came  in  the  fulness  of  time,  the  time  which  had  been 
pointed  out  in  the  prophetical  writings.  In  him  the  several 
predictions  relating  to  the  extraordinary  person  that  was  to 
come  were  fulfilled,  and  the  several  characters  by  which  he 
was  described  were  wonderfully  united,  and  in  no  other  per- 
son. He  appeared,  as  was  foretold  concerning  him,  mean 
in  his  outward  condition  and  circumstances,  and  yet  main- 
tained in  his  whole  conduct  a  dignity  becoming  his  divine 
character.  Many  of  his  miracles  were  of  such  a  kind,  and 
performed  in  such  a  manner,  as  seemed  to  argue  a  dominion 
over  nature,  and  its  established  laws,  and  they'  were  acts  of 
great  goodness  as  well  as  power.  He  went  about  doing 
good  to  the  bodies  and  to  the  souls  of  men ;  and  the  admi- 
rable instructions  he  gave  were  delivered  with  a  divine  au- 
thority, and  yet  with  great  familiarity  and  condescension. 
And  his  own  practice  was  every  way  suited  to  the  excellency 
of  his  precepts.  He  exhibited  the  mosl  finished  pattern  of 
universal  holiness,  of  love  to  God,  of  zeal  fur  the  divine 
glory,  of  the  most  wonderful  charity  and  benevolence 
towards  mankind,  of  the  most  unparalleled  Belf-denial,  of  a 
heavenly  mind  and  life,  of  meekx  atience,  humility 

and  condescension.     Never  was  there  so  perfect  a  character, 
so  godlike,  venerable,  and  amiable,  so  remote  from  that  of 
an  enthusiast  or  an  impostor.      lie  is  the  only  founder  of  a 
religion  in  the  history  of  mankind,  which  is  totally  u 
nected  with  all  human  poliev  an  1  g   .    rnuient,  and  "the. 
totally  unconducive  to  any  worldly  purpose  whatever.      All 
others,  as  Mohammed,  Numa,  and  i 
blended  their  religious  and  civil  institutions  together,  and 
thus  acquired  dominion  over  their   r<  :  but 

Christ  neither  aimed  at  nor  would  accept  of  any  such  powei ; 
n8  rejected  every  object  which  all  other  men  pursue,  and 
made  choice  of  all  those  which  others  fear  to  encounter. 
other  founder  of  a  religion  ever  made  his  own  sufferings  and 
death  a  necessary  part  of  his  original  plan,  and  essential  to 
his  mission.  Jesus  Christ,  however,  most  expressly  fore- 
told his  own  sufferings,  the  cruel  and  ignominious  death  he 
was  to  undergo,  his  resurrection  from  the  dead  on  the  third 
day,  his  ascension  into  heaven,  the  dreadful  judgments  and 
calamities  that  should  be  inflicted  on  the  Jewish  nation,  and, 
what  seemed  the  most  improbable  thing  in  the  world,  the 
wonderful  progress  of  his  own  Gospel  from  the  smallest 
beginnings,  notwithstanding  the  persecutions  and  difficulties 


to  which  he  foretold  it  shou.d  be  exposed.  All  this  was 
must  exactly  fulfilled :  be  rose  again  on  the  third  day,  and 
showed  himself  alive  to  his  disciples  after  his  passion  by 
many  infallible  proofs,  when  their  hopes  were  so  sunk,  that 
they  could  hardly  believe  thai  he  was  risen,  till  they  could 
DO  longer  doubt  of  it,  without  renouncing  the  testimony  of 
all  their  senses,  lie  [rave  them  a  commission  to  go  »nd 
preach  his  Gospel  to  all  nations,  and  promised  that,  to  em 
Ide  them  to  do  it  with  success,  they  should  he  endued  with 
the  most  extraordinary  powers  and  gifts  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 

This  accordingly  tiny  did,  and  though  destitute  of  all  worldly 

.  without  power,  riches,  interest,  policy,  le; 
or  eloquence,  they  went  through  the  world  preaching 
cified  Jesus,  as  the  Saviour  and  Lord  of  men,  and  teaching 
the  things  which  he  had  commanded  them  ;  and  by  the  won- 
derful powers  with  which  they  were  invested,  and  the  evi- 
they  hail  produced  of  their  divine  mission,  they  pre- 
vailed, and  spread  the  religion i  f  Jesus,  ;is  their  great  Master 
had  foretold,  in  the  midst  of  sufferings  and  persecutions,  and 
in  oj, position  to  the  reigning  inveterate  prejudices  both  i  f 
Jews  and  Gentiles. 

II.  If  we  examine  the  nature  and  tendency  of  the  Gospel 
Dispensation,  and  of  the  DOCTRINES  fought  by  Jesus  Christ 
and  his  apostles,  we  shall  find  them  to  be  in  every  r 
worthy  of  God,  and  adapted  to  the  necessities  of  mankind. 
They  retain  all  that  is  excellent  in  the  Old  Testament 
lation  ;  tor  Christ  came,  not  to  destroy  the  law  and  the  pr<  - 
phets,  but  to  fulfil  them,  and  to  carry  the  scheme  of  religion 
there    laid   down   to    a  still    higher  degree   of  excelli 
Accordingly,  he  taught  all  the  fundamental  doctrines  i  I 
Christian  system,  which  are  necessary  to  be  believed 
obeyed  in  order  to  the  attainment  of  salvation.      Such,  f  r 
instance,  are  the  existence  and  perfections  of   God;    the 
righteous  and  reasonable  character  of  his  law-  the  r>  bi 
apostacy,  and  corruption  of  man;  the  impossibility  of  justi- 
fication  by  the  works  of  the  lav,  ;     Christ's   own   rh 
character,  as  the  Son  of  God  and  the  Saviour  of  men  :   jus- 
tification by  faith  in  him  ;  the  deity  and  offices  of  thi 
Spirit;  the  nature  and  necessity  of  regeneration,  faith,  re- 
pentance, holiness  of  heart  and  life  ;  a  future  state;  a  judg- 
ment to  come  ;  and  a  recompense  of  reward  to  the  righteous 
and  the  wicked,  and  the  spiritual   nature  of  his  kingdom. 
These  are  the  leading  subjects  taught  by  Jesus  Christ  and 
his  ap-  sties  :  to  adduce  all  the  passages  of  the  New  T 
ment  that  assert  them  would  extend  this  section  to  a:i  undue 
length.      A  few  of  the  principal  testimonies  may  pr<  ; 
claim  to  be  noticed. 

1.  The  account  of  God  and  of  his  Perfections  contained 
in  the  Scriptures  commends  itself  to  our  reason,  as  worthy 
of  the.  highest  and  most  excellent  of  ail  beings,  and  the  most 
suitable  affections  and  dispositions  towards  him.  He  i< 
represented  as  a  pure  Sjnrit,  the  Creator  andGoverm  rof  the 
world,  possessed  of  infinite  wisdom,  holiness,  truth,  justice, 
goodness,  and  perfection ;  the  witness  and  judge  of  our 
actions;  eternal,  immortal,  invisible,  unchangeable,  and 
omnipresent.1  At  the  same  time,  his  majesty  is  softened 
(if  we  may  be  allowed  the  expression)  by  his  benevolence, 
which  is  liberal  and  unwearied  in  diffusing  good  throughout 
the  universe  :  '-his  tender  mercies  are  over  all  his  works," 
embracing  at  once  the  interests  of  our  souls  and  our  bodies  ; 
and  while  he  bestows  in  abundance  the  blessings  and  conso- 
lations of  the  pn  s  at  life,  lie  has  provided  for  us  perfect  and 
exalted  felicity  in  the  life  to  come.  Of  all  the  views  of  God 
which  had  ever  he.  n  given,  none  was  so  calculated  to  endear 
him  to  us,  and  to  inspire  our  hearts  with  confidence,  as  this 
short  but  interesting  description,  of  which  the  scheme  of  re- 
demption affords  a  sublime  illustration. — "  God  is  love  !" 
(1  John  iv.  10.)  But  the  Gospel  not  only  makes  known  to 
us  the  nature  of  God :  it  also  imparts  to  us  a  full  discovery 
of  our  duty  to  him,  clothed  in  ideas  the  most  venerabli . 
amiable,  and  engaging.  We  are  required  to  fear  God,  but  it 
is  not  with  a  servile  horror,  such  as  superstition  inspires,  but 
with  a  filial  reverence.  We  are  directed  and  encouraged  to 
address  ourselves  to  him  as  our  heavenly  Father  through 
Jesus  Christ  the  Son  of  his  love,  and  in  his  name  to  offer 
up  our  prayers  and  praises,  our  confessions  and  thanksgiv- 
ings, with"  the  profoundest  humility,  becoming  creatures 
deeply  sensible  of  their  own  unworthiness,  and  yet  with  an 
ingenuous  affiance,  hope,  and  joy.  We  are  to  yield  the  most 
unreserved  submission  to  God  as  our  sovereign  Lord,  our 
most  wise  and  righteous  Governor,  and  most  gracious  Bene- 

*  John  iv.  24.  Rom.  i.  E0.  Ileh.  iii.  4.  Met.  x.viii.  9.  Eph.  iv.  6.  Matfe  x. 
20,30.  Luke  x.  24— 28.  1  Tim.  i  17.  Jofanjcvii.ll.  Rev.  iii.7  xv.4.  JoJv» 
vii.  28.    2  Cor.  i.  18.   1  John  i  0     Rev.  xv.3.    Euh.i.23. 


150 


DOCTRINES  AND  MORAL  PRECEPTS  OF  THE  BIBLE, 


[Chap.  V. 


factor  ;  to  resign  ourselves  to  his  disposal,  and  acquiesce  in 
his  providential  dispensations,  as  being  persuaded  that  he 
orders  all  things  really  for  the  best ;  to  walk  continually  as 
in  his  sitrht,  and  with  a  regard  to  his  approbation,  setting 
him  before  us  as  our  great  all-seeing  witness  and  judge,  our 
chiefest  good  and  highest  end.  Above  all,  wo  are  required  to 
(ove  the  Lord  our  God  with  ail  our  heart,  and  mind,  and 
strength,  and  to  show  that  we  love  him  by  keeping  his  com- 
mandments, by  a^Tiiring  after  a  conformity  to  him  in  his  imita- 
ble  perfections,  a.  i  by  endeavouring,  as  far  as  we  arc  able,  to 
glorify  him  in  the  world. 

The  external  worship  of  God,  according  to  the  idea  given 
of  it  in  the  New  Testament,  is  pure  and  spiritual,  and  is 
characterized  by  a  noble  simplicity.  As  God  is  a  tpir '/.  he 
is  to  be  worshipped,  not  in  a  formal  manner,  but  in  fpir  t  and 
in  truth.  (John  iv.  24.)  The  numerous  ritea  of  the  Mosaic 
dispensation,  which,  though  wisely  suited  to  that  time  and 
state,  were  marks  of  the  imperfection  of  that  economy,  are 
now  abolished.  The  ordinances  of  Christianity,  prescribed 
in  the  Gospel,  are  few  in  number,  easy  to  be  observed,  and 
noble  in  their  use  and  significancy ;  and  those  ceremonies, 
which  are  necessary  in  order  that  all  things  may  be  done 
decently  and  in  order,  are  left  to  be  rilled  up,  in  every  country, 
at  the  discretion  of  pious  men  lawfully  appointed. — A  glo- 
rious plan  of  religious  worship  this!  grounded  upon  the  per- 
fections of  the  divine  nature,  and  admirably  corresponding 
with  the  case  and  necessities  of  sinful  man. 

•3.  That  man  should  love  God  with  all  his  heart,  is  not  the 
language  of  religion  only;  it  is  also  the  dictate  of  reason. 
But,  alas  !  neither  reason  nor  religion  have  had  sufficient  in- 
fluence to  produce  this  effect.  Man  has  offended  God,  and 
guilt  exposes  him  to  punishment;  for  the  holiness  of  God 
must  hate  sin,  and  his  justice  must  lead  him  to  testify  in  big 
conduct  the  displeasure  which  his  heart  feels.  That  man  is 
also  a  depraved  creature,  and  manifests  that  depravity  in  his 
sentiments  and  disposition,  the  whole  history  of  the  human 
kind  furnishes  abundant  proof.  If  the  annals  of  the  different 
nations  of  the  earth  do  not  portray  the  tempers  and  actions 
of  a  race  of  dreadfully  depraved  creatures,  there  is  no  such 
thing  in  nature  as  an  argument.  The  tendency  of  guilt  and 
depravity  is  as  naturally  and  certainly  to  misery,  as  of  a  stone 
to  fall  downwards. 

In  what  way  guilty  and  depraved  creatures  can  be  delivered 
from  wickedness  and  punishment,  and  restored  to  goodness 
and  felicity,  is  one  of  the  most  difficult,  as  it  is  one  of  the  most 
important,  questions  which  can  employ  the  mind.  "  God  is 
justly  displeased :  how  shall  he  be  reconciled  1  Guilt  makes 
man  afraid  of  God  :  how  shall  the  cause  of  fear  be  removed  1 
Depravity  makes  man  averse  to  intercourse  with  God  :  how 
shall  his  sentiments  and  disposition  be  changed  ?"  These 
are  all  difficulties  which  natural  religion  cannot  resolve  ;  and 
concerning  which  reason  is  utterly  silent.  Repentance  and 
reformation  have  been  considered  by  many  as  fully  sufficient 
to  banish  all  these  evils  ;  but  they  have  no  countenance  for 
their  opinion  from  the  course  of  God's  moral  government.  A 
debauchee  repents  bitterly  and  sincerely  of  his  vicious  ex- 
cesses ;  but  repentance  does  not  heal  his  diseased  body :  "  he 
is  made  to  possess  the  sins  of  his  youth  ;"  and  the  fatal 
effects  of  his  vices  bring  him  to  an  early  grave.  The  game- 
ster repents  of  his  folly,  and  reforms  his  conduct :  but  his 

■tenitence  and  reformation  do  not  procure  the  restoration  of  I  man  is  preached  unto  you  the  forgiveness  of  sins.  (Acts  xiii 
his  lost  estate ;  and  he  spends  his  remaining  years  in  poverty  |  38.) — To  him  give  all  the  prophets  witness,  that  through  his 
and  want.  By  imitating,  men  testify  their  approbation  of  the 


of  redemption  through  him,  presents  itse.f  to  our  eyes  in  erery 
page;  and  forms  the  very  core  of  the  Christian  religion.' 
Thus,  what  men  had  in  all  ages  wished  for  in  vain — an 
atonement  for  sin  (which  conscience  and  their  natural  notions 
of  divine  justice  taught  them  to  be  necessary) — the  sacred 
books  point  out  in  the  death  of  Jesus  ;  which,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  dignity  of  his  person,  our  reason  perceives  to 
have  been  of  sufficient  value  to  expiate  the  guilt  of  innumer- 
able millions.  The  reality  and  extent  of  the  atonement  or 
satisfaction  made  to  divine  justice  by  Jesus  Christ  are  set 
forth  in  the  strongest  and  most  explicit  language  that  can  be 
c received.  Thus,  he  is  said  to  have  died  for  us,  to  bear  our 
sins,  to  take  away  our  sins,  to  he  a  propitiation  for  our  sins , 
and  to  purchase,  redeem,  or  ransom  us  with  the  price  of  his 
bind. 

Christ  died  for  us. — He  laid  down  his  life  for  us.  (1  John 
iii.  16.) — He  died  FOROur  sins.  (1  Cor.  xv.  3.) — He  gave  him- 
self for  us.  (Tit.  ii.  14.) — He  was  delivered  for  our  offences. 
(Rom.  iv.  25.)  He  tasted  death  for  every  man.  (Heb.  ii.  9.) 
— Agreeably  to  the  prophecy  concerning  him,  He  was  wound- 
ed for  our  transgressions,  and  bruised  for  our  iniquities.  (Isa. 
liii.  5.) — Christ  has  borne  our  sins. — He  was  once  offered  to 
bear  the  sins  of  many.  (Heb.  ix.  28.) — He  bare  our  sins  in  his 
own  body  on  the  tree.  (1  Pet.  ii.  24.) — Agreeably  to  the  pre- 
dictions concerning  him,  He  hath  borne  our  griefs  and  carried 
our  sorrows  :  the  Lord  hath  laid  ON  him  the  iniquity  of  us  all. 
(Isa.  liii.  4.  6.) 

Christ  has  taken  away  our  sins. — He  was  manifested  to  take 
away  our  sins.  (1  John  iii.  5.) — He  put  aw ay  sin  by  the  sacri- 
fice of  himself.  (Heb.  ix.  26.)— i/e  hath  washed  us  from  our 
sins  in  his  oivn  blood.  (Rev.  i.  5.) — -The  blood  of  Christ  Jesus 
cleanseth  us  from  all  sin.  (1  John  i.  7.) 

Christ  is  a  propitiation  for  our  sins. — Him  hath  God  set 
forth  to  be  a  propitiation,  through  faith  in  his  blood.  (Rom. 
iii.  25.) — God  sent  his  Son  to  be  the  propitiation  for  our  sins. 
(1  John  iv.  10.) — He  is  the  propitiation  for  our  sins,  and  not 
for  ours  only,  but  also  for  the  sins  of  the  whole  world.  (1  John 
ii.  2.) 

Christ  purchased,  redeemed,  or  ransomed  us  with  the  price 
of  his  blood. — He  purchased  the  church  of  God  ivith  his  own 
blood.  (Acts  xx.  28.) — He  came  to  give  his  life  a  ransom  for 
many.  (Matt.  xx.  28.) — He  gave  himself a  ransom  for  all.  (1 
Tim.  ii.  6.) — We  are  bought  with  a  price.  (1  Cor.  vi.  20.)— 
In  him  we  have  redemption  through  his  blood.  (Eph.  i.  7.)— 
He  hath  redeemed  us  to  God  by  his  blood.  (Rev.  v.  9.)— 
We  are  redeemed  with  the  precious  blood  of  Christ.  (1  Pel 
i.  19.) 

3.  The  divine  justice  being  satisfied,  we  are  assured  of  the 
forgiveness  of  our  sins  through  Christ,  upon  a  sincere  re- 
pentance. His  forerunner,  John  the  Baptist,  preached  the 
baptism  of  repentance  for  the  remission  of  sins.  (Luke  iii.  3.) 
—Christ  tells  us,  his  blood  was  shed  for  many  for  the  remis- 
sion of  sins.  (Matt.  xxvi.  28.) — After  the  resurrection,  the 
apostles  are  directed  by  him  to  preach  repentance  and  remis- 
sion of  sins  in  his  name  among  all  nations.  (Luke  xxiv.  47.) 
— Accordingly  their  preaching  was  this  :  Him  God  hath  ex- 
alted with  his  right  hand  to  be  a  prince  and  a  saviour,  for  to  give 
repentance  to  Israel,  and  forgiveness  of  sins.  (Acts  v.  31.) 
— Repent  and  be  baptized  every  one  of  you  in  the  name  of  Jesus 
Christ,  for  the  remission  of  sins.  (Acts  ii.  38.) — Through  this 


divine  conduct,  in  their  ideas  of  distributive  justice.     The 
murderer  is  seized,  and  led  to  the  tribunal  of  the  judge.     He 

Erofesses  to  be  penitent,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  question 
is  sincerity.  But  do  any  think  that  his  repentance  should 
arrest  the  arm  of  the  righteous  law  1  He  is  condemned,  and 
suffers  death.  If,  then,  the  sentiments  of  men,  confirming  the 
conduct  of  God,  proclaim  the  insufficiency  of  repentance  to 
atone  for  iniquity,  no  rational  hope  can  be  entertained  of  its 
efficacy.  We  must  look  to  another  quarter  ;  but  where  shall 
we  look  1 

An  extraordinary  interposition  of  the  Supreme  Being  ap- 
pears necessary,  and  also  a  revelation  of  his  will  to  o;ive  us 
information  on  the  subject.  Though  it  would  be  presumption 
in  us  to  name  every  thing  that  a  revelation  will  contain,  we 
may  say  with  confidence,  it  will  be  full  and  exj  licit  as  to  the 
pardon  of  sin,  and  the  method  of  a  sinner's  reconciliation 
with  God.  These  are  indispensably  requisite.  The  New 
Testament  does  not  disappoint  our  wishes  or  out  hopes :  it 
enters  fully  into  all  these  difficulties,  and  proposes  a  remedy 
for  every  evil  which  we  feel .    The  doctrine  of  a  mediator,  and 


name,  whosoever  believeth  in  him  shall  receive  remission  of 
sins.  (Acts  x.  43.) — God  was  in  Christ  reconciling  the  world 
unto  himself,  not  imputing  their  trespasses  unto  them.  (2  Cor. 
v.  19.) — In  him  we  have  redemption  through  his  blood,  the  for- 
giveness of  sins.  (Eph.  i.  7.) — And  we  are  commanded  to 
forgive  one  another,  even  as  God.,  for  Christ's  sake,  hath  for- 
given us.  (Eph.  iv.  32.) 

4.  Our  sins  being  forgiven,  we  are  justified  by  Christ  in 
the  sight  of  God.  By  him  all  that  believe  are  justified.  (Acts 
xiii.  39.) — We  are  justified  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus. 
( 1  C  or.  vi.  1 1 .) —  We  are  justi  fied  freely  by  his  grace,  through 
the  redemption  that  is  in  Jesus  Christ.  (Rom.  iii.  24.) — Being 
justified  by  his  blood,  ire  shall  be  saved  from  wrath  through 
him.  (Rom.  v.  9.) — God  hath  made  him  to  be  sin  (that  is,  a 
sin-offering)  for  us,  who  knew  no  sin,  that  we  might  be  made 
the  righteousness  of  God  in  him.  (2  Cor.  v.  21.) — Even  the 
righteousness  of  God,  which  is  by  faith  of  Jesus  Christ  unto 
all  and  upon  all  them  that  believe.  (Rom.  Iii.  22.) — Therefore 
"  we  are  accounted  righteous  before  <Tod,  only  for  the  meri 

1  Bogue's  Essay  on  the  Divine  Authority  of  the  New  Testament,  no 
32.  34 


Sect.  I.  §  3. 


A  PROOF  OF  ITS  DIVINE  INSPIRATION. 


151 


of  our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  by  faith,  and  not  for 
our  own  merits  or  deservings."1 

Further,  being  justified  by  Christ,  we  are  reconciled  to 
God.  Being  justified  by  faith,  we  have  peace  with  God 
through  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  (Rom.  v.  1.) — We  an  I 
ciled  to  God  by  the  death  of  hie  Son.  (Rum.  v.  Id.) — Us,  who 
were  enemies,  hath  Christ  RECONCILED  tfl  Hit  body  of  hit  flesh, 
through  death.  (Col.  i.  21,22.) — He  hath  made peaet  through 
the  blood  of  his  cross,  by  him  to  reconcile  all  things  unto  him- 
self.    (Col.  i.  20.) — God  hath    RECONCILED  Ut   t<>  hi  nisi  If  by 

Jesus  Christ  (2  Cor.  v.  18.}; — Who  suffered  for  sin,  that  he 
might  bring  us  unto  Goo.  (1  Pet.  iii.  18.) — And,  we  are 
accepted  in  the  beloved,  (Kpli.  i.  0.) 

5.  Once  moTe,  in  the  Gospel  we  find  the  best  principles  of 
comfort  and  REFRESHMENT  to  the  soil  under  all  the  cala- 
mities and  afflictions  of  life,  as  well  as  a  rich  magazine  of  all 
means  proper  for  the  sanctification  of  our  souls,  and  our  most 

■  si'nl  advances  in  true  piety.  In  the  Scriptures  we  sic 
that  the  Divine  Spirit  is  ready  with  his  mighty  aids  to  assist, 
enlighten,  and  strengthen  our  spirits  in  proportion  to  our  sin- 
cere desires  and  endeavours  after  godliness;  and  there  we  are 
directed  every  day,  and  at  all  times,  to  seek  unto  God 
through  Christ,  by  fervent  and  believing  prayer,  for  his  gui- 
dance and  protection,  and  are  assured  that  we  shall  never  seek 
bis  face  in  vain.  For  Jesus  Christ,  having  reconciled  us  to 
God,  sanctifies  the  hearts  of  true  believers  by  the  Holy 
Spirit,  in  order  to  enable  them  to  perform  their  duty,  and  to 
continue  in  the  favour  of  God.  We  are  c/iosen  to  saint/ ion, 
hrough  sanctification  of  the  Spirit  (2Thess.  ii.  13.),  and 
through  sanctification  of  the  Spirit  unto  obedience,  (1  Pet.  i. 
2.) — We  are  sanctified,  through  the  offering  of  the  body  of 
Jesus  Christ.  (Heb.  X.  10  ) — God  hath  not  callidus  to  unclean- 
ness,  but  unto  holiness,  who  hath  also  given  unto  us  his  holy 
spirit.  (1  Thess.  iv.  7,  8.) — The  spirit  of  god  dwelkth  in 
us  (Rom.  viii.  9.),  and  our  body  is  the  temple  of  the  holy 
ghost  (1  Cor.  vi.  19.),  and  we  arc  an  habitation  of  God 
through  the  spirit.  (Epb.  ii.  22.) — We  are  renewed  by  the 
holy  ghost  (Tit.  iii.  5.) — and  quickened  by  the  spirit  (John 
vi.  03.) — and  strengthened  with  might  by  the  spirit  in  the 
inner  man.  (Eph.  iii.  16.) — And  it  is  through  the  spirit  that 
we  mortify  the  deeds  of  the  body  (Rom.  viii.  13.) — by  which 
deeds  we  grieve  ana  quench  the  spirit.  (Eph.  iv.  30.  1 
Thess.  v.  19.) 

He  who  assists  us  by  his  spiRiTiipon  earth  (Luke  xi.  13.), 
to  enable  us  to  do  the  will  of  God,  and  thereby  to  continue  in 
his  favour,  is  our  constant  mediator,  intercessor,  and  ad- 
vocate with  God  in  heaven,  to  present  our  prayers  for  the 
supply  of  our  wants,  and  to  obtain  a  compassionate  regard  to 
our  failings  and  infirmities.  He  is  the  mediator  of  the  New 
Covenant.  (Heb.  xii.  24.) — •There  is  one  mediator  between 
God  and  man,  even  the  man  Jesus  Christ.  (1  Tim.  ii.  5.) — He 
makes  intercession  for  us  at  the  right  hand  of  God,  (Rom. 
viii.  34.) — He  appears  in  the  presence  of  God  for  us.  (Heb. 
lx.  21.) — No  man  Cometh  unto  the  Father  but  by  him.  (John 
xiv.  b\) — He  is  able  to  save  them  to  the  uttermost  who  come  unto 
God  by  him,  seeing  he  ever  liveth  to  make  intercession  for 
tliem.  (Heb.  vii.  25.) — If  any  man  sin  we  have  an  advocate 
with  the  Father,  Jesus  Christ  the  righteous.  (1  John  ii.  1.) — 
He  is  touched  with  the  feeling  of  our  infirmities,  and  therefore 
let  us  come  boldly  to  the  throne  of  grace,  that  we  may  find 
grace  and  mercy  to  help  in  time  of  need  (lleh.  iv.  15,  16.) — 
and  lettts  draw  near  with  a  true  heart,  and  full  assurance  of 
faith.  (Heb.  x.  22.) — In  him  we  have  boldness,  and  access 
with  confidence.   (Eph.  iii.  12.) 

6.  In  favour  of  the  immortality  of  the  soi-l,  a  point  so 
important,  but  which  to  the  wisest  of  the  Gentiles  seemed  so 
doubtful,  the  New  Testament  speaks  in  the  most  d<  cisive 
language,  and  holds  out  to  the  hopes  and  fears  of  mankind 
rewards  and  punishments  suited  to  their  nature,  and  which  it 
is  worthy  of  God  to  dispense.  In  the  Gospel  we  sic  the  dead 
both  small  and  great  restored  to  life,  and  appearing  before  the 
tribunal  of  God,  to  receive  a  sentence  "  according  to  the  deeds 
done  in  the  body."  The  glories  of  heaven  which  are  reserved 
"  for  them  that  love  him,  and  the  everlasting  miseries  which 
will  be  the  terrible  portion  of  all  the  wilfully  impenitent 
workers  of  iniquity,  are  disclosed  in  the  Scriptures  ;  which 
alone  set  forth  the  true  reason  of  our  being  in  this  world,  viz. 
not  for  enjoyment,  but  for  trial ;  not  to  gain  temporal  plea- 
sures or  possessions,  but  that  our  souls"  may  be  disciplined 
and  prepared  for  immortal  honour  and  glory.  While  the  di- 
Tine  displeasure  is  declared  against  all  ungodliness  and  un- 

1  Article  xi.  of  the  Confession  of  the  Anglican  Church. 


righteousness  of  men,  and  the  most  awful  warnings  are  do 
Dounced  against  sinners,  the  means  by  which  they  may 
obtain  mercy  are  clearly  displayed  and  offered  to  them.2  And 
as  it  is  .Ii  bus  Christ  who  enables  us  to  do  the  will  of  God 
and  to  preserve  his  favour  in  this  life  (for  without  him  we  can 
do  nothing),  so  it  is  through  him  alone  that  we  are  made  par- 
takers of  thai  eternal  life  and  immortality,  which  he  has 
illustrated  in  the  Gospel.  The  Father  tent  the  8on  to  be  the 
Saviour  of  the  world  (1  John  iv.  14.) — to  stekand  to  save  that 
which  was  hat  (Luke  xix.  10.) — that  we  might  live  through 
him  (1  John  iv.  !).) — that  the  in, rid  through  hint  might  be 
saved  (John  iii.  17.) — that  believing,  we  might  have  life 
through  hit  muni-  (John  xx.  31.) — that  whosoever  believtth  in 
him  should  not  perish,  but  have  everlastino  life.  (John  in. 
16.) — Through  him  we  are  baved  from  wrath. — He  hath  de- 
livered  ut  from  tin  wrath  to  come,  (1  Thess.  i.  10.  Rom.  v 
9.) — Eternal  i.ifi:  is  the  gift  of  God  through  Jesus  Christ  our 
Lord.  (Rom.  vi.  23.) — God  hath  given  us  eternal  life,  and 
this  life  is  in  his  Son  (1  John  v.  11.) — who  is  the  captain  of 
our  salvation  (Heb.  ii.  10.) — the  author  of  ETERNAL  salva- 
tion to  all  them  flint  obey  htm  (Heb.  v.  9.)  : — Neither  it  tfiere 
salvation  in  any  other:  for  there  u  none  hilar  name  under 
heaven  given  among  men  whereby  we  mutt  be  saved.'  (Acts 
iv.  12.) 

Such  is  the  system  of  doctrine  promulgated  in  the  New 
Testament  by  the  apostles  of  Jesus  Christ.  Hut  whence  did 
they  derive  their  knowledge"!  They  have  given  us  a  full 
view  of  human  nature  ;  and  have  exposed  in  the  clearest  light 
the  depravity,  guilt,  and  misery  of  man.  They  have,  at  the 
same  time,  pointed  out  a  method  of  deliverance  from  all  these 
evils.  Their  system  is  wonderfully  ingenious:  it  is  origi- 
nal: it  is  adapted  to  the  condition  of  human  nature:  it  is  a 
remedy  perfect  and  complete.  Tiny  say  that  they  had  all 
their  knowledge  of  religion  from  Jesus  Christ.  But  whence 
did  Jesus  Christ  derive  if?  Those  who  deny  his  divine  mis- 
sion will  find  it  difficult  to  account  for  his  knowledge.  There 
is  something  in  his  scheme  unspeakably  superior  to  every 
other.  It  takes  in  the  rights  of  God,  as  well  as  the  necessi- 
ties of  man;  and  renders  God  glorious  in  all  his  perfections, 
as  well  as  man  completely  happy.  Who  besides,  in  ancient 
or  modern  times,  ever  conceived  so  vast  an  ideal  But  Jesus 
had  no  literary  education.  Perhaps  the  Old  Testament  was 
the  only  book  he  ever  read.  He  never  associated  with  the 
philosophers :  his  companions  were  not  the  chief  priests,  and 
elders,  and  scribes.  Let  the  deist  sit  down  and  assign  a 
satisfactory  reason  for  the  vast  superiority  of  the  Gospel. 
The  Christian  is  free  from  difficulty;  for  he  reads  in  the  sa- 
cred page,  and  he  believes  that  "  Jesus  Christ  is  the  only 
begotten  Son,  who  was  in  the  bosom  of  the  Father,  and  hath 
declared  him  unto  us."  (John  i.  18.)' 

Finally,  all  the  doctrines  to  which  the  Gospel  requires  our 
ass.ent  are  agreeable  to  unprejudiced  reason;  every  one  of 
them  has  a  natural  tendency  and  direct  influence  to  reform 
the  manners  of  men ;  and  all  together  make  up  the  most  ra- 
tional  and  consistent  belief  in  the  world.  To  instance  only  a 
few  particulars : — What  can  be  a  more  excellent  foundation 
of  religion,  than  the  Christian  doctrine  concerning  the  nature 
and  attributes  of  the  only  true  God?  What  so  certain  a  pre- 
servative against  idolatry,  as  the  doctrine,  that  all  things 
were  made  ny  him  ?  What  can  be  so  sure  a  ground  of  piety, 
as  the  Christian  doctrine  of  providence  ?  What,*  greater  en- 
couragement to  holiness,  than  that  God  has  made  a  revela- 
tion of  his  will  to  instruct  men  in  that  practice1?  What  doc- 
trine is  so  admirably  suited  to  all  the  ends  of  religion,  as  that 
of  the  incarnation  of  the  Son  of  God]  Which  way  could 
in;  n  have  heen  so  sensible  of  God's  love,  and  have  been  in- 
structed in  divine  truth  so  well,  as  by  sending  his  only  Son? 
How  could  the  honour  of  the  Divine  laws  be  vindicated, 
and  such  an  assurance  of  pardon  been  given  to  men,  as  by 
this  method  of  the  Son  of  God  giving  himself  a  sacrifice  for 
sin?  What  could  be  a  more  glorious  manifestation  of  the 
mercy  of  God;  what  more  effectual  to  deter  men  from  sin; 
and  to  exhibit  to  them  its  heinous  nature,  and  God's  hatred 
against  it,  and  the  indispensable  necessity  of  obeying  his 
laws,  than  this  expedient  of  saving  sinners  by  the  sacrifice 
of  his  Son?  How  could  men  be  better  encouraged  to  a  reli- 
gious life,  than  by  having  such  a  Mediator  to  obtain  pardon 
for  their  frailties,  and  by  being  assured  of  the  assistance  of 

*  Compare  John  v.  28,  23.  1  Cor.  xv.  12-20.  2 Cor.  v.  10.  Malt.  xxv.  31— 
34.  41.  16.  Rev.  xx.  11— 53.  Mark  lx  43,  44.  Rev.  xiv.  10,  11.  xxii.  11.  Joh* 
xiv.  2,  3.    2  Or.  v.  1.  1  Pet.  i.  4.  Rev.  xxi.  4.  xxii.  3-6.  1  John  m.  2. 

'  Bp.  Gibson's  Pastoral  Letters,  Lett.  2.  (in  Bp.  Randolph's  Enchiridion., 
vol.  iv.  pp.  160—166.  first  edition.) 

«  Bogue's  Essay  on  the  Divine  Authorit)      :V>  Hew  Testament,  p.  38. 


152 


DOCTRINES  AND  MORAL  PRECEPTS  OF  THE  BIBLE, 


[Chap.  V. 


the  Holy  Spirit,  to  enable  them  to  conquer  their  corrupt  af- 
fections! In  fine,  what  more  powerful  motive  to  persuade 
men  to  live  virtuously,  than  the  certainty  of  a  future  judg- 
ment? "Vain  men  may  value  themselves  upon  their  specula- 
tive knowledge,  right  opinions,  and  true  belief;  but  no  BE- 
LIEF WILL  BE  OF  ADVANTAGE  TO  THEM,  WHICH  IS  SEPARATE 
FROM  THE  PRACTICE  OF  HOLINESS. 

Lastly,  all  the  doctrines  of  the  Christian  faitli  make  up  an 
infinitely  more  consistent  and  rational  scheme,  of  belief,  than 
the  wisest  of  the  ancient  philosophers  ever  did.  or  the  most 
cunning  of  modern  unbelievers  can,  invent.  The  philoso- 
phers were  never  able  to  make  out  a  coherent  scheme  of 
things,  and  the  modern  deists  cannot  frame  to  themselves 
any  consistent  and  fixed  principle,  as  we  have  already  seen.1 
There  have,  indeed,  been  disputes  among  Christians,  but 
they  hare  not  been  like  those  among  the  philosophers,  con- 
cerning  the  supreme  good  of  man,  but  only  explications  of 
particular  doctrines,  which  do  not  affect  religion  itself,  and 
ought  not  to  hinder  the  good  effect  which  the  fundamental 
doctrines  ought  to  have  upon  the  lives  of  men. 

III.  Admirably  as  the  doctrines  of  the  New  Testament 
are  adapted  to  the  actual  condition  and  wants  of  mankind, 
the  moral  precepts  which  it  enjoins  are  not  less  calculated 
to  promote  their  happiness  and  well-being,  both  collectively 
and  individually.  The  view  of  human  duty,  exhibited  by 
heathen  moralists,  was  not  only  radically  defective  and  ma- 
terially erroneous ;  but  the  manner  of  its  exhibition  was  little 
calculated  to  impress  the  mind,  affect  the  heart,  or  influence 
the  conduct.  Abstruse  reasonings  upon  the  fitness  of  things — 
general  declarations  concerning  the  beauty  of  virtue — cold 
and  inanimate  precepts  of  conduct,  if  not  contradicted,  yet 
imperfectly  exemplified  in  their  own  behaviour2 — might  in 
some  degree  exercise  their  pupils'  faculties  of  reasoning  and 
memory,  and  render  them  subtle  disputants,  and  pompous 
declaimcrs ;  but  they  had  little  tendency  to  enlighten  their 
minds  in  the  knowledge  of  moral  truth,  and  to  imbue  their 
hearts  with  the  love  of  moral  excellence.  It  is  far  otherwise 
with  the  morality  of  the  Scriptures,  and  especially  of  the 
Mew  Testament.  While  the  system  of  moral  truth,  which 
they  evolve,  is  incomparably  more  pure  than  that  of  the  hea- 
then moralist,  it  is  not,  like  his,  couched  in  cold  generalities 
or  in  abstract  uninteresting  language.  It  is  pure  and  rational, 
alike  remote  from  the  overstrained  precepts  of  superstition 
and  enthusiasm,  and  the  loose  compliant  maxims  of  worldly 
policy.  It  comes  home  to  men's  business  and  bosoms.  It 
is  deeply  impressive,  and  it  is  perfectly  intelligible.  It  is 
calculated  for  every  rank  and  order  of  society,  and  speaks 
with  equal  strictness  and  authority  to  the  rich  and  honoura- 
ble, to  the  poor  and  ignoble.  All  other  systems  of  morals 
prohibit  actions,  but  not  thoughts,  and  therefore  are  necessa- 
rily ineffectual.  But  the  moral  system  of  Christianity  per- 
vades every  thought  of  the  heart;  teaches  us  to  refer  all  our 
actions  to  the  will  of  our  Creator;  and  corrects  all  selfishness 
in  the  human  character,  by  teaching  us  to  have  in  view  the 
happiness  of  all  around  us,  and  enforcing  the  most  enlarged 
and  diffusive  benevolence. 

With  this  general  notice  of  Christian  morality  we  might 
conclude  the  present  section,  especially  as  the  New  Testa- 
ment is  in  the  hands  of  almost  every  one,  but,  since  that  vo- 
lume (as  well  as  the  Old  Testament)  is  arraigned  by  the 
opposers  of  revelation  in  the  present  day  as  the  most  immoral 
book  that  is  extant,  a  short  view  of  the  morality  of  the  Gos- 
pel dispensation,  and  of  the  manner  in  which  it  is  announced, 
becomes  necessary,  in  order  to  enable  the  Christian  reader 
to  give  a  reason  of  the  hope  that  is  in  him.  The  moral  pre- 
cepts of  the  Gospel  may  be  referred  to  the  duties  incumbent 
upon  man  in  civil  and  social  life,  and  to  the  duties  which  he 
owes  to  himself. 

1.  With  regard  to  the  duties  incumbent  upon  man  towards 
his  fellow-creatures,  the  Gospel  requires  that  we  offer  not 
the  least  injury  or  wrong  to  others,  m  their  persons,  their 
properties,  or  their  reputations ;  that  we  render  unto  all  their 
just  dues;  that  we  he  not  one  to  another,  but  speak  every 
man  truth  unto  his  neighbour,  and  provide  things  honest  in 
the  sight  of  all  men.  All  fraud  and  falsehood  in  our  words 
and  dealings,  together  with  all  injustice  and  violence,  are 
most  expressly  forbidden.  (Rom.  xiii.  7,  8.  Eph.  iv.  25. 
2  Cor.  viii.  21.)  Not  only  are  we  to  abstain  from  injurious 
actions,  but  we  are  required  not  to  be  angry  at  our  brother 
without  a  cause;  to  speak  evil  of  no  man,  and  neither  to 
raise  evil  reports  ourselves  against  our,  neighbours,  nor 
spread  them  abroad  when  raised  by  others.  (Matt.  v.  21,  22. 
■  See  pp.  16 — 25.  supra.  »  See  pp.  19,  20.  supra. 


Tit.  iii.  2.  with  Psal.  xv.  3.)  Further,  we  are  forbidden  to 
pass  rash  judgments  upon  others,  lest  we  ourselves  should 
be  judged  by  God ;  on  the  contrary,  we  are  to  put  the  best 
constructions  upon  their  words  which  the  case  will  bear. 
(Matt.  vii.  1,  2.  Rom.  xiv.  10.  1  Cor.  xii.  5.  7.  James  iv. 
11.)  And  Jesus  Christ  has  inculcated  it  in  the  strongest 
manner,  that  no  seeming  acts  of  piety  and  devotion,  or  dili- 
gence in  the  ritual  observances  of  religion,  will  compensate 
for  the  wrongs  or  injuries  done  to  our  neighbours,  nor  will 
they  lie  accepted  by  God  without  making  reparation,  as  far 
as  is  in  our  power,  for  those  injuries  and  wrongs.  (Matt.  v. 
23.  24.    xxiii.  23.) 

Nor  does  the  Gospel  enjoin  a  merely  negative  morality; 
it  enforces  upon  us.  in  the  most  explicit  terms,  the  duty  of 
doing  good  to  all  men,  as  far  as  we  have  ability  and  oppor 
tunity.  Thus,  we  are  required  to  assist  them  in  their  neces- 
sities and  distresses,  to  sympathize  with  them  in  their  afflic- 
tions and  sorrows,  as  well  as  to  rejoice  in  their  prosperity ; 
to  be  ready  to  distribute  to  their  necessities  out  of  our  worldly 
substance ;  to  endeavour  to  convert  them  from  the  error  of 
their  way,  and  to  reprove  them,  when  guilty  of  faults,  in  the 
spirit  of  meekness;  and,  finally,  to  do  all  we  can  to  promote 
their  temporal  and  spiritual  welfare.  The  more  effectually 
to  show  the  great  importance  of  the  duties  of  charity  and 
mercy,  Jesus  Christ  assures  us  that  particular  notice  will  be 
taken  of  them  at  the  great  day  of  judgment,  and  that  men 
shall  then  be  rewarded  or  condemned  according  to  their 
abounding  in,  or  their  neglecting  of,  the  practice  of  those 
duties.  (Gal.  vi.  10.  1  Tim.  vi.  18.  Heb.  xiii.  3.  16.  James 
v.  20.  Gal.  vi.  1.  Rom.  xii.  15.  Matt.  xxv.  31— 46.) 

Further,  as  the  most  difficult  part  of  the  duty  required  of 
us  towards  mankind  relates  to  the  temper  and  conduct  we 
are  to  observe  towards  our  enemies,  and  those  who  have  in- 
jured us,  Jesus  Christ  has  given  us  in  this  respect  the  most 
admirable  precepts  and  directions.  If  we  have  sunered  inju- 
ries from  others,  he  enjoins  us  to  exercise  a  forgiving  temper 
towards  them,  and  not  to  give  Avay  to  the  bitterness  of  re- 
venge; and  requires  us  to  insert,  it  in  our  petitions  to  God, 
that  he  would  forgive  us  our  sins,  as  we  forgive  others  the 
offences  committed  against  us.  The  same  is  the  design  of 
some  of  his  excellent  parables.  And  in  this,  as  well  as  other 
instances,  the  apostles  taught  the  same  doctrine  with  their 
divine  Lord  and  Master,  that  we  should  recompense  to  no 
man  evil  for  evil,  and  instead  of  being  overcome  of  evil, 
should  overcome  evil  with  good.  (Rom.  xii.  17,  18,  19,  20, 
21.  IThess.  v.  15.  1  Pet.  iii.  9.)  To  these  precepts  we 
may  add,  that  Jesus  Christ  not  only  forbids  the  rendering 
of  evil  for  evil,  but  commands  us  to  render  good  for  evil. 
This  is  the  design  of  that  glorious  precept,  by  which  we  are 
commanded  to  love  our  enemies,  to  bless  them  that  curse  us, 
to  do  good  to  them  that  hate  us,  and  to  pray  for  them  that 
despitefully  use  us  and  persecute  us.  Instead  of  cursing, 
we  must  pray  to  God  for  them,  not  indeed  that  they  may  go 
on  and  prosper  in  their  evil  courses,  but  that  they  may  be 
brought  to  a  right  temper  of  mind,  and  so  may  become  the 
objects  of  the  divine  favour;  and  if  they  be  reduced  to  dis- 
tress, we  must  be  ready  to  assist  and  serve  them  in  the  kind 
offices  of  humanity.  "  If  thine  enemy  hunger,  feed  him ;  if 
he  thirst,  give  him  drink."  (Matt.  v.  43,  44.  Rom.  xii.  20.) 
And  this  certainly  is  carrying  benevolence  to  the  noblest 
height.  And  though  there  have  been  high  pretenders  to  rea- 
son who  have  found  fault  with  it,  yet  some  of  the  most  emi- 
nent among  the  ancient  philosophers  have  been  sensible  of 
the  beauty  and  excellency  of  such  a  conduct,  but  they  wanted 
the  authority  necessary  to  make  it  a  law  obligatory  on  man- 
kind. But  in  the  Gospel  of  Jesus  it  is  more  strongly  en- 
forced, urged  with  more  powerful  motives  than  it  ever  was 
before,  ana  is  bound  upon  us  by  a  most  express  divine  au- 
thority. To  this  it  may  be  added,  that  our  Lord  has  expressly 
condemned  that  spirit  which  carries  men  to  persecute  and 
do  hurt  to  others,  under  pretence  of  zeal  for  the  cause  of  God 
and  religion.  (Luke  ix.  54,  55,  56.) 

Upon  the  whole,  it  is  the  manifest  and  uniform  design  and 
tendency  of  the  Gospel  of  Jesus  to  recommend  and  enforce 
universal  benevolence.  It  lays  the  foundations  of  the  du- 
ties we  owe  to  mankind  in  love.  It  is  there  given  as  a  com- 
prehensive summary  of  the  duties  we  owe  to  mankind  : 
Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbour  as  thyself.  (Matt.  xxii.  39. 
Rom.  xiii.  8,  9.  Jam.  ii.  8.)  And  by  our  neighbour  we  are 
taught  to  understand,  not  merely  those  of  th>  same  country, 
nation,  and  religion  with  ourselves,  but  all  i  f  the  human  race 
that  stand  in  need  of  our  kindness,  and  tu  whom  we  have  an 
opportunity  of  doing  good.    This  is  beautifully  exemplified 


Sect.  I.  §  3.] 


A  PROOF  OF  ITS  DIVINE  INSPIRATION. 


153 


Dy  our  Saviour,  in  the  parable  of  the  rood  Samaritan.  (Luke 
x.  33,  34,  35.)  To  which  may  he  added  that  olhrr  remark- 
able precept,  Whatsoever  ye  would  /hot  men  should  do  unto 
you,  do  ye  even  so  to  them.  (Matt.  vii.  12.)  A  rale  which,  if 
rightly  considered,  would  lie  of  gnat  use  in  regulating  our 
conduct  towards  our  fellow-creaturee. 

But  though  we  are  required  to  lore  and  do  good  to  all 
men,  the  design  is  not,  as  some  who  aTe  desirous  to  impeach 
the  Gospel  morality  would  in  Innate,  that  we  should  have  the 
same  degree  of  affection  for  all.  The  special  love  and  es- 
teem which  rood  men  should  haVe  for  one  another,  and  the 
peculiar  tics  By  which  they  arc  united,  in  addition  to  the  com- 
mon tics  of  humanity,  arc  recommended  and  enforced  in  the 
strongest  and  moat  engaging  manner,  and  lay  theproperest 
foundation  for  all  the  intimacii  b  i  f  sacred  friendship.  (John 
jriii.  34,  35.  Gal.  vi.  10.  E ph.  i v.  1—0.  Phil.  li.  1—5. 
1  lYt.i.  22.   I  John  iii.  16.) 

9.  Besides  the  general  pTecepts  prescribing  the  duties  of 
justice  am!  benevoh  nee  towards  all  ma  kind,  there  an 
particular  injunctions  given  us,  with  respi  ct  to  the  duties 

INCUMBENT  DPOM  US  IS  THE  SEVERAL  STATION S  ami  RELATIONS 
WHICH  WE  SUSTAIN  IN  CIVIL  AND  SOCIAL  LIFE  j  and  these  arc 
of  great  importance  to  the  welfare  of  nations,  families,  and 
particular  persons. 

The  grand  design  of  the  New  Testament,  it  has  been  well 
observer!,  is,  to  teach  religion.  "What  relates  to  civil  in- 
stitutions, it  notices  only  so  far  as  moral  obligation  is  con- 
cerned.— Forma  of  government  it  leaves  to  the  wisdom  of 
men  to  regulate,  andto  nations  to  frame  :  but  what  the  spirit 
of  governments  should  be,  it  plainly  dictates;  and  it  lays 
down  the  principles,  by  which  both  governors  and  governed 
ought  to  regulate  their  conduct,  with  authority,  plainness, 
ana  fidelity,  and  yet  with  a  delicacy  suited  to  the  age  in 
which  it  was  written,  and  to  the  jealousy  of  the  governments 
which  then  existed.1  Civil  government,  the  New  Testament 
says,  is  an  ordinance  of  God  ;  in  other  words,  it  is  the  will 
of  God  that  men  should  not  live  as  the  beasts  of  the  field, 
without  control ;  but  that  they  should  be  formed  into  socie- 
ties regulated  by  laws,  and  that  these  laws  should  be  exe- 
cuted by  magistrates  appointed  for  the  purpose.  What  kind 
of  government  and  what  kind  of  rules  are  intended,  the  sa- 
creu  writers  thus  particularly  specify  : — They  are  not  a  ter- 
ror to  good  works,  but  to  evil.  Do  that  which  is  good,  and  thou 
shalt  have  praise  of  the  same  :  for  he  is  the  minister  of  God  to 
thee  for  good.  But  if  thou  do  that  which  is  evil,  be  afraid,  for 
he  bcareth  not  the  sword  in  vain  ,■  for  he  is  a  minister  of  God, 
an  avenger  to  execute  wrath,  sent  by  him  for  t':e  punishment  of 
evil-doers,  and  for  the  praise  of  them  that  do  well.  They  are 
God\t  ministers  attending  to  this  very  thing,3  that  is,  their 
talents  and  their  time  are  wholly  employed  in  this  great  and 
good  work.  Such  are  the  principles  of  government  laid  down 
in  the  New  Testament;  and  such  the  duties  which  it  pre- 
serves to  the  rulers  and  magistrates  of  nations. 

"  But  Christianity  does  not  confine  its  injunctions  to  one 
part  of  the  community,  and  leave  the  re  I  to  act  as  they 
please :  it  addresses  itself  likewise  with  equal  energy  to  the 
people,  and  hinds  on  their  consciences  the  obligations  of  sub- 
jection and  obedience.  .Subjects  are  taught  to  be  submissiw 
and  obedient  to  the  higher  powers  ,■  to  /  ray  foT  them  ;  to  fear 
God  and  honour  the  king  ,■  to  give  unto  Caesar  the  things  which 
are  Cnesar's;  to  render  tribute  to  whom  tribute  is  due,-  custom 
to  whom  custom,-  fear  to  whom  fear;  HONOUR  to  whom  ho- 
nour; and  to  do  all  this  not  merely  because  the  civil  laws 
require  it,  and  for  fear  of  punishment  from  men.  but  for  con- 
science'sake,  and  in  obedience  to  the  laws  of  God.  (Matt 
xxii.  21.  Rom.  xiii.  1,  2.  5,  6,  7.  1  Tim.  ii.  1,  2.  Tit.  iii.  1. 
1  Pet.  ii.  13 — 15.)  Are  not  these  injunctions  highly  reason- 
able, and  exactly  corresponding  with  the  nature  and  state  of 
things  \  If  the  members  of  a  community  refuse  to  honour 
and  obey  the  divine  ordinance,  to  be  subject  to  government, 
to  give  nigh  respect  to  rulers,  or  to  pay  them  tribute, — and 
all  this,  not  from  fear  of  punishment,  out  for  o  as  sience1  sake, 
— it  will  be  allowed  by  every  rational  man,  that  they  resist 
an  ordinance  of  God,  an  ordinance  that  is  b.  th  reasi  liable 
and  beneficial,  and  deservedly  receive  to  themselves  con- 
demnation."3 

Such  is  the  doctrine  of  the  New  Testament  respecting 
civil  government ;  such  are  its  grand  moral  princi  les,  and 

_l  Both  Paul  and  Peter  wrote  during  the  reign  of  the  sanguii.ary  emperor 
Nero. 


*  Rom.  xiii.  1.  3,  4.    I  Pet.  ii.  l! 


221—224. 


1  Bofue  on  the  Divine  Authority  of  the  New  Testament,  pp. 
There  is  an  admirable  discourse  on  "Christian  Obedience  to  Civil  Rulers" 
in  Mr.  Gisborne's  Sermons  principally  designed  to  illustrate  and  enforce 
Christian  Morality,  pp.  237—253. 

Vol.  I.  U 


such  its  specific  declarations  on  the  subject.     In  every  do-' 
relation  it  also  lays  down,  fairly  and  equitably,  the 
on  both   sides,  viz.  of  servants  and  masters,  of  hus- 
bands and  wives,  of  parents  and  children. 

Thus  servants  are  enjoined,  as  a  necessary  part  of  religion, 
t  ,  obi  v  and  •  rve  their  masters,  with  all  proper  respect, 
fidelity,  and  diligence,  not  purloining,  not  answering  again, 
with  good-will  doing  service  as  unto  the  Lorn,  and  not  unto 
men  ;  knowing  thai  whatsot  ver  good  thing  any  man  doeth, 
that  shall  be  ri  caive  of  the  Lord,  whether  he  be  bond  or  free. 
Th.se  things,  when  really  believed  and  duly  considered, 
will  have  a  much  Btronger  influence  to  engage  them  to  a 
faithful  and  cheerful  di  :'  their  duty,  than  mere  cus- 

tom, <  ntry.     On  the  other  hand,  mas- 

i  give  unto  their  servants  that  which  is  just 
and  equal,  forbearing  threatenings,  knowing  that  they  also 
havi  a  master  in  heaven,  and  that  with  him  then  is  no  re- 
spect of  persons.  (Eph.  vi.  5 — 9.  Col.  iii.  22 — 26.  iv.  1. 
lTim.  vi.  1,  2.  Tit.  ii.  2.  9,  10,  11.)  The  duties  of  hus- 
bands and  wives,  of  parents  ami  children,  are  also  admirably 
delineated  and  enforced.  (Eph.  v.  22—33.  Col.  iii.  IS,  19. 
Tit.  ii.  1,  5.  1  Pet.  iii.  ft.  Eph.  vi.  1—4.  Col.  iii.  20,  21. 
1  Tim.  v.  1 — 8.)  In  like  manner,  superiors  and  inferiors, 
the  elder  and  younger,  the  rich  ami  tin'  poor,  are  directed  to 
a  proper  conduct  towards  one  another;  and  rules  are  given 
which  tend  to  regulate  the  deportment  of  equals  among  them- 
selves, that  they  should  be  courteous,  in  honour  preferring 
one  another,  not  willingly  giving  offence  to  any,  and  endea- 
vouring as  far  as  possible  to  live  peaceably  with  all  men. 
(Rom.  xii.  10. 12.  18.  1  Cor.  x.32.  Phil.ii.  3.  1  Pet.  ii.  17. 
iii.  8.  v.  5.)  In  a  word,  all  the  various  offices  of  humanity, 
justice,  and  charity,  due  from  one  man  to  another,  are  fre- 
quently described  in  the  sacred  writings,  enforced  by  the 
most  powerful  motives,  and  by  the  authority  of  God  himself; 
which,  where  it  is  firmly  believed,  must  com/5  with  greater 
force  upon  the  conscience,  than  the  mere  institutions  of  hu- 
man legislators,  or  the  reasonings  of  philosophers  and  mo- 
ralists. 

3.  The  preceding  hints  may  serve  to  convey  an  idea  of  the 
excellency  of  the  Scripture  precepts,  with  respect  to  the 
moral  duties  we  owe  to  mankind,  in  a  civil  and  social  state. 
With  respect  to  that  part  of  our  duty,  which  relates  more  im- 
mediately to  ourselves,  to  the  governing  of  our  affections, 
passions,  and  appetites,  and  to  the  due  regulation  and  im- 
provement of  our  temper,  the  Gospel  law  is  peculiarly  ex- 
cellent. While  it  prohibits  all  angry  passions,  as  above  re- 
marked, it  enforces  the  lovely  duties  of  meekness,  forbear- 
ance, and  long-suffering ;  and  recommends,  above  all,  the 
cultivation  of'that  friendly  temper  and  universal  benevo- 
lence, which  is  one  of  the  most  amiable  and  excellent  dispo- 
sitions of  the  human  heart.  (Eph.  iv.  26,  27.  31,  32.  Col.  iii. 
12 — 14.  1  Cor.  xiii.  4,  5.)  Wherever  the  Gospel  is  sin- 
cerely believed  and  embraced,  it  inspires  the  utmost  abhor- 
rence of  those  unnatural  lusts  and  impurities,  which  had 
made  so  monstrous  a  progress  in  various  parts  of  the  heathen 
world  at  the  time  of  Christ's  coming  into  the  world  ;  and 
which,  as  we  have  seen,  were  countenanced  by  the  precepts 
and  practice  of  the  most  distinguished  sages  of  antiquity.'1 
Not  only  adultery,  fornication  (which  among  the  ancient 
heath*  puted  to  be  a  very  slight  fault,  if  a  fault  at 

all),  polygamy,  and  divorces  upon  slight  occasions,  but  like- 
wise all  ma  mess  and  lasciviousness,  and  the 
cherishing  at  d  indulgence  of  all  impure  inclinations,  are 
strictly  prohibited.  (1  Cor.  vi.  9,10.  lTim.i.  9, 10.  1  Thess. 
iv.  3,  1.  5.  7.   1  Cor.  vi.  13—20.  Matt.  v.  27,  28.)_ 

Further,  we  are  frequently  warned  against  rioting  and 
drunkenness,  which  tend  to  debase  and  dishonour  our  nature 
fLuke  xxi.  34.  Gal.  v.  19.  21.  Eph.  v.  G.  I  Pet.  ii.  11.) 
And  it  is  particularly  worthy  of  observation,  that,  while  the 
Gospel  enforces  chastity,  purity,  and  temperance,  by  the 
most  sacred  obligations,  care  is  taken  to  guard  against  su- 
perstitious extremes.  Neither  Christ  nor  his  apostles  sub- 
stituted fervency  of  devotion  in  the  place  of  regular  morality, 
nor,  under  pretence  of  extraordinary  purity,  have  they  for- 
bidden and  condemned  marriage,  as  some  of  the  Essenes 
then  did,  and  as  others  by  a  false  refinement  have  since  done. 
On  the  contrary,  it  is  declared,  that  marriage  is  honourable  in 
oil.  (1  Cor.  vii.  9.  Heb.  xiii.  4.)  And  though  all  intempe- 
rance and  excess  are  expressly  forbidden,  and  we  are  required 
to  subdue  the  passions  and  appetites,  yet  we  are  allowed  the 
moderate  use  of  sensible  enjoyments  ;  and  it  is  declared,  that 
every  creature  of  God  is  good,  and  nothing  to  be  refused  if  it  be 

*  See  pp.  19,  20.  supra. 


DOCTRINES  AND  MORAL  PRECEPTS  OF  THE  BIBLE, 


154 

received  with  thanksgiving ,-  fur  it  is  sanctified  by  the  word  of 
God  and  prayer.  (lTim.  iv.  3 — 5.) 

Another  instance  of  the  excellency  of  the  Gospel  precepts 
is,  that  particular  care  is  taken  to  guard  us  against  an  immo- 
derate passion  for  worldly  riches ;  the  precariousness  of 
which  is  illustrated,  together  with  the  inconsistency  of  a  pre- 
dominant love  of  worldly  wealth  with  the  love  of  God  and 
with  real  piety  and  virtue.  The  possession  and  enjoyment 
of  riches  are  not  absolutely  prohibited ;  but  we  are  directed 
to  maid;  a  proper  use  of  them,  and  to  regard  them  as  a  trust 
committed  to  us  by  God,  of  which  we  are  only  the  stewards, 
and  for  which  we  must  be  accountable.  We  are  instructed 
to  employ  them,  not  as  incentives  to  luxury,  but  .as  op- 
portunities of  doing  good,  of  honouring  God,  and  being  use- 
ful to  mankind.  (Matt.  vi.  24.  Mark  x.  24.  Luke  xii.  15 — 
21.  1  Tim.  vi.  9,  10.  Luke  xvi.  9, 10.  1  Tim.  vi.  17—19.) 

No  disposition  is  more  hateful  to  man  than  pride,  whicn  is 
represented  as  odious  in  the  sight  of  God.  (James  iv.  6.) 
Many  passages  in  the  Gospel  are  particularly  designed  to 
correct  and  subdue  it  in  all  its  various  branches  and  appear- 
ances, whether  it  signifies  an  inordinate  ambition  which  puts 
men  upon  contending  who  should  be  greatest,  or  an  eager 
thirst  after  the  applause  of  men  rather  than  the  favour  and 
approbation  of  God,  or  a  presumptuous  haughty  arrogance, 
and  a  high  conceit  of  ourselves  and  our  own  righteousness, 
and  a  contempt  of  others  ;  never  was  an  amiable  humility  re- 
commended and  enforced  in  such  an  engaging  manner  as  by 
Jesus  Christ,  who  also  gave  the  most  perfect  and  lovely  pat- 
.ern  of  it  in  his  own  example.  (Matt,  xxiii.  6 — 12.  Mark  ix.  33, 
M,  35.    Luke  xviii.  9—14.    John  v.  44.   Matt.  xi.  29.  John 
siii.  12—17.  Phil.  ii.  3—7.  1  Pet.  v.  5.)      And  as  nothing 
.ends  more  to  discompose  and  disturb  the  mind  than  anxious 
sares,  or  excessive  sorrows  and  desponding  fears,  the  Gos- 
pel provides  the  most  effectual  remedies  against  all  these  : 
aot  by  representing  worldly  evils  and  calamities  as  no  evils 
at  all,  or  prescribing  an  unfeeling  apathy,  and  suppressing 
the  natural  affections  and  passions,  but  by  keeping  them 
within  proper  bounds.     Nowhere  are  there  such  powerful 
considerations  for  supporting  us  under  afflictions  and  adver- 
sities with  a  calm  resignation  and  a  lively  hope.     We  are 
taught  to  regard  them  as  sent  by  God  for  the  wisest  and  best 
purposes,  and  are  assured  that  he  will  graciously  support  us 
under  them,  and  overrule  them  to  our  greater  benefit,  and 
that,  if  duly  improved,  they  shall  issue  in  a  complete,  ever- 
lasting felicity.  (Matt.  v.  4.  Rom.  v.  4, 5.  viii.  18.  28.  2  Cor. 
iv.  17.  Heb.  xii.  5 — 12.)     Nothing  can  possibly  be  better 
fitted  to  deliver  us  from  anxious  distracting  cares  and  solici- 
tudes, and  a  distrustful  thoughtfulness  for  to-morrow,  than 
the  excellent  precepts  and  directions  given  us  by  Christ  and 
his  apostles.  (Matt.  vi.  25 — 34.  Luke  xii.  22 — 31.  Phil.  iv. 
6.  11, 12.    1  Tim.  vi.  6.8.   Heb.  xiii.  5.    1  Pet.  v.  7.)     But 
though  we  are  directed  to  cast  our  cares  upon  Gpd  in  a  cheer- 
ful and  steady  dependence  upon  his  wise  and  good  provi- 
dence, yet  we  are  cautioned  not  to  neglect  the  use  of  proper 
means  and  endeavours  on  our  parts.     It  is  urged  as  our  duty, 
not  to  be  slothful  in  business,  to  exercise  ourselves  with  dili- 
gence in  the  work  of  our  several  callings  and  employments, 
that  we  may  have  lack  of  nothing,  and  may  have  to  give  to  him 
that  needeth.    Those  who  leadidle  lives  are  represented  as 
walking  disorderly,  and  it  is  declared,  that  if  any  man  will 
not  work,  neither  should  he  eat.  (Rom.  xii.  11.  Eph.  iv.  28. 
1  Thess.  iv.  11, 12.  2Thess.  iii.  10, 11,  12.)    To  this  it  may 
be  added,  that  the  precepts  and  instructions  of  Christ  are  ad- 
mirably fitted  to  inspire  us  with  a  truly  divine  fortitude,  and 
to  raise  us  above  the  slavish  fear  of  men  (who  can  only  kill 
the  body,  and  after  that  have  no  more  that  they  can  do),  or 
of  any  worldly  evils  and  sufferings.     And  yet  he  is  far  from 
encouraging  a  forward  enthusiastic  rashness  :  he  directs  his 
disciples  not  needlessly  to  expose  themselves  to  dangers,  but 
to  take  all  proper  precautions  for  avoiding  the  rage  and  ma- 
lice of  their  persecutors  (Matt.  vii.  6.  x.  16.  23.)  ;  but  when 
this  could  not  be  done  without  betraying  the  cause  of  God, 
of  truth,  and  righteousness,  they  were  to  exert  a  noble  forti- 
tude, and  to  endure  the  greatest  sufferings  with  constancy, 
and  even  with  joy,  being  assured  of  divine  supports,  and 
thatgreat  should  be  their  reward  in  heaven.  (Matt.  v.  10,  11, 
12.  Luke  xii.  4,  5.  1  Pet.  iii.  14.  iv.  12,  13.) 

As  knowledge  is  one  of  the  noblest  improvements  of  the 
mind,  and  of  the  greatest  advantage  to  a  life  of  piety  and 
virtue,  it  is  frequently  urged  upon  us  as  our  duty  to  en- 
deavour to  get  our  minds  furnished  with  divine  and  useful 
knowledge.  And  the  knowledge  there  required  is  not  merely 
of  the  speculative  notional  kind,  or  science  falsely  so  called, 


[Chap.    V 


but  such  a  knowledge  of  those  things  which  are  of  the  high- 
est importance  to  our  happiness,  as  may  help  us  to  make 
a  progress  in  all  holiness  and  goodness :  we  must  endeavour 
to  grow  in  wisdom  and  spiritual  understanding,  so  as  to  dis- 
cern the  things  which  are  excellent,  and  to  prove  what  is 
the  good,  and  acceptable,  and  perfect  will- of  God.  (John 
xvii.  3.  Phil.  i.  9,  10.  Rom.  xii.  2.  Eph.  v.  17.  Col.  i.  9 
10.  1  Thess.  v.  21.  Tit.  i.  1.)  Finally,  it  is  required 
of  us,  that  we  make  it  our  continued  endeavour  to  grow 
in  grace,  and  in  every  divine  virtue ;  for  .which  purpose 
we  must  live  and  walk  by  faith,  ivhich  is  the  substance 
of  things  hoped  for,  and  the  evidence  of  things  not  seen.  And 
as  a  future  life  and  immortality  are  now  brought  into  the 
most  clear  and  open  light,  we  are  required  to  carry  our 
desires  and  views  beyond  this  transitory  world  and  all  its 
enjoyments,  and  to  seek  the  things  which  are  above,  and 
place  our  choicest  affections  there.  (2  Cor.  v.  7.  Col.  iii. 
1,  2.  Heb.  xiii.  14.)  Accordingly,  the  Christian  life  is 
represented  under  the  noble  image  of  a  conversation  with 
heaven,  and  communion  with  the  Father,  and  with  his  Son 
Jesus  Christ :  it  is  a  continual  aspiring  towards  the  per- 
fection of  our  nature  in  a  conformity  to  the  divine  goodness 
and  purity,  and  an  endeavour  to  do  the  will  of  God  on  earth, 
as  it  is  done  in  heaven.  (Phil.  iii.  20.  1  John  i.  3.  Phil, 
iii.  12,  13,  14.)  To  all  which  may  be  added  that  it  is  the 
distinguishing  character  of  the  religion  of  Jesus,  that  while 
it  directs  us  to  aspire  to  the  highest  degree  of  moral  ex- 
cellence, it  teaches  us  to  maintain  a  constant  sense  of  our 
own  weakness  and  defects,  and  of  our  insufficiency  in  our- 
selves. In  the  Gospel,  all  boasting  and  confidence  in  our 
own  righteousness  and  merits  is  excluded ;  and  we  are  in- 
structed to  place  our  whole  dependence  upon  the  grace  of 
God  in  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord,  giving  him  the  glory  of  every 
good  thing  that  is  in  us,  or  which  we  are  enabled  to  perform.1 

4.  In  reviewing  the  leading  features  of  Christian  morality, 
the  holiness  of  its  precepts  is  a  circumstance  that  demands 
especial  consideration,  and  is  a  proof  that  the  religion  which 
inculcates  it  came  from  God.  All  its  precepts  aim  directly 
at  the  heart.  It  never  goes  about  to  form  the  exterior  of 
man.  To  merely  external  duties  it  is  a  stranger.  It  forms 
the  lives  of  men  no  otherwise  than  by  forming  their  disposi 
tions.  It  never  addresses  itself  to  their  vanity,  selfishness, 
or  any  other  corrupt  propensity.  On  the  contrary,  it  declares 
open  war  and  irreconcueable  enmity  against  every  evil  dis- 
position in  the  human  heart.  It  tolerates  none.  Of  the 
most  odious  sins,  such  as  disobedience  to  parents,  dis- 
honesty, injustice,  and  murder,  it  speaks  with  abhorrence. 
It  says  that  they  ought  not  even  to  be  named  among  Chris- 
tians. But  this  is  not  all.  It  descends  into  the  heart :  it 
puts  forth  its  hand  and  plucks  out  every  root  of  bitterness, 
which,  springing  up,  would  pollute  the  soul  and  defile  the 
life.  Many  principles  which  the  world  approves,  and  on 
many  occasions  considers  to  be  harmless, — as  ambition,  the 
eager  pursuit  of  wealth,  fondness  for  pleasure,  pride,  envy, 
revenge,  contempt  of  others,  and  a  disposition  to  filthy  jest- 
ing,— the  Gospel  condemns  in  every  form  and  degree.  It 
forbids  the  indulgence  of  them  even  in  thought :  it  prohibits 
the  adultery  of  the  eye,  and  the  murder  of  the  heart ;  and 
commands  the  desire  to  be  strangled  in  its  birth.  Neither 
the  hands,  the  tongue,  the  head,  nor  the  heart,  must  be 
guilty  of  one  iniquity.  However  the  world  may  applaud 
the  heroic  ambition  of  one,  the  love  of  glory  in  another, 
the  successful  pursuits  of  affluence  in  a  third,  the  high- 
minded  pride,  the  glowing  patriotism  which  would  compel 
all  the  neighbouring  nations  to  bow  the  neck,  the  steady 
pursuit  of  revenge  for  injuries  received,  and  a  sovereign 
contempt  of  the  rude  and  ignoble  vulgar, — Christianity  con- 
demns them  all,  and  enjoins  the  disciples  of  Jesus  to  crucify 
them  without  delay.  Not  one  is  to  be  spared,  though  dear 
as  a  right  eye  for  use  or  pleasure,  or  even  necessary  as  a 
right  hand  for  defence  or  labour.  The  Gospel  does  not  press 
men  to  consider  what  their  fellow  men  may  think  of  them, 
or  how  it  will  affect  their  temporal  interest ;  but  what  is 
right,  and  what  is  necessary  to  their  well  being.  "  If  you 
comply  with  its  precepts  you  must  be,  and  not  merely  seem 
to  be.  It  is  the  heart  that  is  required;  and  all  the  different 
prescribed  forms  of  worship  and  obedience  are  but  so  many 
varied  expressions  or  modifications  of  it."2 

Now,  is  any  thing  like  this  to  be  found  in  the  writings 
of  the  opposers  of  revelation1?     No.     Thp'r  morality,  w 

»  Leland's  Advantage  and  Necessity  of  the  Chrratf  •■  Revelation,  vol.  ii. 
pp.  209—219. 

*  Bogue's  Essay  on  the  Divine  Authority  of  the  New  Testament,  p.  74 
Fuller's  Gospel  its  own  Witness,  p.  27 


S.ECT    1.  §   3.] 


A  PROOF  OF  ITS  DIVINE  INSPIRATION. 


155 


nave  see;),  has  no  standard ;  and  their  code  of  morals  is,  in 
fact,  subversive  of  all  morality.1  Their  deity  seems  to  take 
no  cognizance  of  the  heart.  According  to  them,  "  there  is  no 
merit  or  crime  in  the  intention."  Their  morality  only  goes 
to  form  the  exterior  of  the  man.  It  allows  the  utmost  scope 
for  wicked  desires,  provided  they  be  not  carried  into  execu- 
tion to  the  injury  of  society ;  and  according  to  their  code  (as 
recently  promulgated),  the  assassination  of  a  person,  who 
for  some  political  reason  may  become  obnoxious,  is  a 
laudable  act:  the  prohibition  of  the  unlawful  intercourse 
between  the  sexes  is  a  perversion  of  1 1 1  *  -  '«  plainest  dictates 
of  nature;"  and  decayed  old  age  is  not  worth  the  pains  and 
expense  bestowed  in  supporting  it  !! 

It  is  worthy  of  notice  thai  the  Gospel  inculcates  the  purest 
worship  of  God  and  filial  reliance  upon  his  mercy  and  good- 
ness :  but,  amid  all  the  discordant  theories  of  morals  which 
hive  been  contrived  by  modern  opposers  of  revelation,  they 
are  unanimous  in  excluding  the  Divine  lieing  from  their 
systems  of  ethics ;  thus  evincing  that  they  are  deists  in 
theory,  pagans  in  inclination,  and  atheists  in  practice. 

"  The  words  of  Scripture  are  spirit  and  life.  They  are 
the  language  of  love.  Every  exhortation  of  Christ  and  his 
apostles  is  impregnated  with  this  spirit.  Let  the  reader  turn 
to  the  twelfth  chapter  of  the  epistle  to  the  Romans  for  an 
example,  and  read  it  carefully  ;  let  him  find,  if  he  can,  any 
thing  in  the  purest  part  of  the  writings  of  deists,  that  is 
worthy  of  being  compared  with  it.  No :  virtue  itself  is  no 
longer  virtue  in  their  hands.  It  loses  its  charms,  when  they 
affect  to  embrace  it.  Their  touch  is  that  of  the  cold  hand 
of  death.  The  most  lovely  object  is  deprived  by  it  of  life 
and  beauty,  and  reduced  to  a  shrivelled  mass  of  inactive 
formality."2 

5.  The  last  circumstance  to  be  considered  in  reviewing 
the  morality  of  the  Gospel  is,  the  manner  in  which  it  is 
delivered  to  us.  While  the  ancient  sages  confined  their 
precepts  to  their  respective  pupils,  they  disregarded  the 
multitude,  for  whose  moral  instruction  no  provision  was 
made ;  and  however  excellent  many  of  their  precepts  were, 
still  they  were  destitute  of  sufficient  weight  and  authority 
to  enforce  their  instructions,  and  not  unfrequently  their  con- 
duct was  directly  opposed  to  their  precepts.  But  the  pre- 
cepts of  the  Gospel  are  perfectly  natural,  and  eminently 
adapted  to  the  state  of  every  class  of  society,  and  calculated 
to  promote  the  real  happiness  of  all  men.  Simplicity  and 
plainness  are  the  characteristics  of  all  Christ's  discourses ; 
and  appear  not  only  in  the  language  he  employed,  but  also 
10  the  allusions  and  illustrations  by  which  he  enforced  or 
recommended  his  doctrines  or  moral  precepts. 

Of  the  simplicity  and  plainness  of  language,  which  per- 
vades the  discourses  of  Jesus  Christ,  as  well  as  of  clear  and 
definite  instruction  in  moral  duty,  we  have  a  complete 
model  in  his  sermon  on  the  mount.  In  that  discourse  no 
article  is  introduced  which  he  leaves  either  doubtful  or 
ambiguous.  Not  only  does  he  distinctly  expound  the  pro- 
hibitions of  the  ancient  law,  but  he  also  places,  in  opposition 
to  the  things  prohibited,  a  variety  of  duties  which  neither 
the  terms  of  the  law  nor  the  explanations  of  the  Jews  had 
ever  expressly  recognised.  He  applies  the  law  of  duty  to 
the  secret  thoughts  and  dispositions  of  the  heart,  as  much 
as  to  the  control  or  regulation  of  external  conduct ;  and 
opposes  the  genuine  spirit  of  pun'  and  practical  morality  to 
all  the  loose  and  pernicious  tenets,  by  which  false  or  in- 
c>mpetent  instructors  perverted  the  people,  teaching  for 
doctrines  the  commandments  of  men.  The  same  plainness 
of  language  characterizes  all  the  other  discourses  of  Jesus 
(  ,'hrist,  as  well  as  the  practical  parts  of  the  apostolic  writings. 

The  simplicity  and  plainness  of  Christ's  manner  are 
likewise  conspicuous  in  the  nature  of  his  allusions  and  in- 
structions; all  of  which  were  derived  from  objects  familiar 
to  the  apprehension  of  mankind  at  large.  This  is  obvious 
to  every  reader  of  his  discourses.  The  city  set  on  a  hill, — 
the  salt  of  the  earth, — the  candle  which  U  nut  to  be  set  under  a 
bushel,  but  upon  a  candlestick. — the  vine  and  the  branches, — the 
shepherd  and  the  sheep, — are  instances  which  cannot  be  for- 
gotten. These  and  similar  examples  are  the  happiest  of  all 
allusions,  and  the  best  of  all  illustrations.  They  are  natural 
hut  forcible ;  every  where  offering  themselves,  and  every  where 
beautiful;  familiar,  but  possessed  of  sufficient  dignity ;  and 
always  attended  with  this  hisrh  recommendation,  that  they 
are  easily  understood  by  men  In  every  situation  of  life. 

The  same  plainness  and  simplicity  of  manner  are  also 
evinced  in   the  parables  delivered  by  Christ.     Instruction 

1  See  p.  25.  supra. 

«  Fuller's  Gospel  its  own  Witness,  p.  42. 


appears  to  have  been  communicated  in  allegorical  discourses 
generally  resembling  these,  from  the  earliest  ages  ;3  but  no 
instructor  ever  framed  them  so  happily  as  Christ.  The 
subjects,  to  which  he  alludes,  are  chosen  with  supreme 
felicity;  and  the  allusions  are  conducted  with  the  utmost 
skill  and  success.  The  allegorical  part  of  the  story  is  always 
ad  impressive,  commonly  beautiful,  not  unfrequently 
sublime,  and  in  several  instances  eminently  pathetic.  The 
meaning,  which  it  is  intended  to  convey,  is  at  the  same  time 
definite,  clear,  and  obvious.  The  parable,  instead  of  shading 
the  thought,  illumines  it;  and  instead  of  leaving  the  readei 
in  doubt,  contributes  not  a  little  to  the  satisfaction  of  his  in- 
quiries. When  we  consider  the  perplexed  and  enigmatical 
manner  in  which  the  Jewish  and  Gentile  teachers,  at  that 
time,  conveyed  many  of  their  important  instructions,  we 
shall  on  the  one  hand  see  this  characteristic  of  our  Saviour's 
discourses  in  a  stronger  light;  and  on  the  other  shall  be  led 
to  admire  the  wisdom  with  which,  in  this  respect,  he  taught 
mankind.4 

While  pride  and  vanity  were  the  general  characteristics 
of  the  Jewish  and  Gentile  teachers,  Christ  exhibited  in  his 
manner  of  teaching  the  most  perfect  modesty  and  delicacy, 
blended  with  the  utmost  boldness  and  integrity.  While  fie 
exposed  the  corruption  of  doctrine,  and  hypocrisy  in  practice, 
of  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees,  with  such  clearness  of  evi- 
dence and  such  pungency  of  reproof,  that  they  themselves 
often  shrunk  from  the  detection,  and  trembled  for  the  very 
existence  of  their  principles  and  their  power,  not  a  word, 
not  a  sentiment,  fell  from  his  lips  which  either  could  or  can 
give  pain  to  a  mind  of  the  most  finished  refinement  and 
virtue ;  not  a  word,  not  a  sentiment,  has  been  uttered  that  can 
awaken  one  improper  thought,  or  allure  in  the  least  degree 
to  any  improper  action. 

The  weight  of  his  precepts,  and  the  manner  in  which 
they  were  inculcated,  imparted  to  Christ's  teaching  a  degree 
of  authority  peculiar  to  himself,  and  extorted  from  his  ad- 
versaries the  confession, — Never  man  spake  like  this  man. 
(John  vii.  46.^  At  the  same  time,  he  uniformly  displayed 
towards  his  disciples  the  utmost  kindness,  gentleness,  and 
patience;  bearing  with  their  weaknesses  and  infirmities, 
often  reiterating  the  same  instructions,  removing  their  pre- 
judices, and  giving  full  force  and  effect  to  all  his  doctrines 
andprecepts. 

The  character  of  Jesus  Christ,  indeed,  forms  an  essential 
part  of  the  morality  of  the  Gospel.  To  the  character  of 
almost  every  other  teacher  of  morals  some  stain  or  defect 
attaches ;  but  he  is  charged  with  no  vice  either  by  friends  or 
enemies.5  "  In  Christ"  (we  quote  the  acknowledgment  of 
an  avowed  unbeliever)  "  we  have  an  example  of  a  quiet  and 

Eeaceable  spirit,  of  a  becoming  modesty  and  sobriety,  just, 
onest,  upright,  and  sincere ;  and  above  all,  of  a  most  gra- 
cious and  benevolent  temper  and  behaviour.  One,  who  did 
no  wrong,  no  injurj  to  any  man,  in  whose  mouth  was  no 

fuile  ;  who  went  about  doing  good  not  only  by  his  ministry, 
ut  also  in  curing  all  manner  of  diseases  among  the  people. 
His  life  was  a  beautiful  picture  of  human  nature  in  its  native 
purity  and  simplicity ;  and  showed  at  once  what  excellent 

»  The  nature  and  interpretation  of  parables  are  discussed  infra,  vol.  i. 
part.  ii.  book  ii.  chap.  ii.  sect.  vi. 

«  Dwight's  System  of  Theology,  vol.  ii.  p.  280.  The  three  discourses  in 
that  volume  on  the  character  of  Christ  as  a  prophet  are  particularly  valua- 
ble for  their  originality  of  thought  and  the  interesting  manner  in  which  the 
subject  is  treated.  Many  beautiful  observations  on  the  character  and  man- 
ner of  Christ  as  a  teacher  occur  in  Bp.  Law's  Considerations  on  the  Theory 
of  Religion,  pp.  339—364.  8vo.  London,  1820;  and  also  in  Mr.  Simpson's 
Internal  and  Presumptive  Evidences,  pp.  332—524.  See  also  Bp.  New- 
ton's Dissertation  on  the  Eloquence  of  Jesus  Christ  (Works,  vol.  iv.  pp. 
86 — 104.) ;  Archbishop  Newcome's  Observations  on  our  Lord's  Conduct  as 
a  Divine  Instructor,  and  on  the  Excellence  of  his  Moral  Character,  4to. 
or  8vo. ;  and  especially  Bp.  Sumner's  work,  entitled  "  The  Ministerial 
Character  of  Chnst  practically  considered."  8vo.    London,  1824. 

»  Nothing  can  be  more  honourable  to  the  character  of  Jesus  Christ  than 
the  character  and  conduct  of  Judas  Iscariot,  which  furnish  us  with  a  strong 
argument  for  the  truth  of  the  Gospel. — How  came  it  to  pass,  that  he  first  be- 
trayed his  Master,  and  then  was  so  stung  with  remorse,  as  to  put  an  end  to 
his  own  life  by  hanging  himself?  How  came  he  thus  to  own  himself  guilty 
of  the  vilest  sin,  if  he  knew  that  he  bad  done  an  act  of  justice  to  the  world, 
by  freeing  it  from  an  impostor'!  For,  if  Jesus  was  not  really  what  he 
professed  to  be,  he  deserved  all  and  much  more  than  Judas  was  the  means 
of  bringing  upon  him.  Now,  if  there  had  been  any  base  plot,  any  bad 
design,  or  any  kind  of  imposture  in  the  case,  it  must  have  been  known  to 
Judas,  who  had  lived  so  long  with  Christ,  and  had  even  been  intrusted 
with  the  bag  (which  shows  that  he  was  not  treated  with  any  reserve), 
and  who  was  acquainted  with  our  Saviour's  most  private  life;  and  if  he 
had  known  of  any  blemish  in  his  character  or  conduct,  he  ought  to  have 
told  it  and  would  have  told  it :— duty  to  God,  to  his  own  character,  and  to 
the  world,  obliged  him  to  it ;  but  his  silence  in  this  respect  bears  the 
most  dec  isive  testimony  to  Christ's  innocence ;  Judas's  death  and  perdition 
prove  Christ's  divine  authoritv.  See  Dr.  Ranken's  Institutes  of  Theology, 
-379.  and  also  the  Rev.  John  Bonar's  Observations  onthe  Character 
and  Conduct  of  Judas  Iscariot,  8vo.  Edinburgh,  1750,  or  12mo.  1823,  for  a 
clear  and  masterly  view  of  the  testimony  of  Judas,  as  an  evidence  of 
Christ's  innocence  and  divinity,  and  of  the  truth  and  inspiration  of  Scripture 


156 


DOCTRINES  AND  MORAL  PRECEPTS  OF  THE  BIBLE, 


■  Chap.  V 


creatures  men  would  be,  when  under  the  influence  and  power 
of  that  Gospel  which  he  preached  unto  them."1 

In  each  of  the  four  narratives  of  the  life  of  Jesus,  besides 
the  absence  of  every  appearance  of  vice,  we  perceive  traces 
of  devotion,  humility,  benignity,  mildness,  patience,  and  pru- 
dence :  which  qualities  are  to  be  collected  from  incidental 
circumstances,  as  the  terms  are  themselves  never  used  con- 
cerning Christ  in  the  Gospels,  nor  is  any  formal  character  of 
him  drawn  in  any  part  of  the  New  Testament.  "  Thus,  we 
see  the  devoutness  of  his  mind,  in  his  frequent  retirement 
to  solitary  prayer  (Matt.  xiv.  23.  Luke  ix.  28.  Mark  xxvi. 
36.)  ;  in  his  habitual  giving  of  thanks  (Matt.  xi.  25.  Mark 
iviii.  6.  John  vi.  23.  Luke  xxii.  17.);  in  his  reference  of 
the  beauties  and  operations  of  nature  to  the  bounty  of  Provi- 
dence (Matt.  vi.  2C — 28.) ;  in  his  earnest  addresses  to  his 
Father,  more  particularly  that  short  but  solemn  one  before 
the  raising  of  Lazarus  from  the  dead  (John  xi.  41.) ;  and  in 
the  deep  piety  of  his  behaviour  in  the  garden,  on  the  last 
evening  of  his  life  (Matt.  xxvi.  36 — 47  ;)  his  humility,  in  his 
constant  reproof  of  contentions  for  superiority  (Mark  ix. 
33.) ;  the  benignity  and  affectionateness  of  his  temper,  in 
his  kindness  to  children  (Mark  x.  16.)  ;  in  the  tears  which 
he  shed  over  his  falling- country  (Luke  xix.  41.),  and  upon 
the  death  of  his  friend  (John  xi.  35.)  ;  in  his  noticing  of  the 
widow's  mite  (Mark  xii.  42.) ;  in  his  parables  of  the  good 
Samaritan,  of  the  ungrateful  servant,  and  of  the  Pharisee  and 
publican;  of  which  parables  no  one  but  a  man  of  humanity 
could  have  been  the  author:  the  mildness  and  lenity  of  his 
character  is  discovered  in  his  rebuke  of  the  forward  zeal  of 
his  disciples  at  the  Samaritan  village  (Luke  ix.  55.)  ;  in  his 
expostulation  with  Pilate  (John  xix.  11.)  ;  in  his  prayer  for 
his  enemies  at  the  moment  of  his  suffering  (Luke  xxiii.  34.), 
which,  though,  it  has  been  since  very  properly  and  frequently 
imitated,  was  then,  I  apprehend,  new.  His  prudence  is  dis- 
cerned, where  prudence  is  most  wanted,  in  his  conduct  on 
trying  occasions,  and  in  answers  to  artful  questions.  Of 
these,  the  following  are  examples  : — His  withdrawing,  in 
various  instances,  from  the  first  symptoms  of  tumult  (Matt. 
Kiv.  22.   Luke  v.  15,  16.   John  v.  13,  vi.  15.),  and  with  the 

»  Chubb's  True  Gospel  of  Jesus  Christ,  sect.  8.  pp.  55,  56.  The  author 
cannot  refrain  from  adding  in  this  place  the  not  less  just  and  eloquent, 
and  in  fact,  inimitable  character  of  Christ,  drawn  by  the  hand  of  a  master  : 
—"I  confess  to  you  that  the  majesty  of  the  Scriptures  strikes  me  with 
admiration,  as  the  purity  of  the  Gospel  has  its  influence  on  my  heart. 
Peruse  the  works  of  our  philosophers,  with  all  their  pomp  of  diction  :  how 
mean,  how  contemptible  are  they,  compared  with  the  Scripture  !  Is  it  pos- 
sible that  a  book,  at  once  so  simple  and  sublime,  should  be  merely  the 
work  of  man'?  Is  it  possible  that  the  sacred  personage,  whose  history  it 
contains,  should  be  himself  a  mere  man?  Do  we  find  that  he  assumed 
ttie  tone  of  an  enthusiast  or  ambitious  sectary  ?  What  sweetness,  what 
purity  in  his  manners!  What  an  affecting  gracefulness  in  bis  delivery  ! 
What  sublimity  in  his  maxims!  What  profound  wisdom  in  his  discourses  ! 
What  presence  of  mind  in  his  replies !  How  great  the  command  over  his 
passions !  Where  is  the  man,  where  the  philosopher,  who  could  so  live 
and  so  die,  without  weakness,  and  without  ostenlationl — When  Plato 
described  his  imaginary  good  man  with  all  the  shame  of  guilt,  yet  meriting 
the  highest  rewards  of  virtue,  he  describes  exactly  the  character  of  Jesus 
Christ :  the  resemblance  is  so  striking  that  all  the  Christian  fathers  Der- 
ceived  it. 

"  What  prepossession,  what  blindness  must  it  be  to  compare  (Socrates) 
the  son  of  Sophroniscus  to  (Jesus)  the  son  of  Mary  !  What  an  infinite  dis- 
proportion is  there  between  them !  Socrates,  dying  without  pain  or  ig- 
nominy, easily  supported  his  character  to  the  last ;  and  if  his  death,  how- 
ever e;tsy,  had  not  crowned  his  life,  it  might  have  been  doubted  whether 
Socrates,  with  all  his  wisdom,  was  any  thing  more  than  a  vain  sophist. 
I!.-  invented,  it  is  said,  the  theory  of  morals.  Others,  however,  had  before 
put  them  in  practice  ;  he  had  only  to  say,  therefore,  what  they  had  done, 
and  to  reduce  their  examples  to  precept.— But  where  could  Jesus  learn, 
among  his  competitors,  that  pure  and  sublime  morality,  of  which  he  only 
haegiven  us  both  precept  and  example  1— The  death  of  Socrates,  peaceably 
philosophizing  with  his  friends,  appears  the  most  agreeable  that  could  be 
Wished  for  ;  that  of  Jesus,  expiring  in  the  midst  of  agonizing  pains,  abused, 
insulted,  and  accused  by  a  whole  nation,  is  the  most  horrible  that  could  be 
feared,  isocrales,  in  receiving  the  cup  of  poison,  blessed  the  weeping 
executioner  who  administered  it ;  but  Jesus,  in  the  midst  of  excruciating 
tortures,  prayed  for  his  merciless  tormentors.  Yes  !  if  the  life  and  death 
of  Socrates  were  those  of  a  sage,  the  life  and  death  of  Jesus  were  Hio<=e 
of  a  God.  Shall  we  suppose  the  evangelic  history  a  mere  fiction  ?  Indeed 
my  friend,  it  bears  not  the  marks  of  fiction  ;  on  the  contrary  the  history 
of  Socrates,  which  nobody  presumes  to  doubt,  is  not  so  well  attested  as 
that  of  Jesus  Christ.  Such  a  supposition,  in  fact,  only  shifts  the  difficulty 
without  obviating  it:  it  is  more  inconceivable,  that,  a  number  of  persons 
should  agree  to  write  such  a  history,  than  that  one  only  should  furnish  the 
subject  of  it  The  Jewish  authors  were  incapable  of  the  diction  and 
strangers  to  the  morality  contained  in  the  Gospel,  the  marks  of  whose  truth 
are  so  striking  and  inimitable,  that  the  inventor  would  be  a  more  astonish- 
ing character  than  the  hero."— Rousseau. 

What  a  mind !  to  conceive  ideas  so  beautiful  and  so  just !  The  diviniiv 
of  the  New  Testament  is  displayed  as  with  a  sunbeam !  But  what  a  heart'! 
to  resist  the  force  of  all  this  evidence,  to  blind  so  fine  an  understanding', 
and  be  able  to  subjoin,  as  Rousseau  did,  I  cannot  believe  the  Gospel!  The 
infidelity  of  this  man,  however,  may  be  readily  accounted  fur.  lie  would 
not  believe  that  Gospel,  which  (as  we  have  already  seen)  pro!  all  im- 

purity, and  injustice,  both  in  thought  and  in  act ;  he  loves  di 
than  light,  becausehis  deeds  were  evil.    His  whole  life,  as  he  unbhi;  bin  ;ly 
avowed  in  his  "  Confessions,"  was  one  continued  series  of  false! 
profligacy. 


express  care,  as  appears  from  Saint  Matthew  (xii.  19.), 
of  carrying  on  his  ministry  in  quietness ;  his  declining  of 
every  species  of  interference  with  the  civil  affairs  of  the 
country,  which  disposition  is  manifested  by  his  behaviour  in 
the  case  of  the  woman  caught  in  adultery  (John  viii.  3 — 10.), 
and  in  his  repulse  of  the  application  which  was  made  to  him, 
to  interpose  his  decision  about  a  disputed  inheritance  (Luke 
xii.  14.);  his  judicious,  yet,  as  it  should  seem,  unprepared 
answers,  will  be  confessed  in  the  case  of  the  Roman  tribute 
(Matt.  xxii.  19.) ;  in  the  difficulty  concerning  the  interfi  riii? 
relations  of  a  future  state,  as  prcpes>  d  to  him  in  the  instance 
ofa  woman  who  had  married  sever,  brethn  n  (Matt.  xxii. -js.) ; 
and,  more  especially,  in  his  reply  t  ■  ;\  use  who  demanded 
from  him  an  explanation  of  the  auth  rity  by  which  he  acted, 
which  reply  consisted  in  propounding  a  question  to  tl 
situated  between  the  very  difficulties  into  which  the)-  were 
insidiously  endeavouring  to  draw  him."'2  (Matt.  xxi.  23.  ct  • 
seq.)  In  short,  the  best  descriptions  of  virtue  are  to  be  found 
in  the  New  Testament.  The  whole  volume  is  replete  with 
piety  and  with  devotional  virtues  which  were  unknown  to  the 
ancient  heathen  moralists. 

IV.  Superiority  of  the  motives  to  DUTYfcpresented  by 
the  Gospel. 

But  however  excellent  and  complete  a  rule  of  moral  duly 
may  be  in  itself,  it  will,  in  the  present  state  of  mankind, 
hardly  be  sufficient  to  answer  the  end  proposed,  unless  it  be 
enjoined  by  a  proper  authority,  and  enforced  by  the  most 
powerful  motives.  In  this  respect,  the  religious  and  moral 
precepts  of  the  Gospel  have  an  infinite  advantage.  For  thov 
are  not  to  be  regarded  as  the  mere  counsels  and  dictates  of 
wrise  men  and  moralists,  who  can  only  advise  and  endeavom 
to  persuade,  but  cannot  pretend  to  a  proper  authority  ovr  l 
mankind ;  nor  as  the  injunctions  of  fallible  human  legisla- 
tors, armed  with  civil  authority,  who  cannot  pretend  to  judge 
of  the  heart  or  of  men's  dispositions,  and  who  have  nothing 
further  in  view  than  the  external  order  and  welfare  of  society, 
and  frequently  make  the  rules  of  morality  give  way  to  their 
political  interests.  Rut  they  are  urged  upon  us  as  the  com- 
mands of  God  himself,  the  Sovereign  Lord  of  the  universe, 
who  knows  our  most  secret  thoughts,  and  to  whem  we  must 
give  an  account,  not  only  of  our  outward  actions,  but  also  of 
the  imvard  affections  and  dispositions  of  our  souls. 

1.  Though  the  observance  of  the  moral  precepts  of  Chris- 
tianity is  not  recommended  in  the  New  Testament  from  a 
consideration  ef  the  fitness  of  things, — that  perpetual  subject 
of  dispute  amongst  philosophers, — or  from  motives  of  expe- 
diency, which  would  open  a  wide  gate  to  every  immorality, 
yet  the  Gospel  does  not  reject  reason  as  a  motive  to  obedience. 
On  the  contrary,  reason  and  justice  are  the  basis  of  the  whole 
morality  of  Christianity.  Paul,  speaking  of  dedicating  our- 
selves to  God,  among  ether  powerful  motives  to  that  duty, 
observes  that  it  is  a  reasonabh  i  twice  which  we  owe  to  him 
(Rom.  xii.  1.)  ;  and  Peter  lays  it  down  as  a  fundamental  prin- 
ciple that  it  is  right  to  obey  God  rather  them  man.  (Acts  i" 
19.)  It  is  indeed  frequently  remarked  in  the  apostolic  epistles 
that  the  commandments  of  God  are  holy,  just,  and  pure,  and 
that  they  ought  to  be  observed  from  gratitude  and  submission 
to  him  ;  and  on  the  other  hand,  that  they  who  transgress  them 
are  worthy  of  death.3  The  apostles  also  frequently  display, 
in  strong  terms,  the  indignity  and  infamy  of  persons  addict- 
ing themselves  to  particular  vices  or  sins ;  and  assert  that 
modesty  and  decency  require  that  our  morals  be  decorous  and 
well  regulated.  The  night  is  far  spent,  the  day  is  at  hand. 
Let  us  therefore  cast  off  the  works  of  darkness,  and  let  us  walk 
honestly  as  in  the  day  ,■  not  in  rioting  and  drunkenness,  not  in 
chambering  and.  wantonness,  not  in  strife  and  envying.  (Rom. 
xiii.  12, 13.)  Whatsoever  things  are  honest,  whatsoever  things 
are  just,  what  soever  things  are  pure,  whatsoever  things  are  level;', 
whatsoever  things  are  of  good  report  ,•  if  there  be  any  virtue,  ant! 
if  there  be  any  praise,  think  on  these  things.    (Phil.  iv.  8.) 

2.  But  the  evangelical  writers  do  not  confine  themselves 
to  the  general  motives  of  reason,  justice,  or  decency:  they 
lay  it  down  as  a  special  motive  peculiar  to  Christians,  that 
they  ought  to  live  suitably  to  the  singular  favours  conferred 
on  them  by  the  free  grace  and  mercy  of  God.  Since  he  has 
vouchsafed  to  call  them  out  of  darkness,  and  to  impart  to 
them  the  knowledge  of  himself,  therefore  they  ought  to  lead 
a  more  holy  life  than  those  who  have  not  yet  received  the 
same  knowledge.  Since  God  has  so  loved  them  as  to  give 
them  the  title  of  his  children  (1  John  iii.  1.).  they  ought  to 
bear  his  image,  and  shoio  forth  his  virtues.*     lie  ye  therefore, 

»  1  Paley's  Evidences,  vol.  i.  pp.  74—76. 
»  See  particularly  Rom.  viii.  12.  and  i.  32. 
♦  Pet.  ii.  9.  marginal  rendering. 


ftECT.    I.    §    3.] 


A  PROOF  OF  ITS  DIVINE  INSPIRATION. 


.57 


says  Paul,  imitators  of  God,  as  dear  children.  (Eph.  v.  1.) 
Since  God  has  purchased  us  anew  by  the  blessing  of  redemp- 
tion we  ought  to  be  doubly  consecrated  to  him, — first,  as  our 
Creator,  and,  secondly,  as  our  Redeemer.  Ye  are  bought  with 
a  price:  therefore  glorify  God  in  your  body  and  in  your  spirit 
which  are  Goo's.  (1  Cor.  vi.  20.)  God,  having  raised  up  his 
son  Jesus,  sent  him  to  bless  you  in  turning  every  one  of  you  from 
his  iniquities.  (Acts  iii.  26.)  Such  is  the  true  end  of  his 
coming,  and  the  price  which  he  expects  for  ;ill  that  he  has 
done  in  our  favour.  Christ  gore  himself  fur  US,  thai  he  might 
redeem  us  from  all  iniquity,  and  purify  unto  himself  a  /■■■ 
people,  zealous  of  good  worm.  (Tit.  ii.  1 1.)  Because  God  for 
Christ's  sake  hath  forgiven  us,  therefore  we  ought  to  be  kin  i 
to  one  another,  tender-hearted,  forgiving  our.  another.  (Eph. 
Lv.  32.)  Since  God  has  so  loved  us,  as  to  send  his  only  begot- 
ten Son  into  the  world  that  we  might  live  through  him,  there- 
fore we  ought  also  to  love  one  another  (1  John  IV.  !'.  11.) ;  and 
because  God  makelh  his  sun  to  rise  on  the  evil  and  on  the  good, 
and  sendeth  rain  on  the  just  and  on  the  unjust,  therefore  we 
ire  to  tore  our  enemies  as  well  as  our  friends.  (Matt.  v.  4  1, 
45.)  Motives  to  obedience  drawn  from  love  are  fitted  to  work 
on  the  best  principles  of  our  nature  ;  and  never  was  there  such 
a  display  of  the  wonderful  love  of  God  to  mankind,  as  in  the 
method  of  our  redemption  and  salvation  by  Jesus  Christ. 
Where  this  mystery  of  godliness  is  heartily  received,  wi th  a 
true  and  lively  faith,  it  will  have  a  happy  influence  to  engage 
and  draw  us  to  a  holy  and  dutiful  obedience ;  since  it  is  every 
where  inculcated  in  the  Gospel,  that  the  design  of  sending 
his  own  Son  into  the  world,  and  of  all  the  great  things  which 
have  been  done  for  us,  is,  to  oblige  us  to  die  more  and  more 
unto  sin,  and  to  live  unto  righteousness. 

3.  Another  most  powerful  motive  to  evangelical  obedience  is 
drawn  from  the  pattern  presented  to  us  by  Jesus  Christ,  whose 
sacred  life  and  practice  illustrated  and  exemplified  his  own 
holy  laws  and  precepts.  "  Examples  teach  where  precepts 
fail."  And  what  example  is  there  so  proper  and  engaging, 
as  the  Son  of  God  in  human  flesh,  the  most  perfect  image  of 
the  invisible  Deity,  in  whom  the  divine  perfections  are  brought 
nearer  to  our  view,  and  such  of  them,  as  can  be  imitated  t>y 
feeble  man,  are  placed  within  the  reach  of  our  imitation  ?  In 
him  we  may  behold  the  completest  pattern  cf  universal  holi- 
ness and  spotless  purity,  of  the  most  ardent  love  to  God,  the 
most  wonderful  love  to  mankind,  the  most  perfect  obedience 
and  resignation  to  the  divine  will,  the  most  exemplary  pa- 
tience under  the  greatest  sufferings,  the  most  admirable  hu- 
mility, meekness,  and  condescension,  and  of  every  amiable 
virtue.  And  should  we  not  be  desirous  to  tread  in  his  illus- 
trious footsteps  1  Learn  of  me,  says  Christ,/wr  Iain  meek  and 
lowly  in  heart,  and  ye  shall  find  rest  to  your  souls.  (Matt.  xi. 
29.)  Walk  in  love,  urges  the  apostle  Paul,  as  Christ  also 
loved  us,  and  gave  himself  for  us.  (Eph.  v.  2.)  Let  every  one 
of  us  please  his  neighbour  for  his  good,  to  edification  ,•  for  Christ 
pleased  not  himself.  (Rom.  xv.  2,  3.)  Let  nothing  be  done 
through  strife  or  vainglory,  but  in  lowliness  of  mind  let  each 
esteem  other  better  than  themselves.  Look  not  every  man  on  his 
own  things  ,■  let  him  aim  not  at  promoting  his  own  separate 
interests,  conveniences,  or  advantages,  but  every  man  also  on 
the  things  of  others,  aim  at  promoting  those  of  others.  Let 
this  mind  be  in  you  which  was  also  in  Clirisl  Jesus,  (Phil.  ii. 
3 — 5.)  .is  he  that  hath  called  you  is  holu,  says  Peter,  so  be  ye 
holy  in  all  manner  of  conversation.    (1  Pet.  i.  15.) 

4.  A  further  motive  is  taken  from  the  sanctions  of  duty 
which  the  civil  relations  among  men  have  received  from  Goa. 
Thus,  magistrates  are  to  be  obeyed,  not  only/w  wrath,  but  for 
conscience*  sake,  because  they  arc  the  ordinance  of  God  (Rom. 
xiii.  2.  5.)  ;  and  they  must  also  conduct  themselves  towards 
the  people  over  whom  they  are  placed  as  the  ministers  of 
God  to  them  for  good.  (Rom.  xiii.  1.)  Husbands  and  wives 
are  to  adhere  inviolably  to  each  other,  because  they  are  joined 
together  and  made  one  by  God,  who  at  the  beginning  made 
diem  the  male  and  the  female  (Matt.  xix.  4.  G.),  and  by  whom 
whoremongers  and  adulterers  will  be  judged.  (Heb.  xiii.  4.) 
Servants  are  commanded  to  be  obedient  to  their  masters,  in 
singleness  of  heart,  fearing  God,  with  good  will  doing  service  as 
unto  the  Lord,  and  not  unto  men  ,-  and  masters  to  be  just,  and 
merciful  to  their  servants,  as  knowing  that  they  also  have  a 
master  in  heaven  with  whom  is  no  respect  of  persons.  (Eph. 
vi.  5 — 7.  9.  Col.  iii.  22.)  And  in  general,  Whatsoever  we 
do,  the  Gospel  enjoins  us  to  do  it  heartily  as  unto  the  Lord, 
and  not  unto  men  (Col.  iii.  23.)  ;  and  that  whether  we  eat  or 
drink,  we  do  all  to  the  glory  of  God.   (1  Cor.  x.  31.) 

5.  The  regard  which  Christians  owe  to  their  holy  profes- 
sion furnishes  another  weighty  motive  to  obedience.     Im- 


moralities of  all  kinds  are  forbidden  them, because  they  ought 
to  walk  worthy  of  the  vocation  wherewith  they  are  called,  with 
all  lowliness  and  meekness,  with  long-suffering  ,■  forbearing  one 
another  in  lore,  endeavouring  to  keep  the  unity  of  the  spirit  in  the 
bond  of  peace.  (Eph.  iv.  1 — 3.)  They  are  to  walk  worth  y  of 
God,  who  has  culled  them  to  his  kingdom  and  glory  (1  Thess. 
ii.  12.),  and  as  children  of  the  light.  (Eph.  v.  8.)  Theii 
'lion  must  be  only  as  becometh  the  gospel  of  Christ. 
(Phil,  i.  37.)  Thej  must  adorn  the  doctrine  of  God  our  Sa- 
viour in  all  things  (Tit.  ii.  !0.) ;  and  take  care  that  the  name. 
or  word,  of  find  In  not  blasphemed,  or  evil  spoken  of,  through 
them.    (l'Tiin.  vi.  1.   Tit.  ii.  5.) 

6.  The  acceptableness  of  true  repentance  and  the  assurance 
of  pardon,  which  the  Gospel  offers  to  all  who  truly  repent, 
and  unfeigncdly  believe  and  obey  God's  holy  word  and  com 
mandments,  an;  a  further  most  powerful  motive  to  sinful  and 
frail  creatures,  to  encourage  and  support  them  in  the  practice 
of  their  duty.  Nothing  can  be  more  satisfactory  to  the  mind 
of  man,  nothing  more  agreeable  to  the  wisdom  of  God, 
than  such  a  declaration  of  the  acceptableness  of  true  repent* 
ance,  and  such  an  authentic  assurance  of  pardon  thereupon, 
as  under  the  Gospel  dispensation  the  divine  mercy  has  found 
means  to  afford  unto  us,  in  such  a  manner  as  is  at  the  same 
time  abundantly  consistent  with  the  dignity  of  his  laws,  and 
his  hatred  against  sin. 

7.  For  our  greater  encouragement,  divine  assistances  are 
provided  for  us,  to  support  us  in  the  practice  of  our  duty. 
This  is  a  consideration  of  great  moment,  as  every  one  must 
acknowledge  who  has  a  due  sense  of  the  weakness  and  cor- 
ruption of  human  nature  in  its  present  state,  and  the  manifold 
temptations  to  which  we  are  here  exposed.  We  are  not  left 
to  our  own  unassisted  strength,  but  have  the  most  exi 
promises  and  assurances  given  us  in  the  Gospel,  that  God 
will  send  his  Holy  Spirit  to  enlighten  and  sanctify  us,  and 
to  strengthen  and  assist  us  in  the  performance  of  our  duty ; 
if,  from  a  sense  of  our  own  insufficiency,  we  humbly  apply 
to  him  for  his  gracious  assistance,  and  at  the  same  time  are 
diligent  in  the  use  of  all  proper  means  and  endeavours  on  our 
own  parts.  (John  xiv.  16.  1  Cor.  ii.  13.  vi.  16.  Luke  xi. 
13.  2  Cor.  xiii.  14.  Heb.  iv.  16.)  For  those  divine  influ- 
ences and  aids  are  communicated  in  such  a  way,  as  is  agree- 
able to  the  just  order  of  our  rational  faculties,  and  not  so  as 
to  render  our  own  endeavours  needless,  but  to  assist  and 
animate  our  endeavours.  It  is  God  who  worketh  in  us  of  his 
good  pleasure  ,•  therefore  we  are  exhorted  to  work  out  our  sal- 
vation ivithfear  and  trembling.  (Phil.  ii.  12,  13.)  The  effect 
of  this  divine  assistance  was  very  wonderful  in  the  primitive 
times  by  the  sudden  reformation  of  more  wicked  men  than 
all  the  exhortations  of  philosophers  ever  brought  to  repent- 
ance. And  even  in  these  days,  when  infidelity  and  profli- 
gacy abound,  there  are  more  exemplary  holy  people  than  ever 
were  found  in  the  best  ages  of  the  heathen  world. 

8.  Our  relation  to  heaven  while  upon  earth  is  likewise  re- 
presented as  a  powerful  motive  to  holy  obedience.  Our  con- 
versation, or  citizenship,  is  in  heaven  (Phil.  iii.  20.) ;  and  be- 
cause we  are  only  strangers  and  pilgrims  upon  earth,  we  must 
abstain  from  fleshly  lusts,  which  war  against  the  peace,  the 
purity,  and  dignity  of  the  soul.  (1  Pet.  ii.  11.)  We  are 
moreover  put  in  mind  that  we  are  only  sojourners  here,  and 
heive  no  continuing  city,  but  seek  one  to  come  (Heb.  xi.  13.  xiii. 
11.)  ;  that  we  may  not  seek  our  rest  in  this  world,  nor  be  too 
solicitous  about  the  things  of  it,  but  may  always  keep  oui 
heavenly  country  in  view,  and  make  it  our  greatest  concern 
to  arrive  safely  there. 

9.  Lastly,  the  rewards  and  punishments  which  the  Gospel 
proposes  to  obedience  or  disobedience  are  a  motive  perfectly 
agreeable  to  the  natural  hopes  and  fears  of  men,  and  worthy 
of  God  to  make  known  by  express  revelation :  for  by  the  cer- 
tain knowledge  of  these  things  is  the  practice  of  virtue  esta- 
blished upon  a  sure  foundation  ;  men  nave  sufficient  to  sup- 
port them  in  their  choice  of  virtue,  and  to  enable  them  to 
conquer  all  the  temptations  of  the  world,  and  to  despise  even 
death  itself.  Paul  concludes  a  large  catalogue  of  flagrant 
sins  with  this  just  but  terrible  sentence  : — Of  which  J  tell  you 
before,  as  I  have  also  told  you  in  time  past,  that  they  which  do 
such  things  shall  not  inherit  the  kingdom  of  God.  (Gal.  y.  21.] 
On  the  contrary,  the  Gospel  recommends  the  practice  of 
Christian  humility,  by  ensuring  to  it  the  kingdom  cf  heaven 
(Matt.  v.  3.)  ;  of  meekness,  because  it  is  in  the  sight  of  God 
of  great  price  (1  Pet.  iii.  4.) ;  of  mercifulness,  as  the  mea-is 
of  obtaining  mercy  (Matt.  v.  7.);  of  temperance,  as  necessE-y 
in  order  to  run  our  Christian  race  with  success  (1  Cor.  :x 
24.   Heb.  xii.  1.);  of  purity,  as  a  necessary  preparation  tr 


158 


REFUTATION  OF  OBJECTIONS  TO  THE  DOCTRINES 


[Chaf.  V. 


the  seeing  of  God  (Matt.  v.  8.)  ;  and  of  patience  and  perseve- 
rance in  the  Christian  life,  because  our  light  affliction,  which 
is  but  for  a  moment,  worketh  out  for  us  a  far  more  exceeding 
and  eternal  weight  of  glory,  while  we  look,  not  at  the  things 
which  are  seen,  but  at  the  things  which  are  not  seen,  because  the 
things  which  are  seen  are  temporal,  but  the  things  which  are  not 
seen  are  eternal.    (2  Cor.  iv.  17,  18. )l 

Such  is  a  faint  outline  of  the  purity  and  excellence  of  the 
morality  of  the  Gospel,  and  of  the  motives  by  which  it  is 
enforced.2  All  the  charms  of  the  divine  goodness,  grace, 
mercy,  and  love,  are  here  represented  to  our  view,  in  terms 
the  most  clear,  explicit,  and  engaging  that  can  possibly  be 
conceived.  How  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament  should 
be  able  to  draw  up  a  system  of  morals,  which  the  world, 
after  the  lapse  of  eighteen  centuries,  cannot  improve,  while 
it  perceives  numberless  faults  in  those  of  the  philosophers 
of  India,  Greece,  and  Rome,  and  of  the  opposers  of  revela- 
tion, is  a  question  of  fact,  for  which  the  candid  deist  is  con- 
cerned to  account  in  a  rational  way.  The  Christian  is  able 
jo  do  it  with  ease.  The  evangelists  and  the  apostles  of  Jesus 
Ohrist  spake  as  they  were  moved  by  the  Holy  Spirit. 


§4. 


ON  THE  OBJECTIONS  OF  UNBELIEVERS  TO  THE  DOCTRINES 
AND  MORALITY  OF  THE  BIBLE. 


I.  Mysteries  no  ground  for  rejecting  the  Scriptures. — II.  The 
Scripture  doctrine  of  redemption  not  inconsistent  with  the 
generally  received  ideas  concerning  the  magnitude  of  crea- 
tion.— III.  The  doctrine  of  a  future  judgment  not  improba- 
ble, and  the  twofold  sanction  of  rewards  and  punishments 
not  of  human  invention. — IV.  Christianity  does  not  establish 
a  system  of  priestcraft  and  despotism  over  the  minds  and 
consciences  of  mankind. —  V.  Does  not  prohibit  free  inquiry, 
but  invites  it. — VI.  The  objection,  that  its  morality  is  too 
strict,  obviated. — VII.  The  moral  precepts  of  Jesus  Christ 
neither  unreasonable  7inr  impracticable. — VIII.  Christianity 
does  not  produce  a  timid  spirit,  nor  overlook  the  sentiments 
of  friendship  or  patriotism. — IX.  The  assertion,  that  the 
Bible  is  the  most  immoral  book  in  the  world,  disproved  by 
the  evidence  of  facts. — X.  Intolerance  and  persecution  not 
inculcated  in  the  Scriptures. 

Such  is  the  unhappy  obliquity  of  the  mind  of  fallen  man, 
that  there  never  yet  was  proposed  to  it  any  thing,  however 
excellent  in  itself,  which  has  not  been  the  subject  of  cavil, 
censure,  or  reproach.  This  has  been  the  lot  of  the  Scriptures 
in  particular,  which  have  been  arraigned  by  the  antagonists 
of  divine  revelation  as  a  tissue  of  absurdity,  fraud,  and  im- 
morality. On  the  one  hand  it  has  been  objected  that  some 
of  the  doctrines  which  they  propound  to  our  belief— such  as 
the  Trinity,  the  Incarnation  of  Jesus  Christ,  &c. — are  mys- 
terious and  contrary  to  reason,  and  that  where  mystery  be- 
gins religion  ends ;  that  the  Scripture  doctrine  of  redemption 
is  inconsistent  with  the  ideas  at  present  entertained  concern- 
ing the  magnitude  of  creation  ;  that  the  Scripture  doctrine 
of  a  future  judgment  is  improbable ;  that  it  establishes  a 
system  of  priestcraft  and  spiritual  tyranny  over  the  minds 
and  consciences  of  men ;  and  that  Christianity  debars  its 

Srofessors  from  all  inquiries  concerning  religious  truths,  and 
emands  of  them  a  full  and  implicit  assent  without  a  pre- 
vious examination  of  the  ground  on  which  they  are  to  build 
that  assent.  And,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  objected  that  the 
morality  of  the  Bible  is  too  strict,  bears  too  hard  upon  man- 
kind, and  lays  us  under  too  severe  restraints ;  that  it  gene- 
rates a  timid,  passive  spirit,  and  also  entirely  overlooks  the 
generous  sentiments  of  friendship  and  patriotism ;  that  the 

t  Bp.  Gibson's  Pastoral  Letters,  Lett.  2.  (in  Bp.  Randolph's  Enchiridion, 
*ol.  iv.  pp.  174—179.)  r  ' 

»  The  reader,  who  is  desirous  of  prosecuting  the  investigation  of  Chris- 
tian morality,  will  find  it  ably  delineated  in  Mr.  Gisborne's  Sermons  on 
Christian  Morality.  There  is  also  an  excellent  discourse,  entitled  "The 
Gospel  the  only  Foundation  of  religious  and  moral  Duty,"  in  the  first  vo- 
lume of  Bp.  Mant's  Sermons,  which  in  many  topics  coincides  with  Mr 
Gisborne's  first  discourse.  The  various  branches  of  the  Christian  temper 
are  well  portrayed  by  Dr.  Evans  in  two  volumes  of  discourses  on  that 
subject,  which  (though  rather  prolix)  have  been  often  and  deservedly  re- 
printed. See  also  Mr.  Leifchild's  Lectures  on  the  Christian  Temper 
(London,  1822,  8vo.),  and  especially  Mr.  Morison's  Lectures  on  the  Recipro- 
cal Obligations  of  Life  (London,  1822,  12mo.),  and  Mr.  Hoare's  Sermons  on 
the  Christian  Character.  London,  1821,  8vo.)  The  Christian  Morals,  Essay 
on  the  Character  and  Writings  of  St.  Paul,  and  Moral  Sketches,  of  Mrs. 
Hannah  More,  likewise  illustrate  the  leading  topics  of  Christian  morality 
with  equal  elegance  and  fidelity  ;  and  the  chief  part  of  the  second  volume 
of  Mr.  Warden's  system  of  Revealed  Religion  contains  a  digest  of  Scrip- 
ture morality,  expressed  in  the.  very  words  of  the  saGred  writings. 


Bible  is  the  most  immoral  book  extant  in  the  world  ;  and 
that  it  inculcates  intolerance  and  persecution.  Such  are  the 
principal  objections  which  have,  at  various  times,  been  made 
against  the  doctrines  and  precepts  contained  in  the  Bible : 
the  contradictions  involved  in  some  of  them  cannot  fail  to 
strike  the  mind  of  the  attentive  reader.  It  might  be  a  suffi- 
cient answer  to  most  of  them,  to  appeal  to  the  facts  and 
statements  already  exhibited  in  the  coTirse  of  this  work,  and 
especially  to  the  foregoing  section  :  but  as  these  objections 
have  lately  been  reasserted  and  clothed  in  the  garb  of  novelty, 
in  order  to  impose  on  the  unwary  (though  most  of  them  have 
long  since  been  refuted),  they  demand  a  distinct  considera- 
tion.3 

I.  Objection  1. — Some  of  the  peculiar  doctrines,  which  the 
Scriptures  propound  to  our  belief,  are  mysterious  and  contrary 
to  reason  ;   and  where  mystery  begins,  religion  ends. 

Answer. — This  assertion  is  erroneous ;  for  nothing  is  so 
mysterious  as  the  eternity  and  self-existence  of  God :  yet,  to  be- 
lieve that  God  exists  is  the  foundation  of  all  religion.  Above 
our  reason  these  attributes  of  Deity  unquestionably  are.  For, 
who  can  conceive  what  eternity  is  ?  A  duration  without  be- 
ginning, or  succession  of  parts  of  time  !  Who  can  so  much  as 
imagine  or  frame  any  idea  of  a  Being,  neither  made  by  itself  nor 
by  any  other  1  Of  omnipresence,  of  omniscience,  and  of  im- 
mensity !  How,  indeed,  can  a  finite  capacity,  like  ours,  com- 
prehend an  Infinite  Being  whom  heaven  and  the  heaven  of 
heavens  cannot  contain  1  Vain  mortal !  dost  thou  presume  to 
scrutinize  the  nature  and  to  comprehend  all  the  ways  of  the  in- 
comprehensible God  ?  Canst  thou,  by  searching,  find  om 
God  ?  Canst  thou  find  out  the  Almighty  to  perfection  ?  It  is 
high  as  heaven,  -what  canst  thou  do  ?  Deeper  than  hell,  what 
cast  thou  know?  He  holdeth  back  the  face  of  his  throne,  and 
spreadeth  his  cloud  upon  it.  How  little  a  portion  is  heard  of 
him  !  The  thunder  of  his  power  who  can  understand  ?  Such 
knoxvledge  is  too  wonderful  for  us,  we  cannot  attain  unto  it. 
But  though  the  existence  of  God  be  a  mystery  to  us,  and  above 
our  limited  reason  to  comprehend,  yet  it  is  not  contrary  to  rea 
son :  because  the  wisdom,  order,  and  harmony  which  are  ob- 
servable in  the  universe,  the  admirable  and  exquisite  adaptation 
of  every  part  to  produce  the  end  for  which  it  was  designed,  and 
the  providential  care  displayed  in  preserving  and  governing  the 
whole,  are  all  so  many  proofs  of  the  existence  of  a  great  First 
Cause  ;  ar>.d  reason  assures  us  that  no  effect  can  exist  without  : 
cause. 

But  our  ignorance  is  not  confined  to  heavenly  mysteries  ;  we 
cannot  comprehend  the  common  operations  of  nature.  Every 
thing  around  us  is  full  of  mysteries.  Who  can  tell,  why,  of 
two  seeds  similar  in  appearance,  one  produces  a  large  tree,  and 
the  other  a  small  shrub  1  Or,  how  the  origin  of  so  large  a  body 
should  be  contained  in  so  narrow  a  space  1  The  growth  of  the 
meanest  plant,  the  structure  of  a  grain  of  sand,  is  as  much  above 
our  comprehension  as  the  mysteries  of  religion.  Bodies  act  on 
each  other  by  different  forces,  which  are  known  to  us  only  by 
some  of  their  effects.  The  natural  philosopher  observes  these 
effects,  and  the  mathematician  calculates  them.  But  neither  of 
them  has  the  slightest  knowledge  whatever  of  the  causes  of  these 
effects.  The  natural  philosopher  observes  an  infinite  number  of 
motions  in  nature  :  he  is  acquainted  with  the  general  laws  of 
motion,  and  also  with  the  particular  laws  that  regulate  the  mo- 
tions of  certain  bodies  :  on  these  laws  the  mathematician  erects 
theories  that  embrace  alike  the  smallest  particles  of  air  or  light, 
as  well  as  Saturn  and  his  moons.  But  neither  the  natural  phi 
losopher  nor  the  mathematician  has  the  least  knowledge  of  the 
real  nature  of  motion.  We  know  that  all  bodies  are  composco 
of  elements  or  primitive  particles,  and  also  that  there  are  different 
orders  of  elements ;  and  we  likewise  know,  at  least  by  reason- 
ing, that  from  nature,  from  the  arrangement  or  combination  of 
elements,  result  the  various  compounds  of  which  the  chemical 

»  "Pertness  and  ignorance  may  ask  a  question  in  three  linos,  which  ii 
will  cost  learning  and  ingenuity  thirty  pages  to  answer;  and,  when  this  is 
done,  the  same  question'  shall  be  triumphantly  asked  again  the  next  year, 
as  if  nothing  had  ever  been  written  on  the  subject."  (Bn.  Home's  Letters 
on  Infidelity,  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  447.)  Dr.  Young  (aufoor  of  the  "  Night 
Thoughts"),  speakingof  Lord  Bolingbroke's  arguments  against  the  authority 
of  the  Scriptures,  remarks  that  they  "  have  been  long  since  answered. 
But  he  is  not  without  precedent  in  this  point.  His  repetition  of  already 
refuted  arguments  seems  to  be  a  deistical  privilege,  from  which  few  of 
them  are  free.  Even  echoes  of  echoes  are  to  be  found  among  them,  which 
evidently  shows  that  they  write,  not  to  discover  truth,  but  to  spread  infec- 
tion; which  old  poison  readministered  will  do  as  well  as  new,  and  it  will 
be  struck  deeper  into  the  constitution,  by  repeat!"  the  same  dose.  Be- 
sides, new  writers  will  have  new  readers.  Tli..  booh  may  fall  into  hands 
untainted  before,  or  the  already  infected  may  swallow  it  more  greedily  in  a 
new  vehicle,  or  they  that  were  disgusted  with  it  in  one  vehicle  may  relish 
it  in  another."  (.Young's  Centaur  not  fabulous.   Letter  on  Infidelity.) 


»BCT.  I.     §   4.] 


AND  MORAL  PRECEPTS  OF  THE  BIBLE. 


159 


nomenclatures  furnish  us  with  a  long  catalogue  :  but  what  do 
we  know  concerning  the  real  nature  of  those  elements,  or  con- 
cerning their  arrangement  or  combination  ? — Nothing  at  all.1 

If,  from  the  general  works  of  nature,  we  ascend  to  the  eon- 
sideration  of  animated  creatures,  and  particularly  of  man,  we 
shall  find  mysteries  prevail  there  also.  We  cannot  comprehend 
the  structure  of  a  wxom,  or  of  a  hair  of  our  beads,  nor  ran  we 
understand  the  combination  of  instinct  with  brute  forms.  We 
cannot  tell  how  our  bodies  were  formed,  or  in  what  manner  they 
are  nourished.  Who  can  tell  why  the  offspring  resemble  their 
parents;  or  why  part  resemble  one,  and  part  the  other?  Or 
why,  as  often  happens,  resemblances  are  transmitted  from  the 
first  to  the  third  generation,  while  the  intermediate  presents  no 
traces  of  it  ?  How  many  philosophers  have  theorized  in  vain 
on  the  mode  in  which  the  impressions  of  the  senses  are  con- 
voyed to  the  sensorium,  and  on  the  way  in  which  they  produce 
thoughts  and  passions !  Yet  the  manner  in  which  the  brain 
operates  in  these  instances  is  as  much  a  mystery  now  as  it  was 
in  the  days  of  Plato  and  Aristotle.  We  cannot  explain  the  na- 
ture of  the  human  soul,  nor  in  what  manner  it  is  united  to  the 
body  ;  and  yet,  that  such  an  union  does  exist,  we  are  convinced 
by  daily  experience.  There  is  nothing,  of  which  wc  are  more 
intimately  conscious,  than  human  liberty  and  free  agency,  or 
which  is  of  greater  importance  to  the  foundations  of  govern- 
ment and  morality,  and  yet,  if  we  consider  it  metaphysically,  no 
subject  is  attended  with  greater  difficulties,  as  the  ablest  meta- 
physicians and  philosophers  in  all  ages  have  acknowledged. 
Wherefore,  until  we  can  comprehend  ourselves,  it  is  absurd  to 
object  to  mysteries  in  those  things  which  relate  to  the  Self-ex- 
isting, Eternal,  and  Infinite  God. 

Further,  if  from  the  consideration  of  ourselves  we  ascend  to 
the  higher  departments  of  science,  even  to  the  science  of  demon- 
stration itself — the  mathematics, — we  shall  find  that  mysteries 
exist  there,  and  that  there  are  many  principles  or  facts  in  that 
science,  as  well  as  in  the  works  of  nature,  which  arc  above  our 
reason,  but  which  no  person  in  his  senses  would  ever  venture  to 
dispute.  For  instance,  though  we  acquire  the  first  principles  of 
mathematics,  and  learn  to  digest  the  idea  of  a  point  without 
parts,  of  a  line  without  breadth,  and  a  surface  without  thickness, 
yet  we  shall  find  ourselves  at  a  loss  to  comprehend  the  perpetual 
approximation  of  lines  which  can  never  meet ;  the  doctrine  of 
incommensurables,  and  of  an  infinity  of  infinities,  each  infinitely 
less,  not  only  in  any  infinite  quantity,  but  than  each  other.  Yet, 
all  these  arc  matters  of  fact  ;  from  which  consideration  we  are 
led  to  infer,  that  it  is  not  consistent  with  true  philosophy  to  deny 
the  reality  of  a  thing  merely  because  it  is  mysterious.  Hence, 
before  we  can  consistently  act  the  sceptic  concerning  the  incom- 
prehensible doctrines  contained  in  the  scheme  of  Christianity, 
we  must  renounce  the  name  of  philosophers,  and  reject  the  sys- 
tem of  nature ;  for  the  book  of  nature  has  its  incomprehensi- 
bles,  as  well  as  the  book  of  revelation.  The  former,  not  even 
the  genius  of  a  Newton  could  explore  :  the  latter,  not  even  an 
angel's.  Both,  with  intense  desire,  desire  to  look  into  them  ; — 
both  are  lost  in  depths  unfathomable ;  both  desist,  believe,  love, 
wonder,  and  adore  ! 

Indeed,  "  if  the  subject  be  duly  considered,  so  far  from  its  ap- 
pearing suspicious  that  there  should  be  mysteries  in  the  Christian 
religion,  it  will  rather  be  regarded  as  a  proof  of  its  divine  origin. 
If  nothing  more  was  contained  in  the  New  Testament  than  we 
knew  before ;  or  nothing  more  than  we  could  easily  compre- 
hend, we  might  justly  doubt  if  it  came  from  God,  and  whether 
it  was  not  rather  a  work  of  man's  device.  Were  there  myste- 
ries in  the  duties  of  Christianity,  an  objection  might  bo  justly 
raised,  but  not  so  with  respect  to  the  doctrines.  That  there  will 
be  some  things  respecting  the  nature  and  government  of  God, 
which  are  not  fully  revealed  ;  some  things,  which  are  merely 
hinted  at,  on  account  of  their  connection  with  other  parts  of  di- 
vine truth  ;  and  some  things  which  are  just  mentioned,  but  not 
explained,  because  they  exceed  the  grasp  of  the  human  under- 
standing, it  is  natural  for  us  to  expect :  and  what  just  ground  is 
there  of  complaint  ?  In  a  word,  if,  in  the  phenomena  of  nature, 
and  in  the  moral  government  of  the  Deity,  there  arc  many  things 
confessedly  mysterious,  is  it  not  more  than  probable  that  this 
will  be  the  case  in  a  revelation  of  his  will,  where  the  subject  is 
equally  vast  and  far  more  comprehensive  1  Without  mysteries, 
the  Gospel  would  not  be  like  the  works  of  God."2 

1  See  numerous  additional  instances  of  mysteries  in  the  natural  world  in 
the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  parts  of  M.  Bonner's  Palingenesie  Philosophiquc 
(Oeuyres,  torn.  vii.  pp.  329—370.  4to.  edit.) ;  and  on  "the  subject  of  myste- 
ries in  religion,  in  general,  the  reader  will  find  a  valuable  dissertation  of 
Bp.  Newton's,  in  the  fourth  volume  of  his  Works.     Diss.  35.  pp.  220—233. 

»  Bogue'a  Essay  on  the  Divine  Authority  of  the  New  Testament,  p.  249. 


Further,  the  mysteries,  which  appear  most  contrary  to  reason, 
are  closely  connected  with  the  truths  and  facts  ot  which  reason 
is  convinced.  For  instance,  the  mysterious  doctrine  of  the 
Trinity,  which  is  so  inconceivable  to  reason,  is  necessarily  con- 
nected with  the  work  of  our  redemption  ;  which  could  only  have 
been  accomplished  by  the  incarnation  of  an  infinite  person.  The 
mystery  of  our  redemption  is  necessarily  connected  with  the 
ity    of  satisfying    divine   justice.       The    doctrine  of   the 

' ll,J  °f  satisfaction  is  necessarily  connected  with  the  doc- 
trine of  the  universal  corruption  of  men,  who  had  provoked 
divine  justice  ;  and  that  corruption  is  a  fact  fully  recognised  by 

1,  and  confirmed  by  experience,  as  well  as  by  the  confession 
of  men  in  all  ages. 

"  The  mysteries  of  Scripture  arc  sublime,  interesting,  and  use- 
ful :  they  display  the  divine  perfections,  lay  a  foundation  for  our 
hope,  and  inculcate  humility,  reverence,  love,  and  gratitude. 
What  is  incomprehensible  must  be  mysterious,  but  it  may  be  in- 
telligible as  tar  as  revealed  ;  and  though  it  connect  with  things 
above  our  reason,  it  may  imply  nothing  contrary  to  it.  So  that, 
in  all  respects,  the  contents  of  the  Bible  arc  suited  to  convince  the 
serious  inquirer  that  it  is  the  word  of  God."3  The  reverse  of  all 
this  is  to  be  found  in  the  principles  of  infidelity,  which  abound 
with  contradictions  the  most  absurd  and  incomprehensible.'  But 
though  some  of  the  truths  revealed  in  the  Scriptures  are  mysteri- 
ous, yet  the  tendency  of  the  most  exalted  of  its  mysteries  is  prac- 
tical. If,  for  example,  we  cannot  explain  the  influences  of  the 
Spirit,  happy  will  it  be  for  us,  nevertheless,  if  we  experience  that 
the  fruits  of  the  Spirit  are  love,  joy,  peace,  long-suffering, 
gentleness,  goodness,  faith,  meekness,  temperance.  If  we  can- 
not comprehend  all  that  we  read  in  the  sacred  pages,  let  us,  not- 
withstanding, submit,  adore,  and  profit  by  them ;  recollecting  that 
the  sublimest  truths,  and  the  profoundest  mysteries  of  religion, 
are  as  level,  perhaps,  to  the  capacity  of  the  meanest  as  of  the 
highest  human  intellect.  By  neither  are  they  to  be  fully 
fathomed,  liy  both  they  may  be  easily  belikvkd,  on  the  sure 
testimony  of  divine  revelation.  As  simple  and  important  facts, 
which  connect  time  with  eternity,  and  heaven  with  earth,  they 
belong  equally  to  men  of  every  order,  and  are  directly  calculated 
to  produce  those  emotions  of  awe  and  reverence,  of  faith  and 
hope,  and  reliance  on  the  divine  presence,  providence,  justice, 
and  benevolence,  of  which  the  consequence  must  be  in  the 
highest  degree  moiial. 

II.  Objection  2. — The  Scripture  doctrine  of  redemption  is 
inconsistent  with  the  ideas  which  are  now  generally  received  con- 
cerning the  magnitude  of  creation. 

Answf.ii. — From  what  is  known,  by  sensible  experiment,  of 
the  world  in  which  we  live,  it  is  not  unreasonable  to  infer,  that 
in  space  there  must  be  contained  a  multitude  of  similar  worlds,  so 
great  that,  with  respect  to  our  limited  faculties,  it  may  be  termed 
infinite.  We  may  conclude  upon  similar  grounds  that,  in  each 
of  these  worlds,  there  exists  a  race  of  intelligent  beings.  But, 
"  let  creation  be  as  extensive  as  it  may,  and  the  number  of  worlds 
be  multiplied  to  the  utmost  boundary  to  which  imagination  can 
reach,  there  is  no  proof  that  any  of  them,  except  men  and  angels 
have  apostatized  from  God.  If  our  world  be  only  a  small  pro- 
vince, so  to  speak,  of  God's  vast  empire,  there  is  reason  to  hope 
that  it  is  the  only  part  of  it  where  sin  has  entered,  except  among 
the  fallen  angels ;  and  that  the  endless  myriads   of  intelligent 

3  Scott's  Commentary  on  tbe  Hible,  vol.  i.  pref.  p.  xiv. 

4  See  )]>  22  25.  supra,  for  a  summary  of  the  contradictory  doctrines  pro- 
posed  bj  the  unosl  eminent  opposera  of  revelation,  in  order  to  evade  the  re- 

cepti f  the  Scriptures  aa  a  standard  of  religious  belief.  The  absurdity  of 

Iheii  notions  ia  well  exposed  in  the  following  compendium,  executed  by  the 
author  of  the  "Connoisseur"  (one  of  those  numerous  collections  of  perio- 
dical  essays,  which  reflect  so  much  honour  on  British  literature) ;  who  has 
thrown  together  a  few  of  the  principal  tenets  held  by  freethinkers,  under 
the  title  of 

'•thi:  cneeliever's  creed. 

"  1  believe  that  there  is  no  God,  but  that  matter  is  God,  and  God  is  matter , 
and  thai  it  is  no  matter,  whether  there  is  any  God  or  no. 

"  I  believe  that  the  world  was  not  made  ;  that  the  world  made  itself;  and 
thai  it  hail  no  beginning  ;  that  it  will  last  forever,  world  without  eDd. 

"I  believe  that  man  ia  a  beast ;  that  the  soul  is  the  body,  and  the  body  the 
sonlj  and  that  after  death  there  is  neither  body  nor  soul. 

"  I  believe  that  there  is  no  religion  ;  that  natural  religion  is  tie  only  reli 
gion,  and  that  all  religion  is  unnatural. 

'■  I  believe  not  in  Moses ;  I  believe  in  the  First  Philosophy ;  I  believe  not 
the  Kvanselists;  I  believe  in  Chubb,  Collins,  Toland,  Tindal,  Morgan,  Man- 
deville,  Hobbes,  Shaftesbury  ;  I  believe  in  Lord  Bolingbroke"  [Hume,  Vol- 
taire, Diderot,  Boulanger,  Volney,  and  Thomas  Paine] ;  "  I  believe  not  St. 
Paul.  __, 

"  I  believe  not  revelation ;  I  believe  in  tradition ;  I  believe  in  the  I  almud ; 
I  believe  in  the  Koran ;  I  believe  not  the  Bible  ;  I  believe  in  Socrates  ;  I  be- 
lieve in  Confucius ;  1  believe  in  Sanchoniathon  ;  I  believe  in  Mahomet ;  I 
believe  not  in  Christ. 

"  Lastly,  I  believe  in  all  unbelief."  .  . 

CoNMoissnuii.  No.  9.  (Chalmers's  edition  of  the  British  Essayists,  vol.  ix* 
p.  48.) 


160 


REFUTATION  OF  OBJECTIONS  TO  THE  DOCTRINES 


[Chap.  V 


beings  in  other  worlds  are  all  the  hearty  friends  of  virtue,  of  reli- 
gion, and  of  God.  There  is  nothing  inconsistent  with  reason  in 
supposing  that  some  one  particular  part  of  it  should  be  chosen  out 
of  the  rest,  as  a  theatre  on  which  the  great  Author  of  all  things 
would  perform  his  most  glorious  works.  Every  empire  that  has 
been  founded  in  this  world  has  had  some  one  particular  spot 
where  those  actions  were  performed  wnence  its  glory  has  arisen. 
•The  glory  of  the  Caesars  was  founded  on  the  event  of  a  battle 
fought  very  near  an  inconsiderable  city  ;  and  why  not  this  world, 
though  less  than  '  twenty-five  thousand  miles  in  circumference,' 
be  chosen  as  the  theatre  on  which  God  would  bring  about  events 
that  should  fill  his  whole  empire  with  glory  and  joy  1  It  would 
be  as  reasonable  to  plead  the  insignificance  of  Actium  or  A  gin- 
court,  as  an  objection  to  the  competency  of  the  victories  there  ob- 
tained (supposing  them  to  have  been  on  the  side  of  righteous- 
ness), to  fill  the  respective  empires  of  Rome  and  Britain  with 
glory,  as  that  of  our  world  to  fill  the  whole  empire  of  God  with 
matter  of  joy  and  everlasting  praise.  The  truth  is,  the  comparative 
dimension  of  our  world  is  of  no  account ;  if  it  be  large  enough  for 
the  accomplishment  of  events,  which  are  sufficient  to  occupy  the 
minds  of  all  intelligences,  that  is  all  that  is  required."1  Admit- 
ting, then,  the  probability  of  the  conjecture  that  there  is  a  plurality 
of  worlds  (for  it  amounts  to  no  more  than  a  conjecture),  the  in- 
habitants of  these  worlds,  as  intelligent  agents,  are  either  sinners 
or  not  sinners.  If  they  are  not  sinners,  they  do  not  need  a  Sa- 
viour or  a  Redemption  ;  and  if  they  are  sinners,  who  can  tell 
whether  God  has  been  pleased  to  provide  salvation  or  redemption 
for  any  of  them  1  The  whole  obedient  rational  creation  and  king- 
dom of  God  may  derive  immense  advantage  from  what  was  ex- 
hibited in  this  our  comparatively  little  globe ;  and  in  that  case 
(as  we  have  already  remarked),  it  does  not  signify  how  small  and 
mean  the  stage.  God  is  glorified,  and  his  subjects  are  benefited, 
without  their  directly  sharing  the  redemption,  concerning  which 
the  Scriptures  give  no  intimation.2 

III.  Objection  3. — The  doctrine  of  a  future  judgment  is 
improbable  ,■  and  the  twofold  sanction  of  rewards  and  punish- 
ments is  of  human  invention. 

Answeh. — This  objection  was  first  made  in  the  last  century 
by  Mr.  Collins  (from  whom  later  infidels  have  copied  it),  who 
asserted  that  it  was  "  greatly  improbable  that  God  should  espe- 
cially interpose  to  acquaint  the  world  with  what  mankind  would 
do  altogether  as  well  without."3 

"  But  surely  this  harmonizes  with  the  whole  scheme  that  the 
same  person  by  whom  God  carried  on  his  gracious  design  of  re- 
covering mankind  from  a  state  of  vice,  who  felt  our  infirmities, 
and  was  tempted  as  we  are,  should  be  appointed  the  final  judge 
of  all  men,  and  the  dispenser  of  future  retribution.  This  is  a  re- 
ward of  his  sufferings  and  pious  obedience.  It  must  impress  the 
wicked  with  awe,  to  think  they  shall  be  accountable  to  him  whom 
they  have  rejected  and  despised.  It  must  animate  and  encourage 
the  virtuous  to  look  forward  to  the  appearance  of  him  as  their 
judge,  whom  they  have  contemplated  with  so  much  gratitude, 
esteem,  and  veneration,  as  their  guide  to  immortality ;  and  in 
whose  service  they  have  been  patient  and  persevering.  And  that 
this  benevolent  friend  of  mankind  should  be  ordained  to  judge 
the  world  in  the  name  of  the  Universal  Father  shows  to  all  that 
it  is  the  will  of  God  that  the  decisions  should  be  equitable  and 
merciful." '  That  Jesus  shall  be  the  judge,  is  one  circumstance 
relative  to  that  life  and  immortality,  to  give  the  fullest  assurance 
of  which  was  a  principal  object  of  his  mission. 

Connected  with  the  doctrine  of  a  future  judgment  is  that  of  the 
twofold  sanction  of  rewards  and  punishments ;  against  which 
Lord  Bohngbroke  asserts  that  it  "  was  invented  by  men,  and  ap- 
pears to  be  so  by  the  evident  marks  of  humanity  that  characterize 
it.  The  notions  whereon  it  is  founded  savour  more  of  human 
passions  than  of  justice  or  prudence.  He  intimates  that  it  implies 
the  proceedings  of  God  towards  men  in  this  life  to  be  unjust,  if 
they  need  rectifying  in  a  future  one."5 

Yet  he  acknowledges,  that  "the  doctrine  of  rewards  and 
punishments  in  a  future  state  has  so  great  a  tendency  to  enforce 

'  Fuller's  Gospel  its  own  Witness,  p.  211.  The  whole  of  Mr  Fuller's 
chapter,  entitled  "Redemption  consistent  with  the  Magnitude  of  Creation  " 
will  abundantly  repay  the  trouble  of  perusal  for  its  profound,  original  and 
satisfactory  refutation  of  the  objection  now  under  consideration."  On  the 
subject  of  a  plurality  of  worlds,  much  valuable  and  curious  matter  may  be 
found  in  Mr.  Maxwell's  "  Plurality  of  Worlds :  or,  Letters.  Notes,  and  Memo- 
randa, philosophical  and  critical ;  occasioned  by  Dr.  Chalmers's'  Discourses 
~>n  the  Christian  Revelation  viewed  in  connexion  with  the  modern  Astrono- 
my." 8vo.  London,  1820. 

">  Scott's  Reply  to  Paine's  Age  of  Reason,  p.  74.  See  also  Bp.  Porteus's 
Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  70. 

»  Deism  fairly  stated,  p.  35. 

•»  Leland's  View,  &c.  vol.  iii.  lei.  2d,  pp.  61,  62. 

«  Works,  vol.  v.  pp.  614 — 516.  4to.    Fragments  of  Essays,  No.  71 


civil  laws,  and  to  restrain  the  vices  of  men,  that  reason,  whicn 
cannot  decide  for  it  on  principles  of  natural  theolpgy,  will  not  de- 
cide against  it  on  principles  of  good  policy."  He  adds,  "  A  thcist 
who  does  not  believe  revelation  can  have  no  objection  to  the  doc- 
trine in  general."6 

Solomon  observed,  that  all  events  in  this  world  come  alike  to 
all.  An  equal  retribution  is  not  made  in  this  life.  The  Gospel 
gives' us  the  reason  of  this,  namely,  that  the  present  is  a  state  of 
trial  to  fit  us  for  a  future  and  better  condition  of  being.  And  the 
doctrine  of  a  righteous  retribution  in  the  world  to  come  explains 
the  whole  scheme  of  God's  proceedings  towards  mankind  in  a 
manner  consistent  with  his  equity,  wisdom,  and  goodness.  The 
inequalities  that  subsist  in  a  state  of  trial  call  forth  to  exercise  and 
improve  those  virtues  which  are  necessary  to  fit  us  for  the  enjoy- 
ments of  futurity ;  while  the  assurance  of  an  equal  retribution 
hereafter  is  a  means  of  reforming  the  wicked,  of  deterring  the 
vicious  from  greater  enormities,  and  of  animating  the  good  to 
higher  attainments.  His  lordship  asserts,  respecting  this  life, 
"  that  justice  requires  that  rewards  and  punishments  should  be 
measured  out  in  various  degrees  and  manners,  according  to  the 
various  circumstances  of  particular  cases,  and  in  a  due  proportion 
to  them."7  Facts  prove,  however,  that  this  is  not  the  case.  If, 
therefore,  there  be  no  righteous  recompense  hereafter,  injustice 
must  characterize  the  divine  government.  The  Christian  doctrine 
removes  the  groundless  aspersion,  and  vindicates  the  ways  of  God 
to  man. 

Lord  Shaftesbury  argues!  against  the  doctrine  of  future  rewards 
and  punishments,  as  "  a  mercenary  and  selfish  motive  to  virtue, 
which  should  be  practised  because  it  is  good  and  amiable  in 
itself.  By  making  this  a  considerable  or  the  principal  motive  to 
duty,"  he  says,  "  the  Christian  religion  in  particular  is  over- 
thrown, and  the  greatest  principle,  that  of  love,  rejected."  Yet  he 
acknowledges,  that  "  the  hope  of  future  rewards,  and  the  fear  of 
future  punishments,  how  mercenary  and  servile  soever  it  may  be 
accounted,  is  yet,  in  many  instances,  a  great  advantage,  security, 
and  support  to  virtue,  till  we  are  led  from  this  servile  state  to  the 
generous  service  of  affection  and  love."  He  offers  many  con- 
siderations to  prove  that  k  is  so.  Again,  he  allows,  that,  "  if  by 
the  hope  of  reward  be  understood  the  hope  and  desire  of  virtuous 
enjoyments,  or  of  the  veiry  practice  of  virtue  in  another  life,  it  is 
far  from  being  derogatory  to  virtue,  and  is  rather  an  evidence  of 
our  loving  it.  Nor  can  this  principle  be  justly  called  selfish."8 
These  concessions  are  ?i  complete  answer  to  his  own  objection  , 
for  the  Christian  looks  for  his  reward  only  to  a  higher  improve- 
ment in  useful  knowledge  and  moral  goodness,  and  to  the  exalted 
enjoyments  which  result  from  these. 

"  Now,  though  virtue  should  be  regarded  for  its  own  sake,  and 
God  should  be  obeyed  because  it  is  right,  and  his  commands  are 
just  and  good  ;  yet  is  it  not  another  proper  reason  to  choose  vir- 
tue because  it  makes  us  happy  1  Man  is  formed  not  only  with 
a  love  of  what  is  right,  and  has  ideas  of  gratitude  and  duty,  but 
he  has  also  a  natural  desire  of  life  and  happiness,  and  fear  to  lose 
these  ;  and  a  desire  of  well-being  may  conspire  with  the  rest  of 
the  discipline  of  his  mind,  and  assist  the  growth  of  more  libera! 
principles.  If,  in  the  scheme  of  the  Divine  government  in  this 
state,  integrity  produces  more  enjoyment  than  vice,  and  if  it  does 
the  same  in  the  future  state,  no  virtue  requires  us  to  neglect  such 
considerations.  Religion  does  not  entirely  exclude  self-love.  It 
is  a  part  of  our  constitution.  If  the  universal  Ruler  holds  forth, 
as  the  parent  of  intelligent  beings  who  desires  their  happiness,  a 
crown  to  contending  virtue,  it  seems  unjust,  ungrateful,  and  arro 
gant  to  disdain  the  motive.  Further ;  when  this  respect  to  a  future 
recompense  is  the  effect  of  a  deliberate  trust  in  the  Judge  of  the 
universe,  an  acquiescence  in  his  government,  and  a  belief  that  he 
is  the  rewarder  of  such  as  faithfully  seek  him,  and  disposes  us  to 
well-doing,  it  becomes  religious  faith,  the  first  duty  of  rational 
beings,  and  a  firm  bond  of  virtue,  private,  social,  and  divine.  In 
this  view  the  conduct  of  Moses  is  celebrated,  Heb.  xi.  24,  &c. 
and  this  is  the  peculiar  faith  of  a  Christian,  who  trusts  that  God 
is  faithful  who  has  promised."9 

Jesus  himself,  the  most  disinterested  character  that  ever  existed 
on  earth,  "  for  the  joy  that  was  set  before  him,  endured  the  cross, 
despising  the  shame."")     To  practise  virtue  habitually,  without 

«  Works  (Fragments  of  Essays,  No.  42.),  vol.  v.  pp.  322.  327. ;  vol.  tv.  pp. 
59.  00. 

i  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  493,  &c.    Fragments  of  Ess?ys,  No.  69. 

"  Characteristics,  ed.  1738,  8vo.  vol.  ii.  pp.  55.  58.  00.  63.  65.  271—273.  279.; 
vol.  i.  ed.  1737,  8vo.  p  97.  Wit  and  Humour,  part  ii  cct.  3.  Inquiry  con- 
cerning Virtue,  p.  3.  sect.  3.    Moralists,  part  ii.  sect  3. 

•  Alcxander'sPrelim.  Diss,  to  Paraphr.  on  1 C  r.  xr.  pp.  23,  24.  Brown's 
Essay  on  the  Characteristics,  ess.  ii.  sect.  6.  and  9.  Toulmin's  Int.  Evid 
Diss.  vi.  pp.  128—132.    Watson's  Answer  to  Gibbon,  pp.  38—41. 

••  Heb.  xii.  2. 


J 


Sect.  I.  §  4.] 


AND  MORAL  PRECEPTS  OF  THE  BIBLE. 


161 


any  attention  to,  or  concern  about,  our  own  happiness,  is  impos- 
sible, incompatible  with  the  state  of  humanity,  and  with  the  gene- 
ral frame  and  constitution  of  the  world.  Tne  Deity  formed  the 
universe  to  bt  happy.  To  each  creature  he  gave  but  a  very 
limited  sphere  of  action.  The  general  happiness  of  bis  wide 
hi,  therefore,  must  be  accomplished  by  each  being  happy  in 
his  own  separate,  little  department.  Now,  in  order  to  secure  this 
individual  felicity,  to  whom  could  the  can-  of  each  be  mure  pro- 
perly committed,  than  to  the  person  who  is  most  interested  in  bis 
welfare,  that  is,  to  himself]  The  wise  and  kind  Creator  and 
Ruler  of  all   has,  therefore,  given   every  creature   in   trust,  as  it 


class  of  Christians,  and  at  almost  aiij  period,  a  greater  numbfc 
of  serious,  upright,  disinterested,  and  benevolent  persons,  than 
could  be  found  among  the  whole  body  of  deists  in  a  succession 
of  centuries. 

The  mass  of  mankind  is  busily  engaged  in  the  necessary  pur- 
suits .it  life,  and  has  but  little  leisure  to  attend  to  mental  im- 
provement. That  there  should  be  teachers  of  religion,  to  instruct 
them  in  its  principles,  to  enforce  its  numerous  precepts,  and  to 
administer  its  consolations,  has  nothing  in  it  contrary  to  the  fit- 
ness of  things  and  the  public  good.  If  the  knowledge  of  arts  and 
sciences  be  beneficial  to  a  country,  and  the  teachers  of  them  lie 


were,  to  himself,  to  advance  his  own  highest  perfection  and  feli-    ranked  among  the  most  useful  members  of  the  community,  fhos* 


city.  In  order  to  engage  each  to  be  careful  about,  and  attend 
more  particularly  to,  his  own  happiness,  he  has  implanted  in 
every  one  instincts,  affections,  and  passions,  thai  centre  in  the 
individual,  and  prompt  to  a  cone,"-  for  self. 

If  any  one  be  deaf  to  the  calls  <>  rivals  affection,  and  neglect 
•m  attention  to  his  own  highest  p»<  I  tion  and  happiness,  he  is 
guilty    of  disobedience   to  th  of  his  frame   and    the 

Former  of  the  universe  ;  he  i-  unfaithful  to  the  trust  reposed  in 
him  ;  and  occasions  a  chasm  and  deficiency  of  order  and  happi- 
ness in  that  part  of  the  creation  which  is  particularly  committed 
to  his  care.  This  would,  perhaps,  appear  more  evident,  if  we  were 
to  suppose  every  man  intrusted  to  another  to  promote  his  happi- 
ness, and  this  other  neglected  him.  The  effect,  however,  respect- 
ing the  general  happiness,  the  duty,  and  ihe  transgression  of  it, 
arc  the  same,  to  whomsoever  the  charge  be  committed.  The 
Christian,  therefore,  by  looking  to  future  glory  and  felicity,  as  a 
motive  to,  and  the  reward  of,  piety,  benevolence,  and  purity,  is 
not  merely  promoting  his  own  private  happiness  ;  he  is  fulfilling 
an  important  duty  to  his  Maker,  and  adding  his  share  to  the  mea- 
sure of  general  felicity  and  harmony  through  the  wide  creation 
of  God.  He  co-operates,  in  his  narrow  sphere,  with  the  Deity 
himself,  by  taking  care  that  that  part  of  his  works,  which  is  in- 
trusted to  him,  shall  be  as  perfect  and  as  happy  as  he  can  make 
it,  and  as  conducive  as  possible  to  the  general  felicity.  For  such 
is  the  constitution  of  human  beings,  that  no  individual  can  be 
.1  ippy  himself,  unless  he  endeavours  to  promote  the  happiness  of 
others  ;  and  the  more  he  does  this,  the  more  he  advances  his  own 
felicity. 

Looking  to  future  glory  and  happiness  as  the  strongest  motive 
to  piety,  benevolence,  and  all  virtue,  is,  then,  so  far  from  "over- 
throwing the  Christian  religion,  and  rejecting  its  greatest  princi- 
ple, that  of  love,"  that  it  is  harmonizing  those  parts  of  it  which 
Lord  Shaftesbury  thinks  are  discordant;  and  is  directly  and  pe- 
culiarly obeying  the  law  of  love.  It  is  taking  the  most  effectual 
means  to  engage  us  to  "  love  God  with  all  our  hearts,  and  mind, 
and  strength,  and  to  love  our  neighbour  as  ourselves."  It  is 
using  the  very  same  means  for  both  these  purposes,  that  we  em- 
ploy for  the  attainment  of  our  own  highest  perfection  and  felicity. 
it  is,  moreover,  taking  the  same  measure  unit  rule  for  the  kind 
and  degree  of  our  love  to  our  fellow-creatures,  that  we  take  for 
love  to  ourselves.  For  in  proportion  as  we  really  desire  our  own 
future  perfection  and  happiness,  in  the  same  proportion  shall  we 
seek  the  glory  of  God,  and  the  good  of  mankind.  Again,  it  is 
employing  the  same  test  to  judge  of  our  proficiency  in  piety  and 
benevolence,  that  we  use  to  judge  of  our  progress  in  self-improve- 
ment. For  the  increasing  degrees  of  ardour,  attention,  diligence, 
and  constancy,  with  which  we  endeavour  to  attain  future  happi- 
ness, and  the  personal  attainments  in  virtue  that  \vc  actually 
make,  will  be  accompanied  with  correspondent^  greater  zeal, 
industry,  care,  and  steadiness,  to  advance  the  honour  of  God,  and 
&  e  welfare  of  our  fellow-creatures.1 

IV.  Objection  4. — Clurisiianity  establialie*  a  system  of 
priestcraft  and  spiritual  despotism  ocar  the  minds  arid  con- 
8CU  nccs  of  mankind. 

Answer. — Nothing  is  more  common  than  for  the  opposers  of 
revelation  to  level  their  artillery  against  the  Christian  ministry. 
Under  the  appellation  of  priests,  they  seem  to  think  themselves 
at  liberty  to  load  them  with  every  species  of  abuse.  That  there 
have  been  men,  who  have  engaged  in  the  Christian  ministry  as 
other  men  engage  in  secular  employments. — from  motives  of 
profit, — may  perhaps  be  true.  But  that  this  should  be  repre- 
sented as  a  general  case,  and  that  the  ministry  itself  should  be 
reproached  on  account  of  the  hypocrisy  of  worldly  men,  who  in- 
trude themselves  into  it,  can  only  be  owing  to  the  malignity  of 
those  who  make  the  unfounded  assertion.  Let  the  fullest  sub- 
traction be  made  of  the  characters  just  noticed,  and  we  appeal  to 
impartial  observation,  whether  there  will  not  remain  in  only  this 


/OL.    I. 


Simpoori'a  Evidences,  pp.  252 — 2C8. 
X 


whose  office  and  employment  it  is  to  instil  into  the  minds  of  the 
people  the  principles  of  pure  religion  and  morality  (principles 
which  are  the  best — the  only  —  cement  of  civil  M.cicty)  certainly 
:  ind  on  equal  or  superior  ground  i:i  respect  to  general  utility. 
This  argument  will  acquire  additional  weight,  when  we  consider 
the  qualifications  which  the  New  Testament  requires  the  differ- 
ent orders  of  its  ministers  to  possess.  To  adduce  only  a  few  of 
the  particulars  which  it  enjoins  respecting  their  private  character 
and  behaviour : — If  a  man  derireth  the  office  of  a  Bishop,  he 
desireth  a  good  -work.  A  bishop  then  must  be  blameless,  the 
husband  of  one  -wife,  vigilant,  sober,  of  good  behaviour,  given 
to  hospitality,  apt  to  teach,  not  given  to  -wine,  no  striker,  not 
greedy  of  f.lthy  lucre  ;  hut  patient,  not  a  brawler,  not  covet- 
ous ;  one  that  rtileth  -well  his  o-wn  house,  having  his  children 
in  subjection  -with  all  gravity :  For  if  a  mun  know  not  how  to 
rule  his  own  house,  how  shall  he  take  care  of  the  church  of 
God?  Not  a  novice,  lest,  being  lifted  up  with  pride,  he 
fall  into  'the  condemnation  of  the  devil.  Moreover,  he  must 
have  a  good  report  of  theifl  which  are  without,  lest  he  fall 
into  reproach.  (1  Tim.  iii.  1 — 7.)  But  thou,  O  man  of  God, 
follow  after  righteousness,  godliness,  faith,  love,  patience, 
meekness  ;  fight  the  good  figlit  of  faith  ;  lay  hold  on  eternal 
life,  -whereunto  thou  art  also  called,  and  hast  professed  a  good 
profession  before  many  witnesses.  (1  Tim.  vi.  11.  12.)  Take 
heed  unto  thyself,  and  unto  ihe  doctrine  ;  continue  in  them  ;  for 
i?i  doing  this,  thou  shall  both  save  thyself  and  them  that  hear 
thee.  (1  Tim.  iv.  16.)  Giv'uig  no  offence  in  any  thing,  that 
the  ministry  be  not  blamed.  (2  Cor.  vi.  3.)  Flee  also  youthful 
lusts  ;  but  follow  righteousness,  faith,  charity,  peace,  with  them 
that  cull  on  the  Lord  out  of  a  pure  heart.  And  the  servant  of 
the  Lord  must  not  strive,  but  be  gentle  unto  all  men,  apt  to 
teach,  patient,  in  meekness  instructing  those  that  oppose  them- 
selves, if  God  peradventure  will  give  them  repentance  to  the 
acknowledging  of  the  truth.  (2  Tim.  ii.  22.  24,  25.)  Till  J 
come,  give  attendance  to  reading,  to  exhortation,  to  doctrine; 
neglect  not  the  gift  that  is  in  thee,  which  was  given  thee  by  pro- 
phecy, with  the  laying  on  of  the  hands  of  the  presbytery.  Let 
no  man  despise  thy  youth  ;  but  be  thou  an  example  of  the  be- 
lievers, in  word,  in  conversation,  in  charity,  in  spirit,  in  faith, 
in  purity.  (1  Tim.  iv.  13,  14.  12.)  Likewise  must  the  Deacons 
be  grave,  not  double-tongued,  not  given  to  much  wine,  nor 
greedy  of  filthy  lucre,  holding  the  mystery  of  the  faith  in  a  pure 
consciejice.  And  let  these  also  first  be  proved,  then  let  them 
use  the  office  of  a  Deacon,  being  found  blameless.  (1  Tim.  iii. 
8 — 10.)  Can  any  reasonable  objection  be  alleged  against  the 
ministerial  office  } 

But  it  has  been  said  that  the  most  extravagant  claims  to  wealth 
and  power  have  been  made  by  men  who  call  themselves  minis- 
ters of  the  Gospel.  Ecclesiastical  history  shows  that  this  has 
been  the  fact :  but  with  these  claims  Christianity  is  not  charge- 
able. The  ministers  of  the  Gospel  are  required  to  feed  the  flock 
of  God,  taking  the  oversight  thereof,  not  by  constraint,  but 
willingly,  not  for  filthy  lucre,  but  of  a  ready  mind.  (1  Pet.  v. 
2.)  "  The  question  is,  on  what  footing  does  the  New  Testa- 
ment establish  the  support  of  the  ministers  of  religion  7  Examine, 
and  you  will  find,  that  it  establishes  it  in  such  a  way,  as  every 
reasonable  man  must  approve.  It  is  thought  equitable  that  men 
who  apply  their  younger  years  to  the  acquisition  of  languages 
and  of  philosophy,  and  who  spend  their  days  and  strength  in 
teaching  them  to  others,  should  receive  from  those  whom  they 
teach  such  a  recompense  for  their  labour  as  to  enable  them  to 
support  themselves  and  their  families  in  a  decent  and  respectable 
manner.  Who  will  complain  of  this  as  improper  and  unjust  7- 
The  gospel  sets  the  maintenance  of  its  ministers  on  the  same 
footing.  '  The  workman  is  worthy  of  his  hire.  They  that  serve 
at  the  altar  should  live  by  the  altar.  When  they  dispense  to 
others  of  their  spiritual  things,  they  should  in  return  receive  ol 
their  worldly  things.'  This  is  all  that  Christianity  demands 
and  she  is  answerable  for  no  other  claim.     Is  it  not  reasonable 


162 


REFUTATION  OF  OBJECTIONS  TO  THE  DOCTRINES 


[Chap.  V 


that  men  of  piety,  talents,  and  education,  who  devote  their  lives 
to  the  spiritual  instruction  of  their  fellow-creatures,  with  a  view 
to  make  them  good  and  happy  both  in  this  life  and  that  which  is 
to  come,  should  receive  such  a  remuneration  as  to  enable  them 
to  live,  not  in  affluence  and  splendour,  far  less  in  luxury  and  ex- 
travagance, but  in  the  respectability  of  a  decent  competence  7 
The  application  of  the  same  education  and  abilities  to  another 
employment  would  have  secured  wealth.  Do  they  make  exor- 
bitant claims,  when  they  ask,  from  those  whom  they  are  labouring 
to  instruct,  a  tnoderate  support  1"  Nor  does  the  New  Testa- 
ment countenance  in  the  ministers  of  religion  a  claim  of  power 
more  than  of  wealth.  Such  claims  indeed  were  made  and  esta- 
lished  during  the  dark  ages,  and  to  a  certain  extent  are  still 
made,  where  the  spiritual  domination  of  the  papal  see  still  exists. 
But  the  charge  of  spiritual  tyranny  over  the  consciences  and 
minds  of  men  does  not  attach  to  the  Gospel.  All  the  motives 
and  arguments  which  its  ministers  are  authorized  to  employ  must 
be  drawn  from  the  New  Testament.  Its  discipline  and  ordi- 
nances are  alike  simple  but  expressive,  and  where  the  spirit,  with 
which  they  were  instituted,  is  duly  regarded,  they  are  admirably 
calculated  to  promote  the  spiritual  happiness  of  Christians.  So 
far,  indeed,  is  that  part  of  the  church  of  Christ,  established  in 
these  realms,  from  assuming  any  domination  over  the  minds  of 
its  members,  that  (in  opposition  to  the  church  of  Rome,  which 
makes  the  efficacy  of  the  sacraments  to  depend  on  the  intention 
of  the  priests)  she  expressly  declares,  that  the  unworthiness  of 
the  ministers  hinders  not  the  effects  of  the  sacraments.^ 

The  real  cause  of  the  antipathy  cherished  by  the  opposers  of 
revelation  against  the  truly  conscientious  and  pious  ministers  of 
the  Gospel,  is  this.  They  are  the  men,  who,  having  voluntarily 
devoted  themselves  to  the  study  and  service  of  religion  (very  fre- 
quently with  considerable  temporal  sacrifices'),  have  in  every 
age  exposed  the  sophistry  of  deists,  and  vindicated  Christianity 
from  their  malicious  aspersions.  On  this  account  the  opposers 
of  revelation  will  always  consider  them  as  their  natural  enemies. 
It  is,  however,  no  more  a  matter  of  surprise  that  they  should  be 
the  objects  of  their  invective,  than  that  the  weapons  of  nightly 
depredators  should  be  pointed  against  the  watchmen,  whose  busi- 
ness it  is  to  detect  them  and  expose  their  nefarious  practices. 

V.  Objection  5 — Christianity  debars  its  professor?  from 
all  inquiries  concerning  religious  truths,  and  demands  of  Ihsm 
a  full  and  implicit  assent,  without  a  previous  examination  if 
the  ground  on  which  they  are  to  build  thai  assent. 

Answer. — This  objection  is  as  old  as  the  time  of  Celsus ;  and 
though  its  falsehood  has  been  repeatedly  shown  at  various  times 
during  the  last  sixteen  hundred  years,  yet  all  succeeding  pro- 
pagators of  infidelity  have  continued  to  urge  it  with  the  utmost 
confidence.  Never,  however,  was  objection  raised  upon  so  slight 
a  foundation  :  for,  so  far  is  Christianity  from  rejecting  the  use  of 
reason,  that  on  the  contrary,  with  a  candour  peculiar  to  itself,  it 
earnestly  invites  and  exhorts  every  man,  before  he  embraces  its  doc- 
trines, fairly  and  impartially  to  examine  its  pretensions.  Prove 
all  things,  says  Paul:  hold  fast  that  which  is  good.  (1  Thess. 
v.  21.)  When  the  apostle  John  warns  us  against  believing 
every  spirit,  and  bids  us  try  the  spirits  -whether  they  are  of  God 
(1  John  iv.  1.),  does  he  not  plainly  recommend  the  use  of  our 
understanding  against  a  blind,  enthusiastic,  and  implicit  belief] 
Is  not  the  same  advice  fairly  implied  in  the  commendation  given 
to  the  Bereans  for  searching  the  Scriptures  and  inquiring  into 
the  truth  of  what  the  apostles  preached  7  (Acts  xvii.  11.)  And 
does  not  Jesus  Christ  himself  inculcate  the  same  doctrine,  when 
he  appeals  to  the  judgment  of  his  adversaries, —  Why  do  ye  not 
even  of  yourselves  judge  what  is  right?  (Luke  xii.  57.) 
Without  exercising  our  reason,  how  can  we  be  ready  always  to 
give  a  reason  of  the  hope  that  is  in  us?  (1  Pet.  iii.  15.)  God 
has  made  us  reasonable  creatures,  and  he  will  expect  from  us  a 
reasonable  service  (Rom.  xii.  1.),  and  not  the  sacrifice  of  fools. 
(Eccl.  v.  1.)* 

The  Gospel,  therefore,  not  only  invites,  but  demands  investi- 
gation. While  the  founders  and  dispensers  of  false  religions  and 
absurd  worship  veiled  them  under  silence  and  mysterious  ob- 
scurity, Jesus  Christ,  so  far  from  enjoining  secrecy  to  his  apos- 
tles, commands  them  freely  to  profess  and  openly  to  publish  his 
doctrine.  What  I  say  to  you  in  darkness,  speak  ye  in  the  light 
(Matt  x.  27.)  ;  that  is,  the  doctrines  which  I  teach  you  in  para- 

•  Article  xxvi.  of  the  Confession  of  the  Anglican  Church. 

»  The  use  of  reason  in  matters  of  religion  fs  ably  vindicated  by  Bp.  New- 
ton, Works,  vol.  v.  Diss.  34.  pp.  205—220.  And  the  propriety  of  the  stress 
which  the  Gospel  lays  upon/ai/A  is  satisfactorily  stated  by  Dr.  Maltby,  in 
answer  to  the  cavils  of  the  author  of  Political  Justice.  See  his  Illustrations 
of  the  Truth  of  the  Christian  Religion,  pp.  300—310 


bles,  do  ye  publicly  explain  and  expound.  What  ye  hear  in 
the  ear,  that  preach  ye  upon  the  house-tops  ;  that  is,  what  I  more 
privately  impart  to  you,  do  ye  courageously  publish  and  proclaim 
to  all  the  world.  Had  Christianity  been  conscious  of  its  own 
weakness,  it  would  not  thus  boldly  have  entered  the  lists  against 
tke  prejudices  of  mankind,  when  the  great  improvement  and  in- 
crease of  all  kinds  of  literature  had  excited  a  spirit  of  curiosity, 
which  not  only  prompted  men  to  inquire  after,  but  qualified  them 
to  understand  and  examine  the  truth,  and  detect  fraud  and  im- 
posture. But  what  fraud  or  imposture  has  been  discovered  ir 
the  Gospel?  On  the  contrary,  in  proportion  to  the  rigour  of  thf 
scrutiny  which  it  has  undergone,  the  evidences  of  its  divine  au- 
thority and  origin  have  shone,  and  continue  to  shine,  with  in- 
creasing lustre.  The  pens  of  infidels  (calling  themselves  deists, 
but  whose  principles  for  the  most  part  are  atheistical)  in  great 
abundance  have  been  drawn  against  the  Scriptures.  Every  ob- 
jection that  wit  or  malice  could  suggest  or  derive  from  the  moden 
discoveries  in  science  has  been  brought  forward,  either  in  the 
way  of  open  attack,  or  under  the  insidious  form  of  professed  re- 
gard for  the  sacred  volume.  But  has  the  Bible  sustained  any 
real  damage  from  these  assaults  7  None  whatever.  Like  a  mighty 
oak  it  has  stood  unmoved,  suffering  nothing  from  the  noisy  wind, 
but  the  mere  rustling  of  its  leaves.  The  cause  of  truth,  indeed, 
has  been  greatly  promoted  by  these  attacks :  for  they  have  given 
birth  to  such  defences  of  Christianity,  as  have  effectually  remov- 
ed the  doubts  of  sincere  inquirers,  and  at  once  reflected  honour 
on  their  authors  and  confusion  on  their  enemies  ;  while  the  im- 
moral principles  of  deism  or  atheism,  when  brought  to  the  test  of 
reason,  have  in  every  instance  appeared  in  all  their  native  de- 
formity. 

IV.  Objection  6. — The  morality  of  the  Bible  is  too  strict, 
bears  too  hard  upon  mankind,  and  lays  us  under  too  severe 
restraints. 

Answer. — Does  it  then  rob  us  of  any  pleasures  worthy  of 
rational  beings  7  By  no  means.  It  restrains  us,  indeed,  but  i! 
only  restrains  us  from  things  that  would  do  us  harm,  and  make 
both  ourselves  and  our  fellow-creatures  miserable.  It  admits  of 
every  truly  rational,  benevolent,  and  humane  pleasure ;  nay,  it 
allows  every  enjoyment  of  which  our  senses  are  capable,  that  is 
consistent  with  the  real  good  and  true  happiness  of  the  whole 
compound  nature  of  man.  Although  the  Scriptures,  especially 
the  New  Testament,  set  before  us  the  noblest  ideas  of  attainments 
in  holiness,  they  do  not  carry  it  to  any  extremes,  or  to  a  degree 
of  strictness  unsuitable  to  human  nature.  The  Gospel  does  not 
prescribe  an  unfeeling  apathy,  or  pretend  to  render  us  insensible 
to  the  evils  or  calamities  incident  to  this  present  life,  but  directs 
us  where  to  seek  for  consolation,  and  also  supports  us  by  its  glo- 
rious promises.  We  are,  indeed,  taught  to  deny  ourselves  ;2  but 
the  intention  is,  only  that  we  should  endeavour  to  keep  the  inferior 
appetites  and  passions  in  due  subjection,  and  that  the  pleasures 
and  interests  of  the  flesh  and  of  the  world  should  be  made  to  give 
way  to  the  duty  we  owe  to  God,  and  to  the  love  of  truth,  virtue, 
and  righteousness,  whenever  they  happen  to  stand  in  competition. 
We  arc  required  not  to  make  provision  for  the  flesh,  to  fulfil  the 
lusts  thereof;  but  neither  Jesus  Christ  nor  his  apostles  have  urged 
it  upon  us  as  a  duty  to  macerate  our  bodies  with  those  unnatural 
rigours  and  austerities,  or  to  chastise  them  with  that  bloody  dis 
cipline,  which  superstition  has  often  enjoined  under  the  pretenc* 
of  extraordinary  mortification  and  devotion.  The  Gospel  offer* 
no  sanction  for  austerities  ;  it  allows  of  no  partial  regards,  no  sub- 
stitution of  ritual  observances  in  the  place  of  moral  duties ;  nor 
does  it  permit  zeal  for  and  abundance  in  the  discharge  of  one 
duty,  to  compensate  for  the  neglect  of  another.  On  the  contra- 
ry, it  insists  on  universal  obedience,  and  explicitly  declares  that 
he  who  offends  in  one  point  is  guilty  of  all.  It  enjoins  us  to 
be  heavenly-minded,  and  to  set  our  affections  on  things  above, 
yet  not  so  as  to  neglect  the  duties  and  offices  ir  cumbent  upon  uh 

»  With  respect  to  all  the  Christian  precepts  relating  to  self-government, 
which  are  objected  to  as  harsh  and  severe,  we  may  observe,  that  since 
mankind  are  apt  to  indulge  their  affections  and  passions  for  worldly  objects 
too  much,  and  since  these  are  the  great  obstacles  to  true  piety  and  virtus, 
it  was  wise  and  kind,  becoming  a  divine  teacher,  in  Jesus  to  prohibit  litis, 
and  to  offer  the  strongest  motives  against  it.  Without  this,  his  morals  would 
have  been  greatly  defective,  and  unsuitable  to  circumstances  of  humanity. 
If  the  author  of  our  religion  has  more  strongly  enforced  the  practice  of  self- 
denial  than  others,  it  is  because  he  better  knew  the  necessity  of  this  to  pu- 
rify the  heart,  the  conversation,  and  the  conduct.  He  knew,  also,  and  he 
taught,  that  this  life  is  a  state  of  trial,  to  prepare  us  frr  a  better  ;  and  that 
God  would  finally  take  an  account  of  the  secrets  of  men's  hearts,  as  well  as 
of  their  words  and  actions.  To  regulate  the  thou?). : « and  desires,  therefore, 
was  necessary,  in  order  to  fit  mankind  for  appearing  before  their  Judge, 
and  to  qualify  them  for  entering  those  abodes  into  which  we  are  told  t/iert 
shall  in  no  wise  enter  any  thing  that  defileth  (Rev.  xxi.  27.)  Simpson's 
Evidences,  p.  302. 


J 


Sect.  I.  §  4.] 


AND  MORAL  PRECEPTS  OK  THE  BIBLE. 


16S 


in  this  present  state.  Wc  arc  not  commanded  absolutely  to  quit 
the  world;  but,  which  is  a  much  nobler  attainment,  to  live  above 
the  world  while  we  are  in  it,  and  to  keep  oonelvea  free  from  its 
pollutions:  not  wholly  to  renounce  our  preeenl  enjoyments,  but 
to  be  moderate  in  tne  ose  of  them,  and  so  to  use  this  world  a.-: 
not  to  abuse  it.  ''All  it  require!  is,  thai  our  liberty  degenerate 
net  into  licentiousness,  our  amusements  into  dissipation,  <>ur  in- 
dustry into  incessant  toil,  our  carefulness  into  extreme  anxiety 
and  endless  solicitude."  In  short,  it  enjoins  every  thing  thai  can 
do  us  good,  and  it  only  prohibits  every  thing  thai  can  do  us 
barm.  Could  a  Being  of  infinite  benevolence,  wisdom,  and  per- 
fection, do  better,  or  act  otherwise  consistently  with  tho 
((•(•lions  M 

VII.  Objection  7. — Some  of  the  moral  /irerr/it.s  of  Jims 
i  'hrist  are  unreasonable  and  impractieablt . 

i.  An  objection  of  this  kind  is  made  to  the  prohibition  of  an- 
ger,  Matt,  v.  22. ;  but  the  context  shows  tbat  the  anger  here  con- 
demned is  implacable.3  u  There  are  vices  which  it  may  be  the 
duty  of  some  to  reprimand  with  sharpness.  Our  Lord  himself 
Was  sometimes  angry.3  Anger,  improper  in  its  cause,  its  object, 
its  manner,  its  season,  and  its  duration,  must  be  that  which  is 
here  censured.  There  are  different  degrees  of  anger  mentioned, 
and  proportionable  punishments  annexed  to  each.  Christ  there- 
fore asserts,  agreeably  to  other  parts  of  Scripture,  that  reviling, 
hatred,  variance,  wrath,  strife,  shall  exclude  from  the  kingdom 
of  heaven;4  and  that  these  crimes  shall  lie  punished  proportion- 
ably  to  their  degree  of  guilt.  But  according  to  the  tenor  of  the 
«  rospel,  sinful  anger  unrepented  of  is  here  supposed  ;  for  on  this 
condition  all  sins,  except  one,  are  forgiven.5  The  same  restric- 
tion must  be  understood  respecting  other  general  assertions  of 
Jesus,  as  Matt.  x.  33. ;  which  cannot  apply  to  Peter. 

2.  The  precept  of  Jesus  to  forgive  injuries"  has  been  asserted 
to  be  contrary  to  reason  and  nature.  A  few  of  the  most  eminent 
heathen  philosophers,  however,  have  given  the  same  direction.  It 
is  a  maxim  of  Confucius,  "  never  to  revenge  injuries."  Socrates, 
in  his  conversation  with  Crito,s  says  to  him,  "  the  person,  then, 
who  has  received  an  injury  must  not  return  it,  as  is  the  opinion 
of  the  vulgar."  Cicero  declares,9  "  that  nothing  is  more  lauda- 
ble, nothing  more  becoming  a  great  and  excellent  man,  than  pla- 
cability and  clemency."  Seneca  says,10  "I  would  pardon  an  in- 
jury, even  without  a  previous  benefit  from  the  injurer,  but  much 
more  after  it."  He  also  declares,  that  "  if  the  world  be  wicked, 
wc  should  yet  pcresverc  in  well-doing,  even  amongst  evil  men." 
Phocion,  when  going  to  suffer  death  unjustly,  charged  his  son 
ivith  his  last  breath,  that  he  should  show  no  resentment  against 
his  persecutors." 

It  has,  further,  been  objected  to  the  Christian  precept  of  for- 
giveness, that  it  is  given  in  a  general  indefinite  way  ;  whereas 
there  are  certain  restrictions,  without  which  it  would  be  attended 
with  fatal  consequences.  It  must  be  interpreted  consistently  with 
whal  nature  dictates  to  be  our  duty  in  preserving  our  reputation, 
liberty,  and  property;  and  in  doing  all  wc  can  in  our  several  sta- 
tions to  binder  all  injury  and  injustice  from  others  as  well  as  our- 
selves. "  Undoubtedly  it  must.  But  these  exceptions  are  so 
plain  that  they  will  always  be  supposed,  and  consequently  need 
not  be  specified.  The  Christian  religion  makes  no  alteration  in 
the  natural  rights  of  mankind,  nor  docs  it  forbid  necessary  self- 
defence,  or  seeking  legal  redress  of  injuries,  in  cases  where  it 
may  be  expedient  to  restrain  violence  and  outrage.  But  all  the 
explications  it  gives  of  the  duty  of  forgiveness  are  consistent  with 
these.  For  the  substance  of  what  it  recommends  relates  chiefly 
to  the  temper  of  the  mind  ;  that  we  be  ready  to  pass  by  small 
affronts,  and  not  forward  to  execute  private  revenge,  and  thai  we 
be  candid  in  interpreting  the  designs  and  actions  of  those  who 
injure  us.  This  will  engage  us  to  forgive,  while  there  is  yet  lit- 
tle to  lie  forgiven  ;  and  thus  will  prevent  the  occasion  of  addi- 
tional injuries.  The  Gospel  proposes  the  example  of  the  Supreme 
Being,  in  his  conduct  to  sinful  men,  as  the  general  rob  of  our 
lenity  and  forbearance  ;  and  enjoins  forgiveness  and  sincere  re- 
conciliation, in  case  of  repentance  and  reformation,  and  receiving 
into  full  favour.'-'  That  we  do  not  demand  rigorous  satisfaction 
in  other  cases,  and  that  wc  still  preserve  benevolent  affections  to- 

1  The  subject  of  the  above-noticed  objection  is  fully  considered  in  Mr. 
Simpson's  Internal  and  Presumptive  Evidences  <>f  Christianity,  pp.  2S3— 302. 
»  Matt.  v.  23,  24.  ]  Mirk  iii.  6.  x.  1!. 

♦  1  Cor.  vi.  10.  Gal.  v.  2.  »  Matt.  xii.  31,  32. 

•  Newcome's  Observ.  part  i.  ch.  1.  sect.  9.  Blair's  Paraph,  of  Christ's 
Sermon  on  the  Mount 

1  I.ukexvii.  3,4.  Matt.  vi.  14,  15.  •  Sect  X. 

9  DeOfficiis,  ch.  25. 

">  De  Beneficiis,  ch.  viii.  14.    De  Ira,  book  ii.  ch.  34. 
"  See  also  Plutarch  de  Ira  cohibenda.    Marc.  Antonin.  deVifa  sua,  book 
tii.  sect.  15.    Butler's  8th  and  9th  Sermons.  The  Rambler,  vol.  iv.  No.  1^.". 
<•»  Luke  xvii  3, 4. 


wards  an  unrelenting  enemy.  And  a  man  may  really  fcigivc  an 
injury,  so  far  as  it  is  personal,  while  his  relation  to  society  may 
oblige  him,  for  the  general  good,  to  prosecute  the  offender."13 

:i.  Against  the  injunction  to  love  our  enemies14  it  has  been 
argued,  "  if  love  t  arry  w  itli  it  complacence,  esteem,  and  friendship, 
.did  these  are  due  to  nil  men,  what  distinction  can  wc  then  make 
■i  the  best  and  the  worst  of  men  ,;  But  a  love  of  esteem 
and  complacence  can  never  t.e  intended  b)  ("hrist.  whose  design 
was  io  recommend  the  abhorrence  of  nil  vice,  while  he  enjoin* 
good-will  to   persons  of   every  charade  r.      In  all  moral   writings, 

whether  ancient  or  modern,  love  generally  signifies,  what  it  does 
in  ibis  precept  of  Christ,  benevolence  and  good-will  ;  which  may 
lie  exercised  bj  kind  actions  towards  those  whom  wc  cannot  es- 
teem, and  whom  we  ire  even  obliged  to  punish.  A  parent  excr- 
this  towards  a  wicked  and  disobedient  child;  and  it  is  this 
love  which  Jesus  recommends,  from  tin-  motive  of  resemblance 
to  our  heavenly  father."' 

4.  The  commandment  of  Jesus,  ■•  to  love  our  neighbour  as  our- 
selves," is  also  objected  to,  as  unreasonable,  and  impossible  to  be 
observed.1' 

"Loving,  as  we  have  just  noticed,  in  moral  writings  usually 
signifies  benevolence  and  good-will  expressing  itself  in  the  con- 
duct, ('hrist  thus  explains  loving  our  neighbour  as  ourselvi ■-  to 
the  lawyer  who  asked  him  the  meaning  of  it,  by  the  beautiful 
parable  of  th  onate  Samaritan.'8     The  precept  we  arc 

considering  may  be  understood,  (1.)  As  requiring  that  we  have 
the  same  kind  of'  affection  to  our  fellow-creature  as  to  ourselves. 
disposing  us  to  prevent  his  misery  and  to  consult  his  happiness 
as  well  as  our  own.  This  principle  will  be  an  advocate  within 
our  own  breasts  for  our  fellow-creatures  in  all  cases  of  competi- 
tion and  interference  between  them  and  us,  and  hinder  men  from 
being  too  partial  to  themselves.  This  inward  temper  is  the  only 
effectual  security  for  our  performing  the  several  offices  of  kind- 
ness which  we  owe  to  our  fellow-creatures.  (2.)  It  may  require 
that  we  love  our  neighbour  in  some  certain  proportion  as  wc 
love  ourselves.  A  man's  character  cannot  be  determined  by  the 
love  he  hears  to  his  neighbour,  considered  absolutely,  but  princi- 
pally b\  the  proportion  which  this  bears  to  self-love;  for  when 
the  one  overbalances  the  other,  and  influences  the  conduct,  that 
denominates  the  character  either  selfish  or  benevolent ;  and  a 
comparison  is  made  in  this  precept  between  self-love  and  the  love 
of  our  neighbour.  The  latter,  then,  must  bear  some  proportion 
to  the  former,  and  virtue  consists  in  the  due.  proportion.  We 
have  no  measure  by  which  to  judge  cf  the  degree  of  affection* 
and  principles  of  action,  considered  in  themselves.  This  must  be 
determined  by  the  actions  they  produce.  A  competent  provision 
for  self  has  a  reasonable  bound.  When  this  is  complied  with, 
the  more  care,  and  thought,  and  property,  persons  employ  in  do- 
ing good  to  their  fellow-creatures,  the  nearer  they  come  to  the 
law  of  perfection,  '  Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbour  as  thyself.' 
(3.)  The  words  may  be  understood  of  an  equality  of  affection 
Yet  still  a  person  would,  in  fact,  and  ought  to  be,  much  more 
taken  up  and  employed  about  himself  and  his  own  concerns,  than 
about  others  and  their  interests.  For  besides  the  one  common 
affection  towards  himself  and  his  neighbour,  he  would  have  Si  ve- 
ral  other  particular  affections,  passions,  and  appetites,  which  he 
could  not  possibly  feel  in  common  both  for  himself  and  others. 
From  hence  it  follows,  that  though  there  were  an  equality  of 
affection  to  bom,  yet  regard  to  ourselves  would  be  more  preva- 
lent than  attention  to  others  and  their  concerns.  And  it  oughl 
to  be  so,  supposing  still  the  equality  of  affection  commanded; 
because  each  person  is  in  a  peculiar  manner  intrusted  with  him- 
self, and  then  fir.  c  ire  of  his  own  interests  and  conduct  particu- 
larly belong  to  each.  Besides,  moral  obligation  can  extend  nc 
further  than  to  natural  possibility.  Now  we  have  a  perception 
of  our  own  interests,  like  consciousness  of  our  own  existence 
which  we  always  carry  about  with  us,  and  which,  in  its  continu 
ation,  kind,  and  degree,  seems  impossible  to  be  felt  in  respect  to 
the  interests  of  others.  Therefore,  were  we  to  love  our  neigh- 
bour in  the  Bame  degree  (so  far  as  this  is  possible)  as  we  love 
ourselves,  yet  the  care  of  ourselves  would  not  be  neglected.  The 
temper  and  conduct  to  which  due  love  of  our  neigbours  would 
lead  us  is  described  in  1  Cor.  xiii.  A  really  good  man  had  rathei 
be  deceived  than  be  suspicious  ;  had  rather  forego  his  known 
right  than  run  the  hazard  of  doing  even  a  hard  thing.  The  in- 
fluence of  this  temper  extends  to  every  different  relation  and  Cir- 
cumstance of  life,  so  as  to  render  a  man  better.  Reasonable  gcod- 

•»  Foster  a<rainst  Tindal,  pp.  257—261.  1st  edit.    Christianity  as  Old  as  the 
Creation,  p.  340.  ...       .  ~. , 

•«  Matt.  v.  43-46.  "  Chns  tan.ty  &c.  p.  34? 

■•  Foster  against  Tindal,  pp.  261-'. 64.  Baluuy's  sermons,  vol.  I 

■■  Matt.  xix.  19.     Luke  x.  27,  &c. 

■•  Luke  x.  25-37. 


Levit.  xfx.  17,  18.  34.  Deut.  x.  17- i». 


164 


REFUTATION  OF  OBJECTIONS  TO  THE  DOCTRINES 


[Chj 


will,  and  right  behaviour,  towards  our  fellow-creatures,  are  in  a 
manner  trie  same ;  only  that  the  former  expresses  the  principle 
as  it  is  in  the  mind ,  the  latter,  the  principle  as  it  were  become 
external."1 

The  precepts,  to  do  to  others  as  we  would  have  them  do  to 
us,2  and  to  love  our  neighbour  as  ourselves,  are  not  merely  intel- 
ligible and  comprehensive  rules,  but  they  also  furnish  the  means 
of  determining  the  particular  cases  which  are  included  under 
them.  In  any  instance  of  his  conduct  to  another,  if  a  man  sin- 
cerely asks  himself,  what  he  could  reasonably  desire  that  person 
should  do  to  him,  or  how  he  himself  would  wish  to  be  treated  in 
the  same  circumstances,  his  own  mind  will  present  a  proper  rule 
of  action  in  that  instance.  These  precepts  are  likewise  useful 
means  of  moral  improvement,  and  afford  a  good  test  of  a  person's 
progress  in  benevolence.  For  as  it  requires  practice  and  moral 
discernment  to  apply  them  properly  to  particular  cases,  the  more 
aptly  and  expeditiously  any  one  does  this,  the  greater  must  be 
his  proficiency  in  disinterested  kindness. 

The  excellence  and  utility  of  these  moral  maxims  have  en- 
gaged the  sages  of  the  East  to  adopt  them.  In  the  fables,  or  ami- 
cable instructions,  of  Veshnoo-Sarma,  is  the  following  sentiment : 
"  He  who  regards  another's  wife  as  his  mother;  another's  goods 
as  clods  of  earth ;  and  all  mankind  as  himself,  is  a  philosopher."3 
And  Confucius  has  this  precept,  "  Use  others  as  you  desire  to  be 
used  yourself."4 

5.  The  command  of  God,  that  we  believe  in  Jesus  Christ,5  and 
the  sanctions  by  which  it  is  enforced,  "  he  that  believeth  and  is 
baptized  shall  be  saved,  but  he  that  believeth  not  shall  be  con- 
demned"1' have  been  objected  against  by  Mr.  Tindal.  He  says 
"  Faith,  considered  in  itself,  can  neither  be  a  virtue,  or  a  vice  ; 
because  men  can  no  otherwise  believe  than  as  things  appear  to 
them."7  "  Yet  that  they  appear  in  such  a  particular  manner  to 
the  understanding  may  be  owing  entirely  to  themselves."  Now 
let  it  be  particularly  observed,  that  it  is  nowhere  said  or  insinu- 
ated in  the  New  Testament,  that  those  shall  be  condemned  for  un- 
belief who  never  heard  the  Gospel,  or  who  never  had  it  laid  be- 
fore them  with  proper  evidence.  On  the  contrary,  the  whole 
spirit  of  Christianity  teaches,  that  where  there  is  no  law  there  is 
no  transgression,  and  that  sin  is  not  imputed  where  there  is  no 
law.8  It  declares  that  God  is  no  respecter  of  persons,  but  in 
every  nation  he  that  feareth  God,  and  worketh  righteousness,  is 
accepted  with  him.9  All  threatenings  must  be  understood  of  un- 
believers who  had  sufficient  light  and  evidence  offered  to  them, 
and  who,  through  inattention,  neglect,  wilful  prejudice,  or  from 
corrupt  passions  and  views,  have  rejected  it,  as  Christ  says,  John 
iii.  19.  xv.  22.  Nothing  can  be  more  reasonable,  than  that  those 
who  wilfully  refuse  the  light  that  would  direct  and  comfort  them 
should  suffer  the  natural  consequences  of  such  refusal.  This  is 
agreeable  to  the  usual  government  of  God  in  the  natural  and  mo- 
ral world.10  The  sanctions  with  which  our  Lord  enforces  the 
precept  of  faith  in  him,  though  generally  applied  to  a  future  judg- 
ment, do  not  appear  to  have  any  relation  to  it ;  but  only  to  the 
admission  of  the  Christian  converts  into  the  Christian  church, 
after  Christ's  ascension,  upon  the  same  terms  as  he  admitted 
them  himself.  Jesus  here,  upon  leaving  the  world,  gives  his  apos- 
tles the  same  power  which  he  himself  had  exercised,  and  orders 
them  to  use  it  in  the  same  manner.  "  He  that  believeth  not, 
shall  be  condemned,"  or  accountable  for  his  sins.  This  answers 
to  the  denunciation  which  Christ  had  often  made  against  those 
who  should  not  receive  him  ;  "  that  they  should  die  in  their  sins." 
Thus  John  iii.  18,  19.  What  this  damnation  or  condemnation 
was,  we  see,  John  viii.  24.  "  ye  shall  die  in  your  sins."  The 
same  appears  to  be  the  sense  of  John  xx.  23.  Matt.  xvi.  19.  All 
these  texts  declare,  that  upon  the  first  receiving  the  Christian  re- 
ligion, Christ,  and  his  apostles  in  his  name,  forgave  those  that 
believed  and  were  baptized  ;  and  what  was  then  done  here  would 
be  confirmed  in  heaven.  But  they  have  no  relation  to  their  con- 
demnation or  acquittal  at  the  day  of  judgment ;  at  which  time 
every  man  will  be  judged  according  to  his  works,  and  according 
to  what  he  has  received."11 


i  Bp.  Butler's  Sermons,  No.  12.  (Works,  vol.  i.  pp.  204—217.)  Hartley 
on  Man,  part  ii.  ch.  2.  prop.  3d  ' 

*  Matt.  vii.  12.  «  Wilkins's  translation,  p.  287. 

*  Chinese  Book  of  Maxims,  3d  Classical  Book,  article  12.  Du  Halde's 
History  of  China,  vol.  iii.  p.  310.  ertitlou  1741. 

»  1  John  iii.  23.    John  vi.  29.  ■  Mark  xvi.  16. 

'  Christianity  as  Old  as  the  Creation,  p.  51.  In  •'  Christianity  not  founded 
on  Argument,"  is  the  same  objection,  pp.  8.  17,  IS  ;  though  the  author  rea- 
sons in  the  manner  here  stated  in  answer  to  it  in  p.  64.  of  his  own  book 

*  Romans  iv.  15.  v.  13.  »  1  Cor.  v.  12.  Acts  x.  34,  35. 
'•  Leechman's  Sermons,  vol.  ii.  sermon 23.  p.  240,  &c. 

•»  Ben  Mordecai's  Letters,  the  7th,  p.  847.  Campbell  in  loc.  Foster's 
Sermons,  vol.  iii.  sermon  9.  on  the  Morality  of  Faith ;  also,  1  Cor.  xv.  17. 
Simpson '«  Evidenc  es,  pp.  261—277 


VIII.  Objection  8. — Christianity  produces  a  timid  passive 
spirit,  and  also  entirely  overlooks  the  generous  sentiments  of 
friendship  and  patriotism. 

Answer. — 1.  Itis  a  peculiar  feature  of  Christian  morality,  that 
it  entirely  omits  precepts  founded  on  false  principles,  those  which 
recommend  fictitious  virtues ;  which,  however  admired  and  cele- 
brated, are  productive  of  no  salutary  elfects,  and,  in  fact,  are  no 
virtues  at  all.  Valour,  for  instance,  is  for  the  most  part  constitu- 
tional, and  so  far  is  it  from  producing  any  salutary  effects,  by  in- 
troducing peace,  order,  or  happiness  into  society,  that  it  is  the 
usual  perpetrator  of  all  the  violences,  which,  from  retaliated  in 
juries,  distract  the  world  with  bloodshed  and  devastation.  It  is 
the  chief  instrument  which  ambition  employs  in  her  unjust  pur- 
suits of  wealth  and  power,  and  is  therefore  so  much  extolled  by 
her  votaries.  It  was,  indeed,  congenial  with  the  religion  of  pagans, 
whose  gods  were  for  the  most  part  deceased  heroes,  supposed  to 
be  exalted  to  heaven  as  a  reward  for  the  rapines,  murders,  adul- 
teries, and  other  mischiefs,  which  they  had  perpetrated  upon 
earth  ;  and  therefore,  with  them,  this  was  the  first  of  virtues,  and 
had  even  engrossed  the  denomination  of  virtue  to  itself.  But 
Christians  are  so  far  from  being  allowed  to  inflict  evil,  that  they 
are  forbid  even  to  resist  it ;  that  is,  to  repel  one  outrage  by 
another  ;'-2  they  are  so  far  from  being  encouraged  to  revenge  in- 
juries, that  one  of  their  first  duties  is  to  forgive  them  ;  so  far  from 
being  incited  to  destroy  their  enemies,  that  they  are  commanded 
to  love  them  and  serve  them  to  the  utmost  of  their  power,  and  to 
overcome  evil  with  good.  With  reference  to  this  pacific  disposi- 
tion of  Christianity,  a  celebrated  sceptic11  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury objected,  that  a  state  composed  of  real  Christians  could  not 
subsist.  We  may,  however,  ask,  in  the  words  of  an  acute  ob- 
server of  human  nature,  whom  no  one  will  charge  with  credulity 
or  superstition ;  "  Why  not  ?  Citizens  of  this  profession  would 
have  a  clear  knowledge  of  their  several  duties,  and  a  great  zeal  to 
fulfil  them  :  they  would  have  a  just  notion  of  the  right  of  natu- 
ral defence ;  and  the  more  they  thought  they  owed  to  religion, 
the  more  sensible  they  would  be  of  what  they  owed  to  their  coun- 
try. The  principles  of  Christianity,  deeply  engraven  upon  the 
heart,  would  be  infinitely  more  powerful  than  the  false  honour  of 
monarchies,  the  human  virtues  of  republics,  and  the  servile  fear 
of  despotic  states." H  The  same  author  also  mentions  it  as  "  an 
admirable  thing,  that  the  Christian  religion,  which  seems  to  have 
for  its  object  only  the  felicity  of  another  life,  does  also  constitute 
our  happiness  in  this."15 

But  though  Christianity  exhibits  no  commendation  of  fictitious 
virtues,  it  is  so  far  from  generating  a  timid  spirit,  that,  on  the  con- 
trary, it  forms  men  of  a  singular  cast ;  some  would  say,  of  a  sin- 
gular courage.  "  It  teaches  them  to  be  afraid  of  offending  God 
and  doing  injury  to  man  ;  but  it  labours  to  render  them  superior 
to  every  other  fear.  They  must  carry  on  a  constant  war  against 
evil ;  but '  the  weapons  of  their  warfare  are  not  carnal.'  Was  it 
a  timid  character  which  Christ  designed  to  form,  when  he  sent 
his  disciples  through  all  the  world  to  propagate  his  religion  ? 
They  were  to  penetrate  into  every  country  ;  they  were  to  address 
men  of  every  nation,  and  tongue,  and  language ;  they  were  to 
expose  themselves  to  hunger  and  nakedness,  to  ridicule  and  in- 
sult, to  persecution  and  death.  None  of  these  things  must  deter 
them  :  they  must  be  daily  speaking  the  word  of  life,  however  it 
may  be  received,  and  to  whatever  dangers  it  may  expose  them. 
They  must  hazard  all  for  the  propagation  of  truth  and  righteous- 
ness in  the  world.  The  lives  of  Christians  have,  in  numberless 
instances,  displayed  the  efficacy  of  these  divine  principles.  Can 
such  instances  of  active  exertion,  of  persevering  labour,  of  patient 
suffering,  be  adduced,  as  those  which  have  been  displayed  by  the 
disciples  of  Jesus  Christ  1  That  they  make  not  the  noise  of  those 
that  sack  cities,  and  desolate  countries,  and  spread  far  and  wide 
the  work  of  destruction,  is  certainly  not  to  their  dispraise.  Their 
method  of  reforming  the  world,  and  meliorating  the  condition  of 
man,  is  not  by  brnte  force,  but  by  implanting  in  the  soul  the 
sentiments  of  knowledge  and  of  goodness :  the  fruit  will  be  cer- 
tain felicity.     Christianity  does  all  her  work,  and  effects  all  her 

<•  Matt.  v.  39.  It  is,  however,  to  be  observed  that  this  precept  applies  prin- 
cipally to  those  who  are  persecuted  for  righteousness'  sake.  Let  such  leave 
the  judgment  of  their  cause  to  Him,  for  whose  sake  they  suffer.  It  is  also 
to  be  recollected  that  this  precept  of  Jesus  Christ  was  designed  chiefly  to 
correct  the  mistaken  notion  of  the  Jews  in  his  time,  who  thought  that  every 
outrage  should  be  resented  to  the  utmost,  and  thus  the  spirit  of  hatred  and 
strife  was  fostered.  See  some  excellent  observations  on  this  passage  ot 
Scripture,  in  Bp.  Porteus's  Lectures  on  the  Gospf'  f  Matthew,  vol.  i.  pp 
154,155. 

»•  M.  Bayle. 

14  Montesquieu,  Esprit  de  Loix,  livre  xxiv.  ch.  C.  (OEuvres,  torn.  ii.  p.  25* 
edit.  Paris,  1796.)    See  also  ch.  iii.  pp  250. 251. 

••  Ibid.  p.  252. 


I 


Sect.  I.  §  4.] 


AND  MOI AL  PRECEPTS  OF  THE  BIBLE. 


165 


purposes,  by  means  of  principles  ;  she  employs  and  she  permits 
no  other  wav  besides."1 

Answer.  2.  With  regard  to  that  part  of  the  objection  which 
is  founded  on  the  silence  of  the  Gospel  concerning  friendship, — 
(by  which  terms  is  usually  understood  a  mutual  attachment  sub- 
sisting between  tWO  persons,  and  founded  On  a  similarity  of  dis- 
position, will,  and  manners)  ;  v\  hence  it  is  insinuaied  that  Chris- 
tianity affords  no  countenance  to  private  friendship  ;  various 
satisfactory  reasons  may  be  assigned  why  JeBUS  Chnst  did  not 
enact  any  laws,  nor  give,  like  some  ol' the  ancient    philosophei    . 

professed  disquisitions  concerning  friendship!     tn  the  first  place, 
.i  pure  and  sincere  friendship  most,  from  its  very  nature,  be  en- 
tirely a  matter  of  choice  ;  ami  from  its  delicacy,  it  is  reluctant  of 
the  very  appearance   of  compulsion.      Besides,   it    depends   upon 
similarity  of  disposition,  upon  coincidence  of  sentiment  and  affec- 
tion,  and,  in  short,  upon  such  u  variety  of  circumstances  which 
arc  not  within  our  control  or  choice,  that  perhaps  the  greater  perl 
of  mankind  pass  through  life  without  having  enjoyed  friendship 
in  all  that  perfection  of  which  we  may  suppose  it  capable.    Nor 
if  this  could  be  accomplished,  would  it  be  favourable  to  the  gene- 
ral virtue  and  happiness.    Such  strong  partial  attachments  usually 
lead  persons  to  prefer  their  friends  to  the  public.    Friendships  of 
this  kind  have  subsisted  among  savages   and    robbers.      Theseus 
and  PjrithuUS,  whom  modern   sceptics   have    produced    as   ap- 
plauded instances,  were  equally  remarkable  for  friendship,  rapes, 
and  plunder.  Such  attachments  are  hurtful  to  society  and  to  man- 
kind :  they  weaken  public  virtue  and  general  charity.     As  how- 
ever mankind  are  prone  to  form  them,  it  would  have  been  a 
defect  in  the   Christian  religion,  had  it  enjoined  or  even  recom- 
mended friendship  in  this  extreme.     Accordingly  the  Gospel  sets 
such  attachments  very  low,  as  consistent  with  the  lowest  selfish- 
ness.    If  y-  d°  good  to  them  who  do  good  to  you,  what  thank 
have  ye  ?  Do  not  even  the  publicans  the  same  ?    (Matt.  v.  46.) 
On  all  these  accounts,  therefore,  it  was  unnecessary  for  Christ 
to  enact  laws  on  the  subject  of  friendship,  which,  indeed,  could 
not  possibly  be  the  object  of  a  divine  command  ;  for  such  laws 
must  have  been  entirely  beyond  the  reach  of  ordinary  practice, 
and  on  a  subject  in  its  nature  totally  incompatible  with  restraint. 
The  propriety,  therefore,  of  such  an  omission  will  be  evident  to 
every  one  who  candidly  considers  the  nature  of  the  temper  and 
disposition  enjoined  by  the  Gospel.     If  the  end  of  its  command- 
ment be  (as  we  know  is  the  case)  charity  out  of  a  pure  heart 
and  faith  unfeigned,  and  charity  of  the  most  enlarged  and  diffu- 
sive kind,  Christianity  would  long  before  this  time  have  been 
charged  with  inconsistency  by  its  adversaries,  if  any  laws  had 
been  made  either  directly  or  by  consequence  confining  its  exer- 
cise.    Indeed,  it  would  not  have  been  prudent.to  have  expressed 
in  the  Gospel  any  particular  approbation  of  friendship.  "  It  might 
have  inflamed   that  propensity  to  it  which  nature  had  already- 
made  sufficiently  strong,  and  which  the  injudicious  encomiums 
of  heathen  moralists  had  raised  to  a  romantic  and   dangerous 
height.  Our  divine  lawgiver  showed  his  wisdom,  equally  in  what 
he  enjoined,  and  what  he  left  unnoticed.  He  knew  exactly,  what 
no  pagan  philosopher  ever  knew,  where  to  be  silent;  and  where 
to  speak.     It  was  not  his  intention,  it  was  indeed  far  below  his 
dignity,  to  say  fine  things  upon  popular  subjects  ;  pleasing  per- 
haps to  a  few,  but  utterly  useless  to  the  bulk  of  mankind.     Hit 
object  was  of  a  much  more  important  and  extensive  nature  :  to  in- 
culcate the  plain,  humble,  practical  duties  of  piety  and  morality  ; 
the  duties  that  were  of  universal  concern  and  indispensable  obli- 
gation,such  as  were  essentially  necessary  to  our  well-being  in  this 
life,    and  our  everlasting   happiness   in    the    next.       .Now,    the 
warmest  admirers  of  friendship  cannot  pretend  to  raise  it  into  a 
duty,  much  less  a  duty  of  this  high  ran!;.     It  is  a  delightful,  it  is 
an  amiable,  it  is  often  a  laudable  attachment  :  but  it  is  not  a  ne- 
cessary requisite,  cither  to  the  present  welfare  or  the  future 
tion  of  mankind  in  general,  and.  consequently,  is  not  of  sufficient 
importance  to  deserve  a  distinct  place  in  the  Christian  system."1 
But  though  the  Gospel  makes  no  specific  provision  for  friend- 
ship (and,  as  we  have  Been,  for  good  reasons),  yet   it  t\"c<.  not 
prohibit  that  connection  :  on  the  contrary,  it   is  expressly  sanc- 
tioned by  the  example  of  Christ,  whose  chosen  friend  and  com- 
panion was  the  beloved  apostle  John,  and   whose  friendship  for 
Martha,  Mary,  Lazarus,  and  others,  the  evangelical  historians 
have  delineated  in  the  most  amiable  manner.     "  If  he  had  his 
beloved  companion  and  friend,  we  cannot  surely  be  acting  con- 
trary to  his  sentiments,  if  we  also  have  ours ;"  but  let  us  take 
heed  what  choice  we  make.     Ye  are  my  friends,  says  Christ,  if 
te  do  whatsoever  I  coMMAxn  you.  (John  xv.  14.)     On  the 

'  Bogue's  Essay  on  the  Divine  Authority  of  the  New  Testament,  p.  220. 
*  Bp.  Porteus's  Sermons,  vol   i.  p.  438. 


contrary,  the  friendship  of  the  world  is  enmity  -with  God  who- 
soever therefore  will  be  a  friend  of  the  world,  is  the  enemy  of 
God.   (James  iv.  4.) 

Akswkb. — 3.  Equally  satisfactory  reasons  may  be  assigned 
for  the  silence  of  the  (iospcl  with  respect  to  patriotism  ;  which 
(it  has  been  asserted)  Jesus  Christ  has  now  here  taught  or  enforced 
by  precept  or  by  example. 

What  is  patriotism  ! — The  love  of  our  country.  But  what 
love  |  The  bigoted  love  cherished  by  the  Jews,  in  the  time  of 
Jesus  Christ,  which  impelled  them  to  abominate  every  other 
nation  as  accursed,  and  to  refuse  to  render  them  even  the  slightest 

good  office  ! — The  proud  love  displayed  by  the  Greeks,  which 
de  |  i  ed  the  n  st  of  mankind  as  ignorant  barbarians  I — Tin  am- 
bitious love  oi  conquest,  that  predominated  among  the  K< 

and  stimulated  them  to  enslave  the  world  '. — Thai  selfish  !•■■ 
much  vaunted  of  in  modern  times,  which  bails  men  to  seek  the 
aggrandizement  of  their  country,  regardless  of  the  morality  of  the 
means   by  which  that  aggrandizemenl  is  to  be  accomplished; 

which  fosters  party-spirit,  engenders  strife  and  every  evil  passion, 
encourage  slavery,  and  excites  one  part  of  the  human  race  to 
murder  and  extirpate  the  other? — No.  Of  this  spirit  Chris- 
tianity knows  nothing.  "  Patriotism  is  that  Christian  love  which, 
while  it  respect  us  r,.cred  the  rights  and  the  welfare  <>f  i.\  i.nv 
land,  'if  kv  i:h  v  foreign  individual,teache»  us  to  manifest  within 
the  limits  of  justice  special  affection  to  our  own  country,  in  pri  - 
portion  to  the  |  .rial  ties  by  which  we  are  united  with  the  region 
that  gives  us  birth.  If  our  Lord,  then,  inculcated  by  his 
lips,  or  by  the  J  en  of  his  apostles,  the  universal  obligation  of  jt  B- 
ticc  and  love  :  if,  in  regulating  the  exercise  of  justice  and  lov<  , 
he  pronoOncee  that  wrong  and  fraud  are  the  more  sinful  when 
directed  against  the  Jirethren  ;3  that  while  we  do  good  unto  ull 
men,  we  are  bound  specially  to  do  good  unto  them  who  art:  of 
the  household  of  faith:*  that  affection  of  more  than  ordinary 
strength  is  mutually  to  be  evinced  between  husbands  and 
parents  and  children,  brothers  and  sisters  :  He  has  decided  that 
every  additional  tie,  by  which  man  is  connected  with  man,  is  an 
obligation  to  additional  love  :  He  has  established  the  duty  off  u- 
triotism,  by  establishing  the  very  principle  from  which  the  duty 
necessarily  flows.  If  He  bore,  with  unwearied  patience,  hatred 
and  contempt,  and  persecution  unto  death,  from  his  Jewish  adver- 
saries ;  if  he  mourned  with  the  most  tender  sympathy  over  the 
impending  destruction  of  Jerusalem  ;6  if  He  repeated,  at  a  s<  cond 
risk  of  his  life,  his  efforts  for  the  conversion  of  his  country  im  rj 
the  Nazarenes  ;fl  by  his  own  conduct  he  sanctioned  patriotism. 
by  his  conduct  he  exemplified  it,  by  his  own  conduct  he  com- 
manded it."7  And  the  example,  which  Jesus  Christ  thus 
in  his  own  person,  we  find,  was  followed  by  his  apostles,  who, 
both  before  and  after  his  crucifixion,  first  and  principally  laboured 
to  propagate  the  Gospel  among  their  own  people,  the  Jews. 
Even  Paul,  the  great  apostle  of  the  Gentiles,  when  he  entered 
into  those  places  where  the  Jews  resided,  first  directed  his  labours 
to  them  ;  and  such  was  his  patriotism,  that  he  could  not  only 
say,  My  heart's  desire  and  prayer  to  Cod  for  Israel  is,  that 
they  might  be  saved  (Rom.  x.  I.);  but,  with  a  love  as  ardent 
as  it  was  pure,  he  also  declared.  J  could  wish  myself  accursed 
from  Christ,  for  my  brethren,  my  kinsmen  according  to  the 
flesh,  who  are   Israelites.    (Rom.  ix.  3,  4.) 

Nor  is  the  Old  Testament  history  destitute  of  instances  of  the 
noblest  and  most  disinterested  patriotism.  Of  all  the  examples 
recorded  either  in  ancient  or  modern  history,  whether  sacred  or 
profane,  it  will  be  difficult  to  find  one  surpassing  that  of  the  illus- 
trious II, !  >rw  legislator,  Moses.  His  attachment  to  the  people 
over  whom  he  presided  presents  his  character  in  a  most  amiable 
point  of  view.  When  the  displeasure  ef  the  Almighty  was  mani- 
fested against  them,  after  their  idolatrous  conduct  at  Mount  Si- 
nai, how  forcibly  did  he  intercede  in  their  favour!  Vet  now, if 
thou  wilt  forgive  their  sins  ;  .  .  .  .  anil  if  not,  blot  me,  I  pray 
■  <ut  of  tliy  boob,  which  thou  hast  written.  (Exod.  xxxii. 
32.)  On  another  occasion,  when  it  is  related  that  the  Almighty 
threatened  the  destruction  of  the  Israelites,  and  even  offered  to 
make  of  him  a  greater  nation  and  mightier  than  they,  how  nobly 
did  he  sacrifice  every  view,  which  ambiticn  might  have  suggested 
to  him,  to  the  love  o(  God  and  to  the  love  of  his  people  !  After 
powerfully  interceding  from  varions  considerations,  that  they 
might  again  be  forgiven,  he  obtained  this  answer  to  his  supplica- 
tion.-., /  have  pardoned,  according  to  thy  -vord.  (Num.  xiv 
20.)     It  were  not  difficult  to  adduce  nmmrous  additional  in 

>  1  Cor.  vi.  S.  «  Gal.  vi.  10.    See  also  Row.  i.x.  1—3.  x.  1.  xi.  14. 

»  Matt,  xxiii.  37.  Luke  xiii.  34.  xix  41,42. 
•  Luke  iv.  10 — 30.  Matt.  xiii.  54    Mark  vi.  1—0. 

i  Gisborne'sSermonsen  tin  is  iaii  Morality,  i<  260,  The  whole  of  his  four 
teenth  and  fifteenth  discourses  is  particularly  wrthy  of  perusal. 


166 


REFUTATION  OF  OBJECTIONS  TO  THE  DOCTRINES 


[Chj 


stances  from  the  Old  Testament,  especially  from  the  book  of 
Psalms.  (Sec  a  beautiful  and  affecting  passage  breathing  the 
purest  patriotism  in  Psal.  cxxxvii.  4,  5.)  So  far,  indeed,  was  an 
attachment  to  the  country,  in  which  Providence  has  placed  ps, 
inculcated  among  the  Jews,  thai  they  were  required,  when  taken 
captive  to  another  land,  to  seek  the  peace  of  the  city  whither  they 
were  carried  away  captives,  and  to  pray  unto  the  Lord  for  it: 
for,  adds  the  prophet  Jeremiah,  in  the  peace  thereof  ye  skull 
'have  peace.  (Jer.  xxix.  7.)1 

True  patriotism  is  never  at  variance  with  true  morality,  and 
the  moral  character  is  not  complete  without  it.  A  strict  perform, 
ance  of  our  duty  to  the  community  of  which  we  form  a  part,  and 
to  the  government  under  which  we  live,  involves  no  infringement 
of  our  private  duties,  or  of  our  duty  to  our  fellow-men  :  each  is 
sufficiently  distinct,  and  each  ought  to  be  inviolably  observed. 
He  is  seldom  found  to  be  a  good  parent,  brother,  or  friend,  who 
neglects  his  duty  to  the  public  and  to  the  government;  and  he 
cannot  be  a  good  patriot  who  neglects  any  civil,  social,  or  rela- 
tive duty.  "  It  is  not  natural  for  a  Christian  to  enter  into  the  anti- 
pathies,  or  to  embroil  himself  in  the  contentions  of  a  nation,  how- 
ever he  may  be  occasionally  drawn  into  them.  His  soul  is  much 
more  in  its  element,  when  breathing  after  the  present  and  future 
happiness  of  a  world.  In  undertakings,  both  public  and  private, 
which  tend  to  alleviate  the  miseries,  and  enlarge  the  comforts  of 
human  life,  Christians  have  ever  been  foremost ;  and  when  they 
have  conceived  themselves  lawfully  called,  even  into  the  field  of 
battle,  they  have  not  been  wanting  in  true  bravery.  But  the  hero- 
ism, to  which  they  principally  aspire,  is  of  another  kind:  it  is 
that  of  subduing  their  own  spirit,  doing  good  against  evil,  seeking 
the  present  and  eternal  good  of  those  who  hate  them,  and  laying 
down  their  lives,  if  required,  for  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus." 

IX.  Objection  9. — The  Bible  is  the  most  immoral  hook  in 
the  world. 

Answer. — This  assertion  was  first  promulgated  by  the  author 
of  the  Age  of  Reason,  and  it  has  been  repeated  in  a  thousand 
different  forms  in  those  publications  which  have  since  been  issued 
from  the  press  by  the  opposers  of  revelation.     In  refutation  of 
this  assertion,  it  is  sufficient  to  refer  to  the   view  already  exhi- 
bited in  the  preceding  pages  of  the  morality  of  the  Old  and  New 
Testaments.2    It  is  readily  admitted  that  the  Old  Testament  does 
relate  immoral  actions;  and  every  impartial  history  of  mankind 
must  do  the  same.     The  question  is,  whether  they  be  so  related 
as  to  leave  a  favourable  impression   upon  the  mind  of  a  serious 
reader.     If  so,  and  if  the  Bible  be  the  immoral  book  which  it  is 
asserted  to  be,  how  is  it  that  the  reading  of  it  should  have  re- 
claimed millions  from  immorality  ? — a  fact  that  is  too  notorious 
to  be  denied  by  impartial  observers.     Every  man  residing  in  a 
Christian  country  will  acknowledge  (unless  he  have  an  end  to 
answer  in   saying  otherwise)   that  those  people  who  read  the 
Bible,  believe  its  doctrines,  and  endeavour  to  form  their  lives  by 
its  precepts,  are  the  most  sober,  upright,  and  useful  members  of  the 
community ;  and  that  those,  on  the  other  hand,  who  discredit  the 
Bible,  and  renounce  it  as  the  rule  of  their  lives,  are,  generally 
speaking,  addicted  to  the  grossest  vices ;  such  as  profane  swear- 
ing, lying,  drunkenness,  and  lewdness.     It  is  surely  very  singu- 
lar, that  men  by  regarding  an  immoral  book  should  learn  to  prac- 
tise morality ;  and  that  others  by  disregarding  it  should  learn  the 
contrary.     How  is  it,  indeed,  that  the  principles  and  reasonings 
of  infidels,  though  frequently  accompanied  with  great   natural 
and  acquired  abilities,  are  seldom  known  to  make  any  impression 
on  sober  people  1    Is  it  not  because  the  men  and  their  communi- 
cations are  known  1    How  is  it  that  so  much  is  made  of  the  falls 
of  Noah,  Lot,  David,  Jonah,  Peter,  and  others  7     The  same 
things  in  heathen  philosophers,  or  modern   unbelievers,  would 
be  passed  over  without  notice.     All  the  declamations  of  our  ad- 
versaries on  these  subjects  plainly  prove  that  such  instances  with 
us  are  more  singular  than  with  them.     With  us  they  are  occa- 
sional, and  afford  matter  for  deep  repentance;  with  them  they 
are  habitual,  and  furnish  employment  in  the  work  of  palliation. 
The  spots  on  the  garments  of  a  child  attract  attention ;  but  the 
filthy  condition  of  the  animal  that  wallows  in  the  mire  is  disre- 
garded, as  being  a  thing  of  course.     The  morality,  such  as  it  is, 
which  is  found  among  deists,  amounts  to  nothing  more  than  a 
little  e-xterior  decorum.     They  explicitly  deny  that  there  is  any 
thing  criminal  in  a  wicked  intention.     The  great  body  of  these 
writers  pretend  to  no  higher  motives  than  a  regard  to  their  safety, 
nterest,  or  reputation 


must  not  only  be  destitute  of  virtue,  but  wretchedly  uefective  as 
to  their  influence  on  the  well-being  of  society.  If  the  heart  be 
inclined  towards  God,  a  sober,  righteous,  and  godly  life  becomes 
a  matter  of  choice;  but  that  which  is  performed,  not  for  its  own 
sake,  but  from  fear,  interest,  or  ambition,  will  extend  no  farthei 
than  tin-  eye  of  man  can  follow  it.  In  domestic  life  it  will  be 
but  little  regarded ;  and  in  retirement  not  at  all.  Such,  in  fact, 
is  the  character  of  infidels.  "  Will  you  dare  to  assert,"  says 
Linguet,  a  French  writer,  in  an  address  to  Voltaire,  "  that  it  is 
in  philosophic  families  we  are  able  to  look  for  models  of  filial 
respect,  conjugal  love,  sincerity  in  friendship,  or  fidelity  among 
domestics  1  Were  you  disposed  to  do  so,  would  not  your  own 
conscience,  your  own  experience,  suppress  the  falsehood,  even 
before  your  lips  could  utter  it?"4 

Much,  however,  of  the  immoral  statements  which  are  asserted 
to  exist  in  the  Bible  is  founded  on  a  ivilful  inattention  to  the 
wide  difference  that  subsists  between  ancient  and  modern  man- 
ners. The  characteristic  distinction  of  modern  manners  is,  the 
free  intercourse  of  the  two  sexes  in  the  daily  commerce  of  life 
and  conversation.  Hence  the  peculiar  system  of  modern  man- 
ners;— hence  that  system  of  decorum,  delicacy,  and  modesty 
(founded  on  the  morality  of  Scripture)  which  belong  entirely  to 
this  relation  of  the  sexes,  and  to  the  state  of  society  in  which  it 
exists.  But  in  the  ancient  world  there  was  nothing  of  this  in- 
tercourse. Women  were  either  wholly  shut  up,  as  among  the 
Asiatics  of  all  ages;  or  were  slaves,  handmaids,  and  inferiors,  as 
among  the  Jews,  and  in  the  patriarchal  ages;  or,  by  the  effect 
of  custom  (as  despotic  as  positive  law),  they  could  not  converse 
or  go  abroad  but  with  their  own  immediate  family,  as  among  the 
Greeks  and  Romans.  Kence  what  we  call  and  feel  to  be  deli- 
cacy and  modesty,  and  the  whole  system  resulting  from  them, 
had  no  existence  among  such  nations.  Men  wrote  only  to  men ; 
laws  were  given  only  to  men ;  history  was  read  only  by  men. 
Every  thing  was  called  by  the  name  originally  affixed  to  it ;  and 
as  such  names  had  no  adjunctive  signification,  arising  only  from 
the  intercourse  of  the  sexes,  they  excited  ideas  of  indelicacy 
or  immodesty  no  more  than  similar  names  excite  such  ideas 
among  the  naked  Indians.  And  hence,  as  a  profound  critic5 
long  ago  remarked,  there  is  the  same  difference  between  the  free 
language  of  Scripture  and  the  free  language  of  the  Greek  and 
Roman  writers,  as  there  is  between  the  nakedness  of  a  courtesan 
and  the  nakedness  of  an  Indian. 

.111  things  -whatsoever  yeivould  that  men  should  do  to  you, 
do  ye  even  so  to  them. —  Love  your  enemies;  bless  them  that 
curse  you;  do  good  to  them  that  hate  you;  and  pray  for  them 
that  despitefully  use  you  and  persecute  you. — The  grace  of 
God,  -which  bringeth  salvation  to  all  men,  hath  appeared; 
teaching  us,  that  denying  ungodliness  and  -worldly  lusts,  ive 
should  live  soberly,  righteously,  and  godly  in  this  present 
•world.6 

Such,  reader,  is  an  epitome  of  Christian  morality.  Judge  of 
the  falsehood  of  the  assertion  made  by  its  enemies,  that  the  Bible 
is  the  most  immoral  book  in  the  world." — "  The  Gospel,"  says 
the  profound  and  penetrating  Locke,  whom  no  one  will  accuse 
of  enthusiasm,  "  contains  so  perfect  a  body  of  ethics,  that  reason 
may  be  excused  from  the  inquiry,  since  she  finds  men's  duty 
clearer  and  easier  in  revelation  than  in  herself."8 

X.  Objection  10. — The  Bible  inculcates  a  spirit  of  intole- 
rance and  persecution . 

Assweh. — The  ancient  adversaries  of  the  Gospel,  as  well  as 
their  more  modern  copyists,  have  represented  the  religion  of  Jesus 
Christ  as  of  an  unsocial,  unsteady,  surly,  and  solitary  complexion, 
tending  to  destroy  every  other  but  itself.  And  it  must  be  owned 
that  it.does  tend  to  destroy  every  other,  in  the  same  manner  as 
truth  in  every  subject  tends  to  destroy  falsehood,  that  is,  by  ra- 
tional  conviction.  The  same  objection  might  be  urged  against 
the  Newtonian  philosophy,  which  destroyed  the  Cartesian  fa- 
bles, or  against  the  Copernican  system,  because  the  visions  of 
Ptolemy  and  Tycho-Brahe  vanished  before  it.  The  sun  extin- 
guishes every  inferior  lustre.  And  the  glimmering  lamps  of 
human  knowledge,  lighted  up  by  the  philosophers,  served,  in- 
deed, to  conduct  them  as  a  light  shining  in  a  dark  place ;  but 
this  must  naturally  be  sunk  in  a  superior  lustre,  when  the  Sun 
of  righteousness  should  arise.     The  Gospel,  therefore,  is  so  un- 


*  Linguet  was  an  admirer  of  Voltaire;  but  disapproved  of  his  opposition 
to  Christianity.    Sue  his  Review  of  that  author's  works,  p.  264.    fuller's 


Actions  proceeding  from  these  principles    Gospel  its  own  Witness,  pp.  72.  74,  75. 

I      »  Dr.  Bcntley.  •  Matt.  vii.  12.  v.  44    lit.  u.  11,  12. 

i  Tuke  on  the  Duties  of  Religion  and  Morality,  as  inculcated  in  the  Holy        i  Concernim;  the  contradictions  to  morality,  wh-  n  are  falsely  alleged  to 
Scriptures,  pp.  195—198.  exist  in  the  Scriptures,  see  vol.  i.  part  ii.  book  ii.  .  nap.  ix.  sect.  v. 

a  See  pp.  146,  147.  and  152—156.  sum  a.  •  Locke's  Letter  to  Mr.  Molyneux,  A  r>.  1096.    Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  327. 4to 

»  Volney's  Law  of  Nature,  p.  18.    See  also  p.  25.  supra.  \  ediL 


AND  MORAL  PRBCEPT8  OF  THE  BIBLE. 


Sect.  IL  §  4.] 

sociable  as  to  discredit  error,  with  which  it  is  as  incompatible  as 
light  with  darkness.  But  it  is  evident  to  any  one  who  will 
calmly  examine  the  Bible,  that  its  pages  do  not  inculcate  any 
such  thing  as  a  spirit  of  intolerance  and  persecution.' 

It  is  well  known  that  the  Jews,  who  were-  distinguished  for 
their  spiritual  pride  and  bigotry,  and  who  regarded  Other  nations 
with  an  almost  absolute  intolerance,  were  never  more  strongly 
marked  by  these  characteristics  than  at  the  time  when  Jesus 
Christ  appeared.  Even  the  apostles  were  not  exempted  from  a 
share  of  this  character.  Waaler,  said  John,  we  saw  one  cu 
out  devils  in  thy  name,  and  we  forbad  him,  because  he  follow- 
etli  not  -wit  A  us.  And  Jesus  said  unto  him,  Forbid  him  nut; 
for  he  that  is  not  against  us  is  for  us.  Again,  John  and  James, 
moved  with  indignation  against  the  inhabitants  of  a  Samaritan 
village,  because  they  declined  to  receive  their  Master,  siid  unto 
him,  Lord,  ivilt  thou  that  -we  command  fire  tu  come  dawn  from 
heaven,  and  consume  them,  OS  EUas  did?  Jiut  he  turned  anil 
rebuked  them,  and  said,  Ye  know  not  what  manner  of  spirit 
lie  are  of.  For  the  Son  of  man  is  not  come  to  destroy  men's 
lives,  but  to  save  them.  So  intolerant  was  the  spirit  even  of  the 
beloved  disciple,  and  so  benevolent  was  that  of  Christ.  In  this 
nation,  then,  and  at  this  period,  was  Christ  born  and  educated. 
But,  instead  of  imbibing,  countenancing,  or  warranting  intole- 
rance and  bigotry,  he  taught,  in  all  instances,  their  odiousness 
and  guilt;  and  enjoined,  with  respect  to  every  subject  and  per- 
son, the  most  absolute  moderation,  liberality,  and  candour; — not 
indeed  the  fashionable  liberality  of  licentious  men  in  modern 
times,  a  professed  indifference  to  truth  and  holiness; — but  a  be- 
nevolent and  catholic  spirit  towards  every  man,  and  a  candid  and 
just  one  towards  every  argument  and  opinion.  Distinctions  of 
nations,  pects,  or  party,  as  such,  were  to  him  nothing;  distinc- 
tions of  truth  and  falsehood,  right  and  wrong,  were  to  him  every 
thing.  According  to  this  scheme,  he  framed  his  instructions  and 
his  life ;  and  the  same  catholic  spirit  and  freedom  from  intole- 
rance characterize  the  writings  of  his  apostles. 

The  moderation  of  pagan  governments,  and  their  liberality  in 
granting  unlimited  indulgence  to  the  different  modes  of  worship 
that  obtained  among  the  heathens,  have  been  magnified  by  the 
opposers  of  Christianity,  and  eulogized  as  if  universal  liberty  had 
been  allowed,  without  any  restraint  upon  the  open  or  secret 
practices  of  men  in  the  exercise  of  religion.  But  this  representa- 
tion is  quite  contrary  to  the  truth.  The  Roman  government,  in 
its  suppression  of  the  Bacchanalian  mysteries  (which  were  infa- 
mous for  their  voluptuousness  and  debaucheries),  conducted 
itself  solely  by  the  maxims  of  civil  policy,  without  any  regard 
whatever  to  the  religious  pretexts  of  the  worshippers.2  And 
nothing  can  be  more  injurious  to  the  religion  of  Christ  than  the 
malicious  suggestion  which  one  infidel  repeats  after  another,  that 
persecution  for  religion  was  indebted  for  its  first  rise  to  the 
Christian  system ;  whereas  the  very  reverse  is  the  real  truth,  as 
might  be  proved  by  many  facts  recorded  in  history.  To  instance 
only  a  few : — the  Athenians  allowed  no  alteration  whatever  in 
the  religion  of  their  ancestors;3  and  therefore  Socrates  suffered 
death,  as  a  setter-forth  of  strange  gods,*  in  the  same  city  of 
Athens  in  which,  four  hundred  and  fifty  years  afterwards,  Paul 
of  Tarsus  was  charged  with  the  same  crime,  by  certain  philo- 
sophers of  the  Epicureans  and  of  the  Stoics,  because  he 
preached  unto  them  Jesus  and  the  resurrection.  (Acts  xvii.  18.) 
But  were  a  similar  severity  to  be  employed  by  any  Christian 
state,  it  would  be  imputed  not  merely  to  the  policy  of  governors, 
but  to  the  temper  of  priests.  The  odious  bigotry  of  Antiochua 
Epiphanes  (1  Mace.  i.  41.)  will  not  easily  escape  the  recollection 
of  any,  but  of  those  who  will  impute  no  fault  nor  arraign  any 
crime,  except  it  be  found  to  involve  in  its  consequences  the 
friends  of  revealed  religion.  Had  the  law  of  the  twelve  tables  at 
Rome,  which  prohibited  the  worship  of  new  or  foreign  gods,' 
been  considered  as  the  edict  of  a  Christian  prince,  the  loudest 
complaints  would  have  been  uttered  against  the  spirit  of  bigotry 
by  which  it  was  dictated.     And  if  the  demolition  of  the  temple 


»  Respecting  the  charges  of  cruelty  brought  against  the  Israelites  for 

putting  to  death  the  Canaanites  and  oilier  nations,  see  vol.  i.  part  ii.  book  ii. 
chap.  ix.  sect.  v. 

»  See  the  very  interesting  account  of  the  proceedings  el'  the  Roman  go- 
vernment in  this  affair,  inLivy's  History,  book  uudx.  chapters  ~^< — 10.  The 
celebrated  decree  against  the  Bacchanalian  meetings  is  s; ill  extant  on  a 
plate  of  copper,  which  was  dug  up  about  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century, 
and  a  now  preserved  in  the  imperial  library  at  Vienna. 

»  Isocrat.  in  Areopag.  p.  374.  edit.  Basil 

*  Diog.  Laert.  de  VitisPhilosophorum.  lib.  ii.  c.5.  §  19.  torn.  i.  p.  171.  edit. 
Longolii.  jElian.  Var.  Hist.  lib.  ii.  c.  13.  Xenophon.  Memorabilia  Bncratis, 
lib.  i.  c.  1. 

»  Separatim  nemohabessit  Deos;  neve  novos,  sive  advenas,  nisi  publico 
adscitos,  privatim  colunto.  Cicero,  de  Lcgibus,  lib.  ii.  c.  8.  Op.  tone  xi. 
T>  371.  edit.  Bipont. 


167 


of  Serapis  and  Isis  had  been  effected  by  the  order  of  an  ecclesi 
astieal  synod,  instead  of  a  heathen  senate,'1  it  would  doubtless 
have  been  styled  an  atrocious  outrage  upon  the  inalienable  rights 
of  private  judgment,  instead  of  being  represented  as  proceeding 
from  the  use  of  "a  common  privilege,"  and  ascribed  to  the 
'■  cold  and  feeble  efforts  ol  policy.'"  Tiberius  prohibited  the  Egyp- 
tian and  Jewish  worship,  banished  the  Jews  from  Rome,  and 
restrained  the  worship  of  the  Druids  in  Caul;-  while  Claudius 
employed  penal  laws  to  abolish  their  religion. H  Domitian  and 
Vespasian  banished  the  philosophers  from  Rome,  and  the  former 
confined  some  of  them  in  the  islands,  and  whipped  or  put  others 
to  death.10  .Nothing,  therefore,  can  be  more  unfounded  than  the 
assertion,  that  intolerance  and  persecution  owe  their  introduction 
to  Christianity:  since  the  violent  means,  which  for  three hundrea 
years  after  its  origin  were  adopted  for  the  purpose  of  crushing 
this  very  religion — at  the  time  when  its  professors  are  universally 
acknowledged  to  have  been  both  inoffensive  and  unambitious — 
are  too  well  known  to  be  controverted.11  It  is  the  duty  of  every 
good  government  to  provide  for  the  security  of  society  and  of 
moral  order.  This,  we  have  Been,  was  an  important  object  of 
attention,  even  with  pagan  governments.  The  writings  of  the 
opposers  of  revelation,  in  our  own  day  especially,  are  subversive 
of  both.  Under  the  mask  of  free  inquiry  (which  the  Gospel  de- 
mands and  invites,  and  of  which  it  has  stood  the  test  for  more 
than  eighteen  centuries,  as  it  will  to  the  end  of  time),  they  have 
compiled,  without  acknowledgment,  from  the  oft-refuted  produc- 
tions of  former  infidels,  and  have  circulated  from  the  press,  tracts 
of  the  most  destructive  tendency  to  the  public  morals  and  safety. 
And  when  they  suffer  the  sentence  of  the  deliberately  violated 
laws  of  their  country,  they  call  it  persecution.  "  But  persecution  in 
every  degree,  and  whatever  abridges  any  man  in  his  civil  rights  on 
account  of  his  religious  tenets — provided  he  be  a  peaceable  mem- 
ber of  the  community,  and  can  give  a  proper  ground  of  confi- 
dence, that  his  principles  require  or  allow  him  to  continue  so — 
is  wholly  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  Gospel;"  as  well  as  all 
acrimony,  reviling,  contempt,  or  misrepresentation,  in  religious 
controversy.12 

It  is  readily  admitted,  that  men,  calling  themselves  Christians, 
have  persecuted  others  with  unrelenting  cruelty,  and  have  shed 
rivers  of  innocent  blood  :  but  the  Gospel  does  not  authorize  such 
a  conduct,  and  therefore  is  not  chargeable  with  it.  Such  perse- 
cutions prove,  that  those  who  inflicted  them  were  not  animated 
by  the  spirit  of  real  Christianity.  Facts  and  experience,  how- 
ever, have  proved  that  it  is  not  the  friends  but  the  enemies  of 
the  Gospel, — not  sincere  believers,  but  apostates  and  atheists,— 
who  have  been  the  most  cruel  oppressors  and  persecutors  botl 
of  civil  and  religious  liberty.  Of  this  we  have  a  signal  an4 
memorable  instance  in  the  history  of  France  during  the  revolu 
tion,  where,  not  merely  the  usurped  power  of  the  papal  anti- 
christ was  subverted,  but  the  Christian  religion  itself  was  pro- 
scribed, and  atheism,  with  all  its  attendant  horrors,  substituted  ir 
its  place.13 


SECTION  II. 

THE  WONDERFUL  HARMONY  AND  INTIMATE  CONNECTION,  SUB 
SISTING  BETWEEN  ALL  THE  PARTS  OF  SCRIPTURE,  IS  A  FUR- 
THER PROOF  OF  ITS  DIVINE  AUTHORITY  AND  ORIGINAL. 

The  harmony  and  intimate  connection  subsisting  be- 
tween all  the  parts  of  Scripture  are  no  mean  proof  of  its 
authority  ami  divine  original. 

Other  historians  differ  continually  from  each  other:  the 
errors  of  the  first  writers  are  constantly  criticised  and  cor- 

•  Valerias  Maximus,  lib.  i.  c.3.  §3.  p.  44.  edit.  Bipont. 

•■  Gibbon's  Decline  and  Fall,  vol  i.  p.  52.  and  note  (15.) 

«  Tacit.  Annal.  lib.  ii.  c.  85.  Josephus,  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  xviii.  c.  3.  Suetonius, 
inTiberio,  c.  36.    Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  lib.  xxx.  c.  4.  torn.  v.  p.  48.  edit.  Bipont 

»  Suetonius,  in  Claudio,  c.  25. 

io  Suetonius,  in  Domitiano,  c.  10. ;  in  Vespasiano,  c.  13. 

u  See  p,  94.  supra. 

'»  "Taking  away  the  lives,  the  fortunes,  the  liberty,  any  of  the  rights  of 
our  brethren,  merely  for  serving  their  Maker  in  such  manner  as  they  are 
persuaded  they  ought,  when  by  so  doing  they  hurt  not  human  society,  or 
any  member  of  it,  materially,  is  evidently  inconsistent  with  all  Ju*uc^  an.y 
humanity  :  for  it  is  punishing  those  who  have  not  injured  us,  and  who,  \f 
they  mistake,  deserve  only  pity  from  us."  Archbp.  Secker  s  Works,  vo 
iii.  p.  271.  In  the  following  pages,  the  learned  prelate  exposes  the  smlul- 
ness  of  persecution  for  conscience'  sake,  in  a  masterly  mannei,  and  snows 
that  persecution  is  not  of  Christian  but  of  heathen  origin. 

'3  Compare  pp.  25,  26.  supra.  On  the  subject  above  discussed,  the 
reader  will  find  manv  interesting  facts  and  profound  observations  in  Mr 
Fuller's  Gospel  its  own  Witness,  part  i.  ch.  5.  pp.  62—70.  See  also  Mr 
Haldane's  Evidence  and  Authority  of  Divins  Revelation,  vol.  i.  pp.  <U— 08 


C8 


THE  PRESERVATION  OF  THE  SCRIPTURES. 


[Chap    V 


rected  by  succeeding  adventurers,  and  their  mistakes  are  sure 
to  meet  with  the  same  treatment  from  those  who  come  after 
them.  Nay,  how  often  does  it  happen,  that  contemporary 
writers  contradict  each  other  in  relating  a  fact  which  has 
happened  in  th^ir  own  time,  and  within  the  sphere  of  their 
own  knowledge  1  But  in  the  Scriptures  there  is  no  dissent 
or  contradiction.  They  are  not  a  book  compiled  by  a  single 
author,  nor  by  many  hands  acting  in  confederacy  in  the  same 
age;  for  in  such  case  there  would  be  no  difficulty  in  com- 

Sosiny;  a  consistent  scheme;  nor  would  it  be  astonishing  to 
ii  !  the  several  parts  in  a  just  and  close  connection.  But 
most  of  the  writers  of  the  Scriptures  lived  at  very  different 
times,  and  in  distant  places,  through  the  long  space  of  about 
sixteen  hundred  years  ;  so  that  there  could  be  no  confederacy 
or  collusion  ;  and  yet  their  relations  agree  with,  and  mutually 
support  each  other.  Not  only  human  historians,  but  philoso- 
phers  even  of  the  same  school,  disagree  concerning  their 
tenets;  whereas  the  two  testaments,  like  the  two  cherubs 
'Exod.  xxv.  20.),  look  steadfastly  towards  each  other,  and 
towards  the  mercy-seat  which  they  encompass,  The  holy 
writers,  men  of  different  education,  faculties,  and  occupa- 
tions,— prophets,  evangelists,  apostles,-  -notwithstanding  the 
diversity  of  time  and  place,  the  variety  of  matter,  consisting 
of  mysteries  of  providence  as  well  as  mysteries  of  faith,  yet 
all  concur  uniformly  in  carrying  on  one  consistent  plan  of 
supernatural  doctrines  ;  all  constantly  propose  the  same  in- 
variable truth,  flowing  from  the  same  fountain  through  dif- 
ferent channels.  Go,  then,  to  the  sacred  Scriptures  ;  ex- 
amine them  closely  and  critically.  Can  you  find  one  writer 
controverting  the  statements  or  opinions  of  his  predecessor"? 
One  historian  who  disputes  any  fact  which  another  had 
stated  ]  Is  there  in  the  prophets  any  discrepancy  in  doctrines, 
precepts,  or  predictions  1  However  they  vary  in  style,  or 
manner  of  illustration,  the  sentiment  and  the  morality  are  the 
same.  In  their  predictions  they  exceed  one  another  in  par- 
ticularity and  clearness,  but  where  is  there  any  contradiction  ? 
The  same  remarks  apply  to  the  New  Testament.  The  lead- 
ing doctrines  of  Christianity  harmonize  together  :  one  writer 
may  enlarge  upon  and  explain  what  another  has  said,  may 
add  to  his  account,  and  carry  it  further;  but  he  never  contra- 
dicts him.  It  is  self-evident  that  the  corruption  of  human 
nature,  that  our  reconciliation  to  God  by  the  atonement  of 
Christ,  and  that  the  restoration  of  our  primitive  dignity  by 
the  sanctifying  influence  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  are  all  parts  of 
one  whole,  united  in  close  dependence  and  mutual  congruity. 
The  same  essential  agreement,  and  the  same  mutual  depen- 
dency of  one  upon  another,  obtains  also  among  the  chief 
practical  precepts,  as  well  as  between  the  doctrines  and  pre- 
cepts of  Christianity.  Those  tend  to  form  the  temper  and 
character  which  these  require.  Whence,  then,  arises  this 
harmony  of  Scripture  1  Had  the  writers  been  under  no  pe- 
culiar divine  influence,  they  would  have  reasoned  and  specu- 
lated like  others,  and  their  writings  would  have  opposed 
each  other.  But  if  they  were  inspired, — if  they  all  wrote 
and  spoke  under  the  influence  of  the  same  spirit, — then  is 
this  harmony  accounted  for  ;  and  it  is  impossible  to  account 
for  it  upon  any  other  principle.  Hence  we  may  conclude 
that  all  Scripture  is  not  only  genuine  and  authentic,  but  di- 
vinely inspired. 

In  opposition  to  this  view  of  the  harmony  subsisting  be- 
tween the  sacred  writers,  it  has  repeatedly  b  ?en  objected  that 
there  are  contradictions  both  to  morality  as  well  as  among 
the  different  writers  themselves ;  and  thence  it  has  been  in- 
ferred that  they  cannot  have  been  inspired.  It  is  however 
worthy  of  remark,  that  the  greater  part  of  those,  who  of  late 
years  have  been  most  forward  to  charge  the  Scriptures  with 
contradictions,  have  been  utterly  incompetent  to  judge  of  the 
matter;  having  borrowed  their  objections  from  preceding  op- 
posers  of  revelation ;  who,  instead  of  directing  their  attention 
to  the  original  languages  in  which  the  Scriptures  are  written, 
have  founded  their  objections  on  various  translations  in  the 
modern  languages  of  Europe.  But  the  contradictions,  as 
they  are  termed,  are  seemingly  only,  and  not  real;  they  per- 
plex only  superficial  readers;  nor  is  there  one  single  instance 
that  does  not  admit  of  a  rational  solution.  The  collation  of 
manuscripts,  a  little  skill  in  criticism  in  the  Hebrew  and 
Greek  languages,  their  idioms  and  properties,  and  in  the  an- 
tiquities and  customs  of  those  countries  where  the  scenes 
mentioned  in  the  Scriptures  lay,  and  the  affairs  were  trans- 
acted, will  clear  the  main  difficulties ;  and  a  careful  distinc- 
tion of  the  different  senses  of  words,  as  well  as  of  the  dif- 
ferent subjects  and  times,  together  with  the  occasions  on 
whim  thevario"':!  books  were  written,  will  frequently  remove 


the  seeming  contradictions,  and  render  the  harmony  between 
the  sacred  writers  as  clear  as  the  light  of  day.  If  some 
difficulties  should  still  remain,  let  them  be  viewed  as  we  do 
those  of  creation  and  providence ;  and  they  will  form  no  ob- 
jection to  the  reception  of  the  Gospel.  There  is  little  doubt 
but  that,  like  the  others,  with  increasing  knowledge,  they 
also  will  be  dispelled.1 


SECTION  III. 

THE    PRESERVATION    OF    THE  SCRIPTURES,  A  PROOF  OF  THEIR 
TRUTH  AND  DIVINE  ORIGIN. 

As  the  wonderful  harmony  and  connection  of  all  the  parts 
of  Scripture  cannot  rationally  be  ascribed  to  any  other  cause 
than  their  being  all  dictated  by  the  same  spirit  of  wisdom 
and  foreknowledge;  so  also  is  their  astonishing  and  (we 
may  say)  miraculous  preservation  a  strong  instance  of 
God's  providential  care,  a  constant  sanction  and  confirmation 
of  the  truth  contained  in  them,  continued  by  him  without 
intermission  in  all  ages  of  the  church.  Whence  comes  it, 
that  while  the  histories  of  mighty  empires  are  lost  in  the 
waste  of  time,  the  very  names  of  their  founders,  conquerors, 
and  legislators  are  consigned  with  their  bodies  to  the  silence 
and  oblivion  of  the  grave?  Whence  comes  it  that  the  his- 
tory of  a  mean,  insignificant  people,  and  the  settlement  of 
God's  church,  should  from  its  very  beginning,  which  is 
coeval  with  the  world  itself,  to  this  day  remain  mil  and  com- 

Elete  P  Whence  comes  it  that  nothing  is  left  of  innumera- 
le  volumes  of  philosophy  and  polite  literature,  in  the  pre- 
servation of  which  the  admiration  and  care  of  all  mankind 
seemed  to  conspire,  and  that  the  Scriptures  have,  in  spite  of 
all  opposition,  come  down  to  our  time  entire  and  genuine  * 
During  the  captivity,  the  Urim  and  Thummim,  the  ark  itself, 
and  every  glory  of  the  Jewish  worship,  was  lost ;  during 
the  profanation  of  Antiochus  (1  Mace.  i.  56,  57.)  whosoever 
was  found  with  the  book  of  the  law  was  put  to  death,  and 
every  copy  that  could  be  found  burned  with  fire ;  the  same 
impious  artifice  was  put  in  practice  by  several  Roman  empe- 
rors during  their  persecutions  of  the  Christians,  especially 
bjr  Dioclesian,  who  triumphed  in  his  supposed  success 
against  them.3  After  the  most  barbarous  havoc  of  them,  he 
issued  an  edict,  commanding  them,  on  pain  of  death  under 
the  most  cruel  forms,  to  deliver  up  their  Bibles.  Though 
many  complied  with  this  sanguinary  edict,  the  greater  part 
disregarded  it ;  and  notwithstanding  these,  and  numberless 
other  calamities,  the  sacred  volumes  have  survived,  pure 
and  uncorrupted,  to  the  present  time.  It  is  not  necessary  to 
mention  that  more  than  Egyptian  darkness  which  over- 
whelmed religion  for  several  centuries ;  during  which  any 
falsification  was  secure,  especially  in  the  Old  Testament,  'he 
Hebrew  language  being  entirely  unknown  to  all  but  the 
Jews  ;  and  yet  they  have,  in  spite  of  their  prejudices,  pre 
served  with  scrupulous  care  even  those  passages  which  most 
confirm  the  Christian  religion ;  the  providence  of  God  having 
been  graciously  pleased  to  make  their  blindness  a  standing 
evidence  of  the  truth  of  the  Scriptures,  and  their  obstinacy 
an  instrument  to  maintain  and  promote  his  doctrine  and  his 
kingdom.  To  this  may  be  added,  the  present  low  state  of 
many  churches,  and  the  total  annihilation  of  others,  of  which 
nothing  now  remains  but  the  Scriptures  translated  for  theii 
use ;  happy  in  this  respect,  that  their  particular  misfortunt 
is  of  service  to  the  general  cause,  inasmuch  as  so  many 
copies  in  so  many  different  languages,  preserved  under  so 
many  untoward  circumstances,  and  differing  from  each  other 
in  no  essential  point,  are  a  wonderful  proof  of  their  authen- 
ticity, authority,  and  divinity.  All  the  designs  of  the  ene- 
mies of  the  Scriptures,  whether  ancient  or  modern,  have 
been  defeated.  The  Bible  still  exists,  and  is  triumphant, 
and  doubtless  will  exist  as  long  as  there  is  a  church  in  the 
world,  that  is,  until  the  end  of  time  and  the  consummation 
of  all  things. 

'  On  the  contradictions  which  arc  falsely  alleged  to  exist,  in  the  sacred 
writings,  sec  vol.  i.  part  ii.  book  ii.  chap.  vii. 

*  There  is  a  chasm  in  the  Jewish  history  of  nearly  two  hundred  and 
fifty  years;  viz.  between  the  death  of  Nehemiah  and  the  time  of  the  Mac- 
cabees; but  Judtca  being,  during  that  period,  a  province  of  Syria,  and 
under  the  prefecture  of  it,  the  history  of  the  Jews  is  of  course  involved  in 
that  of.  the  country  to  which  they  were  subject.— This  was  the  case  dur- 
ing the  captivity. 

3  See  an  account  of  the  persecution  of  the  Christians  by  Dioclesian 
f  which  was  continued  with  unrelenting  fury  by  Ms  iidn),  in  Dr.  Lardner's 
Ueathen  Testimonies,  chap.  xl.  Works,  8vo.  vol.  vii.  pp.  293—329.  4to.  vol 
if.  pp.  273—295. 


8»ot.  rv.} 


THE  BENEFICIAL  EFFECTS  OF  CHPJSTIANITY. 


161 


SECTION  IV. 

THK    TENDENCY  OF  THE  SCRIPTURES  TO  PROMOTE  TIIK   II: 

AND  ETERNAL  HAPPINESS  OK  MANKIND,  CONSTITUTES  ANOTllKIl 
UNANSWERABLE  PROOF  WE  THEIR   DIVINE   I.NsPIU  ATM  >N 1. 

1.  .appeals  of  Christian  apologists,  and  testimonies  of  hea- 
then adversaries-,  to  the  beneficial  effect*  of  the  Ooipel  upon 
the  characters  and  conduct  of  the  first  Christians. — II.  Sum- 
mary review  of  Us  blessed  effectt  on   society,  especially  in 

private  life. — III.    On    the   political  State  of  the  world. — IV. 

On  literature. —  Christianity  not  chargeable  with  the  crimes 

of  those  -who    have    assumed   the   name  of   Christians,  while 

they  have  been  Utterly  destitute  of  every  Christian  feeling. 
— V.  Historical  facts,  further  attesting  the  benefits  conferred 
by  the  Cos  pel  on  the  world. — VI.  The  effects  respectively 
produced  by  Christianity  anil  infidelity  in  private  life,  con- 
trasted, particularly  under  adversity,  afflictions,  and  in  the 
prospect  of  futurity. 

The  page  of  history  shows  that  no  regular  government 
was  over  established  without  some  religion;  as  if  the  former 
was  defective  without  the  latter,  and  the  one  was  a  necessary 

appendage  to  the  other.  And  it  also  shows,  particularly  in 
the  case  of  the  Romans,  that  while  nations  cherished  a  re- 
gard for  morality  and  for  the  sacred  obligation  of  an  oath, 
prosperity  attended  them ;'  but  that  when  immorality  became 
universal,  their  power  and  prosperity  as  rapidly  declined. 
That  religion,  or  virtue,  as  founded  upon  reverence  of  God 
and  the  expectation  of  future  rewards  and  punishments,  is  of 
vast  public  importance,  is  one  of  those  self-evident  axioms, 
in  which  all  thinking  persons  instantly  acquiesce.  It  has, 
however,  been  reserved  for  our  own  times  to  witness  the 
bold  assertion,  that  "  it  is  a  public  injury,"  and  to  have  the 
question  triumphantly  demanded,  "  Who  that  has  read  the 
page  of  history,  will  venture  to  say  that  it  has  been  a  benefit 
to  any  nation  or  society  of  people,  in  which  it  has  been 
adopted]" 

What  the  deadly  effects  of  infidelity  have  been,  is  known 
to  every  one  who  is  in  any  degree  conversant  with  the  his- 
tory of  modern  Europe  for  the  last  fifty  years, — viz.  anarchy, 
immorality,  profaneness,  murders  innumerable,  confusion, 
and  every  evil  work.2  What  have  been  the  effects  actually 
produced  by  Christianity,  an  appeal  to  the  pages  of  history 
will  readily  show.  It  is  not,  indeed,  the  object  of  the  Gos- 
pel to  gratify  idle  curiosity  and  afford  us  barren  and  specula- 
tive knowledge.  It  every  where  aims  directly  at  the  heart, 
and  through  the  heart,  to  influence  the  life.  Nothing  is  want- 
ing to  remedy  the  actual  state  of  the  world,  and  to  fit  men 
for  the  worship  and  felicity  of  heaven,  but  that  they  should 

»  The  testimony  of  the  historian  Polybius  to  (he  beneficial  effects  of  the 
pagan  superstition  in  fortifying  the  sentiments  of  moral  obligation,  and  sup- 
porting  the  sanctity  of  oaths,  is  so  weighty  and  decisive,  thai  it  would  be  an 
injustice  to  the  subject  not  to  insert  it ;  more  especially,  as  it  is  impossible 
D  attribute  it  to  the  influence  of  credulity  on  the  author  himself,  who  was 
evidently  a  sceptic.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  remark,  that  all  the  bene- 
jts  which  might  in  any  way  flow  from  superstition,  are  secured  to  an  in- 
irably  greater  degree  by  the  belief  of  trae  religion.  "But  among 
all  the  useful  institutions  (says  Polybius)  that  demonstrate  the  superior 
excellence  of  the  Roman  government,  the  most  considerable,  perhaps, 
is  the  opinion  which  people  are  taught  to  bold  concerning  the  gods;  and 
that,  which  other  men  regard  as  an  object  oi  ipnears,  in  my 

judgment,  to  be  the  very  thing  by  which  tins  republic  Is  chiefly  sustained. 
— I  mean  superstition,  which  is  Impressed  with  all  its  terrors,  and  influ- 
the  private  actions  of  the  citizens  and  the  public  ad  minis!  rat  inn  of  the 
state,  to  a  degree  that  can  scarcely  t>e  exceeded.  The  ancients,  therefore, 
acted  not  absurdly,  nor  without  good  reason,  when  they  inculcated  the  no- 
tions concerning  the  gods,  and  the  belief  of  infernal  punishments;  but 
much  rather  are  those  of  the  present  age  to  be  charged  with  rashness  and 
absurdity  in  endeavouring  to  extirpate  these  opinions ;  for.  not  to  mention 
other  effects  that  flow  from  such  an  institution,  if  among  the  Qn  • 
example,  a  single  talent  only  be  intrusted  to  those  who  have  the  manage- 
ment of  any  of  the  public  money,  though  they  give  ten  written  sureties, 

with  BS  many  seals,  and  twice  as  many  witnesses,  they  are  unable  to  dis- 
charge the  trust  reposed  in  them  with  integrity.  Hut  the  Romans,  on  the 
other  hand,  who  in  the  course  of  their  magistracies  and  in  embassies  die- 
curse  the  greatest  sums,  are  prevailed  on,  by  the  single  obligation  or  an 

oath,  to  perform  their  duty  with  inviolable  honesty  And.  as  in  other 
slates  a  man  is  rarely  to  be  found  whose  hands  are  pure  from  public  rob- 
bery, so  among  the  Romans  it  is  no  less  rare  to  discover  one  that  is  tainted 
with  'his  crime."— Hampton's  Polybius,  vol.  ii.  book  vi.  pp.  405,  406. 

Though  the  system  of  paganism  is  justly  condemned  by  reason  and 
Scripture,  yet  it  assumed  as  true  several  principles  of  the  first  importance 
to  the  preservation  of  public  manners  ;  such  as  a  persuasion  of  invisible 
power,  of  the  folly  of  incurring  the  divine  vengeance  for  the  attainment  of 
any  present  advantage,  and  the  divine  approbation  of  virtue :  «o  that. 
strictly  speaking,  it  was  the  mixture  of  truth  in  it  which  gave  it  all  its 
utilitv — Hall's  Discourse  on  Infidelity.    (Sermons,  p.  73.  note.) 

»  See  a  few  instances  of  the  effects  of  atheism,  supra,  pp.  25,  26.  ;  and 
also,  infra,  p.  176 

Vol.  I.  Y 


believe  and  obey  the  Bible.'  Werf  all  men  thus  sincerely 
and  cordially  to  believe  and  obey  it  as  a  divine  revelation, 
how  would  the  mural  face,  of  tkc  world  be  changed  !  How 
would  the  wilderness  and  the  solitary  place  be  glad,  and  the 
desert  rejoice  and  blossom  as  the  rose  !  Wherever,  indeed, 
it  has  thus  been  embraced,  the  most  beneficial  effects  have 
been  the  result  A  hriif  review  of  the  positive  benefits  pro- 
line,, I  by  Christianity  on  the  political  and  moral  state  of  so- 

and  also  in  private  life,  will  show  that  it  is  and  could 
only  be  of  heavenly  origin,  and  afford  a  satisfactory  refut? 
don  of  the  cavils  at  its  enen  ies. 

1.  The  writings  of  the  earliest  professors  of  Christianity 
prove  that  the  first  converts  w,  re  reformed  characters,  and 
the  Di  which  many  of  them  published 

t  the  accusations  of  unbelievers,  also  di  monstrate  the 
virtues  that  adorned  the  primitive  Christians. 

Thus,  although  it  was  not  (he  object  of  the  apostle  1'aui 
to  point  out  the  influence  of  his  preaching,  but  to  exhort  men 
to  virtue,  yet  Bome  incidental  passages  of  his  writings  evince 
that  he  reformed  the  manners  t  f  his  converts,  and  rendered 
them  ashamed  of  their  former   vices.      In  his  epistle   to  the 

Romans  he  thus  expresses  himself: — What  fruit  hadyi  then 
in  thosethings  whereof  ye  are  now  ashamed.  id  if 

thesi  things  is  death.  But  now  being  made  free  fh  m  tin  and 
become  the  servants  if  God,  ye  havt  your  fruit  unto  holiness  and 
Hie  end  everlasting  life.  (Rom.  vi.  21,  22.)  This  apostle  also 
in  his  epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  observes  that  some  of  them 
were  reclaimed  by  the  Gospel : — Be  not  deceived,  ?u i I Ln- for- 
nicators, nur  adulterers,  nor  idolaters,  nor  effeminate  persons, 
nor  abusers  of  themselves  with  mankind,  nor  thieves,  nor  drunk- 
ards, norrevilers,  nor  extortioners,  shall  inherit  the  kingdom  of 
God.  And  such  were  some  of  you  ,■  but  ye  are  washed,  ye  are 
sanctified  in  t/i".  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  and  hi/  the  Spirit  if 
our  God.  (1  Cor.  vi.  9 — 11.)  Peter,  in  the  following  pas- 
sage, alludes  to  the  reformation  wrought  amongthe  .Jewish 
converts  in  Pontus,  Galatia,  and  other  places  . —  The  time  past 
of  our  life  may  suffice  us  to  have  wrought  the  will  of  the  Gen- 
///",  when  we  walked  in  Iqsciviousness,  lust,  excess  of  wine, 
n  i»  llings,  hanqueftings,  and  abominable  idolatries,  wherein 
the, i  think  it  strange  that  ye  run  not  with  them  to  the  same  ex- 
cess of  riot.  (1  Pet.  iv.  3,  4.) 

The  various  Christian  apologists,  whom  the  persecutions 
of  the  pagans  compelled  to  vindicate  their  character  and  con- 
duct, have  borne  ample  testimony  to  their  exemplary  lives 
and  conversation.  Among  these,  the  attestations  of  Justin 
Martyr  and  Athenagoras  (both  of  whom  had  been  heathen 
philosophers),  Tertullian,  Minucius  Felix,  Origen,  and  Lac- 
tnntius,  are  particularly  worthy  of  notice;  but  the  limits  of 
this  work  compel  us  to  admit  only  two  or  three. 

1.  From  the  following  passage  of  JusTUl  Maettr,  who 
flourished  about  the  middle  of  the  second  century,  it  is  mani- 
fest that  a  mighty  change  was  wrought,  in  his  time,  on  the 
proselytes  to  the  Gospel.  "  We,"  says  the  philosopher, 
"  who  formerly  delighted  in  adultery,  now  observe  the 
strictest  chastity.  We,  who  used  the  charms  of  magic,  have 
devoted  ourselves  to  the  true  God  ;  and  we,  who  valued  mo- 
ney and  gain  above  all  things,  now  cast  what  we  have  in 
common^and  to  distribute  every  man  according  to  his  ne- 
cessities."5 

2.  "We  deny  not,"  says  Tertullian  (who  lived  about 
sixty  years  later  than  Justin),  »'  a  pledge  left  with  us  :  we 
defile  no  man's  marriage-bed,  we  piousl^educato  orphans, 
relieve  the  indigent,  and  render  to  no  man  evil  for  evil.  The 
husband,  new  cured  of  his  former  jealousy,  turns  his  wife 
and  her  new  modesty  out  of  his  house;  the  father,  so  tender 
of  his  undutiful  heathen  son,  disinherits  him  when  he  be- 
comes a  Christian  and  obedient  to  his  will ;  and  the  master, 
hitherto  so  kind  to  a  faithless  servant,  disbands  him  on  be- 
coming  religious  and  faithful.  So  much  is  the  Christian 
name  hated,  notwithstanding  the  advantages  of  the  Gospel, 
that  the  husband  prefers  a  false  wife,  the  father  a  rebellious 
son,  and  the  master  a  knavish  tervant,  to  having  them  good 
and  virtuous  Christians."15 

3.  "  Inquire,"  says  Origen,  in  his  celebrated  reply  to  the 
cavils  and  objections  of  the  philosopher  Celsus,  written  about 
a.  d.  946, — "  Inquire  into  the  lives  of  some  amongst  us: 

»  "  If,"  says  a  late  eloquent  antaaonist  of  Christianity,— "  If  all  were  per- 
fect Christians,  individuals  would  do  their  duty  ;  the  people  would  be ■  ote- 
dient  to  the  laws  ;  the  chiefs  just;  the  magistrates  incorrupt ;  the  soldiers 
would  despise  death  ;  and  there  would  be  neither  vanity  nor  luxury  m  sucn 
a  state."— Rousseau,  Du  Contrat  Social,  liv.  iv.  ch.  8. 

«  The  followins  statement  of  the  inestimable  blessings  conferred  by 
Christianity  on  the  world,  is  abridged  from  Dr.  RyMls /^^J^  II 
of  the  effects  of  Religion  on  Mankind"  (3d  edit.  Svo.  Edinburgh  1806),  sol- 
lated  with  Bp.  Porteus's  Tract  on  the  Beneficial  Effects  of  Christianity. 

»  Apol.  c.  2.  •  Tertullian,  Apo .  c  3 


170 


THE  BENEFICIAL  EFFECTS  OF  CHRISTIANITY, 


compare  our  foimer  and  present  mode  of  life,  and  you  will 
find  in  what  impieties  and  impurities  men  were  involved  be- 
fore they  embraced  our  doctrines.  But  since  they  embraced 
them,  how  just,  grave,  moderate,  and  constant  are  they  be- 
come !  yea,  some  are  so  inflamed  with  the  love  of  purity  and 
goodness,  as  to  abstain  even  from  lawful  enjoyments :  the 
church  abounds  with  such  men,  wherever  the  doctrines  of 
Christianity  prevailed.  How  is  it  possible  they  can  be  pes- 
tilent members  of  society,  Avho  have  converted  many  from 
the  sink  of  vice  to  the  practice  of  virtue  and  a  life  of  temper- 
ance, conformable  to  the  dictates  of  right  reason  1  We  re- 
claim women  from  immodesty,  quarrelling  with,  or  parting 
from,  their  husbands ;  men  from  the  wild  extravagance  or 
the  sports  and  theatres  ;  and  restrain  youth,  who  are  prone 
to  vice  and  luxury,  by  painting,  not  only  the  vileness  of  lust, 
but  the  punishment  reserved  for  the  vicious  and  dissolute."1 

4.  "  They  are  not  Christians,"  says  Lactantius  (who 
flourished  a.  d.  306),  "  but  pagans,  who  rob  by  land,  and 
commit  piracy  by  sea  ;  who  poison  their  wives  for  their  dow- 
ries, or  their  husbands  that  they  may  marry  their  adulterers ; 
who  strangle  or  expose  their  infants,  commit  incest  with 
heir  daughters,  sisters,  mothers,  or  vestals,  who  prostitute 
their  bodies  to  unnatural  lusts,  seek  heaven  by  witchcraft, 
and  commit  other  crimes  odious  to  relate."2  The  same  wri- 
ter also,  contrasting  the  contradictions  between  the  doctrines, 
precepts,  and  practice  of  the  philosophers,  and  the  little 
effects  that  resulted  from  them,  with  the  purity  and  efficacy 
of  the  Gospel,  has  the  following  animated  passage :  "  Give 
me  a  man  who  is  choleric,  abusive  in  his  language,  head- 
strong, and  unruly  ;  with  a  very  few  words, — the  words  of 
God, — I  will  render  him  as  gentle  as  a  lamb.  Give  me  a 
greedy,  covetous,  parsimonious  man,  and  I  will  presently  re- 
turn him  to  you  a  generous  creature,  freely  bestowing  his 
money  by  handfuls.  Give  me  a  cruel  and  bloodthirsty  man  ; 
instantly  his  ferocity  shall  be  transformed  into  a  truly  mild 
and  merciful  disposition.  Give  me  an  unjust  man,  a  foolish 
man,  a  sinful  man ;  and  on  a  sudden  he  shall  become  honest, 
wise,  and  virtuous.  So  great  is  the  efficacy  of  divine  wis- 
dom, that  when  once  admitted  into  the  human  heart,  it  expels 
folly,  the  parent  of  all  vice ;  and  in  accomplishing  this  great 
end,  there  is  no  occasion  for  any  expense,  no  absolute  need 
of  books,  or  deep  and  long  study  or  meditation.  The  benefit 
is  conferred  gratuitously,  easily,  expeditiously  ;  provided  the 
ears  and  the  neart  thirst  after  wisdom.  Did  or  could  any  of 
the  heathen  philosophers  accomplish  such  important  pur- 
poses as  these  V3  Thus  is  the  infinite  superiority  of  Chris- 
tianity evinced,  in  a  moral  point  of  view,  over  every  other  sys- 
tem of  philosophy.  Lactantius,  it  should  be  recollected,  had 
himselt  been  a  heathen  philosopher,  and  here  delivers  the  re- 
sult of  his  own  experience. 

Though  we  cannot  expect  from  pagans  direct  testimonies 
to  the  virtues  of  men  whom  they  cruelly  persecuted,  yet  the 
works  of  heathen  writers  incidentally  furnish  ample  and  suffi- 
cient proofs  of  their  innocence  and  worth.  To  adduce  one 
or  two  instances  : — it  was  a  common  saying  of  the  heathens, 
that  a  person  was  a  good  man,  only  he  was  a  Christian. 
Pliny,  in  the  memorable  letter  already  cited,4  says,  on  the 
information  of  some  apostate  Christians,  that  their  great 
crime  consisted  in  assembling  together  on  a  stated  day  be- 
fore light,  to  sing  hymns  to  Christ  as  God  ;  and  that  they 
bound  themselves  by  oath,  not  to  the  commission  of  any 
wickedness,  but  not  to  be  guilty  of  theft,  or  robbery,  or  adul- 
tery, never  to  falsify  their  word,,  nor  to  deny  a  pledge  commit- 
ted to  them  when  called  upon  to  return  it.  He  adds,  that  though 
he  put  two  Christian  women  to  the  torture,  he  discovered 
nothing  besides  a  bad  and  excessive  superstition.  In  the 
course  of  time,  the  perseverance  of  Christians  in  a  life  of  ex- 
emplary piety  prevailed  so  far  that  the  apostate  emperor  Ju- 
lian, in  an  epistle  to  Arsacius,  a  heathen  pontiff  (written  a.  d. 
430),6  recommended  their  charities  and  other  virtues  to  the 
imitation  of  the  pagans,  and  desired  Arsacius  to  turn  his  eyes 
to  the  means  by  which  the  superstition  of  the  Christians  was 
propagated,  viz.  by  sanctity  of  life,  by  kindness  to  strangers, 
and  by  the  attention  they  paid  to  the  burial  of  the  dead.  He 
recommends  an  imitation  of  their  virtues  ;  exhorts  the  pon- 
tiff to  prevail  on  the  priests  of  Galatia  to  attend  to  the  wor- 
ship ot  the  gods  ;  enjoins  works  of  charity  ;  and  desires  him 
to  relieve  the  distressed,  and  build  houses  for  the  accommo- 

'  Origen  contra  Celsum,  lib.  i.  Origen  was  singularly  eminent  for  his 
exemplary  learning  and  piety. 

»  Lactantius,  Instit.  Divin.  lib.  v.  c.  9.  Op.  tom.  i.  pp.  349,  350.  edit.  B:- 
pont. 

«  Ibid.  lib.  US.  c  26.  tom.  i.  p.  232.  edit.  Bipont. 

4  Sea  p.  84.  rupra.  »  Julian.  Epist.  130. 


Chap.  V 

dation  of  strangers  of  whatever  religion  "  It  is"  adds  the 
emperor,  "  a  disgrace  to  the  pagans  to  disregard  those  of  theit 
mo7i  religion,  while  Christians  do  kind  offices  to  strangers 
and  enemies.''''  From  this  admission  of  Julian,  it  is  evident 
that  the  Christians  were  improved  in  benevolence  and  morals 
by  the  Gospel ;  and  even  the  heathens  were  improved  by  the 
example  of  the  Christians.  These  involuntary  testimonies 
of  heathens  to  the  innocence  and  virtues  of  the  primitive 
Christians,  we  shall  find  corroborated  by  various  other  proofs, 
which  we  now  proceed  briefly  to  exhibit. 

II.  If  we  advert  to  the  Effects  of  Christianity  on  so- 
ciety in  general,  we  shall  find  that  the  benevolent  spirit 
of  the  Gospel  served  as  a  bond  of  union  between  indepen- 
dent nations  ;  broke  down  the  partition  which  separated  the 
Heathens  and  Jews,  abated  their  prejudices,  and  rendered 
them  more  liberal  to  each  other.  It  checked  pride  and  re- 
venge, those  sources  of  war  and  bloodshed,  and  promoted 
humility  and  forgiveness;  it  rendered  its  sincere  professors 
just  and  honest,  and  inspired  them  with  firmness  under  per- 
secution. The  apostles  and  evangelists  endured  the  severest 
sufferings  rather  than  renounce  their  religion ;  nor  could  the 
primitive  Christians  who  succeeded  them  be  induced  by 
threats  or  torments  to  desert  their  profession.  They  neither 
repined  nor  railed  at  their  enemies,  but  endured  various  ex- 
cruciating torments  with  invincible  meekness,  patience,  and 
resignation.  Further,  wherever  the  benign  influence  of  the 
Gospel  has  penetrated,  it  has  descended  into  families,  and 
carried  with  it  peace  and  happiness.  The  female  sex,  which 
is  degraded  and  maltreated  in  modern  heathen  nations,  as  it 
was  among  many  of  the  ancient  pagan  nations,  is  elevated, 
wherever  the  Gospel  has  spread,  to  that  rank  in  society  to 
which  it  is  so  justly  entitled,  and  the  civil,  moral,  and  reli- 
gious condition  of  women  has  beenproportionably  improved.9 
Polygamy  has  been  abolished,  and  divorce  is  permitted, — 
not  to  gratify  the  levity,  caprice,  or  profligacy  of  either  party 
(for  in  Rome  at  least  the  women  also  had  the  power  of  di- 
vorce, where  their  licentiousness  was  equal  to  that  of  the 
men), — but  only  in  the  case  of  unfaithfulness  to  the  nuptial 
vow.  It  is  true,  that  in  certain  countries  of  Europe,  wnere 
the  Christian  religion  has  been  so  far  corrupted  as  to  lose 
nearly  all  its  influence,  illicit  connections  may  be  formed, 
adulterous  intrigues  pursued,  and  even  crimes  against  nature 
perpetrated,  with  but  little  dishonour.  But  it  is  not  so  in 
Britain  and  other  Protestant  countries,  where  the  Gospel  has 
had  a  freer  course ;  for,  though  the  same  dispositions  are  dis- 
covered in  great  numbers  of  persons,  yet  the  fear  of  the  pub- 
lic frown  holds  most  of  them  in  awe.  From  the  lowest  de- 
gradation and  oppression  the  female  sex  has  been  raised  to 
respect,  cultivation,  and  refinement,  to  a  rank  and  influence 
in  society,  which  they  possess  only  in  Christian  countries, 
where  their  interest  and  happiness  are  uniformly  and  pro- 
perly consulted  in  every  important  concern  in  life.  We  have 
no  public  indecencies  between  the  sexes,  no  law  that  requires 
prostitution.  If  any  unnatural  crimes  be  perpetrated,  they 
are  not  common  ;  much  less  are  they  tolerated  by  the  laws, 
or  countenanced  by  public  opinion.  On  the  contrary,  the 
odium  which  follows  such  practices  is  sufficient  to  stamp  the 
perpetrators  of  them  with  perpetual  infamy  in  the  land. 
Rapes,  incests,  and  adulteries  are  not  only  punishable  by 
law,  but  odious  in  the  estimation  of  the  public.  No  one  can 
live  in  the  known  practice  of  fornication,  lying,  theft,  fraud, 
or  cruelty,  and  retain  his  character.  It  cannot  be  pleaded  in 
excuse  with  us,  as  it  is  in  China  or  Hindostan  (and  as  the 
profligate  Rousseau  pleaded  when  he  sent  his  illegitimate 
offspring  to  the  foundling  hospital),  that  such  things  are  the 
custom  of  the  country. 

Further,  the  harshness  of  parental  authority  has  been  re- 
strained ;  the  barbarous  practice  of  exposing,  or  depriving  of 
life,  weak,  deformed,  or  helpless  children  (which  was  sanc- 
tioned by  the  laws  of  many  states),  has  been  abolished,  and 
hospitals  have  been  instituted  for  the  preservation  of  deserted 
children;  and  what  was  then  deemed  a  wise  political  expe- 
dient to  rid  the  state  of  useless  and  troublesome  members,  is 
now  justly  considered  and  punished  as  the  most  atrocious  of 
crimes.  And  that  uncontrolled  power,  which  was  possessed 
by  fathers  and  husbands,  and  which  rendered  the  condition 
of  sons  worse  than  that  of  slaves,7  and  exposed  wives  to  the 

«  On  this  subject  the  reader  will  find  a  collection  of  interesting  facts,  com- 
piled from  various  writers,  in  an  "  Essay  on  what  Christianity  has  done  for 
Women,"  prefixed  to  the  second  volume  of  "Ferna...  Scripture  Biography, 
by  F.  A.  Cox,  A.  M."  London,  1817,  2  vols.  Ovo. 

1  "The  cruelty  of  the  Roman  law,  not  emit  trltil  the  destruction  of  in- 
fants, extended  its  severity  even  to  the  adult :  it  considered  children  not  as 
persons  but  as  things,  as  part  of  the  furniture  oS  the  family  mansion,  which 
the  master  of  the  family  might  remove,  or  seh,  ci  destroy,  like  any  other 


SlCT.    IV  1 


A  PROOF  OF  ITS  DIVINE  AUTHORITY  AND  ORIGINAL. 


171 


most  crual  treatment,1  has  been  annihilated  by  the  gentle 
spirit  of  Christianity.  The  system  of  domestic  slavery, 
which  subjected  the  greater  part  of  mankind  to  the  capricious 

tyranny  of  a  few  free-born  masters, — who  treated  and  rained 
them  like  beasts,  while  tiny  wen'  sometimi  i  made  the 
sacrifice  of  a  youthful  frolic,  and  murdered  in  the  stret  I 

roads,  by  thousands  for  amusement, — is  fully  extinguished  ; 
and  our  own  times  have  \\  itnessed  another  triumph  of  <  !hris- 
lian  benevolence,  in  the  extirpation  (at  leasl  in  the  liriu-h 
dominions)  of  the  infamous  traffic  in  human  beings:  the 
BUQcess  of  which  measure  is  t.>  be  asci  pally  to  the 

influence  of  Christianity  in  directing  public  opinion. 

Thus,  while  the  Gospel  pn  Bcribes  1 1 » •  ■  best  rides  for  pro- 
moting family  peace  and  domestic  happiness,  it  has  also  re- 
thoved  the  great  obstacles  which  have  often  impeded   it. 

The  condition  of  the  inferior  and  dependent  ranks  of  society 
nas  been  ameliorated;  and  every  varied  form  of  human  mi- 
sery finds  some  alleviation  from  the  active  diligence  of  private 
benevolence,  and  the  munificent  provisions  of  public  charity. 
Tin-  heathens  had  no  public  places  for  the  accommodation 
of  the  sick,  the  poor,  the  widow,  or  the  orphan,  nor  was 
there  a  single  hospital  in  the  whole  heathen  world  :  whereas 
every  Christian  country  abounds  with  charitable  institutions 
for  those  humane  purposes.  The  flow  of  beneficence,  pro- 
ceeding from  this  divine  source  (especially  in  this  highly  fa- 
voured country),  has  scarcely  left  any  means  untried,  for 
meliorating  the  sufferings  of  the  poor :  it  has  erected  asylums 
for  almost  every  form  of  human  misery,  for  all  the  children 
of  the  needy,  for  the  destitute,  and  for  the  houseless.  It  has 
extended  itself  to  the  abodes  of  guilt  and  crime,  and  has  at- 
tempted to  put  within  the  reach  of  the  prisoner  all  the  com- 
forts that  are  compatible  with  the  strict  claims  of  justice ; 
and  it  has  even  reached  the  inferior  animals,  by  procuring  for 
them  gentle  treatment,  and  constituting  them  objects  of  legal 
protection.  In  vain  may  we  search  in  the  writings  of  pagan 
moralists  for  exhortations  to  benevolence  like  this  :  not  a 
word  is  to  be  found  in  Cicero's  Offices,  of  active  and  liberal 
love  to  the  poor,  to  slaves,  to  criminals,  to  the  brute  creation, 
in  short,  to  any,  except  friends  and  relations,  or  for  merely 
worldly  and  selfish  purposes ;  and  if  modern  moralists  do 
better,  Christianity  may  claim  the  praise.  What  terminated 
the  horrid  gladiatorial  massacres  and  murders,  which  destroyed 
so  many  thousands  of  unhappy  persons  among  the  Romans  ? 
— Christianity.  What  has  instituted  so  many  establish- 
ments for  the  reclaiming  of  the  vicious,  and  for  instructing 
even  criminals'? — Christianity.  What  has  meliorated  the 
condition  and  procured  security  to  the  lives  of  insolvent 
debtors,  whose  misfortunes — not  their  faults — place  them  in 
the  power  of  merciless  creditors! — Christianity.  What 
has  protected  widows  and  orphans  against  injustice, — orphan 
princes  against  usurpers  and  rebellious  subjects, — subjects 
against  exaction  and  oppression, — the  weak  against  the  pow- 
erful in  suits  of  law, — the  goods  and  the  persons  of  the  ship- 
wrecked against  plunderers — and,  in  short,  every  description 
of  persons  against  the  distress  which  would  otherwise  nave 
overwhelmedthem] — Christianity.  What  has  discouraged 
suicides  1 — Christianity.  The  heathens  very  frequently 
committed  suicide  agreeably  to  their  religious  or  philosophi- 
cal dogmas ;  but  no  real  Christian  can  commit  this  crime 
without  knowing  that  he  is  acting  contrary  to  the  principles 
of  the  Gospel,  committing  murder,  and  clearly  violating  a 
divine  command.  What  has  discouraged  the  absurd  prac- 
tice of  duels,  or  deciding  doubtful  or  disputed  points  by  sin- 
gle combat,  which  obtained  so  generally  in  the  north  and 
west  of  Europe'? — Christianity.  It  is  true  that,  from  a 
false  notion  of  honour,  duels  continue  to  be  fought,  often  for 
the  most  frivolous  or  imaginary  affront ;  but  these  are  not 
chargeable  upon  the  Gospel,  which  prohibits  murder  of  every 
kind  ;  and  the  men  who  engage  in  such  duels,  show  by  their 
conduct  that,  though  they  may  profess  and  call  thenuebe* 
Christians,  they  are  totally  destitute  of  Christian  prin- 

part  of  the  furniture,  at  his  discretion.  In  one  respect,  the  condition  of  a 
son  was  worse  than  th:it  of  a  slaw  uld  only  be  sold  once,  a  son 

mil  times:   and  he  might  be  imprisoned,  scourged,  r riled,  or  put  to 
death  by  the  pater-families,  without  appeal  to  any  other  tribunal"    (Nieu- 
port  de  Ritibus  Romania,  p.  685 .)    With  reaped  todaoghtera,  there  was  an 
act  of  power  more  exquisitely  cruel  perhaps  than  all  the  rest.     The  father 
couMcompel  his  married  daughter  to  repudiate  a  husband  whom  she  ten- 
derly loved,  and  whom  he  hiraselfhad  approved.   (Espril  desLoix;  li< 
c.  3.)    Dp.  Porteus's  Beneficial  Effects  of  Christianity,  in  bia  Tracts,  p  370. 
1  wi.at  was,  if  possible,  still  more  preposterous  and  intolerable,  the  wife 
herself,  though  the  mother  perhaps  ofa  numerous  family,  was  subjected, 
no  less  than  her  children,  to  the  paternal  authority  and  despotic  wi 
nusband.    She  was  in  the  eye  of  the  law  considered  as  his  daughter,  and 
might  be  retained  or  dismissed  at  pleasure  ;  and  lor  certain  crime- 
ofthemofa  very  trivial  nature),  might  be  put    »  ieath     Ibid. 


<  111.1:,  and  act  in  utter  disregard  of  the  laws  of  a  Christian 
country  (at  least  of  this  country),  which  prohibit  them,  undei 
severe  penalties.2 

III.   Prom  society,  generally,  let  us  ascend  to  the  influ- 
f  Christianity  on  the  religion  and  government  of 

I  I'.IES. 

Wherever  the  Gospel  has  spread,  we  have  the  most  satis- 
factory evidt  nee  of  its  mighty  efficacy  as  a  means  of  im- 
proving the  present  condition  of  man.  Polytheism  and  ido- 
latry, together  with  human  sacrifices,  and  all  their  attendant 
cruelties  and  profligate  immoralities,  have  been  abolished. 
And  as  soon  as  nations  and  governments  became  .Christian, 
they  were  actuated  by  that  mild,  benevolent,  and  generous 
spirit  which  the  early  believers  had  displayed  even  in  the 
midst  of  calumny,  insult,  and  persecution.  Those  princes 
who  embraced  Christianity,  became  more  humble  than  their 
heathen  predecessors;  blended  Christian  morality  with  their 
civil  institutes;  and  transcribed  into  their  political  codes  the 
humanity  and  benevolence  inspired  by  their  religion.  Fewer 
kings  were  murdered,  and  fewer  revolutions  took  place  in 

<  'linslian  than  in  pagan  States.  It  is  the  power  of  the  Gos- 
pel alone  that  has  greatly  reformed  the  laws  of  nations,  and 
nas  diminished  the  horrors  of  war.  That  it  has  not  hitherto 
been  sufficient  to  banish  unjust  wars  from  the  earth  is  true ; 
and,  as  an  acute  writer  has  forcibly  remarked,  "  It  would 
have  been  wonderful  if  it  had,  seeing  it  has  never  yet  been 
cordially  embraced  by  the  majority,  nor  perhaps  by  the  pre- 
ponderating part  of  any  nation.  Nevertheless  it  has  had  its 
influence  ;  :i  and  that  influence  has  been  of  the  most  benefi- 
cial kind  for  the  happiness  of  man.  For,  the  cold  inhumanity, 
which  considered  war,  not  as  the  greatest  scourge  of  the 
human  race,  but  as  the  prime  business  and  most  exquisite 
gratification  of  life ; — the  restless  ambition,  passion  for  mar- 

»  By  the  law  of  Engiand,  where  the  parties  meet  with  an  intent  to  mur- 
der,— (and  with  what  other  intent,  we  may  ask,  can  they  meet  I  since  chal- 
lenges are  always  sent  at  least  one  or  two  days  before  the  duel  takes  place, 
so  that  they  meet  deliberately  and  with  a  determination  to  take  each  other's 
lives, — thinking  it  their  duty  as  gentlemen,  and  claiming  it  as  their  riiut  to 
wanton  with  their  own  lives  and  the  lives  of  others,  without  any  warrant 
for  it  either  human  or  divine,)— if  one  party  kills  the  other,  it  comes  within 
the  notion  of  murder,  and  is  punishable  accordingly.  So  repugnant  indeed 
is  our  law  that  not  only  the  principal  who  actually  kills  the  other,  but  also 
his  seconds,  are  guilty  of  murder,  whether  they  fought  or  not;  and  it  is 
held,  that  the  seconds  of  the  party  slain  are  likewise  guilty  as  accessaries. 
See  Blackstone's  Commentaries,  vol.  iv.  p.  199. 

The  modern  practice  of  duelling  is  considered  as  absolutely  necessary 
to  protect  men  from  insult :  but,  that  it  is  a  mere  custom,  and  unnecessary 
lor  that  purpose,  is  evident  from  the  fact,  that  females,  the  Christian  soci- 
eties called  Quakers,  and  Unitas  Fratrum  or  United  Brethren,  and  minis 
ters  of  the  Gospel,  are  scarcely  more  insulted  than  the  man  who  will  fight. 
"It  is  strange,"  Dr.  Ryan  remarks,  wilh  equal  force  and  justice,  "that 
fighting  should  be  considered  a  proof  of  the  truth,  honour,  or  honesty  of  the 
duellist :  a  man  may  possess  personal  courage  without  anothergood  quality. 
The  liar,  the  knave,  the  seducer  of  his  friend's  wife,  will  fight.  He  who  was 
a  villain  before  he  fought  will  still  be  a  villain,  and,  in  some  cases,  a  greatef 
villain  than  if  he  had  declined  the  combat.  «llf  a  man  is  so  grossly  insult* 
ed  that  his  religious  principle  is  not  sufficiently  strong  t.>  support  him  undet 
the  affront,  let  him  challenge  the  aggressor,  form  a  resolution  not  to  fire, 
and  commit  this  resolution,  sealed  up,  to  his  second.  If  he  escapes,  let 
him  prosecute  at  law  ;  if  he  is  killed,  let  his  friends  prosecute  for  a  wanton 
and  unprovoked  murder.]*  I  knew  a  gentleman,  who  had  fought  many 
duels,  receive  a  challenge  for  a  trifling  offence  ;  he  made  an  apology,  which 
the  challenger  did  not  accept  of,  but  insisted  on  a  meeting.  When  the 
challenged  went  to  the  ground,  he  carried  a  paper,  stating  the  offence,  his 
offer  of  an  apology,  his  private  resolution  not  to  fire,  with  a  direction  to  his 
friends  to  prosecute  for  murder,  if  he  should  fall.  The  challenger  fired 
without  effect;  his  antagonist  did  not  fire,  but  prosecuted  him  at  law,  and 
caused  bun  to  be  Imprisoned.  Though  the  challenger  was  thus  punished 
for  firing,  il  is  pro!-  'hie  he  would  have  escaped  unpunished  if  he  had  killed 
his  opponent,  as  juries  arc  in  the  habit  of  perjuring  themselves  in  support 
of  this  practice.  They  find  a  man  guilty  of  a  breach  of  the  peace  who  sendf 
a  challenge,  or  fires  without  hitting,  but  acquit  him  if  he  kills  in  conse- 
quence of  that  challenge  !  Their  usual  verdict,  that  the  survivor  killed  in 
his  own  defence,  is  generally  false,  because  self-preservation  seldom 
requires  a  man  to  kill  his  antagonist.  Where  the  combatants  are  suppos- 
ed to  fire  at  the  same  instant,  each  stands  as  good  a  chance  of  escaping, 
where  he  reserves  his  shot,  as  where  he  discharges  it,  provided  his  oppo- 
nent is  not  apprized  of  his  intention.  He  defends  his  honour  by  standing 
his  adversary's  fire,  and  his  reserved  shot  protects  his  own  life  and  that  of 
his  antagonist.  He,  therefore,  who  unnecessarily  kills,  has  no  claim  to 
Impunity  on  the  plea  of  self-defence,  and  juries  who  urge  that  plea  are  ab- 
solutely perjured.  The  jury  man,  however,  has  precedents  for  disregard- 
ing his  oath  :  most  juries  perjured  themselves  in  the  same  way,  and  he  is 
satisfied  ;  as  if  he  was  not  accountable  to  God,  and  to  society,  for  his  per- 
jury, and  for  the  evils  which  generally  arise  from  the  encouragement  of 
(Dr.  Ryan's  History  of  the  Effects  of  Religion  on  Mankind,  pp.  121, 
122.)  Most  of  the  preceding  observations  are  equally  applicable  to  the  dis- 
gustinc  and  brutal  practice  of  prize-fighting. 

»  Fuller's  Gospel  its  own  Witness,  p.  131 


•  A  correspondent,  since  the  publication  of  the  sixth  edition,  has  ob- 
jected  that  the  sentences,  above  printed  between  brackets,  may  mislead  a 
weak  Christian  to  think  that  he  was  allowed  to  send  and  receive  a  challenge. 
As  these  sentences  form  an  integral  part  of  a  quotation  from  Ur.  Kyan,  the 
author  of  the  present  work  does  not  consider  himself  at  liberty  to  omit 
But  whoever  calmly  and  attentively  weighs  the  u-hole  of  the  quota- 
tion above  given,  and  the  context  of  the  note  in  which  it  occurs,  must  come 
to  the  conclusion  that  all  duels  are  contrary  to  the  word  o^ God  and  to  the 
spirit  of  Christianity.     Xote  to  the  s'reiith  edition. 


172 


THE  BENEFICAL  EFFECTS  OF  CHRISTIANITY 


[Chap 


tial  achievements,  and  ferocious  rapacity,  which  produced 
the  most  unprovoked  aggressions ; — the  implacahle  and  vin- 
dictive spirit  with  which  wars  were  carried  on,  and  which, 
consequently,  for  many  ages,  overwhelmed  the  world  with 
bloodshed,  ruin,  and  desolation ;— that  relentless  cruelty 
which  condemned  the  unhappy  captive  to  perpetual  slavery, 
or  to  an  ignominious  death  (sometimes  by  torture)  by  the 
hand  of  the  executioner; — the  desolations  of  whole  countries, 
together  with  the  utter  destruction  of  flourishing  and  opulent 
cities,  and  that  relentless  cruelty  which  spared  not  from  mas- 
sacre and  extermination  the  unoffending  female,  the  helpless 
infant,  and*  the  decrepitude  of  old  age ; — these  are  outrages, 
of  which  we  seldom,  if  ever,  hear  in  the  wars  carried  on  by 
professing  Christians,  though  nothing  was  more  frequent 
among  the  most  polished  nations  of  antiquity,  and  those  most 
celebrated  for  their  private  and  public  virtue.  (Such  were 
ran  notions  of  virtue  !) 

"  It  is  the  spirit  of  Christianity  alone,  which,  moderating 
the  views  of  sovereigns  and  states,  and  directing  the  mea- 
sures of  government  to  the  legitimate  objects  of  its  institu- 
tion, viz.  the  promotion  of  the  welfare  of  society  and  the  pre- 
servation of  its  moral  interests,  leads  to  an  equitable  consi- 
deration of  the  rights  and  independence  of  other  nations,  and 
to  an  unremitted  regard  to  the  well-being  of  the  community 
over  which  it  presides.  It  is  the  spirit  of  just  and  reasonable 
policy,  which  inspires  rulers  with  a  desire  of  fulfilling  the 
intentions  of  God,  who  appointed  them  as  a  terror  to  eviUaocrs, 
and  for  the  praise  of  them  that  do  well,-  teaching  them  to  pro- 
mote, upon  general  and  permanent  principles,  the  interests 
of  every  class  of  society,  and  to  ground  the  confidence  of 
power  on  the  observance  of  the  just  claims  of  every  depart- 
ment."1 Hence  the  ancient  fierceness  of  despotism,  where 
such  a  form  of  government  still  exists,  has  been  limited  and 
assuaged.  Those  arbitrary  laws,  and  that  perversion  and 
corruption  of  justice,  which  prevailed  at  Athens,  and  espe- 
cially at  Rome,  during  the  latter  periods  of  the  republic,  have 
disappeared  from  the  codes  of  Christian  states,  especially  in 
our  own  country.  These  great  civil  blessings,  it  may  be 
safely  affirmed,  are  in  a  great  degree  owing  to  the  influence 
which  the  spirit  of  Christianity  has  had  on  our  civil  consti- 
tution (with  which  it  is  so  closely  and  essentially  interwo- 
ven, that  it  is  part  of  the  common  law  of  England),2  on  the 
temper  of  our  governors  and  of  the  people,  on  the  temper  of 
the  laws,  and  of  those  who  framed  them,  as  well  as  of  those 
who  administer  them.  It  is  this  holy  influence  of  Christi- 
anity, principally,  "  which,  by  mitigating  in  some  degree  the 
rancour  of  contending  factions  against  each  other,  and  inspir- 
ing them  with  some  little  share  of  mutual  charity  and  for- 
bearance, has  hitherto  preserved  this  country  from  those  scenes 
of  carnage  and  devastation,  that  stain  and  disgrace  the  annals 
of  ancient  history.  It  is  this,  which  has,  in  general,  restrain- 
ed our  provincial  governors  from  exceeding  the  bounds  of 
equity  and  humanity  in  their  administration  ;  and  has  carried 
even  to  our  most  distant  colonies  a  large  share  of  the  freedom, 
the  justice,  the  ease,  the  tranquillity,  the  security  and  pros- 
perity of  the  parent  state.  It  is  this,  in  fine,  which  has  im- 
pressed on  the  minds  of  our  magistrates  and  our  judges,  that 
strong  sense  of  duty  to  God,  to  man,  and  to  their  country, 
that  sacred  regard  to  justice  and  rectitude,  which  renders 
them,  beyond  all  example,  impartial,  upright,  anJ  uncorrupt; 
which  secures  to  every  rank  of  men  the  equal  benefit  of  the 
laws,  which  extends  to  the  meanest  their  protection,  and  brings 
the  greatest  under  their  control."3 

IV.  But  the  blessings  conferred  by  Christianity  on  the 
world  are  not  confined  to  ameliorating  the  moral,  civil,  reli- 
gious, and  political  condition  of  mankind  :  the  most  polished 
nations,  now  in  existence,  are  indebted  to  it  for  the  preserva- 
tion and  diffusion  of  literature  and  the  elegant  arts  of  paint- 
ing, statuary,  architecture,  and  music.  Clmstianity  has  been 
instrumental  in  preserving  and  disseminating  moral,  classi- 
cal, and  theological  Knowledge,  in  every  nation  where  it 
has  been  established.  The  Law,  the  Gospel,  the  comments 
on  them,  and  the  works  of  the  fathers,  were  written  in  He- 
brew, Greek,  or  Latin :  so  that  a  knowledge  of  these  three 
languages  became  indispensably  necessary  to  every  man  who 
wished  to  be  an  intelligent  Christian.  Christianity  beino- 
contained  in  books,  the  use  of  letters  became  necessary  to  its 
teachers  ;  nor  could  learning  have  been  entirely  lost,  while 
there  was  an  order  of  men,  who  were  obliged  to  possess  a 

»  Bp.  Gray's  Connection  ofSacredand  Profane  Literature,  vol  i.  p.  219. 
«  Blackstone's  Commentaries,  by  Professor  Christian,  vol.  iv.  u  59   and 
nof  b  (5). 
»  Bp.  Porteus's  Tracts,  p.  383 


moderate  share  of  it,  to  qualify  them  for  the  priesthood,  and 
entitle  them  to  its  emoluments.  In  the  time  of  Tacitus  (  a.  d. 
108), 4  the  German  nations  were  strangers  to  letters;  and  the 
two  following  facts  prove,  that  other  nations  were  likely  to 
continue  illiterate,  had  not  the  teachers  of  the  Gospel  exerted 
themselves  for  their  instruction.  The  Goths,  having  made 
themselves  masters  of  Athens  (a.  d.  270),  brought  togeth<  i 
into  one  heap  all  the  books  they  found  there,  and  would  have 
consumed  the  valuable  treasure,  had  not  one  of  them  told  his 
companions,  that  while  the  Greeks  amused  themselves  witl 
those  they  neglected  the  art  of  war.  and  were  easily  ov<  r- 
come.5  Theodoric,  a  Gothic  prince  (a.  d.  2i>3),  would  nol 
suffer  the  children  of  his  subjects  to  he  instructed  in  the  sci- 
ences; imagining,  that  such  instruction  enervated  the  mind, 
rendered  men  unfit  for  martial  exploits  ;  and  that  the  boy  who 
trembled  at  the  rod,  would  never  look  undaunted  at  the  swi  rcl 
or  spear.G  But  no  soonerwas  Christianity  propagated  amoi  g 
barbarians,  than  they  were  instructed  in  the  use  of  letters. 
Ulphilas,  a  Gothic  bishop  (a.  d.  380),  invented  letters  fi  r 
his  illiterate,  countrymen,  translated  the  Bible  into  the  ' 
tongue  for  their  use,  and  instructed  them  in  its  doctrines  ; 
and  some  Goths  soon  became  so  well  informed,  that  tin  y 
compared  their  version  with  the  Latin,  the  Greek,  ami  ihe 
Hebrew  originals.7  Before  the  introduction  of  Christianity 
in  Ireland,  the  natives  had  no  alphabet,  no  annals  but  tin  u 
verses,  nor  any  thing  but  memory  to  preserve  their  verses, 
their  antiquities,  the  genealogies  of  their  kings,  and  the  ex- 
ploits of  their  heroes.  The  more  verses  a  man  could  repeal 
the  more  learned  he  was  deemed,  while  the  bard  who  com- 
posed any  thing  new  was  sure  of  being  respected  by  the  kino  s 
and  people.8  This  was  the  state  of  the  Irish,  when  the 
Christian  missionaries  came  to  instruct  them  in  the  use  of 
letters,  and  in  the  truth  of  the  Gospel.  Such  a  change,  how- 
ever, was  wrought  in  them  by  Christianity  and  its  teacher?, 
that  Ireland  was  styled  the  island  of  very  pious  and  verj 
learned  men.  Ansgarius,9  the  chief  apostle  of  the  northern 
nations,  not  only  preached  the  Gospel  to  those  barbarians, 
but  established  schools  for  the  instruction  of  youth  in  religion 
and  letters.  Cyril  and  Methodius,10  who  converted  the  Bul- 
garians, Moravians,  and  Bohemians,  about  the  same  tim<  . 
previously  invented  the  Slavic  alphabet,  and  translated  the 
Bible,  and  some  Greek  and  Latin  authors,  into  th°  Slavic 
tongue,  for  the  purpose  of  expanding  their  narrow  minds,  and 
softening  their  hard  hearts  to  mildness  and  pity.  Nearly 
the  same  may  be  s;;id  of  other  barbarians  who  became  pro 
selytes  of  the  Gospel.  In  Russia  the  teachers  of  Christi. 
anity  recommended,  at  the  same  time,  the  Gospel  and  letter.-, 
the  rudiments  of  the  arts,  of  law,  and  order ;  and  were  second*  d 
in  their  exertions  by  religious  princes,  who  employed  skilful 
Greeks  for  decorating  the  cities,  and  for  the  instruction  of 
the  people.  "  The  dome  and  paintings  of  [the  famous  Ca- 
thedral of]  St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople  were  rudely  copied 
in  the  Russian  churches  of  Kiow  and  Novogorod ;  the  writ- 
ings of  the  fathers  were  translated  into  the  Sclavonic  lan- 
guage ;  and  three  hundred  noble  youths  were  invited,  or  com 
pelled,  to  attend  lectures  in  the  college  of  Jaroslaus."11  In 
various  parts  of  Europe,  edifices  for  divine  worship  arose 
under  the  fostering  care  of  the  clergy,  aided  by  the  munifi- 
cence of  sovereigns  and  of  the  laity ;  and  though  these  were 
sometimes  influenced  by  unworthy  motives,  yet  the  effeci 
has  not  been  the  less  beneficial  to  the  arts  of  painting,  design, 
architecture,  and  mu^ic,  whose  professors  were  encouraged 
to  the  exertion  of  their  talents  by  liberal  remuneration.  When, 
however,  the  love  of  literature  was  succeeded  by  the  love  of 
arms  (which  was  particularly  the  case  during  the  middle 
ages)  few  had  inducements  to  study,  except  those  who  were 
educated  and  destined  for  the  sacred,  office ;  nor  could  a  know- 
ledge of  the  Greek  and  Roman  classics  have  been  propagated 
so  universally  as  it  was,  had  not  the  clergy  found  them  ne 
cessary  for  understanding  the  Scriptures  and  the  works  of% 
the  fathers.  By  these  means,  they  possessed  most  of  the 
learning  of  those  times,  and  handed,  it  down  to  their  succes- 
sors, who  had  the  merit  of  collecting,  transcribing,  and  pro- 
serving  books,  which  otherwise  must  have  perished,  when  a 
taste  for  erudition  was  almost  extinct,  and  the  passion  of 
laymen  was  directed  to  arms.1- 

*  De  Moribus  Germ.  c.  ii.  Hi. 

■  Zonaras,  Annal.  lib.  xii.  c.  26.     fiibbon's  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  131. 

*  Procop.  De  Bello  Colli,  lib.  i.  c.  2. 

1  Socrat.  lib.  iv.  c.32.   Sosom.  lib.  vi.  c.  36.  Plulost.  I*,  lib.  ii.  c.  5. 

*  Bollandi  Acta,  March  xvii.  9  Mabillrn.  Annal.  826. 
10  Balbini  Miscell.  part  i. 

'<  fiibson's  Hist.  vol.  x.  p.  244. 

>s  The  Literary  Bent-fits  conferred  on  the  world  by  C<nist:anity,  are 
thus  concisely  but  forcibly  stated  by  Dr.  Jortin.     "To  whom  "  s'v     h,e 


8f.ct  IV.] 


A  PROOF  OF  ITS  DIVINE  AUTHORITY  AND  ORIGINAL. 


173 


On  the  subversion  of  the  Greek  empire  by  the  Mohamme- 
dans, in  1453,  literature  took  refuge  in  tin  west  of  Europe, 
where  many  of  the  clergy  were  among  its  most  strenuous 
supporters.  At  length,  learning  emerged  from  the  silence 
of  the  cloister,  whither  she  had  retreated,  and  where  she  had 
been  preserved  from  destruction;  and  lur  appearance  WBS 
followed  by  a  revival  of  all  the  blessings  which  she  so  emi- 
nently bestows.  The  Reformation  promoted,  still  more,  tin- 
cause  of  learning;  and  its  general  diffusion  has  been  Bided 
most  signally  by  the  discovery  and  almost  universal  adoption 
of  the  art  of  printing.  The  modern  opposers  of  revelation, 
however,  reasoning  in  a  retrograde  motion,  ascribe  all  our 
mprovemeuts  to  philosophy.  But  it  was  religion,  tin  kki.i- 
i;ion  ok  Ciihist,  Unit  took  the  bud.  The  Reformers  opened 
t'>  ns  the  Scriptures,  and  broke  all  those  fetters  that  shackled 
human  reason.  Philosophy  crept  humbly  in  her  train,  pro- 
fited by  her  labours  and  sufferings;  and  now  ungratefully 
claims  all  the  honour  and  praise  to  herself.  Luther,  Me- 
lancthon,  and  Cranmer  preceded  Lord  Bacon,  Boyle,  New- 
ton, and  Locke.  The  horrible  excesses  that  will  for  ever 
disgrace  the  annals  of  the  French  revolution,  are  not  charge- 
able upon  Christianity.  The  French  nation  renounced  Chris- 
tianity before  they  plunged  into  such  crimes.  Philosophy 
and  reason  were  their  boasted  guides.  Besides,  Christianity 
ought  not  to  be  charged  with  all  the  crimes  of  those  who 
hare  assumed  its  name.  No  institution  has  ever  been  able 
to  prevent  all  the  excesses  which  it  forbad ;  nor  is  it  peculiar 
to  the  Christian  revelation,  that  it  has  sometimes  furnished  a 
pretext  for  introducing  those  very  evils  and  oppressions, 
which  it  was  designed  to  remedy.1  But  the  mischiefs  which, 
through  the  corrupt  passions  of  men,  have  been  the  accidental 
consequences  of  Christianity,  ought  not  to  be  imputed  to  its 
spirit.  "  The  Legislator  of  the  universe,  in  promulgating 
the  sublime  laws  of  Christianity — though  he  furnished  men 
with  motives  calculated  to  elevate  them  to  his  throne,  and  to 
extend  their  hopes  far  beyond  the  grave — did  not  at  the  same 
time  transform  the  intelligent  creatures,  to  whom  he  gave 
those  laws,  into  mere  machines.  He  has  given  them  the  power 
zither  to  conform  to  Christian  precepts  or  to  infringe  them ,-  and 
thus  has  placed  in  their  own  hands  their  own  destiny.  If, 
after  this,  a  great  many  of  them  reject  the  good  and  choose 
the  evil,  the  fault  is  manifestly  theirs,  and  not  his,  who,  by 
so  many  the  most  tremendous  denunciations,  warns  them 
against  the  latter,  and  by  the  most  alluring  invitations  soli- 
cits them  to  the  former."  Were  all  men  to  become  sincere 
believers  in  the  heavenly  doctrines  of  the  Gospel,  and  were 
all  honestly  disposed  to  obey  its  holy  precepts,  nothing  is 
better  calculated  to  diffuse  real  comfort,  peace,  and  happiness 
in  this  world.  Indeed,  whoever  will  candidly  and  atten- 
tively compare  the  morals  of  professing  Christians  through- 
out the  world,  defective  as  they  are,  with  those  of  the  heathen 
nations  in  a  similar  stage  of  society,  will  be  convinced  that 
the  effects  of  Christianity  have  been  exceedingly  beneficial. 
Some  vices  were  not  forbidden,  while  others  were  applauded, 
by  the  ancients;  but  the  vices  of  the  Christian,  the  sins  of 
ihe  heart  as  well  as  the  life,  are  all  forbidden  by  the  Gospel. 
It  has  silently  communicated  innumerable  blessings  to  indi- 
viduals.    Besides  those  enumerated  in  the  preceding  pages,3 

"are  we  indebted  for  the  knowledge  of  antiquities,  sacred  and  secular,  for 
every  thing  that  is  called  Philology,  or  trie  Litem  Ifumaniores?  To 
Christians.  To  whom,  for  grammars  and  dictionaries  of  the  learned  lan- 
guages? To  Christians.  To  whom,  for  chronology,  and  the  continuation 
of  history  through  many  centuries?  To  Christians  To  whom,  for  rational 
systems  of  morality  and  of  natural  religion?  To  Christians.  To  whom, 
Ibr  improvements  in  natural  philosophy,  and  for  the  application  of  these 
discoveries  to  religious  purposes  1  To  Christians.  To  whom,  for  meta- 
physical researches,  carried  as  far  as  the  subject  will  permit?  To  Chris- 
tians. To  whom,  for  the  moral  rules  to  be  observed  by  nations  in  war  and 
peace?  To  Christians.  To  whom,  for  jurisprudence  and  political  know- 
ledge, and  for  settling  the  rights  of  subjects,  both  civil  and  religious,  upon  a 
proper  foundation  ?  To  Christians— not  to  atheists  or  deists,  some  of  whom 
(as  Hobbes  in  particular)  have  been  known  advocates  for  tyranny."  ( Jor- 
tin's  Sermons,  vol.  vii.  pp.  373,  374.)  He  further  observes,  that  sorneof  the 
atheistical  and  deistical  writers  of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centu- 
ries (and  the  remark  is  equally  applicable  to  those  of  our  own  tunes)  were 
'•ignorant  and  illiterate,  most  of  them  a  sort  of  half-scholars,  and  retailers 
of  second-hand  wares,  none  of  them  eminently  learned,  or  contributors  to 
the  advancement  of  erudition  and  knowledge  in  anv  material  article."  Ibid. 
p.  373.) 

i  On  the  subject  above  noticed,  the  reader  will  find  some  excellent  and 
forcible  remarks  in  Dr.  Dewar's  Discourses  illustrative  of  the  Designs  of 
Christianity,  Disc.  13.  entitled  "The  Imperfection  of  Christians  no  valid 
Objection  to  Christianity." 

»  "Much  general  reformation  and  happiness,  in  various  ways,  halh  been 
introduced  into  the  world  by  the  Gospel,  both  among  individuals,  and 
among  nations.  But  even  on  a  supposition  it  had  been  otherwise,  it  prove9 
nothing  against  the  good  effects  of  Christianity,  if  it  were  properly  obeyed. 
It  only  proves,  that  notwithstanding  the  purity  of  the  Gospel,  and  its  gra- 
cious intention  of  making  mankind  religious  and  happy,  there  are  numbers 
who  will  not  be  made  religious  and  happy  by  it.  But  what  could  God  Al- 
mijCty  do  more  for  man,  consistently  with  leasing  him  at  liberty  to  act 


We  may  observe  that,  through  its  blessed  influence,  crimes 
are  less  malignant;  the  manners  of  mankind  are  softened 
and  humanized,  to  a  degree  unknown  in  ancient  times;  a 
more  general  respect  is  paid  to  the  decency  of  external  ap- 
pearances, and  to  the  sentiments  of  virtuous  and  pious  men; 
and  although  much  wickedness  still  remains  among  the 
mini: mi/  prnfVssors  of  the  Christian  faith,  who  are  Christians 
in  name,  but  little  better  than  heathens  in  practice,  yet  a 
large  portion  of  piety  and  virtue  silently  exists  among  the 
middle  and  lower  elasses  of  mankind,  who  in  every  age  and 
country  form  tile  greatest  part  of  the  community.  Nay,  in 
Christian  countries,  even  the  wicked  themselves  (who  nave 
not  cast  ofTall  religion,  and  deliberately  renounced  the  Gos- 
pel) are  greatly  restrained  by  the  fear  of  future  punishments, 
which  are  so  clearly  set  fortb  in  the  Gospel.  So  that  man- 
kind are.  upon  the  whole,  even  in  a  temporal  point  of  view, 
under  infinite  obligations  to  the  mild  and  pacific  temper  of  the 
Gospel,  and  have  reaped  more  substantial  worldly  benefits 
from  it,  than  from  any  other  institution  upon  earth ;  and, 
whatever  of  sobriety  or  moral  virtue  is  to  be  found  either  in 
the  writings  or  lives  of  the  opposers  of  revelation  in  modem 
times,  they  are  indebted  for  it  to  that  very  Christianity  which 
they  are  imp<  tcntly  endeavouring  to  subvert.  "To  say 
nothing  of  the  best  ideas  of  the  old  philosophers  on  rripral 
subjects  being  derived  from  revelation  (of  which  there  is 
considerable  evidence),-1  it  is  manifest  that,  so  far  as  the  mo- 
derns exceed  them,  it  is  principally,  if  not  entirely,  owing  to 
this  medium  of  instruction.  The  Scriptures  having  diffused 
the  light,  they  have  insensibly  imbibed  it;  and  finding  it  to 
accord  with  reason,  they  flatter  themselves  that  their  reason 
has  discovered  it.  'After  grazing,'  as  one  expresses  it,  'in 
the  pastures  of  revelation,  they  boast  of  growing  fat  by  na- 
ture.'— So  long  as  they  reside  among  people,  whose  ideas 
of  right  and  wrong  are  formed  by  the  morality  of  the  Gospel, 
they  must  (unless  they  wish  to  be  stigmatized  as  profligates) 
behave  with  some  degree  of  decorum.  Where  the  conduct 
is  uniform  and  consistent,  charity,  and  even  justice,  will  lead 
us  to  put  the  best  construction  upon  the  motive ;  but  when 
we  see  men  uneasy  under  restraints,  and  continually  writing 
in  favour  of  vices  which  they  dare  not  openly  practise,  we 
are  justified  in  imputing  their  sobriety  not  to  principle,  but  to 
the  circumstances  attending  their  situation."4 

V.  It  were  no  difficult  task  to  adduce  from  the  page  of 
history,  numerous  facts  that  would  fully  confirm  the  pre- 
ceding general  survey  of  the  effects  produced  by  the  influ- 
ence of  Christianity.     A  few  additional  instances,  however, 

freely  I  He  could  only  give  him  a  rule  to  walk  by,  and  reason  to  enforce 
that  rule ;  unless  he  had  changed  his  nature,  and,  by  giving  him  a  new  re- 
ligion, had  wrought  a  standing  miracle  to  force  his  obedience  to  it.  So 
that,  of  course,  the  world  will  always  be  divided  into  two  sorts  of  people — 
such  as  are  deaf  to  all  the  calls  of  religion  ;  and  such  as  live  unto  its  rules. 
Among  these  latter  only  are  to  be  found  those  who  feel  the  happiness  of 
living  under  Gospel  laws.  It  would  be  a  wonderful  thing,  indeed,  if  those 
should  profit  by  them,  who  never  trouble  their  heads  about  them.  The 
patient,  who  rejects  the  medicine,  must  not  hope  to  remove  the  disease 
Our  Saviour  himself,  you  remember,  prophesied,  in  the  parable  of  the 
sower,  of  the  different  reception  which  his  Gospel  should  meet  among  dif- 
ferent men.  Some  seed,  he  tells  you,  would  fall  among  thorns,  and  be 
choked— others  on  beaien  ground,  anil  he  picked  up— but  that  still  there 
would  be  some  which  would  fall  on  good  ground,  and  bring  forth  fruit  in 
abundance.  The  Christian  religion,  therefore,  is  not  meant  to  work  by 
force,  or  like  a  charm,  on  the  minds  of  men.  If  it  did,  there  could  be  no 
goodness  in  the  observance  of  it;  but  it  is  intended  mercifully  to  guide 
those  10  b  t jij-iii ••-«,  who  will  listen  to  its  gracious  voice.  So  that  when  we 
look  into  the  world,  and  wish  to  see  the  effects  of  religion,  we  must  look  for 
it  only  among  real  Christians — among  those  who  truly  live  up  to  its  laws- - 
and  not  among  those  who  happen  to  live  in  a  Christian  country,  and  arc 
Christians  only  in  name."     Gilpin's  Sermons,  vol.  iii.  pp.  9 — 11. 

•  A  glance  at  the  devotions  of  the  Gentiles  will  show  that,  with  very  few 
exceptions,  there  was  nothing  spiritual  in  their  prayers — no  thanksgiving- 
no  request  for  divine  assistance  in  the  performance  of  their  duty — no  pious 
sorrow  and  acknowledgment  of  their  offences.  But  "after  the  propagation 
of  the  Christian  religion,  we  find  forms  of  adoration  in  some  pagan  writers 
which  are  more  rational  and  spiritual  than  the  old  hymns  and  prayers  of 
their  ancestors ;  and  we  may  reasonably  suppose  that  these  improvements 
arose  from  the  Gospel.  See  Procl.  Hymn,  ad  Solem.  et  ad  Musa<;  Jam- 
blich.  de  Myst.  Egypt.  §  5.  c  26.;  Simpl.  in  Epictet.  ad  fin.  to  whom  I  wish 
I  could  add  Maximus  Tyrius.  It  is  pity  that  he  who  on  other  accounts 
deserves  commendation,  should  have  taught  that  prayer  to  God  was  super 
fluous.  Disc.  30.  See  also  Juvenal  x.  346.  and  the  Commentators.  Seneca 
says,  Primus  est  deorum  cultus,  deus  credere:  deinde  reddere  itli.i  majet- 
tatem  suam,  reddere  bonitntem. —  Vis  deos  propiliare  7  bonus  esto.  Sati* 
illos  coluit  quisquis  imitatus  est.  Epist.  95.  p.  470.  But  that  he  did  not 
think  prayer  to  be  useless  and  unnecessary,  as  some  may  fancy  from  these 
words,  will  appear  from  the  following  places.  Nos  quoque  cxistimamu* 
vota  proficere,  salva  vi  et  potestate  fatorum.  Queedam  emma  Dns  im- 
mortalibus  ita  suspensa  relicta  sunt,  ul  in  bonumvertant,  si  admnta-  Diu 
precesfuerint,  si  vota  suscepta.  Nat.  Quaest.  ii.  57.  Itaque  non  dat  Ifcus 
beneficta—non  exaudit  precantiUm  voces  et  undique  sublatis  in  ccecum 
maiiibus  vota  facientium  privata  ac  publico.  Quod  projecto  nonjieret, 
nee  in  hunc  furorem  omnes  mortales  consensissent  alloquendi  suraa  nu- 
mina  el  inefficaces  Deos,  nisi  nossent  illorum  benefictanunc  uilro  ootata 
nunc  orantibus  data.  De  Benef.  IV.  4."  (Jortin's  Discourses  on  UV 
Christian  Religion,  p.  267.  note.) 

*  Fuller's  Gospel  its  own  Witness,  p.  113 


174 


THE  BENEFICIAL  EFFECTS  OF  CHRISTIANITY, 


[Chap  V 


must  suffice.  Wherever  Christian  missionaries  have  gone, 
the  most  barbarous  heathen  nations  have  become  civilized. 
Some  of  them  were  cannibals;  others  worshipped  their 
swords  as  gods;  and  all  of  them  offered  human  victims  to 
their  idols.  The  ferocious  became  mild ;  those  who  prowled 
about  for  plunder  acquired  settled  property,  as  well  as  a 
relish  for  domestic  happiness ;  persons  who  dwelt  in  caves 
or  huts  learned  from  missionaries  the  art  of  building;  they 
who  fed  on  raw  flesh  applied  to  agriculture ;  men  who  had 
been  clothed  in  skins,  and  were  strangers  to  manufactures, 
enjoyed  the  comforts  of  apparel;  and  the  violent  and  rapa- 
cious renounced  their  rapine  and  plunder.  The  various  tribes 
that  inhabited  Germany  ceased  to  sacrifice  men  after  the  in- 
troduction of  Christianity;  nor  did  the  Huns  continue  to  be 
strangers  to  the  difference  of  right  and  wrong,  after  they  em- 
braced it.  The  Geloni,  and  other  Scvthian  tribes,  ceased  to 
jse  the  skins  of  their  enemies  for  clothes ;  and  the  Heruli 
(who  latterly  overran  and  devastated  the  western  empire)  no 
longer  put  to  death  the  aged  and  infirm,  as  they  had  formerly 
done,  nor  required  widows  to  kill  themselves  at  the  tombs 
of  their  husbands.  The  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  Ireland, 
and  the  Attacotti  (a  valiant  Caledonian  tribe),  relinquished 
cannibalism,  and  the  Hungarians  ceased  to  devour  the  hearts 
of  their  captives,  after  their  conversion.  After  the  conver- 
sion also  oi  the  Scandinavian  nations,  they  ceased  to  commit 
suicide  on  principle ;  nor  did  their  wives  and  slaves  volunta- 
rily devote  themselves  to  death,  in  order  to  honour  the  de- 
ceased in  the  paradise  of  Odin.  Christianity  imparted  to 
the  Danes,  Norwegians,  and  Russians,  just  ideas  of  property ; 
and  put  an  end  to  their  piratical  expeditions  and  depreda- 
tions. The  northern  kingdoms,  which  were  engaged  in  in- 
cessant wars,  while  their  inhabitants  were  heathens,  became 
more  pacific  after  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel  among  them. 
The  Danes,  Swedes,  and  Norwegians,  who  could  only  speak 
a  barbarous  language,  acquired  the  use  of  letters ;  a  people 
who  were  continually  making  depredations  on  their  neigh- 
bours, became  content  with  their  own  territories ;  and  nations, 
almost  inaccessible  on  account  of  their  cruelty  and  supersti- 
tion, became  gentle  and  sociable  in  consequence  of  their  con- 
version. The  well-informed  lawyer  must  respect  Christianity 
for  the  numerous  benevolent  laws  to  which  it  gave  rise ;  and 
every  man  who  has  read  (however  slightly)  the  laws  of  the 
emperors  Theodosius,  Justinian,  and  Charlemagne,  or  the 
codes  of  the  Visigoths,  Lombards,  Anglo-Saxons,  and  other 
barbarous  nations,  must  venerate  Christianity  as  the  source 
of  many  just  and  merciful  laws,  which  were  totally  unknown 
to  polished  as  well  as  to  civilized  pagans. 

Perhaps  no  country  more  greatly  needed  the  light  of  Chris- 
tianity, or  has  been  more  eminently  benefited  by  it,  than 
England.     Druidism,  uniformly  more  sanguinary  than  other 
cruel  modifications  of  paganism  (though  in  some  respects 
less  erroneous),  was  succeeded  first  by  the  impure  mythology 
of  Rome,  and  then  by  the  sanguinary  and  war-inspiring  wor- 
ship of  the  deities  of  the  northern  hordes,  by  whom  it  was 
invaded  from  time  to  time,  and  finally  subdued.     Never  was 
Christianity  attended  with  circumstances  more  pleasing,  or 
with  changes  more  salutary,  than  among  our  rude  and  fero- 
cious forefathers.     The  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  from  the 
very  earliest  time  of  the  Christian  asra,  abolished  human  sa- 
crifices (principally  wretched  captives),  that  were  offered  by 
the  Druids :  the  rude  and  unsettled  Saxons,  when  converted 
to  Christianity,  acquired  a  relish  for  the  comforts  of  civilized 
lifr,  and  ceased  to  immolate  their  captives,  or  the  cowardly 
members  of  their  own  army.     And  the  descendants  of  those 
barbarous  savages,  who  prohibited  commercial  intercourse 
with  strangers,  and  who  thus  cruelly  put  their  prisoners  to 
death,  now  feed  and  clothe  them,  and  encourage  intercourse 
with  all  the  nations  of  the  earth.    It  was  the  spirit  of  Chris- 
tianity, that,  in  England,  put  a  stop  to  the  dreadful  animosi- 
ties of  the  barons ;  that  checked  the  perpetual  feuds  of  the 
darker  ages ;  that  subdued  the  pride  and  fierceness  which  so 
convulsed  the  government  of  our  own  and  other  nations ;  that 
gave  rise  to  the  singular  but  beneficial  institution  of  chivalry, 
which  tempered  the  valour  of  its  professors,  by  unitino-  in 
the  same  persons  the  various  and  useful  virtues  of  courtesy, 
humanity,  honour,  and  justice ;  and,  finally,  has  diffused  that 
spirit  of  practical  piety,  benevolence,  and  morality,  which 
have  justly  rendered  Britain  the  glory  of  all  lands. 

Such  were  the  happy  changes  wrought  by  Christianity  on 
the  state  of  society  in  ancient  times ;  nor  has  it  been  less 
useful  among  modern  pagans,  so  far  as  its  pure  and  life-giv- 
ing precepts  have  been  propagated  and  inculcated  among 
them.     Indeed,  on  whatever  part  of  the  field  of  missionary 


exertions  we  fix  our  attention,  we  have  the  most  satisfactory 
evidence  of  the  mighty  efficacy  of  the  Gospel  as  the  means 
of  improving  the  present  condition  of  mankind.  Thus,  in 
North  America,  in  South  America  also,  and  in  the  East  In- 
dies, wherever  Christianity  has  been  carried,  it  has  abolished 
human  sacrifices,  and  all  the  barbarous  practices  mentioned 
in  the  former  part  of  this  work ;'  and  has  diffused  the  bless- 
ings of  civilization,  together  with  the  glad  tidings  of  salva- 
tion.2 In  the  West  Indies  it  has  mitigated  the  horrors  of 
slavery,  and  converted  stubborn  captives  (barbarously  and 
unjustly  torn  from  their  native  soil)  into  valuable  servants ; 
so  that  a  real  Christian  slave,  it  is  well  known,  is  of  greater 
value  than  one  who  is  a  pagan.  < 

Further,  in  Greenland,  among  a  people  who,  in  addition 
to  all  the  privations  which  they  endure  from  the  severity  of 
the  climate,  had  been  left  in  the  lowest  stages  of  savage  life, 
the  Moravians  or  United  Brethren  have  been  instrumental  1: 
introducing  the  comforts  and  endearments  of  civilization; 
and  those  outcasts  of  society  may  now  be  seen  enjoying  the 
food  and  shelter  which  their  industry  and  perseverance  had 
secured  for  them.  With  the  admission  of  the  doctrines  of 
Christ,  they  have  relinquished  their  ferocious  habits;  they 
resumed  the  exercise  of  reason,  when  they  began  to  practise 
the  duties  of  religion ;  and  instead  of  exhibiting  the  miseries 
of  their  former  condition,  we  behold  the  edifying  spectacle 
of  men  raising  their  adorations  to  him  who  created  and  re- 
deemed them,  and  walking  in  all  the  commandments  and  m-di- 
nances  of  the  Lord  blameless.  In  South  Africa,  through  the 
divine  blessing  on  the  labours  of  the  same  missionaries,  and 
those  of  other  societies,  among  a  race  equally  removed  from 
the  habits  of  civilization — and,  perhaps,  still  more  hostile  to 
the  application  of  any  means  oi  improvement — Christianity 
has  made  a  powerful  impression ;  and  has  accomplished  a 
change,  which  has  raised  those  who  were  placed  at  the  ex- 
treme point  of  human  nature  to  the  possession  of  piety, 
decency,  and  happiness.  Similar  effects  have  been  pro- 
duced on  the  western  coast  of  Africa,  through  the  instru- 
mentality of  the  Church  Missionary  Society;  and  the  same 
effects  are  uniformly  seen  to  follow  its  progress.3 

In  short,  in  proportion  as  Christianity  advances  into  the 
regions  of  paganism,  we  may  confidently  anticipate  a  melio- 
ration in  the  general  condition  of  mankind,  and  a  greater 
equality  in  the  moral  and  political  advantages  of  every  tribe 
and  people.  The  beneficial  effects  of  the  Gospel,  indeed,  are 
felt  even  in  Mohammedan  countries ;  for  all  the  best  moral 
precepts  of  the  Koran  are  taken,  without  acknowledgment, 
from  the  Scriptures.  Where  it  agrees  with  them,  it  tends  to 
advance  human  happiness;  where  it  differs  from  them,  it  is 
generally  a  rhapsody  of  falsehoods,  contradictions,  and  absurd 
fables,  that  will  not  bear  the  test  of  examination. 

As,  however,  recent  facts  most  powerfully  arrest  attention, 
we  shall  adduce  one  instance  more  of  the  glorious  triumph 
of  Christianity  over  paganism,  which  has  been  achieved  in 
our  own  time,  since  the  commencement  of  the  present  century, 

1  See  p.  21.  supra. 

a  Some -writers  have  imagined  that  certain  detestable  practices  of  the 
pagans  were  abolished  by  civilization,  and  not  by  the  Christian  religion. 
But  the  falsehood  of  this  opinion  will  appear,  by  considering,  that  bloody 
and  obscene  customs  prevailed  among  the  Egyptians,  Carthaginians, 
Greeks,  and  Romans,  who  were,  in  many  respects,  equal  to  us  in  literature 
and  civilization,  and  yet  performed  several  hideous  rites  long  after  they 
had  arrived  at  the  pinnacle  of  refinement.  Polished  heathens  offered  hu- 
man victims  to  their  gods,  and  were,  on  particular  occasions,  guilty  of 
every  abomination  imputed  to  the  uncivilized,  except  devouring  their  chil- 
dren. In  all  rude  nations  which  embraced  the  Gospel,  Christianity  and 
civilization  were  as  cause  and  effect,  so  that  the  benefits  of  the  latter  are 
to  be  ascribed  to  the  former.  As  the  Gospel  softened  and  civilized  barba- 
rians, we  may  fairly  attribute  to  it  the  happy  effects  of  civilization.  The 
Prussians  and  Lithuanians  having  offered  human  sacrifices,  and  continued 
uncivilized  till  their  conversion  in  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries, 
it  is  probable  they  would  have  done  so  to  this  day,  were  it  not  for  Chris- 
tianity, since  the  Mingrelians,  Circassians,  and  other  heathens,  are  still 
more  rude  than  Christian  nations  under  nearly  the  same  circumstances 
of  latitude  and  soil.  The  Chinese  and  Japanese,  though  polished  nations, 
and  well  acquainted  with  arts  and  manufactures,  it  is  well  known,  publicly 
commit  crimes  which  would  not  be  tolerated  in  the  rudest  Christian  king- 
dom. Upon  the  whole,  it  appears  that  Christianity  has  exploded  several 
crimes  of  the  civirized  as  well  as  barbarous  heathen,  has  taught  each  ol 
them  virtues  to  which  he  was  a  stranger,  and  must,  wherever  it  is  esta- 
blished, prevent  relapses  to  paganism,  and  the  numerous  evils  resulting 
from  false  systems  of  religion.  -Dr.  Ryan'sHistory  of  Religion,  pp.  ^77,  278. 
=  The  details  on  which  the  above  statements  are  founded,  may  be  seen 
in  Crantz's  History  of  Greenland,  2  vols.  8vo.  London,  lS^O;  Lat  robe's 
Journal  of  his  Visit  to  South  Africa  in  1815  and  1816, 4to.  London,  IRIS ;  and 
in  the  later  Reports  of  the  Society  for  Propagating  the  Gospel  in  F.ireign 
Parts,  and  of  the  Society   for  Promoting  Christian  Knowledge;    of  the 


Church  Missionary  Society  ;  of  the  Society  for  Missions  established  by  the 
Unitas  Fratrum  or  Moravians;  of  the  London  Mj---.nary  Society  ;  of  the 
Baptist  Missions  in  the  East  Indies;  and  of  the  Wrslcyan  Missionary  So- 
ciety.—Abstracts  of  the  most  recent  of  these  reports  of  Christian  beneTO 
lence  (comprising  also  much  important  geographical  information)  may  be 
seen  in  the  periodical  journtl  entitled  "The  Missionary  Register." 


8kct.  IV.] 


A  PROOF  OF  ITS  DIVINE  AUTHORITY  AND  ORIGINAL. 


175 


in  the  numerous  clusters  of  islands  in  the  southern  Pacific 
Ocean,  through  the  divine  blessing  on  the  unwearied  labours 
of  devoted  missionaries;  who  have  persevered  in  their  ardu- 
ous undertaking,  under  discouragements  the  most  protracted 
and  depressing,  and  with  a  patient  endurance  <>f  privations 

not  easily  comprehended  by  those  who  have  always  remai I 

at  home,  or  visited  only  civilized  portions  of  foreign  (linns. 
In  common  with  missionaries  in  other  parts  of  the  world, 
they  have  been  described  by  the  enemies  of  religion,  as  igno- 
rant and  dogmatical  fanatics;  more  intent  on  the  inculcation 
of  the  peculiarities  of  their  sect  or  party,  than  in  promoting 
the  well-being  of  the  people;  holding  out  no  inducement  by 
orecept  or  example  to  industrious  habits,  Ice.:  but  tin-  ras- 

sf.nt   state   of  the   islands  in  which    they  spent   so    many 

rears,  compared  with  what  it  was  previously  to  and  at  the 

tunc  of  their  arrival  (as  recorded  in  the  voyages  of  captains 
Cook  ami  Bligh,  and  other  navigators),  and  during  several 
subsequent  years,  presents  a  sufficient  and  triumphant  refuta- 
tion oi  every  charge  of  this  Kind.  For,  in  (haheite  (more 
correctly  Tahiti), "and  many  neighbouring  islands,  many 
thousand  adult  inhabitants,  together  with  their  chieftains,1 
voluntarily  embraced,  and  made  an  open  profession  of  the 
Christian  faith,  without  the  intervention  or  influence  of  any 
Christian  potentate  or  state;  and  the  consequence  has  been 
the  abolition  of  theft — of  idolatry — of  infanticide — of  the 
Jtrreoy  Society  (a  privileged  order  that  practised  the  vilest 
cruelty  and  abominations) — of  human  sacrifices — of  the  mur- 
der of  prisoners  taken  in  battle — of  the  principal  causes  of  war 
itself — of  polygamy — of  unnatural  crimes — and  of  various 
other  immoral  ami  indecent  practices,  both  in  public  and  pri- 
vate lite,  that  were  connected  with  their  idolatry.  Instead 
of  a  rude  administration  of  justice,  founded  on  the  arbitrary 
will  of  the  chieftains,  a  system  of  equitable  laws  has  been 
established,  with  the  voluntary  consent  of  the  sovereign, 
chieftains,  and  people,  founded  on  the  basis  of  Christian 
principles.  Education,  civilization,  and  industry2  are  rapidly 
spreading  through  those  islands;  for,  when;  the  precepts  of 
Christianity  are  diffused,  idleness  never  fails  to  become  dis- 
reputable, and  civilization  inevitably  follows.  Men,  devoted 
to  intemperance,  cruel,  profligate,  and  ungodly,  have  been  so 
changed  in  their  hearts  and  fives,  as  to  become  virtuous  and 
useful  members  of  society;  and  many  thousands  of  adult 
persons  (besides  their  children)  who  a  few  years  since  were 
enveloped  in  error,  sensuality,  and  idolatry,  have  been  turned 
from  dumb  idols  to  serve  the  living  and  true  God.  Public, 
social,  and  domestic  worship  are  universal,  and  private  devo- 
tion is  supposed  to  be  almost  universal.-1  Who  can  contem- 
plate the  former  condition  of  these  islands,  with  their  inha- 
bitants groaning,  and  consuming  under  the  tyranny  of  a  cruel 
system  of  idolatry,  and  of  vices  still  more  destructive — and 
then  contrast  with  it  the  natives  in  then  present  circum- 
stances, gradually  emerging  from  their  forme;  darkness  and 
misery  under  the  benign  influence  of  Christianity ;  worship- 
ping the  true  God,  becoming  honourable  members  of  the 
Christian  church,  reading  the  Holy  Scriptures  (for  a  written 
language  has  been  given  to  them),  advancing  in  the  know- 
ledge of  Jesus  Christ,  improving  in  their  mental  and  moral 
character,  and  in  their  social  habits,  with  the  comforts  of 
civilized  life  daily  multiplying  around  them. — where  is  the 

1  By  the  instrumentality  of  native  teachers,  chiefly,  baa  the  Gospel  been 
carried  to  the  Palllser  Islands,  at  the  distance  of  —•">*>  miles  easi  of  Tahiti ; 
to  Raivaivai,  six  islands  f>!KI  miles  BOnthwaxd  of  Tallin  ;  an. I  to  the  Harvey 
Islands,  GOO  miles  west-southwest  of  it.  They  arc  preparing  to  make  set- 
dements  on  other  islands  still  more  remote.  (Orme's Discourse  on  the 
History  of  the  South  Sea  Mission,  p.  33.)  The  Christian  religion  lias  also 
been  voluntarily  embraced  by  the  inhabitants  of  several  of  the  Sandwich 
Islands,  through  the  divine  blessing  on  the  labours  of  tin-  missionaries  sent 

nut  by  the  North  American   Missionary  Society  ;  ami  in   N.-w  Zealand  by 
the  missionaries  sent  forth  by  the  Church  Missionary  and  the  Wesleyan 
Missionary  Societies. 
*  The  results  in  the  way  of  civilisation  which  have  already  occurred  in 

these  islands,  since  their  Inhabitants  embraced  Christianity,  are  extraor- 
dinary, considering  their  disadvantages,  "Among  savages,  who  a  short 
time  since  were  but  a  few  degrees  removed  from  the  stats  of  nature,  print- 
ing-presses have  been  established,  written  laws  promulgated,  the  trial  by 
jury  adopted,  the  rudiments  of  navies  formed,  regular  reads  made,  piers 

constructed,  comfortable  houses  built,  and  many  of  the ivrmences,  and 

i- veil  some  of  the  luxuries,  of  life  introduced  An-  not  these  evidences  of 
the  operation  of  powerful  principles,  and  of  an  influence  of  a  high  moral 
order  !"  (Orme's  Discourse  on  Missions,  p.  29  ) 

1  See  the  Narrative  of  the  Mission  to  Otaheite,  published  by  t lie  Directors 
of  the  London  Missionary  Society,  Svo  London,  ISIS:  and  particularly  Mr. 
Kllis's  Polynesian  Researches.  London,  1829,  in  2  vols.  8vo. :  also  their  Re- 
ports for  the  years  1819  to  1333  inclusive.  Many  thousand  copies  of  a 
Tahcitean  version  of  the  gospel  of  St.  Luke  have  Ions  been  in  circulation, 
besides  a  large  number  of  spelling-books,  Scripture  lessens,  and  cate- 
chisms. The  number  of  natives  in  the  Georgian  islands  only,  who  are 
able  to  read,  amounts  to  several  thousands.  Schools  have  been  erected, 
tn  every  district,  by  command  of  the  late  king  Pomarre  ;  who  himself 
romposed  the  alphabet  at  the  beginning  of  the  spelling-book,  and  worked 
iff  some  of  the  firs-t  sheets  at  the  printing-press. 


Christian  who  can  contemplate  these  things,  and  not  evi- 
dently perceive  the  finger  of  Divine  Providence, — a  most  con- 
vincing proof  of  the  efficacy  of  the  Gospel,  and  a  most  power- 
ful incentive,  as  well  as  encouragement  to  further  missionary 
exertions  I 

VI.  Such  are  the  effects  which  Christianity  is  actually 
producing  in  our  own  times.  <  lontrast  them  with  the  effect's 
of  that  atheistical  philosophy,  which  towards  the  close  of  the 
eighteenth  century  plungi  d  Prance  in  desolation,  misery,  and 
anarchy  almost  indescribable,  and  then  judge  of  the  want  of 
candour  and  truth,  in  an  opposer  of  Christianity,  who.  with 
such  facts  before  him,  could  assert  that  the  Christian  religion 
is  "a  pestilence  more  destructive  of  life,  happiness,  and 
peace,  than  all  otlo  r  pestilences  combined."  ! ! ! 

It  is,  however,  in  the  private  walks  of  life,  especially,  that 
the  efficacy  of  the  Christian  system  has  been  practically  felt 
in  reclaiming  the  profane  and  immoral  to  sobriety,  equity 
truth,  and  piety,  and  to  an  exemplary  behaviour  in  relative 
life.  Having  been  made  free  from  sin,  and  become  the  ser 
rants  of  God,  tin  y  lain:  tlnir  frull  unto  holiness,  and,  after  pa 

tiently  continuing  in  well-doing,  and  cheerfully  bearing  vari- 
ous afflictions  (supported  by  the  precious  promises  of  the 
Bible),  they  joyfully  meet  death  ;  being  cheered  by  the  hone 
of  eternal  life,  as  the  gift  of  (lad  through  Jesus  <  'hrist  .•  while 
they  who  are  best  acquainted  with  the  Gospel  are  most  con 
vinced  that  they  have  been  rendered  wiser,  more  holy,  as 
well  as  more  happy,  by  believing  it;  and  that  there  is  a 
reality  in  religion,  though  various  conflicting  interests  and 
passions  may  keep  them  from  duly  embracing  it.  "There 
are  indeed  enthusiasts  also,  but  they  become  such  by  forsak- 
ing the  old  rule  of  faith  and  duty  for  some  new  fancy ;  and 
there  are  hypocrites,  but  they  attest  the  reality  and  excellency 
of  religion  by  deeming  it  worth  their  while  to  counterfeit  it.  ' 
It  is  the  peculiar  glory  of  the  Christian  revelation  that  it 
is  adapted  to  every  rank  and  station  in  life.  Is  the  Chris- 
tian favoured  with  temporal  blessings  ?  He  is  instructed  how 
to  enjoy  them  aright,  and  to  distribute  to  the  necessities  of 
those  who  are  in  want.  Are  his  circumstances  contracted  ? 
It  preserves  him  from  repining.  He.  hath  learned  in  whatso- 
ever state  he  is,  therewith  to  be  content.  He  knows  both  h(/w  to 
be  abased,  and  how  to  abound; — every  where,  and  in  all  things, 
he  is  instructed,  both  to  be  full  and  to  be  hungry, — both  to 
abound  and  to  suffer  need.  Nor  does  the  Gospel  only  pro- 
duce contentment,  but  it  gives  to  its  possessor  a  certain 
dignity  and  authority,  which  the  greatest  can  never  acquire 
without  it.  The  rods  and  axes  of  despots  may  extort  an 
outward  reverence,  but  nothing  commands  the  hearts  and 
affections  of  men  like  real  piety  and  goodness.  Godliness  is 
profitable  unto  all  things,  having  the  promise  of  the  life  that 
now  is,  and  of  that  which  is  to  come.  (1  Tim.  iv.  8.)  A  con- 
scientious dischaige  of  the  duties  of  religion  conciliates  the 
love  and  esteem  of  mankind,  and  establishes  a  faircharactei 
and  unblemished  reputation.  While  the  real  Christian  fears 
God  and  honours  the  king,  he  is  honest  in  his  dealings,  fru- 

fjal  in  his  expenses,  and  industrious  in  the  proper  calling  of 
lis  life  ;  and  aims  to  adorn  the  doctrine  of  God  his  Saviour  in 
all  things. — Real  Christians,  whatever  Be  their  rank  in  life. 
have  a  peculiar  enjoyment  in  the  possession  of  temporal 
goods  (whether  they  be  f<  w  or  many),  while  the  ungodly 
find  emptiness  in  all  their  possessions:  for  the  mind,  ren- 
dered happy  by  the  holy  and  excellent  principles  that  govern 
it,  mixes  its  own  sweetness  with  whatever  good  is  received 
and  imparts  an  extraordinary  relish  to  it;  while  the  unholy 
dispositions  of  those  who  are  not  in  a  Christian  state  of 
mind,  must,  by  their  v<  ry  nature,  prevent  such  persons  from 
enjoying  what  they  pos 

But  the  happy  effects  of  Christianity  are  not  confined  tf 
prosperity:  its  sincere  professors  have  also  peculiar  cons - 
lations  in  the  day  of  adversity.  The  experience  of  every 
day  proves  that  man  is  bom  to' trouble,-  and  religion  will  not 
prevent  the  Christian  from  being  made  to  feel  what  it  is,  to 
share  in  the  common  lot  of  mankind.  But,  what  supports 
will  it  afford  him,  when  the  cup  of  affliction  is  put  into  his 
bands  !  Supports  to  which  mere  men  of  the  world  are  utter 
strangers.  Those  are  for  the  most  ^irt  miserable  in  their 
affliction.  If  they  be  kept  from  murmuring,  it  is  the  sum- 
mit of  their  attainments,  while  Christians  are  enabled  to 
glory  even  in  tribulation,  and  cordially  to  approve  all  the 
divine  dispensations  towards  them.  They  truly  possess  a 
peace  that  passeth  all  understanding.  Being  justified  by  faith, 
they  have  peace  with  God  through,  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and 
they  also  have  the  testimony  of  a  good  conscience,  that,  in  sim- 

•  Scott's  Commentary  on  the  Bible,  voL  i.  pref.  p.  xwi 


76 


THE  BENEFICIAL  EFFECTS  OF  CHRISTIANITY. 


[Chap.  V 


plicity  and  godly  sincerity,  by  the  grace  of  God,  they  have  had 
their  conversation  in  the  world.  This  is  to  them  a  source  of 
unspeakable  joy,  with  which  a  stranger  intermeddleth  not. 
'  What  trouhle,  indeed,  can  overwhelm,  what  fear  can  dis- 
compose, that  man  who  loveth  Christ,  and  keepeth  his  words  1 
What  earthly  power  can  make  such  a  man  unhappy  1  Will 
you  take  away  his  riches  1  His  treasure  is  in  heaven.  Will 
you  hanish  him  from  home  1  His  country  is  above.  Will 
you  bind  him  in  chains?  His  conscience,  his  spirit,  hi.s 
affections,  are  all  free.  Will  you  destroy  his  body  1  His 
body  shall  be  raised  incorruptible  at  the  last  day,  and  his 
souf  will  immediately  return  unto  God,  who  gave  it.  Hea- 
ven itself  is  but  an  emblem  of  his  happiness.  As  heaven 
is  enlightened  by  the  rising  sun,  his  soul  is  illuminated  by 
that  Sun  of  righteousness,  which  ariseth,  without  setting,  in 
his  heart.  As  heaven  is  intrinsically  bright  and  beautiful, 
though  clouds  obscure  and  midnight  darkness  surround  it, 
he  is  peaceful,  happy,  and  serene,  in  the  midst  of  trials  and 
afflictions.  As  heaven  is  exalted  above  the  storms  and  tem- 
pests of  this  lower  atmosphere,  he  is  elevated  above  the  dis- 
tractions and  perturbations  of  this  troublesome  world.  He 
is  a  Christian.  His  conversation  is  in  heaven.  His  life  is 
hid,  with  Christ,  in  God. 

"  We  admit,  then,  that  such  a  Christian  has  his  sorrows. 
But  his  sorrow  is  sweeter  than  this  world's  joy.  Every  trial, 
every  affliction,  draws  him  nearer  to  his  God.  In  the  secrecy 
of  his  chamber,  in  the  silence  of  midnight,  he  has  a  resource 
which  the  world  knows  not  of.  He  pours  forth  his  fears, 
his  apprehensions,  his  griefs,  into  the  bosom  of  his  Maker. 
Suffering  thus  becomes  a  well-spring  of  delight;  for  it  is 
felt  to  be  a  source  of  spiritual  improvement.  Thus  it  is, 
that  all  things  work  together,  not  only  for  good,  but  for  en- 
joyment, to  them  that* love  their  God.  Thus  it  is,  that  if. 
they  sow  in  tears,  they  also  reap  in  joy."1  Far  different  from 
this  is  the  joy  of  the  hypocrite  or  of  the  ungodly.  His  joy 
is  a  malignant  passion,  excited  by  the  temporary  success  of 
some  of  his  devices.  Folly  is  joy  to  him  that  is  destitute  of 
wisdom  ,■  but  the  triumphing  of  the  wicked  is  short ,-  and  the 
joy  of  the  hypocrite  is  but  for  a  moment ;  God  is  not  in  -all 
their  thoughts.  Therefore  they  say  unto  God,  Depart  from  us, 
for  we  desire  not  thee  nor  the  knowledge  of  thy  ways.  What 
is  the  Almighty  that  we  should  serve  him  ?  What  profit  should 
we  have  jf  we  pray  to  him  ?2 

But  it  is  in  the  prospect  of  futurity,  especially,  that  the 
happy  effects  of  Christianity  are  peculiarly  felt  and  dis- 
played. The  hour  of  death  must,  unavoidably,  arrive  to 
every  individual  of  the  human  race.  In  that  awful  moment, 
when  the  soul  is  hovering  on  the  confines  of  two  worlds, 
suffering  the  agony  of  bodily  torture,  and  the  remorse  of  an 
accusing  conscience,  something  is  surely  needed  to  cheer  the 
mind.  But,  in  this  exigency,  the  only  consolation  afforded 
by  infidelity  is,  "  that  there  is  no  hereafter."  When  friends 
and  relatives  are  expressing  by  their  agonized  looks  what 
they  are  afraid  to  utter :  when  medicines  and  pains  are  rack- 
ing the  debilitated  frame  :  when  the  slumbers  of  conscience 
are  for  ever  broken,  and  its  awful  voice  raised : — all — all 
that  unbelief  can  present  to  sustain  the  mind  in  this  trying 
hour  is — the  cold  and  the  comfortless  doctrine  of  an  eternal 
sleep. 

That  these  sentiments  are  unequal  at  such  a  period  to  sup- 
port the  mind,  is  evident  from  the  death-beds  of  the  most 
eminent  of  their  advocates.  Whilst  a  Paul,  a  Peter,  and  a 
John,  and  the  whole  host  of  Christian  martyrs,  could  sur- 
vey, unmoved,  death  in  its  most  terrific  forms  :  while  many 
have  vehemently  longed  for  its  approach,  desiring  to  depart 
and  be  loith  Christ  .■  while  some  have  exulted  in  the  midst  of 
the  most  excruciating  bodily  tortures  :— Voltaire  endured 
horrors  never  to  be  expressed.  His  associates  have  attempted 
to  conceal  the  fact ;  but  the  evidence  is  too  strong  to  be  re- 
futed. Like  Herod,  who  was  smitten  by  an  angel  whilst 
receiving  undue  homage  from  men ;  so,  immediately  after 
his  return  from  the  theatre  in  which  he  had  been  inhalino-  the 
incense  of  adulation  from  a  silly  populace,  he  felt  thai  the 
stroke  of  death  had  arrested  him.  immediately  his  friends 
crowded  around  him,  and  his  brethren  of  the  Illuminati  ex- 
horted him  to  die  like  a  hero.  In  spite  of  their  admonitions, 
he  sent  for  the  curt  of  St.  Gervais ;  and,  after  confession, 
signed  in  the  presence  of  the  abbe  Mignot  (his  nephew), 
and  of  the  marquis  de  Villevielle  (one  of  the  Illuminati), 
las  recantation  of  his  former  principles.  After  this  visit, 
the  cure  was  no  more  allowed  to  see  him.     His  former 

«  Bp.  Jebb's  Sermons,  p.  86. 

•  Prov.  xv.  21.  Job  xx.  5.  Psal.  x.  4.  Job  xxi.  14,  15 


friends,  having  obtained  possession  of  his  house,  interdicted 
all  access  unto  him.  It  has,  however,  crept  out  by  means 
of  the  nurse  who  attended  him,  that  he  died  in  unutterable 
agony  of  mind.3  D'Alembert,  Diderot,  and  about  twenty 
others,  who  beset  his  apartment,  never  approached  him  with- 
out receiving  some  bitter  execration.  Often  he  would  curse 
them,  and  exclaim,  "  Retire  !  It  is  you  who  have  brought 
me  to  my  present  state.  Begone  !  I  could  have  done  with- 
out you  all ;  but  you  could  not  exist  without  me.  And  what 
a  wretched  glory  have  you  procured  me  !" 

These  reproaches  were  succeeded  by  the  dreadful  recol- 
lection of  his  own  part  in  the  conspiracy  against  religion. 
He  was  heard,  in  anguish  and  in  dread,  alternately  suppli- 
cating or  blaspheming  that  God  against  whom  he  had  con- 
spired. He  would  cry  out,  in  plaintive  accents,  Oh,  Christ! 
Oh,  Jesus  Christ !  and  then  complain  that  he  was  abandoned 
by  God  and  man.  It  seemed  as  if  the  hand,  which  had 
traced  of  old  the  sentence  of  an  impious  king,  now  traced 
before  his  eyes  his  own  blasphemies.  In  vain  he  turned 
away  from  the  contemplation  of  them.  The  time  was  coming 
apace,  when  he  was  to  appear  before  the  tribunal  of  him 
whom  he  had  blasphemed ;  and  his  physicians,  particularly 
Dr.  Tronchin,  calling  in  to  administer  relief,  thunderstruck, 
retired.  His  associates  would,  no  doubt,  willingly  have 
suppressed  these  facts ;  but  it  was  in  vain.  The  mareschal 
de  Richelieu  fled  from  his  bed-side,  declaring  it  to  be  a  sight 
too  terrible  to  be  endured ;  and  Dr.  Tronchin  observed,  that 
the  furies  of  Orestes  could  give  but  a  faint  idea  of  those  of 
Voltaire.4  The  last  hours  of  D'Alembert  were  like  those 
of  Voltaire.5  Condorcet  boasts,  that  he  refused  admission 
to  the  cur6  on  his  second  visit.  Such  a  refusal  evidently 
shows  that  he  feared  what  an  interview  would  disclose.— 
Hume,  instead  of  meeting  death  with  the  calmness  of  a  phi- 
losopher, played  the  buffoon  in  that  awful  hour,  proving,  by 
his  comic  actions,  his  anxiety  to  drown  serious  thought. — 
Diderot  and  Gibbon  discovered  the  same  anxiety,  by  deeply 
interesting  themselves  in  the  most  trifling  amusements.  The 
last  hours  of  Paine  were  such  as  might  nave  been  expected 
from  his  previous  immoral  and  unprincipled  habits.  Though, 
in  reply  to  the  inquiry  of  his  medical  attendant  whether  ne 
believed  or  wished  to  believe  that  Jesus  Christ  is  the  Son  of 
God,  he  declared  that  he  "  had  no  wish  to  believe  on  that 
subject ;"    yet,  during  the  paroxysms  of  his  distress  and 

Eain,  he  would  invoke  the  name  of  that  Saviour  whom  he 
ad  blasphemed  by  his  writings,  in  a  lone  of  voice  that  would 
alarm  the  house  :  and  at  length  he  expired,  undeplored  and 
detested  by  his  adopted  countrymen.6  A  conduct  like  this 
proves  that  there  was  one  spark  of  horror  in  the  souls  of 
these  antagonists  of  revelation  which  all  their  philosophic 
efforts  were  unequal  to  extinguish. 

The  whole  of  the  atheist's  creed,  with  respect  to  the  future 
world,  is  comprised  in  the  following  summary:  that  his 
body,  begun  by  chance  or  necessity,  is  continued  without 
design,  and  perishes  without  hope ;  that  his  soul  is  a  mere 
attribute  of  his  body,  useless  and  worthless  while  he  lives, 
and  destined  at  his  death  to  rottenness  and  corruption  ;  and 
that  the  sooner  it  is  returned  to  its  parent  mould  the  better. 
And,  by  his  mandate,  he  consigns  mankind  to  the  dark  and 
desolate  regions  of  annihilation.  By  this  sweeping  sentence, 
which  he  passes  on  all  the  human  race,  he  takes  away  from 
himself  and  his  fellow-men,  every  motive,  furnished  by  the 
fear  of  future  punishment  or  by  the  hope  of  future  rewards, 
to  virtuous,  upright,  or  amiable  conduct. 

On  the  other  hand,  how  glorious  are  the  Christian's  views 
of  the  future  world.  From  the  promise  of  his  Creator,  he 
learns  that  his  body,  sown  here  in  corruption,  weakness,  and 
dishonour,  shall  be  raised,  beyond  the  grave,  in  incorruption, 
power,  and  glory,  with  so  many  attributes  of  mind  or  spirit, 
as  to  be  denominated  by  Him  who  made  it  a  spiritual  budy. 

'  The  same  nurse,  "  being  many  years  afterwards  requested  to  wait  on 
a  sick  Protestant  gentleman,  refused,  till  slie  was  assured  he  was  not  a 
philosopher;  declaring,  if  he  were,  she  would  on  no  account  incur  the 
danger  of  witnessing  such  a  scene  as  she  had  been  compelled  to  do  at  the 
death  of  M.  Voltaire."  Bp.  Wilson's  (of  Calcutta)  Lectures  on  the  Evi- 
dences of  Christianity,  vol.  ii.  p.  412.  8vo.  edition.  Dr.  Wilson  adds,  that 
he  received  the  account  from  the  son  of  the  gentleman  to  whose  dying 
bed  the  woman  was  invited. 

*  The  reader  will  find  a  full  account  of  this  transaction,  and  of  the  hor- 
rid death  of  Voltaire,  in  the  abbe  Barruel's  History  of  Jacobinism,  vol.  i. 
ch.  17.  pp.  377—380.  This  account  was  confirmed  by  M.  de  Luc,  a  philo- 
sopher of  distinguished  science,  and  of  the  greatest  honour  and  probity. 

»  Ibid.  pp.  381,  382.  ,       ,  .„,„       . 

«  See  Cheetham'sLife  of  Paine,  pp.  153—160.  (&vo.  London,  1818),  whicli 
i«  reprinted  from  the  American  publication.  W'.at  must  have  been  tho 
agony  of  that  man's  mind,  who  could  axclaim  as  Paine  did  on  one  occa 
sion,— "/  think  I  can  say  what  they  make  Jesus  Christ  to  say,—'M 
Ood,  my  Ood,  why  hast  thouforsaken  me  V  "  Ibid.  p.  157. 


Sect.  V.] 


SUPERIORITY  OF  THE  CHRISTIAN  REVELATION. 


177 


Ever  young,  active,  and  undecaying,  it  shall  be  reunited 
to  the  immortal  mind,  purified  from  every  stain  ami  every 
error.  This  perfect  man  shall  be  admitted,  with  an  open  anil 
abunditnt  entrance,  into  the  heaven  of  heaven*,  the  peculiar 
residence  of  Infinite  Majesty,  and  the  chosen  seal  of  infinite 
dominion.  In  this  noblest  of  all  habitations,  this  mansion 
of  everlasting  joy,  he  shall  be  united  with  an  innumerable 
multitude  of  companions  like  himself, sanctified,  immortal, 
and  happy.    Enrolled  among  the  noblest  and  lust  beings  in 

the  universe,  it  child,  a  j,rit>t,  it  king  in  the  house  01  his 
Heavenly  Father,  his  endless  and  only  destination  will  he 
'o  know,  love,  serve,  and  enjoy  God  ;  to  interchange  the 
oest  affections  and  the  best  offices  with  his  glorious  com- 
panions :  and  to  advance  in  wisdom,  virtue,  and  happiness, 

..  .  .FOR    EVER.1 

This  is  no  ideal  picture.  Hopes  and  consolations  like 
these  have,  in  every  age  of  Christianity,  supported  the 
minds  of  millions  of  Christians,  in  the  humble  and  retired 
walks  of  life,  as  well  as  in  exalted  stations.  They  cheered 
and  animated  the  minds  of  such  men  as  the  Lord  Chief 
Justice  Hale,  Pascal,  Newton,  Boyle,  Locke,  Addison, 
Hoerhaave,  Lord  Lyttleton,  Baron  Halter,  Sir  William  Jones, 
Beattie,  and  very  many  other  distinguished  laymen  (divines 
are  designedly  omitted},  both  British  and  foreign,  who  ap- 
plied their  mighty  intellects  to  the  investigation  and  eluci- 
dation of  the  evidences  of  the  Christian  records;  and  whose 
lives  and  writings  will  continue  to  instruct  and  edify  the 
world,  so  long  as  the  art  of  printing  shall  perpetuate  them. 

Such  are  the  effects  which  the  Christian  revelation  has 
actually  produced  on  the  happiness  of  nations,  as  well  as  of 
individuals.  Philosophy  ana  infidelity  (we  have  seen)  are 
alike  inadequate  to  accomplish  them.  .  Jn  evil  tree,  we  know, 
hringeth  forth  not  good  fruit.  If,  therefore,  this  rerelaiion 
u-ere  not  of  God  it  could  do  nothing. 


SECTION  V. 

THE  PECULIAR  ADVANTAGES,  POSSESSED  BY  THE  CHRISTIAN 
REVELATION  OVER  ALL  OTHER  RELIGIONS,  A  DEMONSTRATIVE 
EVIDENCE  OF  ITS  DIVINE  ORIGIN  AND  AUTHORITY. 

Peculiar  advantages  of  Christianity  over  all  other  religions. 
— I.  In  its  perfection. — II.  Its  openness. — III.  Its  adaptation 
to  the  capacities  of  all  men,  and  to  the  grouting  advancement 
of  mankind  in  knowledge  and  refinement. —  IV.  The  spiritu- 
ality of  its  worship. — V.  Its  opposition  to  the  spirit  of  the 
'world. — VI.  Its  humiliation  of  man  and  exulting  of  the  Deity. 
— Vn.  Its  restoration  of  order  to  the  world. — VIII.  Its  ten- 
dency to  eradicate  all  evil  passions  from  the  heart. — IX.  Its 
contrariety  to  the  covetuusness  and  ambition  of  mankind. — X. 
Its  restoring  the  divine  image  to  men. — XI.  /;.*  mighty  effects. 

All  the  truths  stated  in  the  preceding  pages  will  appear 
still  more  evident,  if  we  consider  the  Christian  revelation,  as 
it  stands  opposed  to  all  other  religions  or  pretended  revela- 
tions. The  excellency  of  the  Christian  revelation  consists  in 
this,  that  it  possesses  advantages  which  no  other  reli- 
gions or  revelations  have,  at  the  same  time  that  it  has  none 
of  the  defects  by  which  they  are  characterized. 

We  affirm,  that  no  other  religion  or  revelation  lias  advan- 
tages equal  to  those  of  the  Christian  revelation  or  religion; 
for  no  other  can  pretend  to  have  been  confirmed  by  ancient 
prophecies.  Even  Mohammed  thought  it  better  to  oblige 
men  to  call  the  Scriptures  in  question,  than  to  derive  any  ar- 
guments from  them,  which  might  serve  to  confirm  his  mis- 
sion. There  are  indeed  several  religions  which  have  had 
their  martyrs,  but  of  what  description  ] — Superstitious  men, 
who  blindly  exposed  themselves  to  death,  like  the  ignorant 
East  Indians,  thousands  of  whom  prostrate  themselves  before 
the  idol  Juggernauth,  and  hundreds  ef  wheni  devote  them- 
selves to  be  "crushed  by  the  wheels  of  the  machine  that  car- 
ries the  colossal  image  of  their  idol.  But  no  religion,  be- 
sides the  Christian,  was  ever  confirmed  by  the  blood  of  an 
infinite  number  of  sensible  understanding  martyrs,  who  vo- 
luntarily suffered  death  in  defence  of  what  they  had  seen ; 
who  from  vicious  and  profligate  persons,  became  exemplary 
for  the  sanctity  of  their  lives,  upon  the  confidence  they  had 
m  their  Master;  and  who  at  length,  being  dispersed  through- 
out the  world,  by  their  death  gained  proselytes  ;  and  making 


Vol.  I 


>  Dwigbt'a  System  of  Theology,  p. 


their  blood  the  seed  of  the  church,  cheerfully  suffered  mar- 
tyrdom, having  certain  assurance  of  being  crowned  after  theii 
death  :  a  certain  assurance  which  they  derived  from  what 
they  themselves  had  formerly  seen. 

We  find  other  religions,  which  pretend  to  be  confirmed 
and  authorized  by  several  signs  and  extraordinary  events 
from  heaven.  Thus,  the  Romans  used  to  attribute  to  their 
religion  all  the  advantages  they  obtained  over  other  nations; 
and  the  Mohammedans  pretend  that  the  great  successes,  which 
God  was  pleased  to  give  their  prophet,  were  so  many  cer- 
tain and  undeniable  marks  of  the  truth  of  their  religion.  Bu*. 
to  pretend  that  temporal  prosperity  is  a  certain  character  of 
a  true  religii  n,  or  adversity  that  of  a  false  one,  is  to  suppose 
that  the  most  profligate  wretches,  provided  they  are  happy 
in  this  world,  are  the  great!  Si  fav»  urites  of  Cod.  Butcertainly 
it  is  not  prosperity  or  adversity  simply  considered,  hut  pros- 
perity or  adversity  as  ft/retold  6y  God  or  h  ';■  prophet*  that  \% 
a  certain  characfa  r  of  true  religion:  and  when  we  affirm  tht  t 

several  extraordinary  events  tear  witness  to  the  truth  of 
Christianity,  we  mean  only  'hose  events  which  had  been 
foretold  by  the  prophets;  as.  for  instance,  the  calling  of  the 
Gentiles,  the  destruction  of  J<  rusall  m,  and  the  establishment 
of  the  Christian  church.  Finally,  there  may  be  several  re- 
ligions that  may  deceive,  but  it  is  only  the  Christian  religion 
that  can  truly  satisfy  mankind.  There  are  some  religions 
grounded  upon  fabulous  miracles,  and  confirmed  by  witnesses 
easily  convicted  of  imposture  ;  but  it  is  only  the  Christian 
religion  that  is  firmly  and  si  lidly  established  upon  true  mira- 
cles and  valid  testimonies.  It  appears,  then,  that  no  religion 
in  the  world  has  such  extraordinary  qualifications  as°the 
Christian  religion ;  of  which  it  must  also  be  affirmed,  that  it 
is  free  from  all  such  defects  as  are  incident  to  other  religions. 
No  deep  research,  no  great  sagacity  or  penetration  of  mind, 
is  necessary  to  discover  this  truth  ;  for  it  is  manifest  that  the 
Christian  religion  is  not  designed  for  the  satisfaction  cf  th« 
carnal  and  worldly  appetites  of  men,  like  that  of  the  Jews, 
who  aspired  only  after  temporal  prosperity  and  worldly  pomp  : 
nor  is  it  a  monstrous  medley,  like  that  of  the  ancient  Sama- 
ritans, made  up  of  a  ridiculous  mixture  of  the  pagan  and  Jew- 
ish religion :  nor  has  it  any  of  the  faults  or  extravagant  super- 
stitions of  the  pagan  religion.  But  as  it  would  extend  this 
chapter  (already  perhaps  too  long)  to  a  disproportionate 
length,  were  we  to  oppose  it  particularly  to  all  the  errors  of 
other  religions,  we  shall  confine  our  comparison  to  showing 
the  advantages  possessed  by  the  Christian  religion  over  all 
the  rest,  in  the  following  respects : — 

I.  In  its  Perfection. 

Other  religions,  as  being  principally  of  human  invention  and 
institution,  were  formed  by  degrees  from  the  different  imagina- 
tions of  several  persons,  who  successively  made  such  addition* 
or  alterations  as  they  thought  convenient.  The  Greeks,  for  ex- 
ample, added  several  things  to  that  religion  which  they  received 
from  the  Egyptians  ;  and  the  Romans  to  that  which  they  had  re- 
ceived from  the  Greeks.  Menander  improved  upon  the  senseless 
impieties  of  Simon  Magus;  and  Saturninua  and  Basilides  added 
to  those  of  Menander.'-'  And  the  reason  is.  because  men  are  neve; 
weary  of  inventing,  nor  the  people  of  believing,  novelties.  But 
it  is  not  so  with  the  Christian  religion,  which  was  wholly  deli- 
vered by  Christ,  is  entirely  contained  in  every  one  of  the  Gospels, 
and  even  in  each  epistle  of  the  apostles.  Whatever  alterations 
men  have  thought  fit  to  make  in  the  doctrine  which  Christ  brought 
into  the  world  only  corrupted  its  purity  and  spirituality,  as  ap- 
pears by  the  ?reat  disproportion  there  is  between  the  apostolical 
doctrine  and  the  ordinary  speculations  of  men. 

II.  In  its  Openness. 

Other  religions  durst  not  show  themselves  openly  In  full  light, 
and  therefore  were  veiled  over  with  a  mysterious  silence  and  af- 
fected darkness.  Some  of  the  Gnostics  chose  the  night  to  cover 
the  impurity  of  their  abominable  imsteries.  And  the  Romans 
exposed  themselves  to  the  satirical  raillery  of  their  poets,  by  being 
so  careful  to  conceal  the  worship  they  paid  to  their  goddess  Bona. 
Julian  and  Porphyry  exerted  all  their  talents,  either  to  set  off 
the  ridiculous  and  offensive  ceremonies  of  paganism,  or  to  palliate 
their  superstition,  by  several  various  explanations  of  it ;  as  when 
they  positively  affirmed,  that  they  worshipped  one  only  supreme 
God,  though  they  acknowledged  at  the  same  time  other  subordi- 
nate deities  depending  one  upon  another ;  and  when  they  endea- 
voured to  justify  the  worship  they  paid  to  their  idols,  by  using 
many  subtle  and  nice  distinctions.     It  is  certain  that  there  is  a 

«  See  an  account  of  these  false  teachers  of  «uwttai*jr.  in  Dr  LaHner'i 
History  of  Heretics. 


.78 


SUPEPIORITY  OF  THE  CHRISTIAN  REVELATION, 


[Chap.  V 


princijJe  of  pride  in  the  hearts  of  men,  which  is  the  reason  why 
they  cannot  endure  to  be  accused  of  entertaining  any  absurd  and 
extravagant  opinions  ;  so  that  whenever  their  passions  have  made 
them  embrace  a  religion  which  seems  not  very  reasonable,  they 
employ  all  their  ingenuity  to  make  it  at  least  appear  consonant 
to  reason.  But  the  Christian  religion  requires  no  veil  to  cover 
it,  no  mysterious  silence,  no  dark  dissimulation,  or  close  disguise, 
although  it  proposes  such  kinds  of  objects  to  us  as  are  vastly  con- 
trary to  all  our  prejudices  and  received  opinions.  The  apostles 
freely  confess  that  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel  is,  as  it  were,  an 
apparent  folly ;  but  yet  they  assure  us  that  God  was  resolved  to 
save  the  world  by  that  seeming  folly.  They  knew  that  the  death 
of  Christ  became  a  scandal  to  the  Jew,  and  a  folly  to  the  Greek ; 
yet  they  publicly  declared,  that  they  were  determined  not  to  know 
any  thing  save  Jesus  Christ  and  him  crucified.  And  how  comes 
it  then  that  they  did  not  in  the  least  degree  extenuate,  or  endea- 
»our  to  soften  the  sense  of  that  seeming  paradox  (so  far  were 
they  from  concealing  it),  but  were  strongly  and  fully  persuaded 
of  the  truth  of  that  adorable  mystery,  and  the  abundance  of  their 
understanding  served  only  to  make  them  more  fully  comprehend 
the  efficacy  of  the  cross  1 

III.  In  its  Adaptation  to  every  existing  state,  constitution, 
and  to  the  capacities  of  all  men. 

If  we  were  strictly  to  consider  some  religions,  we  should  find 
that  they  were  at  first,  for  the  most  part,  instituted  either  by  poets 
or  philosophers  ;  and  that  they  generally  sprang  from  the  sportive 
conceits  or  witty  speculations  of  the  understanding ;  which  is  the 
reason  why  they  were  not  so  universally  approved.  The  phi- 
losophers always  derided  the  religion  of  the  vulgar  ;  and  the  vul- 
gar understood  nothing  of  the  religion  of  the  philosophers.  So- 
crates ridiculed  the  religion  of  the  Athenians  ;  and  the  A  thenians 
accused  Socrates  of  impiety  and  atheism,  and  condemned  him  to 
death.  The  Christian  religion  alone  is  approved  both  by  the 
philosophers  and  also  by  the  vulgar  people,  as  neither  depending 
upon  the  ignorance  of  the  latter,  nor  proceeding  from  the  learning 
of  the  former.  It  has  a  divine  efficacy  and  agreeable  power, 
suitable  to  all  hearts:  it  is  adapted  to  all  climates,  and  to  every 
existing  state-constitution,  and  is  suited  to  all  classes  of  the  human 
intellect,  and  to  every  variety  of  human  character 

1.  The  Christian  religion  is  adapted  to  harmonize  with  every 
existing  state-constitution.  It  has,  indeed,  nothing  immediately 
to  do  with  political  affairs.  It  fashions  every  individual,  and 
produces  in  him  that  knowledge  and  those  dispositions  and  feel- 
ings, which  enable  him  to  live  contented  in  any  place,  and  be- 
come a  useful  citizen  under  every  kind  of  civil  constitution,  and 
a  faithful  subject  of  every  government.  It  does  not,  according  to 
the  principles  of  its  Author,  erect  one  state  within  another ;  nor 
does  it  in  any  case  disturb  the  public  tranquillity  (for  loyalty  and 
true  piety  are  never  disunited),  nor  can  the  interest  of  the  church 
ever  come  in  collision  with  that  of  the  government.  On  the 
other  hand,  that  state,  whose  citizens  should  really  be  formed 
agreeably  to  the  principles  of  Christianity,  would  unquestionably 
be  the  happiest  and  most  flourishing.  Its  rulers  would  have  the 
most  faithful,  obedient,  and  active  subjects ;  and  the  state  itself 
would  be  distinguished  for  an  order,  which  would  need  no  power 
or  constraint  for  its  preservation.  The  arts  and  sciences  would 
flourish  there,  without  being  abused  and  made  the  means  of  poi- 
soning the  morals  of  the  people :  life  also  would  there  be  enjoyed 
in  the  most  agreeable  and  tranquil  manner,  and  all  property  and 
rights  would  be  perfectly  secured.  No  state  would  be  more  firmly 
inected  together,  and  consequently  more  terrible  and  invinci- 
.,  its  enemies.1 

Further,  the  Christian  religion  is  adapted  to  every  class  of 

human  intellect :  it  is  level  to  the  capacity  of  the  most  simple 

ignorant,  though  infinitely  raised  above  the  philosophy  of 

1  wise:  it  is  sublime  without  being  nicely  speculative,  and 
s.,.iple  without  being  mean ;  in  its  sublimity  preserving  its  clear- 
ness, and  in  its  simplicity  preserving  its  dignity.  In  a  word, 
there  is  nothing  so  great  nor  so  inconsiderable  in  human  society, 
but  what  may  some  way  fall  under  its  consideration,  and  it  is 
equally  approved  of  and  admired  by  all.  It  is,  moreover,  most 
wonderfully  adapted  to  those  habits  and  sentiments,  which  spring 
up  in  the  advancement  of  knowledge  and  refinement,  and  which 
seem  destined  to  continue  for  ages,  as  they  have  done  for  the  last 
three  centuries,  and  to  spread  themselves  more  and  more  widely 
over  the  human  race.  Since  the  introduction  of  the  Christian 
religion,  "  human  nature  has  made  great  progress,  and  society 
experienced  great  changes;  and  in  this  advanced  condition  of  the 

»  Reinhard'BPUnoftheFo'inderofChristianitY,pp.211,212.  NewYork, 
1101. 


world,  Christianity,  instead  of  losing  its  tpplication  and  importance, 
is  found  to  be  more  and  more  congenial  and  adapted  to  man'* 
nature  and  wants.  Men  have  outgrown  the  other  institutions  of 
that  period  when  Christianity  appeared,  its  philosophy,  its  modes 
of  warfare,  its  policy,  its  public  and  private  economy ;  but  Chris- 
tianity has  never  shrunk  as  intellect  has  opened,  but  has  always 
kept  in  advance  of  men's  faculties,  and  unfolded  nobler  views  in 
proportion  as  they  have  ascended.  The  highest  powers  and  af- 
fections, which  our  nature  has  developed,  find  more  than  adequate 
objects  in  this  religion.  Christianity  is  indeed  peculiarly  fitted 
to  the  more  improved  stages  of  society,  to  the  more  delicate  sen- 
sibilities of  refined  minds,  and  especially  to  that  dissatisfaction 
with  the  present  state,  which  always  grows  with  the  growth  of 
our  moral  powers  and  affections.  As  men  advance  in  civiliza- 
tion, they  become  susceptible  of  mental  sufferings,  to  which  ruder 
ages  are  strangers;  and  these  Christianity  is  fitted  to  assuage. 
Imagination  and  intellect  become  more  restless  ;  and  Christianity 
brings  them  tranquillity  by  the  eternal  and  magnificent  truths, 
the  solemn  and  unbounded  prospects  which  it  unfolds.  This  fit- 
ness of  our  religion  to  more  advanced  stages  of  society  than  that 
in  which  it  was  introduced,  to  wants  of  human  nature  not  then 
developed,  seems  to  me  very  striking  The  religion  bears  the 
marks  of  having  come  from  a  Being  who  perfectly  understood 
the  human  mind,  and  had  power  to  provide  for  its  progress.  This 
feature  of  Christianity  is  of  the  nature  of  prophecy.  It  was  an 
anticipation  of  future  and  distant  ages ;  and  when  we  consider 
among  whom  our  religion  sprung,  where,  but  in  God,  can  we  find 
an  explanation  of  this  peculiarity  I"2 

IV.  In  the  Spirituality  of  its  Worship. 

Other  religions  brought  men  from  spiritual  objects  to  those 
which  were  corporeal  and  earthly  :  the  Christian  religion  brings 
them  from  the  objects  of  sense  to  those  of  the  understanding. 
We  all  know  that  when  the  heathens  deified  men,  or  worshipped 
a  deity  under  a  human  shape,  they  were  so  far  from  paying  to 
that  deity  a  worship  due  to  a  spiritual  nature,  that  their  adora- 
tion consisted  in  several  games,  shows,  and  divers  exercises  of 
the  body.  The  Jews  and  Samaritans,  by  their  eager  disputes 
whether  God  was  to  be  worshipped  in  Jerusalem  or  on  mount 
Gerazim,  extinguished  charity,  the  true  spirit  of  religion,  in  their 
violent  defences  of  the  external  part  of  it.  Nay,  the  prophets 
complain1  d  formerly  that  the  Jews  made  a  true  fast  lo  consist  in 
bowing  down  their  heads  as  a  bulrush,  and  putting  on  sackcloth 
and  asb.es.3  And  the  Holy  Scripture  observes,  that  the  priests 
of  Baal  were  wont  to  cut  themselves  with  knives  and  lances 
when  they  sacrificed  to  him,  as  if  there  were  no  other  way  to 
make  their  god  hear  their  prayers,  but  by  inflicting  such  punish- 
ments on  their  own  bodies.4  The  modern  Jews  cannot  be  per- 
suaded that  we  have  been  called  to  the  knowledge  of  the  true 
God  (though  they  find  we  all  profess  to  put  our  trust  and  confi- 
dence in  him),  because  they  perceive  not  that  we  use  any  cor- 
poreal ceremonies.  And  the  Mohammedans,  more  h religious 
than  superstitious,  make  their  religion  and  its  happiness  depend 
chiefly  on  their  senses.  When  they  worship,  they  turn  them- 
selves towards  Mecca,  as  the  Jews  turned  towards  Jerusalem, 
and  earnestly  desire  of  God  that  he  would  gratify  their  senses : 
and  though  they  have  a  sort  of  religious  respect  for  the  letters 
that  compose  the  name  of  God,  and  the  paper  on  which  it  is 
written,  yet  they  are  enjoined  to  oppress  men  that  bear  the  image 
of  God,  by  their  religion,  which  breathes  nothing  but  violence, 
fury,  and  oppression. 

The  reason  why  men  thus  usually  refer  every  thing  to  their 
senses,  is,  because  a  worship  that  is  corporeal  and  sensual  is  far 
more  easy  ;  it  is  much  easier  for  a  man  to  take  the  sun  for  a  God, 
than  to  be  continually  occupied  in  seeking  after  a  God  that  is  in- 
visible :  to  solemnize  games  and  festivals  in  honour  of  a  pre- 
tended deity,  than  to  renounce  himself  for  the  sake  of  a  true  one 
it  is  much  easier  for  him  to  fast,  than  to  renounce  his  vices  ;  to 
sing  spiritual  songs,  or  bow  to  a  statue,  than  forgive  his  enemies. 
It  appears,  then,  that  the  Christian  religion  bears  a  more  excel 
lent  character,  as  it  gives  us  for  the  object  of  our  worship,  not  i 
God  under  a  human  shape,  but  a  God,  that  is  a  spirit,  as  i: 
teaches  us  to  honour  him,  not  with  a  carnal,  but  with  a  spiritual 
worship ;  and  this  Christ  himself  has  very  elegantly  told  us  in 
these  words,  God  is  a  spirit,  and  they  that  worship  him  7iiust 
worship  him  in  spirit  and  in  truth.  (John  iv.  24.)  Who  could 
fill  his  mind  with  such  elevated  notions  1  And  how  comes  it  that 
he  so  excellently  sets  down  in  that  short  precept  the  genius  of 
true  religion,  of  which  men  before  were  wh*Uy  ignorant  1 

»  Dr.  W.  E  Channing's  Discourse  on  the  Evidences  of  revealed  Iteli 
gion,  pp.  36.  38.  Bristol,  1824.   (Reprinted  from  the  American  edition  ) 
»  Isa.  Iviii.  B.  *  1  Kings  xvin.  28. 


HtcT.  V.] 


A  PROOF  OF  ITS  DIVINE  ORIGIN. 


179 


V.  In  its  Opposition  to  the  Spiiut  of  not  Would. 

It  may  be  said  of  all  other  religions,  without  exception,  that 
they  induce  us  to  look  after  the  pleasant  and  profits  of  the  world 
in  the -worship  of  God ;  whereas  tin-  Christian  religion  maket 
us  glorify  God  by  renouncing  the  world.  Tims  the  heathena, 
designing  rather  to  please  themselves  than  their  deities,  intro- 
duced into  religion  whatever  COUld  in  any  way  flatter  and  divert 
them  :  and  the  Mohammedan  religion,  not  being  encumbered 
with  many  ceremonies,  at  least  affixes  temporal  advantage!  to 
the  practice  of  its  worship;  as  if  the  pleasure*  of  the  world 
were  to  he  the  future  reward  of  religion  i  but  certainly  both  of 
them  are  much  mistaken  :  for  the  heathens  should  have  known 
that  the  worship  of  God  consisted  not  in  diverting  and  pleasing 
themselves  ;  and  the  Mohammedans  should  not  have  been  igno- 
rant, that  since  temporal  and  worldly  advantage:;  were  insufVi- 
•ient  in  themselves  to  satisfy  the  boundless  desires  of  (he  human 
ncart,  they  could  not  come  in  competition  with  those  benefits 
which  true  religion  had  peculiarly  designed  for  him.  But  both 
these  followed  the  motions  of  self-love,  which  being  naturally 
held  in  suspense  between  the  world  and  religion,  imagines  that 
nothing  can  he  more  pleasant  than  to  unite  them  both,  thinking 
thereby  to  reconcile  its  inclination  and  duty,  consecrate  its  plea- 
sures, and  put  no  difference  between  conscience  and  interest. 

But  the  first  rule  of  true  religion  teaches  us,  that  that  mutual 
agreement  is  impossible  ;  or,  to  use  its  own  words,  that  Christ 
and  Belial  are  incompatible  one  with  the  other ;  that  we  must 
either  glorify  God  at  the  expense  of  worldly  pleasures,  or  pos- 
sess the  advantages  of  the  world  with  the  loss  of  our  religion  : 
and  this  certainly  shows  the  Christian  religion  to  have  a  divine 
character. 

VI.  In  its  Humiliation  ok  Man  and  Exaltation  of  the 
Deity. 

Other  false  religions  debase  the  Deity  and  exalt  man  :  whereas 
the  Christian  religion  humbles  man,  and  exalts  the  Deity.  The 
Egyptians,  a  nation  that  boasted  so  much  of  their  antiquity,  made 
monsters  of  their  deities  ;  and  the  Romans  made  deities  of  their 
emperors,  who  were  rather  monsters  than  men  :  the  most  famous 
philosophers  were  not  ashamed  to  rank  their  deities  below  them- 
selves, and  themselves  even  before  Jupiter;  but  the  Christian  re- 
ligion teaches  us  that  we  owe  all  to  God,  who  owes  nothing  at 
all  to  us.  It  humbles  us  by  the  consideration  of  that  infinite  dis- 
tance which  there  is  between  God  and  us  :  it  shows  that  we  are 
miserable  despicable  creatures  in  comparison  of  God,  who  is  a 
Ru  erne  Being,  and  who  alone  is  worthy  of  our  love  and  adora- 
i on.      Who  then  can  but  admire  so  excellent  a  religion? 

VII.  In  its  Restoration  of  Order  to  the  World. 
Other  religions  made  us  depend  upon  those  beings  which  were 

given  us  to  command,  and  pretend  a  power  over  that  Supreme 
Being  upon  whom  we  ought  only  to  depend.  They  taught  men 
to  burn  incense  to  the  meanest  creatures,  and  impudently  to  equal 
themselves  to  the  universal  monarch  of  the  world.  It  is  indeed 
no  wonder  that  men  should  be  so  impious,  as  to  desire  to  be- 
come gods,  since  they  were  BO  base  as  to  forget  that  they  were 
nen  ;  and  yet  how  ill  their  pride  became  them  when  they  (lis- 
lained  not  to  submit  to  four-footed  beasts,  to  the  fowls  of  the  air, 
and  to  the  creeping  animals  and  plants  of  the  earth,  as  St  Paid 
reproaches  them  ;  and  how  basely  superstitious  were  they,  in  that 
they  were  not  content  to  deify  themselves,  but  would  also  deify 
their  own  vices  and  imperfections  !  lint  the  Christian  religion 
done  restores  that  equitable  order  which  OOght  to  be  established 
in  the  world,  by  submitting  every  thing  to  the  power  of  man, 
that  he  might  submit  himself  to  the  will,  of  God.  And  what  can 
be  the  duty  of  true  religion,  but  to  restore  such  just  and  becoming 
order  in  the  world  ? 

VIII.  In  its  Tendency  to  eradicate  all  evil  Passions 
from  the  Heart. 

We  need  no  deep  research  into  other  religions  to  find  that  they 
chiefly  tend  to  flatter  the  corrupt  desires  of  men,  and  efface  those 
principles  of  justice  and  uprightness  which  G  id  has  imprinted  on 
their  minds.  But  he  that  shall  truly  consider  the  Christian  reli- 
gion will  certainly  find  that  it  tends  to  the  eradication  of  those 
corrupt  desires  out  of  our  hearts,  and  restoring  those  bright  cha- 
racters of  honesty  and  justice  imprinted  on  our  minds  by  the 
hand  of  God.  The  heathens  flattered  their  passions  to  such  a 
degree,  as  to  erect  altars  in  honour  of  them  ;  and  Mohammed  was 
so  well  pleased  with  temporal  prosperity,  that  he  made  it  the  end 
and  reward  of  his  religion.  The  Gnostics  imagined,  that  when 
they  had  arrived  at  a  certain  degree  of  knowledge,  which  they 
called  a  state  of  perfection,  they  might  commit  all  sorts  of  actions 
without  any  scruple  of  conscience  ;  and  that  sin,  which  polluted 


others,  would  be  sanctified  in  them.  But  what  blindness  !  what 
impiety  was  this  !  How  admirable  is  the  Christian  religion, 
which  alone  anion.;  all  others  shows  us  our  own  wickedness  and 
corruption,  and  heals  it  with  such  remedies  as  arc  as  wholesome 
to  the  soul  as  unpleasing  to  the  body. 

I  \.  In  its  Contrariety  to  the  covetousnesa  and  ambition 
id'  mankind. 

It  is,  moreover,  worthy  of  remark,  that  either  religions  are  con- 
trary to  policy,  either  in  flouring  or  restraining  too  much  human 
weakness  and  corruption  open  the  account  of  policy  ,  whereas 
the  Christian  religion  preserves  its  rights  and  privileges  inviola- 
ble, independent  of  either.  The  pagan  religion  was  against 
policy  in   givil  li  to  human    weakness  and  corruption. 

It  would  have  been  mncli  better  for  the  good  and  welfare  of  the 
state,  if  men  had  framed  to  themselves  a  greater  idea  of  the  holi- 
ness of  their  gods  |  because  they  would  have  been  less  licentious 
and  more  submissive  to  the  civil  laws  :  whereas  they  were  en- 
couraged by  the  example  of  their  deities  to  violate  the  most 
sacred  and  inviolable  rights.  .Mohammed,  desirous  to  avoid  this 
irregularity,  retained  the  notion  of  a  true  God  ;  but  then,  being 
willing  also  to  flatter  men's  inclinations  in  order  to  draw  them  to 
his  side,  he  confusedly  mixed  with  that  idea  the  carnal  and  gross 
notions  which  the  heathens  had  entertained  of  paradise,  borrow- 
ing from  Christianity  such  objects  as  must  necessarily  mortify  our 
passion-,  and  is  uming  those  from  paganism  which  serve  to  flatter 
our  bad  inclinations.  But  the  Christian  religion  keeps  no  such 
measures  either  with  policy  or  corruption.  Policy  complains  that 
the  doctrine  of  Christ  necessarily  softens  men's  courage ;  and  that 
instead  of  encouraging  them  to  enlist  themselves  soldiers  for  the 
welfare  and  preservation  of  the  state,  it  rather  makes  them  lambs, 
who  can  hardly  be  exasperated  against  their  enemies,  whom  they 
must  continually  pray  for,  and  are  obliged  to  love  as  themselves. 
And  human  frailty  and  corruption  murmurs  to  sec  itself  impugn- 
ed by  the  Christian  religion,  even  in  the  dispositions  and  most 
secret  recesses  of  the  soul;  and  that  the  veil  of  hypocrisy,  and 
the  pious  pretences  and  dissimulations  of  the  soul  under  which 
it  ought  to  lie  secure,  are  ineffectual  against  it.  Who,  then,  but 
God,  can  be  the  author  of  a  religion  so  equally  contrary  both  to 
the  covetous  desires  of  the  mean,  and  the  ambition  of  the  great, 
and  so  equally  averse  both  to  policy  and  corruption  ? 

X.  In  its  Restoration  of  the  Divine  Image  to  Man. 
Other  religions  would  have  God  bear  the  image  of  man,  and 

so  necessarily  represent  the  Deity  as  weak,  miserable,  and  infected 
with  all  manner  of  vices,  as  men  are.  Whercxs  the  Christian 
religion  teaches  m,  that  man  ought  to  bear  the  image  of  God; 
which  is  a  motive  to  induce  us  to  become  perfect,  as  we  conceive 
God  himself  to  be  holy  and  perfect.  That  religion,  then,  which 
restores  to  God  his  glory,  and  the  image  of  God  to  man,  musl 
necessarily  be  of  divine  authority. 

XI.  In  its  mighty  Effects. 

False  religions  were  the  irregular  confused  productions  of  the 
politest  and  ablest  men  of  those  times  :  whereas  the  Christian 
religion  is  a  wonderful  composition,  which  seems  wholly  to  pro- 
ceed from  the  most  simple  and  ignorant  sort  of  people ;  and,  a! 
the  same  time,  it  is  such  as  evinces  that  it  must  have  for  its  prin- 
ciple the  Cod  of  holiness  and  love.  They,  who  habitually  apply 
the  Christian  religion  in  their  tempers  and  lives,  and  who  imbibe 
its  spirit  and  hopes,  have  an  evidence  of  its  superiority,  still  More 
internal  than  any  which  has  hitherto  been  mentioned; — an  evi- 
dence which  is  to  be  kf.lt  rather  than  described,  but  which  is  not 
less  real  because  it  is  founded  on  feeling.  We  refer  to  that  con- 
viction of  the  divine  original  of  the  Christian  religion,  which 
springs  up  and  continually  gains  strength  in  their  hearts.  "  In 
such  men  there  is  a  consciousness  of  the  adaptati'n  of  Christi- 
anity to  their  noblest  faculties;  a  consciousness  of  its  exalting 
and  consoling  influences,  of  its  power  to  confer  the  true  happiness 
of  human  nature,  to  give  that  peace  which  the  world  cannot 
give  ;  which  assures  (hem  that  it  is  not  of  earthly  origin,  but  a 
ray  from  the  everlasting  light,  a  stream  from  the  fountain  of 
heavenly  wisdom  and  love.  This  is  the  evidence  which  sustains 
the  faith  o\  thousands,  who  never  read  and  cannot  understand 
the  learned  books  of  Christian  apologists  ;  who  want,  perhaps, 
words  to  explain  the  ground  of  their  belief,  but  whose  faith  is  of 
adamantine  firmness  ;  who  hold  the  Gospel  with  a  conviction 
more  intimate  and  unwavering,  than  mere  argument  can  pro- 
duce."1 

And  now  let  us  put  together  all  these  characters,  and  ask 
the  opposers  of  revelation,  whether  they  can  be  so  extrava- 
gant as  to  ascribe  to  an  impostor  a  religion  so  penect  in  its 
•  Dr.  Channing's  Discourse  on  the  Evidences  of  revealed  Religion,  p.  44 


180 


INABILITY  TO  ANSWER  ALL  OBJECTIONS, 


Chap.  V 


original,  that  nothing  could  ever  since  be  superadded  to  it, 
but  what  necessarily  lessens  its  perfection  ;  a  religion  that 
proposes  its  mysteries  with  such  authority  and  boldness; 
that  brings  men  from  sensual  objects  to  spiritual  ones  ;  that 
extirpates  corruption  ;  that  restores  the  principles  of  right- 
eousness and  uprightness  which  wen  imprinted  in  our  souls; 
that  teaches  us  to  glorify  God  without  any  regard  to  self-love 
or  pleasure;  to  exalt  God  and  humble  ourselves;  to  submit 
ourselves  to  his  will,  who  is  above  us  all,  and  to  raise  our- 
selves above  those  beings  which  he  has  put  in  suhjection 
under  us;  a  religion  that  is  contrary  to  policy,  and  yet  more 
averse  to  corruption ;  that  astonishes  our  reason,  and  yet 
wives  us  the  peace  of  a  good  conscience;  and,  in  a  word,  is 
as  delightful  to  the  one  as  it  is  comfortable  to  the  other  ? 

If  the  Christian  religion,  then,  has  all  these  qualifications, 
as  it  certainly  has,  we  cannot  doubt  but  that  it  is  directly,  as 
to  these  qualifications,  opposite  to  all  other  religions.  And  if 
it  be  thus  opposite  to  all  other  religions,  it  must  necessarily 
1  have  a  principle  opposite  to  them :  so  that,  as  all  ether  re- 
ligions peculiarly  belong  to  the  flesh,  the  Christian  wholly 
appertains  to  the  spirit;  and  as  the  former  are  the  products 
of  the.  corrupt  desires  and  imaginations  of  men,  so  the  latter 
must  have  for  its  principle  the  God  of  holiness  and  purity.* 

The  preceding  considerations  will  derive  additional  force 
if  we  contrast  the  advantages  which  infidelity  and  Christian- 
ity respectively  afford  to  those  who  embrace  them. 

Let  it  be  supposed,  then,  that  the  deist  is  right,  and  that 
Christianity  is  a  delusion ;  what  does  the  former  gain  1  In 
what  respects  has  he  the  advantage1? — Ts  the  deist  happier 
than  the  Christian  1  No. — Is  he  more  useful  in  society'?  No. 
— Can  he  meet  the  sorrows  of  life  with  moreforiitude  ?  No. — 
Can  he  look  into  futurity  with  more  composure?  No.  His 
highest  bliss  arises  from  base  lusts ;  his  conscience  is  his 
daily  tormentor  ;  his  social  circle  is  a  wilderness  overgrown 
with  thorns  ;  his  life  is  perfect  madness ;  and  of  his  death  it 
may  he  said,  that  he  diem  as  a  fool  dieth.  But  the  Christian 
is  happy  in  himself,  or  rather  in  his  Saviour  ;  he  is  useful  in 
his  day;  amid  all  the  tumults  and  anxieties  incident  to  mor- 
tality, he  enjoys  a  peace  which  the  world  can  neither  give 
nor  take  away  ;  his  mind  is  supported  under  all  the  sorrows 
and  afflictions  of  life  ;  and,  in  that  awful  moment,  when  the 
great  problem  is  about  to  be  solved, — of  annihilation  or 
eternity, — he  looks  forward  to  futurity  with  holy  tranquillity. 
At  least,  he  is  as  safe  in  his  death  as  any  of  the  children  of 
men.2 

On  the  other  hand,  let  it  be  supposed  that  the  antagonist 
of  revelation  is  wrong,  and  that  Christianity  is  true  (and 
true  it  will  be  found),  what  advantage  has  the  Christian 
more  than  the  infidel, — the  believer  than  the  unbeliever1?  or 
what  does  it  profit  us  to  be  Christ's  peculiar  people  1  Much 
every  way.  For  if  our  happiness  in  a  future  state,  as  is 
highly  probable,  shall  increase  in  proportion  to  what  we 
know,  believe,  and  practise  of  our  duty,  upon  a  principle  of 
obedience  to  the  will  of  God,  in  the  present  life ;  the  conse- 
quence is  indisputable,  that  the  more  we  know,  believe,  and 
practise  of  our  duty  here,  so  much  the  more  pure  and  exalted 
will  be  our  joys  in  the  eternal  mansions  of  bliss  hereafter. 
This,  then,  is  the  Christian's  boasting,  and  this  our  serious 
triumph,  that  the  Holy  Scriptures  have  made  us  fully  ac- 

Suainted  with  all  the  various  relations  in  which  we  stand  to 
le  Divine  Nature,  as  our  Creator,  Preserver,  Redeemer,  and 
constant  assistant  in  our  progress  towards  perfection  ;  that 
our  whole  duty  is  laid  open  to  our  view,  and  that  we  never 
can  be  ignorant  of  what  is  the  good  and  acceptable  will  of 
our  Sovereign  Lord  ;  that  we  have  the  strongest  motives  of 
gratitude  and  interest  to  animate  us  to  live  up  to  the  law  of 
our  being ;  and  that  we  are  filled  with  the  comfortable  as- 
surance, that  our  merciful  God  and  Father  will  receive  our 
sincere,  though  imperfect,  endeavours  to  serve  and  please 
him,  in  and  through  the  death  and  mediation  of  his  Son  Je- 
sus Christ.  The  best  Christian  must  be  the  best,  and  conse- 
quently, upon  the  whole,  will  be  the  happiest  man.  Let  it  not, 
therefore,  be  imagined,  as  is  too  often  the  case,  that  God  ar- 
bitrarily assigns  to  Christians  a  higher  degree  of  happiness 
than  to  others,  without  having  a  proper  regard  to  their  moral 
agency,  and  that  this  is  the  doctrine  of  the  Gospel.     On  the 


contrary,  the  faith  of  sincere  Christian  is  always  directed 
to  the  right  and  best  object,  their  piety  is  of  the  noblest  kind, 
and  their  virtues  the  most  pure  and  extensive :  to  be  uni- 
formly engaged  in  an  upright,  benevolent,  and  religious 
course  of  action  is  the  solemn  vow  and  profession  of  Chris- 
tians. In  a  word,  the  deist,  by  wilfully  rejecting  all  moral 
evidence,  forfeits  all  things,  and  gains  nothing ;  while  the 
Christian  hazards  nothing,  and  gains  all  things. 


e  Truth  of  the  Christian  Religion,  vol  ii  pp 

of  ttie  superiority  of  the  Christian  Revel* 


■  Abbadie's  Vindication  of  ill 
307 — 320.  Bufcthe  fullest  vinw  oi  me  superiority  01  me  Christian  ReveTa 
tion  will  he  found  in  the  Rev.  Jerome  Alley's'  "Vindicias  Chrislianx  :  a 
Comparative  Estimate  of  the  Genius  and  Temper  of  the  Greek,  the  Roman 
U*e  Hindu,  the  Mahometan,  and  the  Christian  Religions"  (London,  1826' 
Bvo.) ;— a  work  written  with  equal  elegance,  accuracy,  and  research' 

»  On  the  subject  of  the  preceding  paragraph,  the  reader  will  find  several 
admirable  and  eloquent  observations  in  Dr.  Dwiglu's  Two  Discourses  on 
fhe  Nature  and  Danger  of  Infidel  Philosophy,  pp.  69—98. 


SECTION  VI. 

inability  to  answer  all  objections  no  just  cause  for  re 
jecting  the  scriptures. UNBELIEVERS  in   divine   reve 

LATION  MORE  CREDULOUS  THAN  CHRISTIANS.3 

All  the  objections,  which  can  with  any  colour  or  pretence 
be  alleged  against  the  Scriptures,  have  at  different  times  been 
considered  and  answered  by  men  of  great  learning  and  judg- 
ment, ihe  result  of  whose  inquiries  we  have  attempted  to 
concentrate  in  fhe  present  volume;  and  several  objections, 
particularly  those  relative  to  the  Mosaic  history  of  the  crea- 
tion and  of  the  deluge,  have  been  demonstrated  to  be  ground- 
less and  frivolous.  But  even  though  all  the  difficulties,  that 
are  alleged  to  exist,  in  the  Sacred  Writings,  could  not  be  ac- 
counted for,  yet  this  would  be  no  just  or  sufficient  cause  why 
we  should  reject  the  Scriptures  :  because  objections  for  the 
most  part  are  impertinent  to  the  purpose  for  which  they  were 
designed,  and  do  not  at  all  affect  the  evidence  which  is 
brought  in  proof  of  the  Scriptures  ;  and  if  they  were  perti- 
nent, yet  unless  they  could  confute  that  evidence,  they  ought 
not  to  determine  us  against  them. 

He  that,  with  an  honest  and  sincere  desire  to  find  out  the 
truth  or  falsehood  of  a  revelation,  inquires  into  it,  should  first 
consider  impartially  what  can  be  alleged  for  it,  and  afterwards 
consider  the  objections  raised  against  it,  that  so  he  may  com- 
pare the  arguments  in  proof  of  it,  and  the  objections  together, 
and  determine  himself  on  that  side  which  appears  to  have 
most  reason  for  it.  But  to  insist  upon  particular  objections, 
collected  out  of  difficult  places  of  Scripture,  without  attend- 
ing to  the  main  grounds  and  motives,  which  induce  a  belief 
of  the  truth  of  the  Scriptures,  is  a  very  fallacious  mode  of  ar- 
guing :  because  it  is  not  in  the  least  improbable,  that  there 
may  be  a  true  revelation,  which  may  have  great  difficulties 
in  it.  But  if  sufficient  evidence  be  produced  to  convince  us 
that  the  Scriptures  are  indeed  the  word  of  God,  and  there  be 
no  proof  on  the  contrary  to  invalidate  that  evidence,  then  all 
the  objections  besides,  that  can  be  raised,  are  but  objections, 
and  no  more  f*  For  if  those  arguments,  by  which  our  reli- 
gion appears  to  be  true,  remain  still  in  their  full  force,  not- 
withstanding the  objections,  and  if  no  positive  and  direct 
proof  be  brought  that  they  are  insufficient,  we  ought  not  to 
reject  those  arguments  and  the  conclusions  deduced  from 
them  on  account  cf  the  objections,  but  to  reject  the  objec- 
tions for  the  sake  of  those  arguments  ;  because,  if  those  can- 
not be  disproved,  all  the  objections  which  can  be  conceived 
must  proceed  from  some  mistake.  For  when  a  person  is 
once  assured  of  the  truth  of  a  thing,  by  direct  and  positive 
proof,  he  has  the  same  assurance,  that  all  objections  against 
it  must  be  vain  and  false,  which  he  has  that  such  a  thing  is 
true;  because  every  thing  must  be  false  which  is  opposite  to 
truth,  and  nothing  but  that  which  takes  off  the  arguments,  by 
which  any  thing  is  proved  to  be  true,  can  ever  prove  it  false ; 
but  all  objections  must  be  false  themselves,  or  irrelevant  to 
the  purpose  for  which  they  are  alleged,  if  the  evidence  for 
the  truth  of  that,  against  which  they  are  brought,  cannot  be 
disproved,  that  is,  if  the  thing  against  which  they  are  brought 
be  true. 

To  illustrate  these  observations  by  a  few  examples : — if 
a  man  produce  never  so  many  inconsistencies,  as  he  thinks,  in 
the  Scriptures,  yet  unless  he  be  as  well  assured,  at  least,  that 
these  which  he  calls  inconsistencies,  cannot  be  in  any  book 
of  divine  revelation,  as  he  may  be  that  the  Scriptures  are  of 
divine  revelation,  he  cannot  in  reason  reject  their  authority. 
And  to  be  assured  of  this,  it  must  be  considered,  what  is  in- 
consistent with  the  evidence  whereby  the  authority  of  the 

»  For  the  materials  Of  this  section,  the  author  is  indebted  to  Dr.  Jenkins' 
Tlea.siriableness  and  Certainty  of  the  Christian  Religion,  vol.  ii.  pp.  548— 
554. ;  to  Dr.  Ryan's  Evidences  of  the  Mosaic  and  Christian  Codes,  pp.  293 
—295.;  and  to  Dr.  Samuel  Clarke's  Discourse  ui  '  he  Unchangeable  Obliga 
tions  of  Natural  Religion,  <kc.  Proposition  xv  i  Boyle's  Lectures,  vol.  u 
pp.  192—196.  folio  edit.) 

•  On  this  subject  the  reader  will  find  some  adiuirab! ;  observations  in  Dr 
Watts'  Caveat  against  Infidelity,  Section  5.  Advice  xi.  Works,  vol.  h  n 
105.  London,  1810.  4u>. 


.  VI]  NO  JUST  GROUND  FOR  REJECTING  THE  SCRIPTURES 

ii'nr as  is  proved   to  us  ;   for  whatever  is  not  inconsistent 


181 


>  proved  i 
with  this  evidence,  cannot  be  inconsistent  with  their  autho- 
rity.     In  like  milliner,  if  ;i  man  should  frame  never  so  many 

objections  against  tin;  opinion  commonly  received,  that 
( !tesar  himself  wrote  the  <  !ommentaries  which  pass  under  his 

name,  ami  not.  Julius  <  Y'siis  or  any  other  author ;    anil 

nan  overthrow  the  evidence  by  which  Cresar  appears  to  be 

the  author  of  them,  all  his  objections  will  never  amount  ton 

proof  that  he  was  not  the  author.      If  Archimedes  or  Euclid 

had  used  improper  language  or  solecisms,  would  their  demon- 
strations have  hail  the  less  Weight  with  those  hy  whom  they 

Ivd  been  understood  !  Or  if  they  had  subjoined  an  histori- 
cal account  of  the  discovi  rv  and  progress  of  the  mathema- 
tics, and  had  made  mistakes  in  the  historical  part,  would  the 

demonstrative  part  have  been  the  less  demonstrative?  And 
doesnol  that  man  make  himself  ridiculous  who,  with  Epicurus 
.Hid  rlobbes,  pretends  by  reason  to  overthrow  mathematical 
axioms  and  theorems  which  he  cannot  understand  1    Upon 

the  same  "rounds,  if  the  substance  of  what  the  sacred  wri- 
ters deliver  he  true,  it  will  nevertheless  he  truth,  though  the 
expression  were  not  always  proper,  and  the  circumstances  of 
time  and  place  in  things  less  material  had  been  mistaken, 
and  many  things  should  be  written  which  are  hard  to  be  un- 
derstood. 

It  is  very  possible  for  God  to  reveal  things  which  we  may 
not  be  able  to  comprehend  ;  and  to  enact  law-,  especially  con- 
cerning the  rites  and  ceremonies  enjoined  to  a  people  so 
many  ages  past,  the  reasons  of  which  we  may  not  be  able 
fully  to  understand  ;  and  it  is  very  possible  likewise,  that 
ihere  may  be  great  difficulties  in  chronology,  and  that  the 
text  may  in  divers  places  have  a  different  reading  :  and  though 
all  these  things  have  been  cleared  to  the  satisfaction  of  rea- 
sonable men  by  several  expositors,  yet  let  us  suppose  at  pre- 
sent, to  gratify  these  objectors  (and  this  will  gratify  them, 
if  any  thing  can  do  it),  that  the  laws  are  utterly  unaccount- 
able, that  the  difficulties  in  chronology  are  no  way  to  be  ad- 
justed, that  the  various  readings  are  by  no  means  to  be  re- 
conciled ;  yet  what  does  all  this  prove  ?  That  Moses  wrought 
no  miracles?  That  the  children  of  Israel  and  the  Egyptians 
were  not  witnesses  to  them  ?  That  what  the  prophets  fore- 
told did  not  come  to  pass  ?  That  our  Saviour  never  rose  from 
the  dead,  and  that  the  Holy  Spirit  did  not  descend  upon  the 
apostles  ?  Or  that  any  thing  is  contained  in  the  Scriptures 
repugnant  to  the  divine  attributes,  or  to  the  natural  notions 
of  good  and  evil  ?  Does  it  prove  any  thing  of  all  this  ?  Or 
can  it  be  pretended  to  prove  it?  If  it  cannot  (and  nothing  is 
more  plain  than  that  it  cannot),  then  all  the  evidence  pro- 
duced in  proof  of  the  authority  of  the  Scriptures  stands  (inn. 
notwithstanding  all  that  either  has  been  or  can  be  said  con- 
cerning the  obscurity,  and  inconsistency,  and  uncertainty  ■  f 
the  text  of  the  Scriptures.  And  the  next  inquiry  naturally 
will  be,  not  how  the  Scriptures  can  be  from  God,  if  these 
things  be  to  be  found  in  them  (for  it  is  already  proved  that 
they  are  from  God,  and  therefore  they  must  from  henci  forth 
be  taken  for  granted,  till  it  can  be  disproved),  but  the  only 
inquiry  will  be,  how  these  passages  are  to  be  explained  or 
reconciled  with  other  places. 

For  let  us  consider  this  way  of  reasoning,  which  is  made 
use  of  to  disprove  the  truth  and  authority  of  the  Scri] 
in  other  things,  and  try  whether  we  are  wont  to  reason  this 
in  any  case  but  that  of  religion,  and  whether  we  should  not 
be  ashamed  of  this  way  of  argu'inu  in  any  other  case.  II  v. 
little  is  it  that  we  thoroughly  understand  in  natural  tilings, 
and  yet  how  seldom  do  we  doubl  of  the  truth  and  real 
them  because  we  may  puszle  and  perplex  ourselves  in  the 
explication  of  them  !  fror  instance,  we  discern  the  ligl 
feel  the  warmth  and  heat  of  the  sun.  and  have  the  experience 
of  the  constant  returns  of  day  and  night,  and  of  the  several 
seasons  of  the  year;  and  no  man  doubts  but  that  all  this  is 
effected  by  the  approach  or  withdrawing  of  the  sun's  influ- 
ence: but  whoever  will  go  about  t"  explain  all  this,  and  to 
give  a  particular  account  of  it.  will  find  it  a  very  bar'' 
and  such  objections  have  been  urged  against  every  h\; 
sis  in  some  point  or  other,  as  perhaps  no  man  is  able  fully 
to  answer.  But  docs  any  man  doubt, whether  there  be  eucn 
a  thing  as  light  and  heat,  as  day  ami  night,  though  he  can- 
not be  satisfied  whether  the  sun  or  the  earth  move  !  Or  do 
men  doubt,  whether  they  can  see  or  not,  till  they  can  demon- 
strate how  vision  is  made  ?  And  must  none  be  allowed  to 
see  but  mathematicians  ?  Or  do  men  refuse  to  eat.  till  they 
are  satisfied  how  and  after  what  manner  they  are  nourished"? 
Yet,  if  we  must  be  swayed  by  objections,  which  do  notcome 
u<>  to  the  main  point,  nor  affect  the  truth  and  reality  of  thing-. 


but  only  fill  our  minds  with  scruples  and  difficulties  about 
them,  we  must  believe  nothing  which  we  do  not  fully  com- 
pn  bend  in  every  part  and  circumstance  of  it.  For  whatever 
ignorant  of  concerning  it,  that  may,  it  seems,  be  ob- 
jected againsl  the  thing  itself,  and  may  be  a  just  reason  why 
we  should  doubt  of  it.  We  must  take  care  that  we  be  not 
too  confident  that  we  move,  before  we  can  give  an  exact  ac- 
count of  the  cause  and  laws  of  motion,  which  the  greatest 
philosophers  have  not  been  able  to  do;  we  must  not  presume 
to  eat  till  we  can  tell  how  digestion  and  nourishment  are  car 
ric  I  on.     In   short,  this  would  lead  us  into  all  the  extrava- 

i  of  scepticism  ;  for  upon  these  principles  it  was,  that 
some  have  doubted  whether  snow  be  white,  or  honey  sweet, 
or  any  thing  else  be  of  the  same  colour  or  taste  of  which  it 
appears  to  be,  because  tiny  could  amuse  themselves  with 
difficulties,  and  they  were  too  much  philosophers  to  assent 
thing  that  they  did  not  understand,  though  it  were  con- 
firmed by  tli  .-.'use  and  experience  of  all  mankind.  They 
were  rational  men,  and  it  was  below  them  to  believe  their 
S3  their  reason  were  convinced,  and  that  was  too 

to  be  convinced,  so  long  as  any  difficulty  that  could  be 
started  remained  unanswered!  And  thus,  under  the  pretence 
of  reason  ami  philosophy,  they  exposed  themselves  to  the 
scorn  and  derision  of  all  who  had  hut  the  common  sense  of 
men,  without  the  art  and  subtil ty  of  imposing  upon  them- 
selves and  01 

And  ii  is  the  same  thing,  in  edict,  as  to  matters  of  reli- 
gion. The  Scriptures  come  down  to  us  corroborated  by  all 
the  ways  of  confirmation  that  the  authority  of  any  revelation 
at  this  distance  of  time  could  be  expected  to  have,  if  it  really 
were  what,  we  believe  tin;  Scriptures  to  be.  Why  then  do 
some  men  doubt  whether  they  be  authentic  ?  Can  they  dis- 
the  arguments  which  are  brought  in  defence  of  them? 
Can  they  produce  any  other  revelation  more  authentic?  Or 
is  it  more  reasonable  to  believe  that  God  should  not  reveal 
himself  to  mankind  than  that  this  revelation  should  be  his? 
No,  this  is  net  the  case;  but  there  are  several  things  to  be 
found  in  the  Scriptures,  which  they  think  would  not  be 
in  them,  if  they  were  of  divine  revelation.  But  a  wise  man 
will  never  disbelieve  a  thing  for  any  objections  made  against 
it,  which  do  not  reach  the  point  nor  touch  those  arguments 
by  which  it  is  proved  to  him.  It  is  not  inconsistent  that  that 
may  be  most  true  which  may  have  many  exceptions  framed 
against  it ;  but  it  is  absurd  to  reject  that  as  incredible,  which 
comes  recommended  to  our  belief  by  such  evidence  as  can- 
not be  disproved.  Till  this  be  done,  all  which  can  be  said 
besides  only  shows,  that  there  are  difficulties  in  the  Scrip- 
tures, which  was  never  denied  by  those  who  most  firmly  and 
steadfastly  believe  them. 

But  difficulties  can  never  alter  the  nature  "f  things,  and 
make  that  which  is  true  to  become  false.  There  is  no  science 
without  its  difficulties,  and  it  is  not  pretended  that  theology 
is  without  them.  Then-  are  many  great  and  inexplicable 
difficulties  in  the  mathematics  ;  but  shall  we,  therefore,  reject 
this  as  a  science  of  no  value  or  certainty,  and  believe  no  de- 
ration in  Euclid  to  be  true  unless  we  could  square  the 
circle?  And  yet  this  is  every  whir  as  reasonable  as  it  is  not 
to  acknowledge  the  truth  of*  the  Scripture,  unless  we  could 
explain  all  the  visions  in  K/.ekiel,  ana  the  revelations  of  St. 
John.  We  must  believe  nothing  ami  know  nothing,  if  we 
must  disbelieve  and  reject  every  tiling  which  is  liable  to  dif- 
ficulties. We  must  in  t  believe  that  we  have  a  soul,  unless 
a  give  a.n  account  of  all  its  operations;  nor  that  we 
have  a  body,  unless  we  can  tell  all  the  parts  and  motions, 
and  the  whole  frame  and  composition  i  f  it.  We  must  not 
believe  our  senses,  till  there  is  nothing  relating  to  sensation 
but  what  we  perfectly  understand;  nor  that  there  are  any 
objects  ii!  the  world,  till  we  know  the  exact  manner  how  we 
perceive  them,  ami  can  solve  all  objections  that  may  be 
raised  concerning  them.  And  if  a  man  can  be  incredulous 
to  this  degree,  it  cannot  be  expected  that  he  should  believe 
the  Scriptures:  bet  till  he  is  come  to  this  height  of  folly  and 
stupidity,  if  he  will  be  consistent  with  himself,  and  true  to 
of  reason  from  which  he  argues  in  all  other 
be  cannot  rej<  ct  the  authority  of  the  Scriptures  on  ac- 
count of  any  difficulties  that  he  finds  in  them,  while  the  argu- 
ments by  which  they  are  proved  to  be  ,.f  divine  authority 
remain  unanswered/  And  all  the  i  bjections,  which  can  be 
invented  against  the  Scriptures,  cannot  seem  nearly  so  ab- 
surd to  a  considering  man.  as  the  supposition  that  God 
should  not  at  all  reveal  himself  to  mankind;  or  that  the 
heathen  oracles,  or  the  Koran  of  Mohammed,  should  be  of 
divine  revelation. 


;82 


INFIDELS  MORE  CREDULOUS  THAN  CHRISTIANS. 


[Chap   V 


Nothing  is  more  frequent,  than  the  charge  of  superstition 
and  credulity,  which  is  brought  by  modern  unbelievers 
against  Christians,  for  giving  assent  to  moral  evidence  of 
such  force  as  to  amount  to  a  moral  demonstration.  Yet  the 
fact  is,  that  the  charge  of  credulity  attaches  with  unanswer- 
able force  to  these  very  rejectors  of  divine  revelation.  For 
they  admit,  that  a  few  illiterate  Jews,  devoted  to  external 
circumstances  and  to  a  national  religion,  conquered  their 
prejudices,  and  published  an  universal  religion,  which  was 
tree  from  the  numerous  rites  and  ceremonies  of  their  nation ; 
that  they  taught  religious  and  moral  doctrines,  surpassing 
the  wisdom  ot  the  highest  heathens — subdued  the  power  ana 
policy  of  the  Jews  and  Gentiles — speedily  propagated  their 
tenets  among  many  nations — and  conquered  the  pride  of 
learning,  without  divine  assistance.  Trie  opposers  of  reve- 
lation admit,  that  many  persons  united  in  propagating  a  for- 
gery, which  produced  them  no  advantage ;  and  that  not  one 
of  them  was  induced,  either  by  promises  or  by  threats,  to  betray 
a  plot  or  to  disown  a  testimony  which  exposed  them  to  in- 
conveniences. A  man  may  endure  inconveniences  for  his 
country  to  obtain  wealth  or  power  for  himself,  or  in  defence 
of  a  false  religion  which  he  believes  to  be  true ;  but  unbe- 
lievers cannot  point  out  a  single  individual  who  exposed 
himself  to  insult,  imprisonment,  tortures,  or  death,  which 
produced  none  of  those  conveniences.  According  to  the  creed 
which  they  profess,  impostors  were  attached  to  virtue,  and 
voluntarily  endured  every  evil,  in  order  to  propagate  opinions 
that  were  beneficial  to  society,  but  detrimental  to  themselves : 
that  bad  men  reformed  the  religion  and  manners  of  all  na- 
tions, or  that  good  men  attempted  it  by  fraud  and  imposture. 
They  admit,  that  a  few  ignorant  fishermen  were  able  to  make 
proselytes,  in  opposition  to  power  and  prejudice,  to  eloquence 
and  learning:  that  crafty  men  chose  for  their  hero  a  crucified 
malefactor,  and  suffered  every  evil  in  order  to  establish  the  reli- 
gion of  an  impostor,  who  deluded  them  by  false  promises,  if  he 
did  not  rise  from  the  dead.  It  is  much  easier  to  believe  the 
facts  recorded  in  the  New  Testament,  than  to  suppose  them 
false,  and  believe  the  absurd  consequences  that  must  follow 
from  such  a  supposition.  It  is  more  credible  that  God  should 
work  a  miracle  for  the  establishment  of  a  useful  system  of 
religion,_  than  that  the  first  Christians  should  act  against 
every  principle  that  is  natural  to  men.  It  is  as  contrary  to 
nature  that  men  should  prefer  shame,  affliction,  and  death,  to 
esteem,  comfort,  and  life,  in  support  of  a  falsehood,  as  that 
the  dead  should  be  raised,  or  ponderous  bodies  hang  unsup- 
ported in  the  air.  All  the  mysteries  of  the  Gospel  shall  be 
clearly  and  satisfactorily  explained,  when  the  unbeliever  can 
show,  how  these  or  any  other  things  could  have  been  accom- 
plished without  supernatural  assistance.  How  little  credit, 
then,  is  due  to  those  pretenders  to  wisdom,  who  are  obliged 
to  admit  things  more  incredible  than  those  which  they  reject 
or  disbelieve !  Though  they  affect  to  resemble  the  ancient 
sages  in  wisdom  and  goodness,  yet  are  they  inferior  to  them 
in  both  these  respects.  The  wisest  heathen  sages  acknow- 
ledged their  own  ignorance  and  the  imperfection  of  their 
faculties;  their  pretended  successors  are  self-sufficient,  and 
disclaim  all  assistance.  The  former  laboured  to  discover 
arguments  for  the  comfortable  hope  of  a  future  state;  the 
latter,  to  erase  all  apprehensions  of  it.  The  former  paid 
great  deference  to  things  accounted  sacred;  while  the  latter 
turn  every  thing  serious  into  jest  and  ridicule,  and  openly 
advocate  immorality  of  every  kind.  The  heathen  philoso- 
phers spared  even  false  religion  for  its  political  benefits; 
while  the  modern  unbelievers  attack  the  Gospel,  which  is 
not  only  capable  of  doing  much  good,  but  has  also  produced 
the  greatest  blessings,  moral,  social,  and  political,  in  every 
nation  that  has  embraced  it. 

Lastly,  they  who  will  not,  by  the  arguments  and  proofs 
already  exhibited,  be  convinced  of  the  truth  and  certainty  of 
the  Christian  religion,  and  be  persuaded  to  make  it  the  rule 
and  guide  of  all  their  actions,  would  not  be  convinced  (so  far 
as  to  influence  their  practice  and  reform  their  lives)  by  any 
ither  evidence  whatever — not  even  though  one  should  rise 
from  the  dead,  on  purpose  to  endeavour  to  convince  them. 

From  what  has  been  stated  in  the  preceding  pages,  it*  is 
manifest  that  God  has  given  us  all  the  proofs  of  the' truth 
of  our  religion  that  the  nature  of  the  thing  would  bear  or 
which  it  were  reasonable  either  for  God  to  give,  or  men  to 
expect. 

It  is  true,  the  resurrection  of  Christ,  and  his  other  mighty 
works,  must  be  confessed  not  to  be  such  ocular  demonstra- 
tions of  the  truth  of  his  divine  mission  to  after  generations, 
as  they  were  to  those  men  who  then  lived,  and  saw,  and  con- 


versed with  him.  But  since  the  matters  of  fact  are  as  clearly 
proved  to  us,  as  it  is  possible  for  matters  of  fact  to  be,  he 
that  will  run  the  hazard  of  losing  eternal  happiness,  and 
falling  into  eternal  misery,  rather  than  believe  the  most  ere 
dihk  thing  in  the  world,  merely  because  he  does  not  see  it 
with  his  eyes,  it  is  plain  he  does  not  believe  the  thing  fo) 
want  of  evidence,  but  because  it  is  contrary  to  some  particular 
vice  of  his,  which  makes  it  his  interest  that  it  should  not 
be  true.  And  for  that  reason  also  he  might  have  disbelieved 
it,  though  he  had  seen  it  himself. 

And  that  this  is  the  real  cause  is  most  evident  from  the 
lives  and  actions  of  most  of  those  persons,  who  pretend  want 
of 'evidence  to  be  the  ground  of  their  infidelity.  Their  lusts, 
their  appetites,  their  affections,  are  interested  :  they  are  lovers 
of  vice  and  debauchery,  and  slaves  to  evil  habits  and  cus- 
toms;  and  therefore  they  arc  not  willing  to  discern  the  evi- 
dence, which  would  compel  them  to  believe  that,  which  they 
cannot  believe  with  any  comfort,  so  long  as  they  resolve  not 
to  part  with  their  beloved  vices.  Their  nearts  and  affections 
are  habitually  fixed  upon  things  here  below ;  and  therefore 
they  will  not  attend  to  the  force  of  any  argument,  that  would 
raise  their  affections  to  things  above.  They  are  enslaved  to 
the  sensual  pleasures  and  sinful  enjoyments  of  earth ;  and 
therefore  they  will  not  hearken  to  any  reasonable  conviction, 
which  would  persuade  them  to  relinquish  these  present  gra- 
tifications, for  the  future  and  more  spiritual  joys  of  heaven. 
The  love  of  this  present  world  has  blinded  their  eyes ;  and 
therefore  .they  receive  not  the  things  of  the  Spirit  of  God;  for 
they  are  foolishness  unto  them,-  neither  cun  they  know  them, 
because  they  are  spiritually  discerned.  (1  Cor.  ii.  14.)  In  a 
word,  the  true  and  only  reason  why  men  love  darkness  rathet 
than  light  is,  because  their  deeds  are  evil.  (John  iii.  19.) 

So  long,  therefore,  as  men  continue  under  the  dominion 
of  their  evil  lusts  and  propensities,  they  will  not  be  con- 
vinced, though  the  evidence  of  religion  were  even  much 
stronger  than  it  actually  is.  It  is  true  that  many  men,  who 
are  now  conscious  and  willing  to  acknowledge  that  they  act 
contrary  to  all  the  reasonable  evidence  of  religion,  are  never- 
theless apt  to  imagine  that  if  its  great  truths  were  proved  to 
them  by  some  stronger  evidence,  they  should  by  that  means 
be  induced  to  act  otherwise.  If,  however,  the  true  reason 
why  these  men  act  thus  foolishly  is,  not  because  the  doc- 
trines of  religion  are  not  sufficiently  proved,  but  because  they 
themselves  arc  hurried  away  by  some  unruly  passion,  it  is  plain 
they  might  continue  to  act  as  they  do,  though  the  evidence 
of  these  things  were  greater  than  it  is.  They  are  willing  to 
imagine,  that  if  they  had  seen  our  Saviour's  miracles  they 
would  have  embraced  his  doctrine;  and  if  their  affections 
were  not  set  upon  this  world,  they  would  do  the  same  now. 
But  if  they  love  the  pleasures  of  sin  now,  the  case  would 
have  been  the  same  if  they  had  lived  in  our  Saviour's  time. 

Others  there  are,  who  imagine  that  if  a  person  was  sent 
to  them  from  the  other  world,  they  would  immediately  he- 
come  new  creatures.  But  if  God  should  satisfy  their  unrea- 
sonable desires,  there  is  little  room  to  doubt,  but  as  they 
hearkened  not  unto  Muses,  neither  would  they  be  persuaded, 
though  one  rose  from  the  dead.  They  might  be  terrified  at 
first,  but  as  soon  as  the  fright  was  over,  it  is  by  no  means 
impossible  that  their  vicioushabits  would^by  degrees  prevail 
over  them.  Some  there  are,  in  our  present  age,  who  pretend 
to  be  convinced  of  the  being  of  spirits  by  the  demonstration 
of  their  own  senses,  and  yet  we  do  not  observe  that  they  are 
more  remarkably  eminent  for  exemplary  piety  than  any  othei 
good  men. 

It  is  not,  therefore,  for  want  of  evidence  that  men  disbe- 
lieve the  great  truths  of  religion,  but  for  want  of  integrity, 
and  of  dealing  impartially  with  themselves.  Wherefore,  if 
they  will  judge  truly  of  the  reasonableness  of  the  Christian 
revelation,  it  is  necessary  that  they  become  impartially  will- 
ing to  embrace  whatever  shall  appear  to  be  agreeahle  to 
reason,  without  interesting  their  lusts  in  the  judgment;  and 
when  they  have  put  themselves  into  this  frame  of  mind,  lei 
them  try  if  they  can  any  longer  reject  the  evidence  of  the 
Gospel :  indeed,  men  who  are  of  this  good  disposition,  could 
not  but  give  their  assent  to  the  doctrines  of  Christianity,  od 
account  of  the  intrinsic  excellency  of  the  things  themselves, 
though  the  evidence  was  less  than  it  is;  nay,  were  there  nc 
other  evidence  but  the  bare  excellency  of  the  truths  of  reli 
gion,  yet  even  in  this  case  it  would  be  most  agreeable  U 
reason  to  live  according  to  the  rules  of  the  Gospel. 

But  this  is  not  our  case.  God  has  affor '  d  us,  as  the  pre 
ceding  pages  have  largely  and  particular! *  shown,  many  an* 
certain  proofs  of  the  truth  and  divine  authority  of  the  Scrip 


(  axr.  VI.] 


RECAPITULATION  OF  EVIDENCES  FOR  THE  TRUTH.  &c. 


183 


turcs;  even  as  certain  as  any  matter  of  fact  is  capable  of. 
And  we  now  exhort  men  to  believe — not  that  which  is  barely 
possible  and  excellent,  and  probable,  and  of  the  utmost  im- 
portance in  itself;  but  that,  which  (hey  have  all  the  positive 
evidencf ,  and  all  the  reason  in  the  world  to  oblige  tin  in  1<> 
believe 
To  conclude : — No  man  of  reason  can  pretend  to  say,  but 


that  God  may  require  us  to  take  ?iofice  of  some  things  at  our 
|n  il :  in  inquire  tula  them,  and  to  consider  them  thoroughly. 
And  the  pretence  of  want  of  greater  evidence  will  not  excuse 
.  ,r  unreasonable  prejudices,  when  God  has  vouch- 
safed to  us  all  that  evidence  which  was  either  fit  for  him  to 
grant,  or  reasonable  for  men  to  desire ;  or  of  which  the  nature 
of  the  thing  itself,  that  was  to  be  proved,  was  capable. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


RECAPITULATION    OF    THE    EVIDENCES     FOB    THE     TKUTH     AM)    DIVINE    AUTHORITY     OF     THE    SCRIP 
TURES. MORAL    QUALIFICATION     FOR    THE    STUDY    OF     THE    SACKED    WHITINGS. 

I.  jYecessity  of  a  Divine  lievelation  proved. — II.  The  Genuineness  and  Authenticity  of  the  Scriptures,  considered  simply  as 
Compositions,  established. — III.  As  also  their  uncorrupted  Preservation. — IV.  And  their  Credibility. — V.  Proofs  that  the 
Scriptures  were  written  by  Men  divinely  inspired. — VI.  The  Scriptures  a  perfect  Rule  of  Faith  and  Morals. — VII.  Moral 
Qualifications  for  the  Study  of  the  Scriptures,  and  in  -what  order  they  may  be  read  to  tin-  greatest  Advantage. 


Such  are  the  principal  proofs,  external  and  internal,  for 
the  genuineness,  authenticity,  and  inspiration  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures;  and  when  the  whole  are  taken  together,  every 
rational  and  candid  inquirer  must  be  convinced  that  we  have 
every  possible  evidence  for  their  truth  and  divine  authority, 
which  can  be  reasonably  expected  or  desired. 

I.  No  one,  who  believes  that  there  is  a  God,  and  that  He 
is  a  Being  of  infinite  power,  wisdom,  and  knowledge,  can 
reasonably  deny  that  He  can,  u  ne  thinks  fit,  make  a  revela- 
tion of  himself  and  of  his  will  to  men,  in  an  extraordinary 
way,  different  from  the  discoveries  made  by  men  themselves, 
in  the  mere  natural  and  ordinary  use  of  their  own  powers. 
And  as  the  works  of  creation  prove  that  He  is  a  being  of  in- 
finite power  and  goodness,  so  we  may  be  assured  that  He 
who  has  given  us  the  power  of  communicating  our  ideas  to 
each  other,  cannot  be  at  a  loss  for  some  proper  method,  by 
«vhich  to  make  it  apparent  to  his  rational  creatures,  that  it  is 
He  who  speaks  to  them.  To  admit  the  existence  of  a  God 
and  to  deny  Him  such  a  power,  is  a  glaring  contradiction. 

Since  it  cannot  reasonably  be  denied,  that  it  is  possible 
for  God  to  reveal  His  Will  to  mankind,  let  us,  in  the  next  I 
Mace,  consider,  which  is  most  probable  and  agreeable  to  the 
notions  we  have  of  Him,  whether  he  shoulder  should  not  I 
make  such  a  revelation.  Now,  if  any  credit  be  due  to  the 
oreneral  sense  of  mankind  in  every  age,  we  shall  scarcely 
find  one,  that  believed  the  existence  of  a  God,  who  did  not 
likewise  believe,  that  some  kind  of  communication  subsisted 
between  God  and  man.  This  was  the  foundation  of  all  the 
religious  rites  and  ceremonies,  which  every  nation  pretended 
to  receive  from  their  deities.  Hence  also  the  most  celebrated 
legislators  of  antiquity,  as  Zoroaster,  Minos,  Pythagoras, 
Solon,  Lycurgus,  and  others,  all  thought  it  necessary  to  pro- 
fess some  intercourse  with  heaven,  in  order  to  give  the 
greater  sanction  to  their  laws  and  institutions,  notwithstand- 
ing many  of  them  were  armed  with  secular  power.  And, 
what  gave  birth  and  so  much  importance  to  the  pretended 
oracles,  divinations,  and  auguries  of  ancient  times,  was  the 
conscious  sense  entertained  by  mankind,  of  their  own  igno- 
rance, and  of  their  need  of  a  supernatural  illumination,  as 
well  as  the  persuasion  that  the  gods  had  a  perpetual  inter- 
course with  men,  and  by  various  means  gave  them  intelli- 
gence of  future  things. 

The  probability  and  desirableness  of  a  divine  revelation  fur- 
ther appear  from  this  circumstance,  thai  some  of  the  ancient 
philosophers,  particularly  Socrates  and  Plato  (though  they  did 
not  helicve  the  pretences  to  revelation  made  by  their  priesls), 
yet  confessed  that  they  stood  in  need  of  a  divine  revelation, 
to  instruct  them  in  matters  which  were  of  the  utmost  c 
quence;  and  expressed  their  strong  expectation  that  such  a 
revelation  would,  at  some  future  time,  he  vouchsafed,  as 
should  dispel  the  cloud  of  darkness  in  which  they  were  in- 
volved. 

From  the  preceding  remarks  and  considerations,  we  are 
authorized  to  infer,  that  a  divine  revelation  is  not  only  pro- 
bable and  desirable,  but  also  absolutely  necessary.  In 
fact,  without  such  revelation,  the  history  of  past  ages  have 
shown,  that  mere  human  reason  cannot  attain  to  any  certain 
knowledge  of  God  or  of  his  will,  of  happiness,  or  of  a  future 
state.  Contemplate  the  most  polished  nations  of  antiquity  ; 
and  you  will  find  them  plunged  in  the  grossest  darkness  and 
barbarism  on  these  subjects.     Though  the  works  of  nature 


sufficiently  evidence  a  Deity,  yet  the  world  made  so  little  use 
of  their  reason,  that  they  saw  not  God,  where  even  by  the  im- 
pressions of  himself  he  was  easy  to  be  found.  Ignorance 
and  superstition  overspread  the  world  ;  the  ancients  conceived 
the  parts  of  nature  to  be  animated  by  distinct  principles,  and, 
in  worshipping  them,  lost  si«jht  of  the  Supreme  Being.  The 
number  of  deities  continually  increased ;  the  grossest  and 
most  sanguinary  idolatry  prevailed  ;  human  sacrifices  were 
universal ;  the  vilest  obscenities  were  practised  under  the 
name  of  religion;  and  the  heathen  temples  were  commonly 
places  of  prostitution,  from  which  many  of  them  derived  a 
considerable  revenue.  All  men,  indeed!,  under  pain  of  dis- 
pleasing the  gods,  frequented  the  temples,  and  offered  sacri- 
fices :  but  the  priests  made  it  not  their  business  to  ach 
them  virtue.  So  long  as  the  people  were  punctual  ih  their 
attendance  en  the  religious  ceremonies  of  their  country,  the 
priests  assured  them  that  the  gods  were  propitious,  and  they 
looked  no  further.  It  cannot,  therefore,  excite  surprise,  that 
religion  was  every  where  distinguished  from,  and  preferred 
to,  virtue ;  and  that  a  contrary  course  of  thinking  and  acting 
proved  fatal  to  the  individual  who  professed  it. 

If  we  advert  to  the  doctrines  and  practices  inculcated  by 
the  ancient  philosophers,  who  professed  to  teach  the  know- 
ledge of  virtue,  we  shall  find  the  light  of  reason  enveloped  in 
equal  obscurity.  There  was,  indeed,  a  very  small  number 
of  these,  who  were  comparatively  wise  and  good  men  ;  who 
entertained  more  correct  notions  of  morality  and  religion 
than  the  rest  of  mankind  ;  and  preserved  themselves,  to  a 
certain  degree,  unpolluted  from  the  world.  Yet  these  were 
never  able  to  effect  any  considerable  change  in  the  prevailing 
principles  and  manners  of  their  respective  countrymen  ;  their 
precepts  being  delivered  to  their  own  immediate  pupils,  and 
not  to  the  lower  orders  of  people,  who  constitute  the  great 
mass  of  society.  Further,  the  moral  systems  of  the  philoso- 
phers were  too  refined  for  the  common  people :  about  them, 
indeed,  the  Stoics  gave  themselves  no  trouble,  but  seem  to 
have  considered  them  as  little  better  than  beasts;  and  even 
those  moral  truths,  which  the  philosophers  were  able  to 
prove  and  explain  to  others  with  sufficient  clearness  and 
plainness,  they  had  not  sufficient  authority  to  enforce  in  prac- 
tice. At  the  aame  time  they  entertained  the  most  imperfect 
and  erroneous  notions  relative  to  the  nature  of  the  Divine  Be- 
ing, his  attributes  and  worship,  and  the  duties  and  obliga- 
tions of  morality. 

Thus,  they  were  ignorant  of  the  true  account  of  the  crea 
ti<>u  of  the  world,  of  the  origin  of  evil,  and  of  the  cause  of  the 
depravity  and  misery  which  actually  exist  among  mankind, 
and  which  they  acknowledged  and  deplored.  Equally  igno- 
rant were  they  of  any  method,  ordained  and  established  by 
the  Almighty,  by  which  a  reconciliation  could  be  effected  be- 
tween God  and  man,  and  divine  mercy  could  be  exercised 
without  the  violation  of  his  attribute  of  justice.  They  werev 
moreover,  ignorant — at  least  they  taught  nothing  01  divine 
grace  and  assistance  towards  our  attainment  of  virtue  and 
perseverance  in  it.  Their  notions  of  the  true  nature  of  hap- 
piness were  dark  and  confused  :  and  they  had  dark  and 
imperfect  notions  of  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  and  of  the 
certainty  of  a  future  state  of  rewards  and  punishments  :  for, 
although  their  poets  fancied  an  elysium  and  a  hell,  and  men- 
tion the  appearance  of  the  ghosts  of  d<  parted  men,  in  a  visi- 
ble form,  and  as  retaining  their  former  shapes  in  the  shades 


(84 


RECAPITULATION  OF  EVIDENCES  FOR  THE  TRUTH 


[Chap.  VI 


below,  yet  these  were  regarded  rather  as  well-contrived  re- 
straints for  the  vulgar,  than  as  articles  of  their  own  belief. 
Consequently,  they  had  no  perfect  scheme  of  moral  rules  for 
piety  and  good  manners ;  indeed  they  were  grossly  ignorant 
of  moral  duties.  Thus  we  find  several  sects  esteeming  re- 
venge not  only  lawful  but  praiseworthy;  self-murder,  as  a 
proof  of  a  noble  mind  ;  and  the  love  of  applause,  as  the  great- 
est incentive  to  the  practice  of  virtue  :  at  the  same  time  they 
countenanced,  both  by  arguments  and  example,  the  most  fla- 
gitious practices.  Destitute  of  proper  authority  to  enforce 
the  virtues  and  duties  which  they  did  recommend,  they  had 
no  motives  powerful  enough  to  overrule  strong  temptations 
and  corrupt  inclinations:  their  own  example,  instead  of  re- 
commending their  precepts,  tended  to  counteract  them,  for  it 
was  generally,  even  in  the  very  best  of  them,  in  direct  oppo- 
sition to  their  doctrines  ;  and  the  detestable  vices  to  which 
many  of  them  were  addicted,  entirely  destroyed  the  efficacy 
of  what  they  taught. 

Lastly,  it  we  advert  to  the  pagan  nations  of  the  present 
age,  we  learn  from  the  unanimous  testimony  of  navigators 
and  travellers,  that  they  are  enveloped  in  the  grossest  igno- 
rance and  idolatry  ;  and  that  their  religious  worship,  aoc- 
trines,  and  practices  are  equally  corrupt :  yet  they  also  pos- 
sess the  same  light  of  reason  which  the  ancient  heathens  en- 
joyed. The  consideration  of  all  which  facts  shows  that  a 
divine  revelation  is  not  only  possible  and  probable,  but  also 
absolutely  necessary  to  recover  mankind  out  of  their  univer- 
sal corruption  and  degeneracy,  and  to  make  known  to  them 
the  proper  object  of  their  belief  and  worship,  as  well  as  their 
present  duties  and  future  expectations.1 

But  notwithstanding  this  mass  of  evidence, — especially  the 
confessions  made  by  the  most  distinguished  ancient  philoso- 
phers, of  their  need  of  a  revelation, — it  has  been  contended 
by  the  opposers  of  revelation  in  modern  times,  that  the  book 
of  creation  or  of  nature  is  the  only  word  of  God  ;  that  phi- 
losophy and  right  reason  are  fully  sufficient  to  instruct  and 
preserve  men  in  their  duty  ;  and,  consequently,  that  no  divine 
revelation  is  necessary.  But  it  is  certain  that  this  book  of 
nature  is  so  far  from  being  universally  intelligible  or  con- 
vincing, that,  though  the  existence  of  a  God  may  be  known 
from  it,  yet  very  few  of  the  human  race  have  learned  even 
the  principles  of  deism  from  it.  In  every  age,  where  the 
Scriptures  have  been  unknown,  almost  all  men  (as  we  have 
shown  in  the  preceding  pages)  have  been  gross  idolaters. 
How  inadequate,  indeed,  this  boasted  book  of  nature  is,  for 
the  purposes  of  universal  instruction,  is  evident  from  the  fact, 
that  it  requires  translators,  expositors,  and  preachers,  as  well 
as  the  Bible  :  but  the  bulk  of  mankind  have  neither  time, 
money,  nor  inclination,  to  become  astronomers  themselves, 
nor  to  attend  on  the  lectures  of  astronomers,  supposing  them 
to  become  preachers.  The  book  of  nature  is  an  excellent 
book,  but  there  are  few  indeed  who  understand  it,  while  the 
Bible  instructs  the  peasant  as  well  as  the  philosopher  in  mo- 
ral and  theological  knowledge ;  and  the  contradictory  and 
discordant  speculations  of  the  enemies  of  divine  revelation,2 
both  in  religion  and  morals,  only  prove  that  such  a  revela- 
tion (if  it  had  not  already  been  given)  is  as  absolutely  neces- 
sary now  as  ever  it  was. 

II.  Such  a  revelation  the  Scriptures  profess  to  be :  but, 
are  we  certain — considering  them  simply  as  writings  pro- 
fessing to  be  the  productions  of  certain  men — that  they  are 
genuine,  that  is,  actually  written  by  the  persons  to  whom 
the  different  books  are  ascribed,  and  whose  names  they  bear, 
and  authentic,  that  is,  that  they  relate  matters  of  fact  as  they 
really  happened  1  The  result  of  our  investigation  of  these 
important  questions  is  sufficient  to  satisfy  the  mind  of  every 
reasonable  and  candid  inquirer. 

No  nation,  indeed,  in  the  world,  can  be  more  certain  of  the 
genuineness  and  authenticity  of  any  of  their  public  acts  and 
records,  which  have  been  preserved  with  the  utmost  care, 
than  we  are  of  the  genuineness  and  authenticity  of  the  writ- 
ings, called  the  Scriptures,  which  are  now  in  our  hands. 
For,  in  the  first  place,  the  manner  in  which  they  have  been 
transmitted  to  us,  resembles  that  in  which  other  genuine 
books  and  true  histories  have  been  conveyed  down  to  pos- 
terity, and  the  most  acute  adversaries  of  the  Scriptures  have 
never  been  able  to  invalidate  or  to  disprove  the  fact  of  their 
being  so  transmitted  to  us.3  Secondly,  the  language  and  style 
of  writing,  both  in  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  are  such  as 

«  Thedetailsof  evidence,  on  which  the  foregoing  conclusions  are  formed, 
are  given  in  chap.  i.  pp.  15—22.  supra. 

a  See  pp.  22 — 27.  supra. 

*  For  the  transmission  of  the  Old  Testament,  see  chap.  ii.  sect.  i.  pp.  29 
—31 ;  and  for  the  New  Testament,  see  sect.  ii.  pp.  40^18. 


prove  them  to  have  been  composed  at  the  time  and  by  the 
persons  to  whom  they  are  ascribed,  and,  consequently,  that 
they  are  both  genuine  and  authentic.1  Thirdly,  such  a  mul- 
titude of  minutely  particular  circumstances  of  time,  place, 
persons,  &c.  is  mentioned  in  the  books  of  the  Old  and  New 
Testaments  as  affords  a  clear  and  unquestionable  proof  of 
their  genuineness  and  authenticity.  No  forged  or  false  ac- 
counts of  things  superabound  thus  in  peculiarities :  in  fact, 
no  forger  luould  mention  so  great  a  number  of  particulars, 
since  this  would  be  to  put  into  his  reader's  hands  so  many 
criteria  by  which  to  detect  him  ;  nor  could  any  forger  or  re- 
later  of  falsehoods  produce  such  minute  details.  It  is  easy 
to  conceive  how  faithful  records,  kept  from  time  to  time  by 
persons  concerned  in  the  transactions,  should  contain  such 
minute  particulars  of  time,  place,  persons,  &c.  But  it  would 
be  a  work  of  the  highest  invention,  and  greatest  stretch  of 
genius,  to  raise  from  nothing  such  numberless  particulars  as 
are  almost  every  where  to  be  met  with  in  the  books  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments ; — particulars,  the  falsehood  of 
which  would  most  assuredly  have  been  detected  by  the  per- 
sons most  interested  in  detecting  them  if  they  had  been 
forged,  but  whose  acquiescence  with  them,  as  well  as  their 
obedience  to  the  injunctions  contained  in  these  books,  are 
conclusive  evidence  in  favour  of  their  genuineness  and  au- 
thenticity, abundantly  sufficient  to  convince  every  candid 
inquirer.5  Fourthly,  the  moral  impossibility  of  the  books  of 
the  Old  and  New  Testaments  being  forgeries  is  an  additional 
evidence  of  their  genuineness  and  authenticity :  for  it  is  im- 
possible to  establish  forged  writings  as  authentic,  in  any 
place  where  there  are  persons  strongly  inclined  and  well 
qualified  to  detect  the  fraud.  If  the  books  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment be  forgeries,  they  must  have  been  invented  either  by 
Gentiles,  by  Jews,  or  by  Christians.  By  the  Gentiles  they 
could  not  have  been  invented,  because  they  were  alike  igno- 
rant of  the  history  and  sacred  rites  of  the  Hebrews,  who  most 
unquestionably  would  never  have  given  their  approbation  to 
writings  invented  by  them.  It  is  equally  certain  that  they 
are  not  the  fabrication  of  the  Jews,  because  they  contain  vari- 
ous difficult  precepts  and  laws,  and  also  relate  all  the  idola- 
tries and  crimes  of  that  people,  and  the  very  severe  punish- 
ments inflicted  on  them  by  God.  Now  all  these  discreditable 
facts  would  not  be  comprised  in  those  books  if  they  had  been 
invented  by  the  Jews.  And  the  Christians  could  not  have 
forged  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  because  these  were 
extant  long  before  the  Christian  name  had  any  existence.6 
Equally  impossible  is  it,  that  the  books  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment could  have  been  forged ;  for  the  Jews  were  the  most 
violent  enemies  of  Christianity  :  they  put  its  Founder  to 
death  ;  and  both  Jews  and  Gentiles  persecuted  his  disciples 
with  implacable  fury ;  and  they  were  anxious  to  stifle 
the  new  religion  in  its  birth.  If  the  writings  of  the  New 
Testament  had  been  forged,  would  not  the  Jews  have  de- 
tected the  imposture  1  Is  there  a  single  instance  on  record, 
where  a  few  individuals  have  imposed  a  history  upon  the 
world  against  the  testimony  of  a  whole  nation  ]  Would  the 
inhabitants  of  Palestine  have  received  the  Gospels,  if  they 
had  not  had  sufficient  evidence  that  Jesus  Christ  really  ap- 
peared among  them,  and  performed  the  miracles  ascribed  to 
him  1  Or  would  the  churches  at  Rome  or  at  Corinth  have 
acknowledged  the  epistles  addressed  to  them  as  the  genuine 
works  of  Paul,  if  he  had  never  preached  among  them  1  Or, 
supposing  any  impostor  to  have  attempted  the  invention  and 
distribution  of  writings  under  his  name,  or  the  names  of  the 
other  apostles,  is  it  possible  that  they  could  have  been  re- 
ceived without  contradiction  in  all  the  Christian  communi- 
ties of  the  three  several  quarters  of  the  globe  1  We  might  as 
well  attempt  to  prove  that  the  history  of  the  reformation  is 
the  invention  of  historians,  and  that  no  revolution  happened 
in  Great  Britain  during  the  seventeenth  century,  or  in  France 
during  the  eighteenth  century,  and  the  first  fifteen  years  of 
the  nineteenth  century.7 

III.  But,  have  the  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments 
been  transmitted  to  us  entire  and  uncorrupted  1  We  answer 
in  the  affirmative,  and  upon  evidence  the  most  satisfactory 
that  can  possibly  be  required.  For,  if  they  had  been  cor 
rupted,  such  corruptions  must  have  been  introduced  either  bj 
Christians  or  by  Jews». 

*  See  p.  31.  supra,  for  the  language  and  style  of  the  Old  Testament,  and 
pp.  48,  49.  for  those  of  the  New  Testament. 

«  See  pp.31,  32.  supra,  for  the  Old  Testament,  especially  pp.  33— 38.  for 
the  Pentateuch,  against  which  the  efforts  of  mode;  unbelievers  are  chiefly 
directed,  as  the  surest  way  to  undermine  the  New  Testament ;  and  also  pp 
49—52.  for  the  New  Testament. 

0  See  p.  29.  supra.  '  See  pp.  40.  54,  55. 


Chap.  VI.] 


AND  DIVINE  AUTHORITY  OF  THE  SCRIPTURES. 


S5 


I.  With  regard  to  the  Old  Testament,  the  silence  of  the 
Tews  (who  would  not  fail  to  have  noticed  the  attempt 
.f  it  had  heen  made)  is  a  clear  proof  that  it  was  never  COT- 
rupted  by  the  Christian*.  And  if  the  Jew  had  either  muti- 
lated or  corrupted  these  writings,  they  would  have  expunged 
whatever  militated  against  the  character  or  honour  of  their 
nation:  but  the  silence  of  the  prophets  before  the  time  of 
Christ,  as  well  as  of  Christ  ana  his  apostles,  fully  proves 
that  no  obliteration  or  corruption  had  then  be<  n  attempted. 
The  constant  reading  of  their  sacred  books  in  public  and  in 

private  (which  were   at   once  the   rule  of  their  faith   and   of 

their  political  constitution),  and  the  numerous  copies  both  of 
the  original  as  well  as  of  the  Septuagint  version,  together 
with  the  numerous  sects  and  parties  into  which  the  Jews 

Were  divided  after  their  CanOD  was  (dosed,  and  the  rum  nee 

of  every  party  fur  their  law,  all  concur  to  render  any  attempt 
at  falsification  improbable  and  impossible  before  the  time  of 
ChriNt;  and  after  that  event,  the  same  books  being  in  the 
hands  of  the  Christians,  these  would  instantly  have  detected 
the  malice  and  frauds  of  the  .lews,  if  they  endeavoured  to 
accomplish  such  a  design.1 

•1.  Equally  satisfactory  is  the  evidence  for  the  integrity 
and  incorruptness  of  the  New  Testament,  in  any  thing  ma- 
terial. For  tin1  contents  of  its  several  hooks  are  precisely 
the  same  now,  as  they  were  in  the  two  first  centuries  ;  to 
which  feet  we  may  add,  that  the  multiplication  of  copies, 
which  were  read  both  in  public  and  in  private,  the  reverence 
of  the  Christians  for  these  writings,  the  silence  of  their 
acutesl  enemies,  who  would  most  assuredly  have  charged 
them  with  the  attempt  if  it  had  heen  made,  and  the  agree- 
ment of  all  the  manuscripts  and  versions  extant,  are  all  so 
many  proofs  of  the  integrity  and  incorruptness  of  the  New 
Testament ;  which  are  further  attested  by  the  agreement  with 
it  of  all  the  quotations  from  it  which  occur  in  the  writings 
of  Christians  from  the  earliest  age  to  the  present  times.2  It 
is  true  that  certain  books  are  cited,  or  referred  to  in  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments,  which  are  not  now  extant :  but  an 
examination  in  detail  of  those  books3  (which  does  not  admit 
of  abridgment)  has  shown  that  none  of  the  genuine  or  ca- 
nonical books  of  Scripture  have  been  lost. 

IV.  Not  less  satisfactory  is  the  evidence  for  the  credibility 
of  the  writers  of  the  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments. 
For,  in  the  first  place,  they  were  so  many  in  number,  and 
lived  at  such  a  distance  of  time  and  place  from  each  other, 
that,  if  they  had  been  impostors  (which  their  disinterested- 
ness, integrity,  and  impartiality  prove  them  not  to  have  been), 
it  would  have  been  impracticable  for  them  to  contrive  and  to 
carry  on  a  forgery  without  being  detected.  And  as  they 
neither  would  nor  could  deceive  the  world,  so  they  neither 
could  nor  would  be  deceived  themselves.  Every  page,  in- 
deed, of  these  books  proves  that  the  writers  of  themnad  a 
perfect  knowledge  of  the  subjects  which  they  have  recorded ; 
and  their  moral  character,  though  rigidly  tried,  was  never 
impeached  by  their  keenest  opponents'.1  Secondly,  if  there 
had  been  any  falsehood  in  the  account  of  such  transactions 
as  were  generally  known,  it  wrould  have  been  easily  de- 
tected :  for  these  accounts  were  published  among  the  people 
who  witnessed  the  events  related  by  the  historians,  and  who 
could  easily  have  detected  fraud  or  falsi  hood,  if  any  such 
there  had  been,  but  who  did  not  attempt  to  question  either 
the  reality  of  the  facts  or  the  fidelity  of  the  narrators. 
Thirdly,  the  credibility  of  the  authors  of  the  Old  and  .New 
Testaments  is  further  attested  by  the  principal  facts  contained 
in  them  being  confirmed  by  certain  ordinances  or  monuments 
of  great  celebrity,  which  were  instituted  among  .Tews  and 
Christians  for  the  express  purpose  of  commemorating  par- 
ticular facts  or  events  in  their  respective  histories,  at  the  very 
time  when  those  events  took  place,  and  which  have  subs 
from  that  time  to  the  present  day,  wherever  either  Jews  or 
Christians  are  to  be  found  ;  but  which  ordinances  most 
assuredly  would  not  have  been  thus  observed,  in  commemo- 
ration of  fictitious  events.  To  this  consideration  we  may 
add,  that  the  wonderful  establishment  and  propagation  of 
Christianity  is  a  most  convincing  proof  of  the  entire  credi- 
bility of  the  New  Testament,  and  of  the  religion  which  it 
establishes;  which  was  spread  far  and  wide,  by  the  force 
of  truth  that  accompanied  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  and 
which  has  continued  to  spread,  even  to  the  present  time, 
notwithstanding  all  the  persecutions  and  oppositions  which 

«  See  pp.  52—54.  supra. 

*  See  pp.  54, 55.  supra.  »  See  pp.  56—53.  supra. 

*  See  chapter  iii.  sect.  i.  pp.  59 — 63.  supra. 

*  See  pp.  60 — 62.  supra,  for  the  Old  Testament,  and  pp.  62—67.  for  the 
New  Testament. 

Vol.  I.  2  A 


it  has  experienced  from  its  numerous,  powerfu.,  ind  most 
bitter  enemies.4  Nothing,  indeed,  but  the  plainest  matter 
of  feet  could  induce  so  many  thousands  of  prejudiced  and 
persecuted  lews,  to  embrace  the  humiliating  and  self-deny- 
ing doctrines  and  precepts  of  the  Gospel,  which  they  held  in 
Such  detestation  and  abhorrence.  Nor  could  any  thing  but 
the  clearest  evidence,  arising  from  undoubted  truth,  maKe 
multitudes  of  law  less  and  luxurious  heathens,  receive,  follow, 
and   transmit   to   posterity,  the  doctrine  and  writings  of  the 

apostles  :  espi  ciaily  at  a  time  when  the  vanity  (  f  their  pre- 
ns  to  miracles,  and  to  the  gift  of  tongues,  could  be  so 
easily  discovered,  if  they  had  been  impostors; — at  a  time 
when  the  profession  of  Christianity  exposed  persons  of  all 
ranks  and  ages  Co  the  '_rre;it(  ,,t  contempt  and  to  the  most  im- 
minent danger.  Further,  an  additional  testimony  is  furnished 
to  the  credibility,  truth,  and  genuineness  of  the  Scriptures, 
by  their  agreement  with  profane  history,  both  natural  and 
civil,7  and  by  the  existence  of  various  coins  medals,  and 
ancient  marbles,'  which  attest  the  reality  and. truth  of  many 
of  the  facts  therein  recorded  :  in  short,  no  history  in  the 
world  is  confirmed  by  such  various  and  concurrent  testimo- 
nies as  that  related  in  the  Bible. 

V.  Moreover,  that  the  Scriptures  are  not  meiely  entitled 
to  I  e  received  as  credible,  but  also  as  containing  the  revealed 
will  of  God, — in  other  words,  that  tin  v  are  iuvinki.y  in- 
spired,— we  have  evidence  of  various  kinds,  amounting  tc 
moral  demonstration.  For  their  sacred  origin  is  evinced  by 
the  most  illustrious  attestations,  viz.  miracles  and  prophecy, 
which  carry  with  them  the  most  inanifi  st  proofs  oi  a  divine 
interposition  ;  and  which  it  cannot  reasonably  be  supposed 
that  the  Almighty  would  ever  give,  or  permit  to  be  piven,to 
an  imposture.  The  miracles  were  instantaneously  and 
publicly  performed  before  multitudes,  both  friendly  and 
hostile  to  the  persons  by  whom  they  were  wrought ;  they 
were  sensible  and  easy  to  be  observed.  Memorials  were 
instituted  at  the  time  many  of  them  were  performed,  which 
continue  to  be  observed  to  the  present  time  ; — a  manifest 
proof  this,  of  the  reality  of  those  miracles,  which  the  bitter- 
est enemies  of  the  Gospel,  who  witnessed  them,  could  never 
gainsay  or  deny,  though  they  vainly  attempted  to  evade 
them.'-'  The  prophecies,  also,  were  delivered  during  a  long 
succession  of  ages  by  persons  who  lived  at  different  and 
distant  times ;  they  were  so  numerous,  so  particular  both 
with  respect  to  nations  and  individuals,  so  opposite  and  ap- 
parently so  irreconcileable,  that  no  human  wisdom  could 
nave  devised  them,  no  human  power  could  accomplish  them. 
Many  of  the  predictions,  which  are  found  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, foretold  unexpected  changes  in  the  distribution  of 
earthly  power.  And  whether  they  announced  the  fall  of 
flourishing  cities,  or  the  ruin  of  mighty  empires,  the  event 
has  minutely  corresponded  with  the  prediction.  To  mention 
a  few  instances  : — Nineveh  is  so  completely  destroyed,  that 
its  site  is  not  and  cannot  be  known  ; — Babylon  is  made  "a 
desolation  for  ever,  a  possession  for  the  bittern,  and  pools  of 
water :" — Tyre,  all  voyagers  and  travellers  concur  in  stating, 
is  become  "  like  the  top  of  a  rock,  a  place  for  fishers  to 
spread  their  nets  upon  ;  — and  Egypt  is  "a  base  kingdom, 
the  basest  of  the  kingdoms,"  and  still  tributary,  and  in  a 
state  of  the  most  abject  servitude  to  strangers.  But  the 
great  object  of  the  prophecies  of  the  Old  Testament  is  the 
redemption  of  mankind.  This,  as  soon  as  Adam's  fall  had 
made  it  necessary,  the  mercy  of  God  was  pleased  to  foretell. 
And,  as  the  time  for  its  accomplishment  drew  near,  the  pre- 
diction concerning  it  gradually  became  so  clear,  that  almost 
every  circumstance  in  the  life  and  character  of  the  most  ex- 
traordinary personage  that  ever  appeared  among  men  was 
most  distinctly  foretold.  The  connection  of  the  predictions 
belonging  to  the  Messiah,  with  those  which  are  confined  to 
the  Jewish  people,  give  additional  force  to  the  argument 
from  prophecy;  affording  a  strong  proof  of  the  intimate 
union  which  subsists  between  the  two  dispensations  of  Moses 
and  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  equally  precluding  the  artful  pre- 
tensions of  human  imposture,  and  the  daring  opposition  of 
human  power.  The  plan  of  prophecy  was  so  wisely  con- 
stituted, that  the  passion  and  prejudices  of  the  Jews,  instead 
of  frustrating,  fulfilled  it,  and  rendered  the  person  whom 
they  regarded,  the  suffering  and  crucified  Saviour,  who  had 
been  promised.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  most  of  these 
predictions  were  delivered  nearly   and  some  of  them  more 

•  See  pp.  67, 68.  supra.  _  ,  ,  „ 

'  See  chap.  iii.  sect.  ii.  SI.  pp.69— 78.  for  the  Old  Testament,  and  $2.  pp 
78—87.  for  the  New  Testament. 

•  See  chap.  iii.  sect.  ii.  S3,  pp.  88—92.  supra. 

•  See  chap.  ir.  sect.  ii.  pp.  93—119.  supra. 


ise 


THE  SCRIPTURES  A  PERFECT  RULE. 


Chap.  Vi 


than  thrre  thousand  years  ago.  Any  one  of  them  is  sufficient 
to  indicate  a  prescience  more  than  human  :  but  the  collective 
force  of  all  taken  together  is  such,  that  nothing  more  can  be 
necessary  to  prove  the  interposition  of  omniscience,  than  the 
establishment  of  their  authenticity  ;  and  this,  even  at  so  re- 
mote a  period  as  the  present,  we  have  already  seen,  is  placed 
beyond  all  doubt.1 

Besides  these  external  attestations,  the  Scriptures  have  the 
most  excellent  internal  characters  of  truth  and  goodness 
(which  prove  their  divine  origin  and  inspiration),  in  the 
sublimity,  excellence,  and  sanctity  of  the  doctrines  and  moral 
precepts  which  they  deliver,  and  their  admirable  adaptation 
to  the  actual  state  and  wants  of  mankind  ;2 — in  the  harmony 
and  connection  that  subsist  between  all  the  parts  of  which 
they  consist;3 — in  their  wonderful  preservation,  notwith- 
standing all  the  attempts  which  were  made  by  their  enemies 
to  destroy  them  ;4 — and,  finally,  in  their  admirable  tendency 
(which  is  demonstrated  by  the  effects  which  are  invariably 
produced  wherever  the  Scriptures  are  cordially  and  sincerely 
believed)  to  promote  the  glory  of  God  and  the  good  of  man- 
kind, and  the  cause  of  virtue  and  righteousness  in  the  world, 
and  to  prepare  men  by  a  life  of  faith  and  holy  obedience 
upon  earth  for  the  eternal  enjoyment  of  God  in  heaven.5  To 
which  we  may  add  the  infinite  superiority,  in  every  respect, 
of  the  Christian  Revelation  over  every  other  religion  which 
has  ever  been  in  the  world.6 

Upon  the  whole,  we  have  such  a  number  of  evidences  of 
the  truth  of  the  Scriptures  as  no  man  can  resist,  who  duly 
and  impartially  considers  them ;  and  it  is  to  the  wilful  igno- 
rance of  those  evidences  that  we  are  to  ascribe  that  infidelity 
which  at  present  exists  in  different  parts  of  the  world. 

VI.  "The  Scripture,"  as  a  late  eminent  prelate7  has 
justly  remarked,  "  is  not  a  plan  of  Christianity  finished  with 
minute  accuracy,  to  instruct  men  as  in  something  altogether 
new,  or  to  excite  a  vain  admiration  and  applause ;  but  it  is 
somewhat  unspeakably  nobler  and  more  extensive,  compre- 
hending in  the  grandest  and  most  magnificent  order,  along 
with  every  essential  of  that  plan,  the  various  dispensations 
of  God  to  mankind,  from  the  formation  of  this  earth  to  the 
consummation  of  all  things." — "  Other  books  may  afford  us 
much  entertainment  and  much  instruction,  may  gratify  our  cu- 
riosity, may  delight  our  imagination,  may  improve  our  under- 
standings, may  calm  our  passions,  may  exalt  our  sentiments, 
may  even  improve  our  hearts.  But  they  have  not,  they  can- 
not have,  that  authority  in  what  they  affirm,  in  what  they 
require,  in  what  they  promise  and  threaten,  which  the  Scrip- 
tures have.  There  is  a  peculiar  weight  and  energy  in  them 
which  is  not  to  be  found  in  any  other  writings.  Their  de- 
nunciations are  more  awful,  their  convictions  stronger,  their 
consolations  more  powerful,  their  counsels  more  authentic, 
their  warnings  more  alarming,  their  expostulations  more  pe- 
netrating. There  are  passages  in  them  throughout  so  sublime, 
so  pathetic,  full  of  such  energy  and  force  upon  the  heart  and 
conscience,  yet  without  the  least  appearance  of  labour  and 
study  for  that  purpose ;  indeed,  the  design  of  the  whole  is  so 
noble,  so  well  suited  to  the  sad  condition  of  human  kind ;  the 
morals  have  in  them  such  purity  and  dignity ;  the  doctrines,  so 
many  of  them  above  reason,  yet  so  perfectly  reconcileable 
with  it;  the  expression  is  so  majestic,  yet  familiarized  with 
such  easy  simplicity,  that,  the  more  we  read  and  study  these 
writings,  with  pious  dispositions  and  judicious  attention,  the 
more  we  shall  see  and  feel  of  the  hand  of  God  in  them."  Thus 
are  the  Scriptures  the  only  rule  of  our  faith  and  standard  of 
our  lives;  and  thus  do  they  point  out  to  us  the  only  way  by 
which  to  attain  solid  comfort,  peace,  and  happiness.  "  But 
that  which  stamps  upon  them  the  highest  value,  that  which 
renders  them,  strictly  speaking,  inestimable,  and  distinguishes 
them  from  all  other  books  in  the  world,  is  this,  that  they, 
and  they  only,  contain  the  words  of  eternal  Vfe.  (John  vi.  68.) 
In  this  respect  every  other  book,  even  the  noblest  composi- 
tions of  man,  must  fail ;  they  cannot  give  us  that  which  we 
most  want,  and  what  is  of  infinitely  more  importance  to  us 
than  all  other  things  put  together — eternal  life. 

"This  we  must  look  for  nowhere  but  in  Scripture.     It 

i  See  chap.  iv.  sect.  iii.  pp.  123— 12G.  supra,  for  a  view  of  the  prophecies 
respecting  nations,  and  pp.  126—129.  for  those  relative  to  the  Messiah  ;  and 
Dp.  129—132.  for  predictions  delivered  by  Christ  and  his  apostles  ;  and  the 
Appendix,  No.  VI.  chap.  ii.  sect.  iii.  infra,  for  the  predictions  of  Jesus 
Christ  concerning  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  propagation  of 
Christianity,  Sec 

»  See  chap.  v.  sect.  l.  pp.  142, 143.  supra 

»  See  chap.  v.  sect.  ii.  p.  167.  supra. 

«  See  chap.  v.  sect.  iii.  p.  16S.  supra. 

»  See  chap,  v   sect.  iv.  pp.  169—177.  supra. 

«  See  chap.  v.  sect.  v.  pp.  177—180.  supra. 

«  Archbishop  Seeker,  Works,  vol.  iii.  pp.310,  311 


is  there,  and  there  only,  that  we  are  informed,  from  autho- 
rity, of  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  of  a  general  resurrection 
from  the  dead,  of  a  future  judgment,  of  a  state  of  eternal 
happiness  to  the  good,  and  of  eternal  misery  to  the  bad.  It 
is  there  we  are  made  acquainted  with  the  fall  of  our  first  pa- 
rents from  a  state  of  iunocence  and  happiness;  with  the 
guilt,  corruption,  and  misery  which  this  sad  event  brought 
on  all  their  posterity ;  which,  together  with  their  own  per- 
sonal and  voluntary  transgressions,  rendered  them  obnoxious 
to  God's  severest  punishments.  But  to  our  inexpressible 
comfort,  we  are  further  told  in  this  divine  book,  that  God  is 
full  of  mercy,  compassion,  and  goodness ;  that  he  is  not  ex- 
treme to  mark  what  is  done  amiss ;  that  he  willeth  not  the 
death  of  a  sinner,  but  rather  that  he  should  turn  from  his 
wickedness  and  save  his  soul  alive.  In  pity,  therefore,  to 
mankind,  he  was  pleased  to  adopt  a  measure,  which  should 
at  once  satisfy  his  justice,  show  his  extreme  abhorrence  of 
sin,  make  a  sufficient  atonement  for  the  sins  of  the  whole 
world,  and  release  all,  who  accepted  the  terms  proposed  to 
them,  from  the  punishment  they  had  deserved.  This  was 
nothing  less  than  the  death  of  his  Son  Jesus  Christ,  whom 
he  sent  into  the  world  to  take  our  nature  upon  him,  to  teach 
us  a  most  holy,  pure,  and  benevolent  religion,  to  reform  us 
both  by  his  precept  and  example ;  and,  lastly,  to  die  for  our 
sins,  and  to  rise  again  for  our  justification.  By  him  and  his 
evangelists  and  apostles  we  are  assured,  that  if  we  sincerely 
repent  of  our  sins,  and  firmly  believe  in  him  and  his  Gospel, 
we  shall,  for  the  sake  of  his  sufferings  and  his  righteousness, 
have  all  our  transgressions  forgiven  and  blotted  out; — shall 
be  justified,  that  is,  considered  as  innocent  in  the  sight  of 
God ; — shall  have  the  assistance  of  his  Holy  Spirit  for  our 
future  conduct ;— and,  if  we  persevere  to  the  end  in  a  uniform 
(though,  from  the  infirmity  of  our  nature,  imperfect)  obe- 
dience to  all  the  laws  of  Christ,  we  shall,  through  his  merits, 
be  rewarded  with  everlasting  glory  in  the  life  to  come."8 
Thus  do  the  Holy  Scriptures  contain  "  all  things  necessary 
to  salvation ;  so  that  whatsoever  is  not  read  therein,  nor  may 
be  proved  thereby,  is  not  to  be  required  of  any  man,  that  it 
should  be  believed  as  an  article  of  the  faith,  or  be  thought 
requisite  or  necessary  to  salvation."9 

VII.  Such,  then,  being  the  utility,  excellence,  and  perfec- 
tion of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  since  they  are  not  merely  the 
best  guide  we  can  consult,  but  the  only  one  that  can  make  us 
wise  unto  salvation,  it  becomes  the  indispensable  duty  of  all 
carefully  and  constantly  to  peruse  these  sacred  oracles,  that 
through  them  they  may  become  "  perfect,  thoroughly  fur- 
nished to  every  good  work."10  This,  indeed,  is  not  only 
agreeable  to  the  divine  command,11  and  to  the  design  of  the 
Scriptures,  but  is  further  commended  to  us  by  the  practice 
of  the  church  in  ancient,12  and  in  modern  times,  and  by  the 
gracious  promise  made  by  Him  who  cannot  lie,  to  all  true 
believers,  that  "  they  shall  all  be  taught  of  God."13  What 
time  is  to  be  appropriated  for  this  purpose,  must  ever  depend 
upon  the  circumstances  of  the  individual.  It  is  obvious  that 
some  time  ought  daily  to  be  devoted  to  this  important  study, 
and  that  it  should  be  undertaken  with  devout  simplicity  and 
humility;  prosecuted  with  diligence  and  attention;14  accom- 
panied by  prayer  for  the  divine  aid  and  teaching;15  togethei 

»  Bishop  Porteus,  Lectures  on  St.  Matthew,  vol.  i.  pp.  18.  21. 

»  Article  vi.  of  the  United  Church  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  The  suf- 
ficiency of  Scripture  is  ably  illustrated  by  Bishop  Tomline  (Elements  of 
Christian  Theology,  vol.  ii.  pp.  190—196.) ;  by  Bishop  Vanmildert  (Bampton 
Lect.  pp.  61—76.),  by  Dr.  Edwards,  in  his  "Discourse  concerning  the  Au- 
thority, Style,  and  Perfection  of  the  Books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament," 
vol.  iii.  pp.  1-^4.,  and  most  elaborately  by  Archbishop  Tillotson  in  his 
"  Rule  of  Faith,"  especially  part  iv.  sect.  ii.  To  these  works  the  student  is 
referred,  who  is  desirous  of  investigating  this  important  topic. 

»•  2  Tim.  iii.  17.  •'  Search  the  Scriptures,  John  v.  39. 

»»  Psal.  cxix.  24.  Acts  xvii.  11.  2Tim.  iii.  15.  Psal.  i.  2. 

»»  Isa.  liv.  13.  Jer.  xxxi.  31.  John  vi.  45.  Heb.  viii.  11.  and  John  xvi.  13. 
Luke  xi.  13.  Eph.  i.  17.  "The  Revelation  of  the  Holy  Ghost  inspireth  the. 
true  meaning  of  the  Scripture  to  us  :  in  truth,  we  cannot  without  it  attain 
true  saving  knowledge."  Second  Homily  of  the  Scripture. — "Quo  etiam 
spiritu  scripturse  facta?  sunt,  eo  spiritu  legi  desiderant,  ipso  efiam  intelli- 
gendae  sunt.  Nunquam  ingredieris  in  sensum  Pauli,  donee  usu  bonae  in 
tentionis  in  lectione  ejus,  et  studio  assiduae  meditationis,  spirituin  ejus  im 
biberis.  Nunquam  intelligesDavid.donec  ipsa  experientia  ipsos  Psalmoruii 
affectus  indueris.  Sicque  de  reliquis."  St.  Bernard.  Epist.  ad  Fratres 
Montis  Dei. 

««  "Without  attention,"  says  a  pious  but  neglected  writer  or  the  s«cn 
teenth  century,  " all  books  are  alike,  and  all  equally  insignificant;  for  he 
that  adverts  not  to  the  sense  of  what  he  reads,  the  wisest  discourses  si»mly 
no  more  to  him,  than  the  most  exquisite  music  does  to  a  man  perfectly 
deaf.  The  letters  and  syllables  of  the  Bible  are  no  more  sacred  than  those 
of  another  book:  it  is  the  sense  and  meaning  only  that  is  divinely  inspired 
and  he  that  considers  only  the  former,  may  as  well  murrain  himself  with 
the  spolling-book."    Lively  Oracles,  sect.  viii.  §25. 

«»  'Though  the  natural  man  may  well  enough  *i  prchend  the  letter  and 
grammatical  sense  of  the  word,  yet  its  power  and  en<  I  gy— that  insinuative, 
persuasive  force  whereby  it  works  upon  our  hearts.is  peculiar  to  the  Spirit 
and,  therefore,  without  his  aids  the  Scripture,  while  it  lies  open  before  ouJ 


Chap.  VI.] 


ON  THE  STUDY  OF  THE  SCRIPTURES 


with  a  sincere  desire  to  know  and  perform  the  will  of  God, 
nnd,  laying  aside  all  prejudice,  to  follow  the  Scriptures 
wherever  conviction  may  lead  our  minds.  For  it  is  indubita- 
ble, that  persons  of  piety ',  who  are  anxiously  desirous  of  the 
knowledge  of  divine  truth,  are  aided  by  the  Spirit  of  God  in 
searching  out  the  meaning  of  Scripture,  particularly  in  racb 
Bubjects  as  have  an  especial  reference  to  faith  and  r<  li 
practice.' 

In  order,  however,  to  study  the  Scripture  -  aright,  it  should 
i<e  recollected  that  they  arc  no1  to  be  contemplated  as  one 
entire  book  or  treatise.  "The  knowledge  of  divine  truth  is, 
indeed,  perfectly  distinct  from  human  science,  in  that  it 
emanates  immediately  from  the  fountain  of  Infinite  Wisdom. 
Yet  has  it  this  in  common  with  human  science,  mat  it  is 
made  by  its  heavenly  Author  to  flow  through  the  channel  of 
human  instruction.  While,  therefore,  we  receive  it  not  as  the 
word  of  mm,  but  as  it  is  in  truth  the  Word  of  God  (1  These. 
ii.  IS.),  we   must  nevertheless  examine   it  as  it  is  delivered 

to  us,  clothed  in  the  language  of  men,  and  subject  to  the 

general  rules  of  human  composition.  The  deference  due  to 
it  as  a  divine  production  does  not  interfere  with  tins  province 
of  human  learning;  it  only  exacts  submission  with  respect 
to  the  subject  matter  of  the  revelation,  to  which  the  critical 
investigation  is  entirely  subordinate."2 

But  besides  the  paramount  importance  of  the  contents  of 
the  Holy  Scriptures,  a  further  motive  to  the  diligent  study 
of  them  presents  itself,  in  the  facilities  that  are  offered  to  us 
for  this  purpose  by  the  numerous  publications  on  the  criti- 
cism and  interpretation  of  the  Bible,  which  have  appeared  at 
different  times,  and  whose  most  valuable  precepts  it  is  the 
design  of  the  present  work  to  concentrate.  In  fact,  "a  will- 
ingness to  know  and  to  do  the  will  of  God,  implies  a  will- 
ingness to  resort  to  all  necessary  helps  for  advancement  in 
the  truth,  and  for  security  against  error."3  The  value  of 
such  helps  was  never  questioned,  except  by  those  who  chose 
to  despise  what  they  did  not  possess.  "They  are  of  dis- 
tinguished value  in  theology;  but  then,  like  every  thing 
else  that  is  excellent,  they  have  their  province.  While  they 
are  supreme  in  the  concerns  of  human  investigation,  they  are 
subordinate  in  those  of  divine.  They  cannot  communicate  a 
right  disposition  of  heart,  nor  can  they  compensate  for  its 
absence.  Like  the  armour  of  the  ancient  warrior,  if  the 
native  vigour  of  the  frame  can  wield  them  with  alertness  and 
skill,  they  are  his  defence  and  ornament:  but  if  this  vigour 
be  wanting,  they  are  of  no  advantage  whatever;  they  become, 
on  the  contrary,  a  burden  and  an  incumbrance." 

With  regard  to  the  order  to  be  pursued  in  reading  the 
Scriptures,  it  may  be  sufficient  to  remark,  that  it  will  be 
desirable  to  peruse  those  books  first  which  are  written  in  the 
plainest  style,  and,  consequently,  are  best  adapted  to  the 
capacity  of  the  mind;  and  afterwards  to  proceed  gradual ly 
from  the  easier  books  to  such  as  are  more  difficult,  and  espe- 
cially to  read  those  in  succession  which  are  of  parallel  argu- 
ment ;  from  the  New  Testament  to  the  Old,  and  from  the 
simpler  books  to  such  as  are  more  abstruse. 

Further,  as  it  is  of  importance  to  understand  the  several 
dispensations  given  by  God  to  mankind,  besides  this  elemen- 
tary reading  of  the  Scriptures,  it  is  necessary  that  they  be 
studied  according  to  the  historical  order  of  time.  This  mode 
of  reading  the  Bible  will  at  once  help  both  the  memory  and 
the  judgment:  it  will  also  discover  to  us  those  connections 
and  dependencies  which  are  otherwise  undiscernible.  Many 
chapters  and  books  of  Scripture  are  out  of  their  proper  place, 
according  to  the  order  of  time;  which  if  put  in  their  proper 
chronological  order  in  the  course  of  our  reading,  would  reflect 
;iot  a  little  light  upon  each  other. 

Thus,  in  the  book  of  Genesis,  with  which  the  Bible  com- 
mences, we  have  a  continued  history  from  the  creation  of  the 
world  down  to  the  death  of  the  patriarch  Joseph.  Next  to 
that,  in  order  of  time,  lies  the  narrative  contained  in  the  book 
of  Job  (if,  indeed,  it  be  not  the  first  written  book),  in  which 
we  meet  wi*h  several  vestiges  of  the  patriarchal  theology,  as 
recorded  r.  Genesis,  but  with  no  references  to  any  of  the 

eyes,  may  still  be  as  a  book  that  is  sealed  (Isa.  xxix.  11),  and  be  as  ineffec- 
tive as  if  the  characters  were  Illegible."    Lively  Oracles,  sect  viii.  §21. 

1  Non  est  dubitandum,  viroa  pins  rt  r'.ritatis  dirinir  cupidos  adjutari  a 
Spiritu  Dei  in  scrutando  Scriptiirr  .<■  new.  in  lis  quidem  rebus  qu.T  pro- 
pria ad  fidetn  et  mores  pertinent — Ernest!  Institutio  Interprets  >n\i  Tea- 
tamenti,  p.  25.  Lipsire,  1792.— Thoufb  the  truth  of  God  receives  not  testi- 
mony from  men,  it  is  pleasing  to  observe  it  thus  expressly  recognised  by 
men  of  such  intellectual  greatness  as  John  Augustas  Ernesti :  wh 
mitled  to  have  been  one  of  the  most  erudite  and  elegant  scholars  of  modern 
Germany. 

*  Bishop  Vanmildert's  Bampton  Lectures,  p.  22. 

1  lb;d.  p.  41.  The  whole  of  his  second  sermon,  on  the  moral  qualifications 
requisite  for  a  right  apprehension  of  the  Sacred  Word,  is  truly  excellent. 


187 

succeeding  parts  of  the  sacred  history.  Then  comes  the 
book  of  Exodus,  which  gives  an  account  of  the  deliverance 
of  the  Jews  from  their  Egyptian  bondage,  and  the  erection 
of  the  tabernacle  for  the  service  of  God ;  from  which  taber- 
nacle He  gave  those  ordinances  for  his  service,  which  are 
in  The  book  of  Leviticus.  After  these  ordinances  had 
been  issued,  the  Israelites  performed  those  journeyings  of 
which  we  have  an  account,  together  with  the  incidents  that 
befell  tliein  in  each,  in  the  book  of  Numbers.  When  their 
wanderings  in  the  Desert  of  Arabia  were  drawn  to  a  close, 
Moses,  shortly  before  his  departure,  recapitulated  and  ex- 
plained the  preceding  laws  and  ordinances  to  them,  as  re- 
corded in  the  book  of  Deuteronomy.  The  settlement  of  the 
Israelites  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  and  the  coincident  circum- 
stances, under  the  command  of  Joshua,  the  successor  of 
Moses,  are  narrated  in  the  book  which  bears  his  name;  and 
of  their  BUCCeeding  history  we  have  an  account  in  the  book 
of  Judges.  But  the  history  contained  in  the  two  books  of 
Samuci,  of  the  Kings,  and  of  the  Chronicles,  is  so  interwo- 
ven, that  it  requires  very  considerable  attention  to  develope 
it;  and,  unless  the  different  synchronisms  be  carefully  at- 
tended to,  and  the  several  psalms  and  prophecies,  previously 
to  the  Babylonish  captivity,  be  also  interwoven  in  the  order 
of  time,  it  will  be  extremely  difficult  (not  to  say  impractica- 
ble) critically  to  understand  the  sacred  history.  After  the 
captivity,  the  affairs  of  the  Jews  are  continued  by  Ezra 
Esther,  and  Nehemiah,  in  whose  narratives  the  predictions 
of  Haggai,  Zechariah,  and  Malachi  (by  whom  the  canon  was 
closed),  ought  in  like  manner  to  he  interwoven,  together  with 
such  of  the  psalms  as  manifestly  appear,  from  internal 
evidences,  to  have  been  composed  subsequently  to  the  cap- 
tivity.' 

In  the  New  Testament,  the  four  evangelists  have  given 
us,  in  so  many  memoirs,  an  historical  relation  of  the  lift;  and 
actions  of  Jesus  Christ,  which  is  the  same  in  substance, 
but  different  in  many  particulars.  Now,  if  their  several  nar- 
ratives be  digested  ana  arranged  into  one,  in  the  order  of  time, 
this  would  throw  much  light  upon  various  passages,  which 
in  a  detached  state  appear  difficult  to  be  understood.5  The 
book  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  also  gives  us  a  short  history 
of  the  Church,  from  Christ's  ascension,  together  with  the 
propagation  of  the  Gospel  by  the  apostles,  and  especially  of 
the  sufferings  and  labours  of  Peter  and  Paul.  The  insertion 
of  the  different  apostolical  epistles  according  to  the  several 
times  and  seasons  when  they  were  written  (so  far  at  least 
as  we  can  collect  them  from  attending  circumstances),  would 
further  be  of  great  use,  to  enable  us  the  better  to  understand 
them.6  The  book  of  the  Revelation  of  St.  John,  which  closes 
the  canon  of  Scripture,  gives  a  prophetical  history  of  the 
church  to  the  end  of  the  world ;  and,  of  course,  must  be 
studied  by  itself. 

"  I  can  speak  it  from  experience,"  says  the  celebrated 
Erasmus,7  "  that  there  is  little  benefit  to  be  derived  from  the 
Scriptures,  if  they  be  read  cursorily  or  carelessly ;  but  if  a 
man  exercise  himself  therein  constantly  and  conscientiously, 
he  shall  find  such  an  efficacy  in  them  as  is  not  to  be  found 
in  any  other  book  whatsoever." — "  The  genuine  philosophy 
of  Christ,"  says  the  same  eminent  scholar  and  critic,  "  cannot 
be  derived  from  any  source  so  successfully,  as  from  the  books 
of  the  Gospels  and  the  Apostolic  Epistles;  in  which,  if  a 
man  philosophize  with  a  pious  spirit,  preying  rather  than 
diguing,  he  will  find  that  there  is  notbing  conducive  to  th6 
happiness  of  man,  and  the  performance  of  any  duty  of  human 
life,  which  is  not,  in  some  of  these  writings,  laid  down,  dis- 
cussed, and  determined,  in  a  complete  and  satisfactory  man- 
ner."* 


•  In  the  second  volume  of  this  work  the  prophetical  books  are  arranged 
In  order  of  times.  The  author  had  it  in  contemplation  to  have  attempted  an 
arrangement  of  the  entire  Scriptures,  on  the  plan  above  noticed;  but  he  has 
happily  been  anticipated  in  this  laborious  undertaking,  so  far  as  respects 
the  Old  Testament,  by  the  Rev.  George  Townsend,  in  his  work,  entitled 

'  The  Holy  Bible,  arranged  in  Chronological  and  Historical  Order.''  Lon- 
don, 1821,  in  two  volumes,  8vo.  See  an  account  of  this  work  infra,  in  the 
Bibliographical  Appendix  to  vol.  ii.     [Note  to  the  tkird  edition.] 

•  Foran  account  of  the  various  Harmonies  of  the  Four  Gospels,  see  the 
Bibliographical  Appendix  to  vol.  ii. 

6  Cradock's  Apostolical  History,  Benson's  nistory  of  the  first  plantingof 
Christianity,  and  Bevan's  Life  of  the  Apostle  Paul,  and  especially  the  Rev. 
Geo.  Townsend's  New  Testament  arranged  in  Historical  and  Chronological 
Order,  may  here  be  noticed  as  particularly  useful  helps  for  studying  the 
apostolic  epistles  in  the  order  of  time. 

•  Prrvf  in  Paraphr.  in  Luc. 

»  ExJstimo  puram  Mam  Christi  philosophiam  non  aliunde  felicius  naiinn, 
quam  ex  evangelicis  libris,  quam  ex  apostolic  is  Uteris:  in  quibussi  qmspie 
philosophetur,  orans  magis  quam  argumentans,  nihil  esse  inveniet,  quod 
ad  hominis  felicitatem,  nihil  quod  ad  ullam  huius  vita?  functionem  pert  meat, 
quod  in  his  non  sit  traditum,  discussum,  et  absolutum.  Erasmus,  cited  in 
Dr.  Knox's  Christian  Philosophy,  p.  295,  2d  edit. 


ON 


THE    CRITICISM    AND    INTERPRETATION 


THE     SCRIPTURES. 


Criticism,  in  the  more  extensive  sense  of  the  term,  is  the 
art  of  forming  a  correct  judgment  concerning  any  object  pro- 
posed to  our  consideration.  In  a  more  restricted  sense,  par- 
ticularly with  reference  to  the  works  of  ancient  authors,  it 
was  fashionable,  for  a  considerable  time,  among  the  literati 
on  the  continent  of  Europe,  to  employ  this  term  as  indicating 
merely  that  kind  of  labour  and  judgment  which  was  em- 
ployed in  settling  the  genuineness  of  the  whole  or  part  of 
the  text  of  any  author.  But  the  term  is  now  generally  used 
in  a  much  more  enlarged  sense,  viz.  to  indicate  any  kind  of 
labour  or  judgment,  which  is  occupied  either  in  the  literary 
history  of  the  text  itself,  or  in  settling  or  explaining  it.  To 
the  former  the  German  philosophers  have  given  the  appella- 
tion of  lower  criticism,-  while  the  latter  Trias  been  termed 
higher  criticism,  because  its  objects  and  results  are  of  a  much 
more  important  nature.1  In  this  latter  sense,  the  term  is  taken 
in  the  present  volume,  which  is  devoted  to  the  consideration 
of  the  Criticism  and  Interpretation  of  the  Holy  Scriptures. 


The  first  part,  which  treats  on  Scripturfc-CriticHm,  will 
be  found  to  comprise  a  concise  account  of  the  Languages  in 
which  the  Sacred  Volume  is  written  ;  together  with  a  Sketch 
of  the  Critical  History  of  its  Text,  and  of  the  several  Di- 
visions and  Subdivisions  of  it,  which  have  obtained  at  dif- 
ferent times.  The  Sources  of  Sacred  Criticism  are  next 
discussed,  including  a  particular  account  of  the  Manuscripts 
of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  and  the  History  of  the 
Ancient  Versions  of  the  Scriptures.  The  nature  of  Various 
Readings,  and  the  means  of  determining  genuine  read- 
ings, are  then  considered,  together  with  the  Quotations 
from  the  Old  Testament  in  the  New,  and  the  nature  and 
different  kinds  of  Harmonies  of  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ment. 

In  the  second  part  the  principles  and  subsidiary  means 
of  Scripture  Interpretation  are  discussed,  together  with  the 
application  of  them  to  the  exposition  of  the  Sacred  Volume, 
both  exegetical  and  practical 


PART  I. 

ON    SCRIPTURE-CRITICISM. 


CHAPTER  I. 

ON    THE    LANGUAGES    IN    WHICH    THE    OLD    AND    NEW    TESTAMENTS    ARE    WRITTEN. 


A  knowledge  of  the  original  languages  of  Scripture  is 
of  the  utmost  importance,  and  indeed  absolutely  necessary, 
to  him  who  is  desirous  of  ascertaining  the  genuine  meaning 
of  the  Sacred  Volume.  Happily,  the  means  of  acquiring 
these  languages  are  now  so  numerous  and  easy  of  access, 
that  the  student,  who  wishes  to  derive  his  knowledge  of  the 
Oracles  of  God  from  pure  seurces,  can  be  at  no  loss  for 
guides  to  direct  him  in  this  delightful  pursuit. 


SECTION  I. 


ON  THE  HEBREW  LANGUAGE. 


Introductory  remarks  on  the  Oriental  or  Shemitish  lan- 
guages.— I.  Origin  of  the  Hebrew  language. — II.  Historical 
sketch  of  this  language,  and  of  the  study  of  Hebrew. — 
HI.  And  of  its  characters. — IV.  Of  the  vowel  points. — 
V.  Hebrew  accents. 

The  languages  of  Western  Asia,  though  differing  in 
respect  to  dialect,  are  radically  the  same,  and  have  been  so, 
as  far  back  as  any  historical  records  enable  us  to  trace  them. 
Palestine,  Syria,  Phoenicia,  Mesopotamia,  Babylonia,  Arabia, 
and  also  Ethiopia  are  reckoned  as  the  countries,  where  the 
languages  commonly  denominated  Oriental  have  been  spoken. 
Of  Tate,  many  critics  have  rejected  the  appellation  '  Oriental,'' 
as  being  too  comprehensive,  and  have  substituted  that  of 
'  Shemitish,'1  a  denominative  derived  from  Shcm.  Against 
this  appellation,  however,  objections  of  a  similar  nature  may 
be  urged  ;  for  no  inconsiderable  portion  of  those,  who  spoke 
the  languages  in  question,  were  not  descendants  of  Shem.    It 

«  Muntinghe,  Brevis  Expositio  Criticos  Vet.  Foed.  pp.  1,2.  Jahn's  Disser- 
tations, by  Prof.  Stuart,  pp.  64, 65.     Cienci  Ars  Critica,  pp.  1,  2. 
188 


is  matter  of  indifference  which  appellation  is  used,  if  it  ne 
first  defined. 

The  Oriental  Languages  may  be  divided  into  three  princi- 
pal dialects,  viz.  the  Aramaean,  the  Hebrew,  and  the  Arabic. 

1.  The  Aramscan,  spoken  in  Syria,  Mesopotamia,  and 
Babylonia  or  Chaldaea,  is  subdivided  into  the  Syriac  and 
Chaldee  dialects ;  or,  as  they  are  sometimes  called,  the  East 
and  West  Aramaean. 

2.  The  Hebrew  or  Canaanitish  (lsa.  xix.  18.)  was  spoken 
in  Palestine,  and  probably  with  little  variation  in  Phoenicia, 
and  the  Phoenician  colonies,  as  at  Carthage  and  other  places. 
The  names  of  the  Phoenician  and  Punic  dialects  are  too  few, 
and  too  much  disfigured,  to  enable  us  to  judge  wijh  certainty 
how  extensively  these  languages  were  the  same  as  the  dialect 
of  Palestine. 

3.  The  Arabic,  to  which  the  Ethiopic  bears  a  special  re- 
semblance, has,  in  modern  times,  a  great  variety  of  dialects, 
as  a  spoken  language,  and  is  spread  over  a  vast  extent  of 
country.  But,  so  far  as  we  are  acquainted  with  its  former 
state,  it  appears  more  anciently  to  have  been  principally 
limited  to  Arabia  and  Ethiopia. 

The  Arabic  is  very  rich  in  forms  and  words;  the  Syriac. 
so  far  as  it  is  yet  known,  is  comparatively  limited  in  both  ; 
the  Hebrew  holds  a  middle  place  between  them,  both  as  to 
copiousness  of  words  and  variety  of  forms. 

Besides  the  preceding  dialects,  there  are  many  slighter 
variations  of  language,  sometimes  distinguished  from  the 
general  names  by  local  appellations.  Thus,  the  Ephraimites 
could  not  distinguish  between  the  letters  a  (s)  and  v  (sh), 
as  the  Hebrews  did,  in  speaking:  hence  the  Ephraimites 
pronounced  Srbboleth  instead  of  SAibboletk.  (Judges  xii.  «.) 
'Nehemiah  was  indignant  that  part  of  hi?  countrymen  should 
speak  the  language  of  Ashdod.  (Neh.  xiii.  23 — 25.) 

The  Samaritan  Dialect  appears  to  be  composed  (as  out) 


Sect.  A.J 


ON  THE  HEBREW  LANGUAGE. 


189 


mio-ht  expect,  see  2  Kings  xvii.)  of  Aramaean  and  Hebrew  : 
an  $  the  slighter  varieties  of  Arabic  are  as  numerous  as  the 
provinces  where  the  language  is  spoken. 

All  the  Oriental  or  SnemHuh  languages  are  distinguished 
from  the  Western  or  European  Tongues,  in  general!  by  a 
number  of  peculiar  traits,  viz. : — 

(1.)  Several  kinds  of  guttural  letters  are  found  in  them, 
which  we  cannot  distinctly  mark;  and  seme  of  which  our 
organs  are  incapable  of  pronouncing  alter  the  age  of  ma- 
turity. 

(•2.)  In  general,  the  roots  arc  tri-literal,  and  of  two  sylla- 
bles.    IJy  f.ir  the  greater  part  of  the  roots  are  verba. 

(3.)  Pronouns,  whether  personal  or  adjective,  are,  in  the 
oblique  cases,  united  in  the  same  word  with  the  noun  01 
verb,  to  which  they  have  a  relation. 

(1.)  The  verbs  have  but  two  tenses,  the  past  and  future; 
and,  in  general,  there  are  no  optative  or  subjunctive  moods 
distinctly  marked. 

(5.)  The  genders  are  only  masculine  and  feminine;  and 
these  are  extended  to  the  verb  as  well  as  to  the  noun. 

(G.)  For  the  most  part,  the  cases  are  marked  by  preposi- 
tions. Where  two  nouns  come  together,  the  latter  of  which 
is  in  the  genitive,  the  first  in  most  cases  suffers  a  change, 
which  indicates  this  state  of  relation  ;  while  the  latter  noun 
remains  unchanged  ;  that  is,  the  governing  noun  suffers  the 
change,  and  not  the  noun  governed. 

(J?)  To  mark  the  comparative  and  superlative  degrees,  no 
special  forms  of  adjectives  exist.  But  from  this  observation 
the  Arabic  must  be  excepted ;  wrhich  for  the  most  part  has 
in  extensive  form  of  adjectives,  that  marks  both  the  com- 
parative and  superlative. 

(8.)  Scarcely  any  composite  words  exist  in  these  languages, 
if  we  except  proper  names. 

((J.)  Verbs  are  not  only  distinguished  into  active  and  pos- 
itive by  their  forms ;  but  additional  forms  are  made,  by  the 
inflections  of  the  same  verb  with  small  variations,  to  signify 
the  cause  of  action,  or  the  frequency  of  it,  or  that  it  is  re- 
flexive, reciprocal,  or  intensive,  &c. 

(10.)  All  these  dialects  (the  Ethiopic  excepted),  are  writ- 
ten ana  read  from  the  right  hand  to  the  left ;  the  alphabets 
consisting  of  consonants  only,  and  the  vowels  being  gene- 
rally written  above  or  below  the  consonants.1 
I.  Origin  ok  the  Hebrew  Language. 
Of  all  the  Oriental  Languages,  the  Hebrew  bears  marks 
of  being  the  most  ancient :  in  this  language  the  Old  Testa- 
ment is  written,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  words  and  pas- 
sages which  are  in  the  Chaldseaa  dialect,  and  which  are 
specified  in  sect.  iii.  p.  31.  infra.  Numerous  appellations 
have,  at  different  times,  been  given  to  this  language.  In 
the  Scriptures  it  is  nowhere  called  Hebrew.  This  term,  as 
it  is  used  in  John  v.  2.  and  in  several  other  passages  in  the 
New  Testament,  does  not  refer  to  the  biblical  Hebrew,  but 
to  the  Syro-Chaldaic  dialect  prevalent  in  Palestine  in  the 
time  of  Jesus  Christ.  In  2  Kin<js  xviii.  20.  it  is  called  the 
language  of  the  Jews.  In  the  Targums  or  Chaldee  Para- 
phrases of  the  Old  Testament  the  appellation — holy  tongue — 
is  first  applied  to  it :  but  the  name,  by  which  it  is  usually 
distinguished,  is  Hebrew,  as  being  the  language  of  the  He- 
brew nation.2 

Concerning  the  origin  of  this  name  there  has  been  con- 
siderable difference  of  opinion.  Accord Lng  to  some  critics, 
it  derived  its  name  from  Heber,  one  of  the  descendants  of 
Shem  (Gen.  x.  21.  25.  xi.  11.  10,  17.):  but  other  learned 
men  are  of  opinion  that  it  is  derived  from  the  root  -op 
(abcr)  to  pass  over,  whence  Abraham  was  denominated  the 
Hebrew  (Gen.  xiv.  13.),  having  patted  over  the  river  Eu- 
phrates to  come  into  the  land  ot  Canaan.  This  last  opinion 
appears  to  be  best  founded,  from  the  general  fact  that  the 
most  ancient  names  of  nations  were  appellative,  "But, 
whatever  extent  of  meaning  was  attached  to  the  appellation 
Hebrew,  before  the  time  of  Jacob,  it  appears  afterwards  to 
have  jeen  limited  only  to  his  posterity,  and  to  be  synony- 
mous with  Israelite. 

The  origin  of  the  Hebrew  Language  must  he  dated  farther 
back  than  the  period,  to  which  we  can  trace  the  appellation 
Hebrew.  It  is  plain,  from  the  names  of  persons  and  places 
in  Canaan,  that,  wherever  Abraham  sojourned,  he  found  a 
language  in  which  he  could  easily  converse,  viz.  the  Hebrew 
or  Phoenician  language."  That  this  was  originally  the 
language  of  Palestine,  is  evident  from  the  names  of  nations 

«  Stuart's  Hebrew  Grammar,  pp.  1,  2.  (first  edition  )  Robinson's  edition 
if  Calmei's  Dictionary  abridged,  pp.  G05— 607. 
1  Hodge's  Biblical  Repertory,  vol.  ii.  p.  293 


being  appellative,  and  f  om  other  facts  in  respect  to  the 
formation  of  this  dialect.  Thus,  the  West  is,  in  Hebrew, 
o<  (yum),  which  means  the  sea,  that  is,  towards  the  Medi- 
terranean Sea.  As  the  Hebrew  has  no  other  proper  word  for 
.  it  unit  be  evident  that  the  language,  in  its  distinc- 
tive and  peculiar  forms,  must  have  been  formed  in  Pales- 
tine. 

'I'h-  .lew  isli  Rabbins,  Jonathan  the  author  of  the  Chaldee 
Paraphrase,  Solomon  Jarchi,  and  Aben-Ezra,  have  affirmed 
that  Hebrew  was  the  primitive  language  spoken  in  Paradise; 
and  their  opinion  has  been  adopted  by  Origen,  Jerome, 
Augustine;  and  some  other  fathers,  as  well  as  by  some 
modern  critics  and  philologcrs.  Huet,  however,  and  the 
majority  of  modem  critics,  an:  of  opinion,  that  the  language 
spoken' hy  Adam  perished  in  the  confusion  of  tongues  at 
Babel.  But  it  seems  highly  probable,  that  if  the  original 
parents  of  mankind  were  placed  in  Western  Asia,  they  spoke 
substantially  the  language  which  has  for  more  than  fifty 
centuries  pervaded  that  country.1  Without  adopting,  there- 
fore, the  hypothi  -is  just  stated,  which  rests  only  on  bare 
probabilities,  we  may  observe,  that  the  Hebrew  is  the  most 
ancient  of  all  the  languages  in  the  world;  at  least  we  know 
of  none  that  is  older:  that  it  is  not  improbable  that  it  was 
the  general  language  of  men  at  the  dispersion  ;  and,  how 
ever  it  might  have  subsequently  been  altered  and  improved, 
that  it  appears  to  be  the  original  of  all  the  languages,  ot 
rather  dialects,  which  have  since  arisen  in  the  world.4 

Various  circumstances,  indeed,  combine  to  prove  that  He- 
brew is  the  original  language,  neither  improved  nor  debased 
by  foreign  idioms.  The  words  of  which  it  is  composed  are 
very  short,  and  admit  of  very  little  flexion,  as  may  be  seen 
on  reference  to  any  Hebrew  grammar  or  lexicon.  The  names 
of  persons  and  places  are  descriptive  of  their  nature,  situation, 
accidental  circumstances,  &c.  The  names  of  brutes  express 
their  nature  and  properties  more  significantly  and  more  accu- 
rately than  any  other  known  language  in  the  world.  The 
names  also  of  various  ancient  nations  are  of  Hebrew  origin, 
being  derived  from  the  sons  or  grandsons  of  Shem.  Ham,  and 
Japhet:  as,  the  Assyrians  fromAshur;  the  Elamites  from 
Elam;  the  Aramteans  from  Aram ;  theLydians  from  Lud  ;  the 
Cimbrians  or  Cimmerians  from  Gomer ;  the  Medians  from 
Madai,  the  son  of  Japhet;  the  Ionians  from  Javan,  &c.° 
Further,  the  names  given  to  the  heathen  deities  suggest  an 
additional  proof  of  the  antiquity  and  originality  of  the  He- 
brew language  :  thus,  Japetus  is  derived  from  Japhet;  Jove, 
from  Jehovah  ;  Vulcan,  from  Tubal-Cain,  who  first  disco- 
vered the  use  of  iron  and  brass,  &c.  &c.  Lastly,  the  traces 
of  Hebrew  which  are  to  be  found  in  very  many  other  lan- 
guages, and  which  have  been  noticed  by  several  learned  men, 
afford  another  argument  in  favour  of  its  antiquity  and  priority. 
These  vestiges  are  particularly  conspicuous  in  the  Chaldee. 
Syriac,  Arabic,  Persian,  Phoenician,  and  other  languages 
spoken  by  the  people  who  dwelt  neares*  tn  Babylon,  where 
the  first  division  of  languages  took  place.7 

The  knowledge  of  the  Hebrew  language  was  diffused  very 
widely  by  the  Phoenician  merchants,  who  had  factories  and 
colonies  on  almost  every  coast  of  Europe  and  Asia  :  that  it 
was  identically  the  same  as  was  spoken  in  Canaan,  or  Phoe- 
nicia, is  evident  from  its  being  used  by  the  inhabitants  of 
that  country  from  the  time  of  Abraham  to  that  of  Joshua, 
who  gave  to  places  mentioned  in  the  Old  Testament,  appel- 
lations which  are  pure  Hebrew;  such  are,  Kiriath-sepher,  ot 
the  city  i f  books,  and  Kiriath-sannah,  or  the  city  of  learning. 
(Josh.  xv.  15.  49A  Another  proof  of  the  identity  of  the  two 
laniruages  arises  from  the  circumstance  of  the  Hebrews  con- 
versing with  the  Canaanites,  without  an  interpreter  ;  as  the 
spies  sent  by  Joshua,  with  Rahab  (Josh,  ii.) ;  the  ambassa- 
dors sent  by  the  Gibeonites  to  Joshua  (Josh.  ix.  3 — 25.),  &c. 
But  a  still  stronger  proof  of  the  identity  of  the  two  languages 
is  to  be  found  in  the  fragments  of  the  Punic  tongue  which 
occur  in  the  writings  of  ancient  authors.  That  the  Cartha- 
ginians (Pceni)  derived  their  name,  origin,  and  language  from 
the  Phoenicians,  is  a  well-known  and  authenticated  fact ;  and 
that  the  latter  sprang  from  the  Canaanites  might  easily  be 
shown  from  the  situation  of  their  country,  as  well  as  from 
their  manners,  customs,  and  ordinances.     Not  to  cite  the 

'  Stuart's  Heb.  Gram.  p.  5.  

«  Huet,  Demonstr.  Evang.  Prop.  IV.  c.  13.    Calniet,  Dissertation  sur  la 

preiniire  Langue.    Alber,  Hermeneut.  Vet.  Test.  torn.  i.  p.  BL    Stuart  s 

Heb.  Gram.  p.  6.  _  ,  _, 

•  Dr.  Gr   Sharpe's  Dissertations  on  the  Origin  of  Languages,  &«  p.2Z 

«  Grotius  de  Veritatc,  lib.  i.  sec.  16.  Walton's  Prolegomena  to  the  Londo* 
Polyglott,  prol.  iii.  §  6.  (p.  76.  ed.  Dathii.) 
■  Walton.  Prol.  iii.  $7,8.  (pp.  76,  77.) 


190 


ON  THE  ORIGINAL  LANGUAGES  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


[Part  I    Chap.  I 


testimonies  of  profane  authors  on  this  point,  which  have  heen 
accumulated  by  Bishop  Walton,  we  have  sufficient  evidence 
to  prove  that  they  were  considered  as  the  same  people,  in 
the  fact  of  the  Phoenicians  and  Canaanites  being  used  pro- 
miscuously to  denote  the  inhabitants  of  the  same  country. 
Compare  Exod.  vi.  15.  with  Gen.xlvi.  10.  and  Exod.  xvi. 
33.  with  Josh.  v.  12.,  in  which  passages,  for  the  Hebrew 
words  translated  Canaanitish  and  land  of  Canaan,  the  Sep- 
tuagint  reads  Phoenician  and  the  country  of  Phoenicia. 

II.  Historical  Sketch  of  the  Hebrew  Language. 

The  period  from  the  age  of  Moses  to  that  of  David  has 
been  considered  the  golden  age  of  the  Hebrew  language, 
which  declined  in  purity  from  that  time  to  the  reign  of  Heze- 
kiah  or  Manasseh,  having  received  several  foreign  words 
from  the  commercial  and  political  intercourse  of  the  Jews 
and  Israelites  with  the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians.  This 
period  has  been  termed  the  silver  age  of  the  Hebrew  lan- 
guage. In  the  interval  between  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  and 
the  Babylonish  captivity,  the  purity  ot  the  language  was 
neglected,  and  so  many  foreign  words  were  introduced  into 
it,  that  this  period  has,  not  inaptly,  been  designated  its  iron 
age.  During  the  seventy  years'  captivity,  though  it  does 
not  appear  that  the  Hebrews  entirely  lost  their  native  tongue, 
yet  it  underwent  so  considerable  a  change  from  their  adop- 
tion of  the  vernacular  languages  of  the  countries  where  they 
had  resided,  that  afterwards,  on  their  return  from  exile,  they 
spoke  a  dialect  of  Chaldee  mixed  with  Hebrew  words.  On 
this  account  it  was,  that,  when  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  were 
read,  it  was  found  necessary  to  interpret  them  to  the  people 
in  the  Chaldoean  language ;  as,  when  Ezra  the  scribe  brought 
the  book  of  the  law  of  Moses  before  the  congregation,  the 
Levites  are  said  to  have  caused  the  people  to  understand  the 
law,  because  they  read  in  the  book,  in  the  law  of  God,  dis- 
tinctly, AND  GAVE  THE  SENSE,  AND  CAUSED  THEM  TO  UNDER- 
STAND the  reading.  (Neh.  viii.  8.)1  Some  time  after  the 
return  from  the  great  captivity,  Hebrew  ceased  to  be  spoken 
altogether :  though  it  continued  to  be  cultivated  and  studied, 
by  the  priests  and  Levites,  as  a  learned  language,  that  they 
might  be  enabled  to  expound  the  law  and  the  prophets  to  the 
people,  who,  it  appears  from  the  New  Testament,  were  well 
acquainted  with  their  general  contents  and  tenor ;  this  last- 
mentioned  period  has  been  called  the  leaden  age  of  the  lan- 
guage.2 "  How  long  the  Hebrew  was  retained,  both  in 
writing  and  conversation ;  or  in  writing,  after  it  ceased  to  be 
the  language  of  conversation,  it  is  impossible  to  determine. 
The  coins,  stamped  in  the  time  of  the  Maccabees,  are  all 
the  oriental  monuments  we  have,  of  the  period  that  elapsed 
between  the  latest  canonical  writers,  and  the  advent  of 
Christ;  and  the  inscriptions  on  these  are  in  Hebrew.  At 
the  time  of  the  Maccabees,  then,  Hebrew  was  probably 
understood,  at  least,  as  the  language  of  books ;  perhaps,  in 
some  measure,  also,  among  the  better  informed,  as  the  lan- 
guage of  conversation.  But  soon  after  this,  the  dominion 
of  the  Seleucida?,  in  Syria,  over  the  Jewish  nation,  uniting 
with  the  former  influence  of  the  Babylonish  captivity,  in 
promoting  the  Aramaean  dialect,  appears  to  have  destroyed 
the  nnnains  of  proper  Hebrew,  as  a  living  language,  and  to 
have  universally  substituted,  in  its  stead,  the  Hebraeo-Ara- 
maean,  as  it  was  spoken  in  the  time  of  our  Saviour.  From 
the  time  when  Heorew  ceased  to  be  vernacular,  down  to  the 
present  day,  a  portion  of  this  dialect  has  been  preserved  in 
the  Old  Testament.  It  has  always  been  the  subject  of  study 
among  learned  Jews.  Before  and  at  the  time  of  Christ, 
there  were  flourishing  Jewish  academies  at  Jerusalem ; 
especially  under  HilleT  and  Shammai.  After  Jerusalem  was 
destroyed,  schools  were  set  up  in  various  places,  but  par- 
ticularly they  flourished  at  Tiberias,  until  the  death  ot  R. 
Judah,  surnamed  Hakkodesh  or  the  Holy,  the  author  of  the 
Mishna ;  about  a.  d.  230.  Some  of  his  pupils  set  up  other 
schools  in  Babylonia,  which  became  the  rivals  ot  these. 
The  Babylonish  academies  flourished  until  near  the  tenth 

■  It  is  worthy  of  remark  tliat  the  above  practice  exists  at  the  present  time, 
anions  the  Karaite  .lews,  at  Sympheropol,  in  Crim  Tarlary  ;  where  the  Tar- 
tar translation  is  read  together  wilh  the  Hebrew  Text.  (See  Dr.  Pinker- 
ton's  Letter,  in  the  Appendix  to  the  Thirteenth  Report  of  the  British  and 
Foreign  Uible  Society,  p.  76.)  A  similar  practice  obtains  among  the  Syrian 
Christians  at  Travancore,  in  the  East  Indies,  where  the  Svriac  is  the  learn- 
ed language  and  the  language  of  the  church  ;  while  the  Malayalim  or  Mal- 
abar is  the  vernacular  language  of  the  country.  The  Christian  priests  read 
the  Scriptures  from  manuscript  copies  in  the  former,  and  expound  them  in 
the  latter  to  the  people.  Owen's  History  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Hible 
Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  364. 

»  Walton,  Prol.  iii.  §  15—24.  (pp.  84—97.)  Schleusner's  Lexicon,  voce, 
E?p  .is.  Jahn,  Introd.  ad.  Vet.  Fasdus,  pp.  94—96.  Parkhurst  (Gr.  Lex.  voce, 
ESp*is)  has  endeavoured  to  show,  but  unsuccessfully,  that  no  change  from 
Hebrew  to  Chaldee  ever  took  nlacc. 


century."3  From  the  academies  at  Tiberias  and  in  Babylo- 
nia, we  have  received  the  Targums,  the  Talmud,  the  Masora 
(of  all  which  an  account  will  be  found  in  the  course  of  the 
present  volume),  and  the  written  vowels  and  accents  of  the 
Hebrew  language.  The  Hebrew  of  the  Talmud  and  of  the 
Rabbins  has  a  close  affinity  with  the  later  Hebrew  ;  especially 
the  first  and  earliest  part  of  it,  the  Mishna. 

III.  Antiquity  of  the  Hebrew  Characters. 

The  present  Hebrew  Characters,  or  Letters,  are  twenty 
two  in  number,  and  of  a  square  form :  but  the  antiquity  of 
these  letters  is  a  point  that  has  been  most  severely  contested 
by  many  learned  men.  From  a  passage  in  Eusebius's  Chro- 
nicle,4 and  another  in  Jerome,5  it  was  inferred  by  Joseph 
Scaliger,  that  Ezra,  when  he  reformed  the  Jewish  church, 
transcribed  the  ancient  characters  of  the  Hebrews  into  tin- 
square  letters  of  the  Chaldaeans  :  and  that  this  was  done  fo 
the  use  of  those  Jews,  who,  being  born  during  the  captivity, 
knew  no  other  alphabet  than  that  of  the  people  among  whom 
they  had  been  educated.  Consequently,  the  old  character, 
which  we  call  the  Samaritan,  fell  into  total  disuse.  This 
opinion  Scaliger  supported  by  passages  from  both  the  Tal- 
muds,  as  well  as  from  rabbinical  writers,  in  which  it  is  ex- 
pressly affirmed  that  such  characters  were  adopted  by  Ezra. 
But  the  most  decisive  confirmation  of  this  point  is  to  be 
found  in  the  ancient  Hebrew  coins,  which  were  struck  be- 
fore the  captivity,  and  even  previously  to  the  revolt  of  the 
ten  tribes.  The  characters  engraven  on  all  of  them  are 
manifestly  the  same  with  the  modern  Samaritan,.though  with 
some  trifling  variations  in  their  forms,  occasioned  by  the 
depredations  of  time.  These  coins,  whether  shekels  oi 
half  shekels,  have  all  of  them,  on  one  side,  the  golden 
manna-pot  (mentioned  in  Exod.  xvi.  32,  33.),  and  on  its 
mouth,  or  over  the  top  of  it,  most  of  them  have  a  Samaritan 
Aleph,  some  an  Aleph  and  Schin,  or  other  letters,  with  this 
inscription,  The  Shekel  of  Israel,  in  Samaritan  characters.  On 
the  opposite  side  is  to  be  seen  Aaron's  rod  with  almonds, 
and  in  the  same  letters  this  inscription,  Jerusalem  the  holy. 
Other  coins  are  extant  with  somewhat  different  inscription-;, 
but  the  same  characters  are  engraven  on  them  all.6 

The  opinion  originally  produced  by  Scaliger,  and  thus  de- 
cisively corroborated  by  coins,  has  been  adopted  by  Casau- 
bon,  Vossius,  Grotius,  Bishop  Walton,  Louis  Cappel,  Dr. 
Prideaux,  and  other  eminent  biblical  critics  and  philologers, 
and  is  now  generally  received  :  it  was,  however,  very  strenu- 
ously though  unsuccessfully  opposed  by  the  younger  Bux- 
torf,  who  endeavoured  to  prove,  by  a  variety  of  passages 
from  rabbinical  writers,  that  both  the  square  and  the  Sama- 
ritan characters  were  anciently  used  ;  the  present  square 
character  being  that  in  which  the  tables  of  the  law,  and  the 
copy  deposited  in  the  ark,  were  written  ;  and  the  other  cha- 
racters being  employed  in  the  copies  of  the  law  which  were 
made  for  private  and  common  use,  and  in  civil  affairs  in 
general ;  and  that,  after  the  captivity,  Ezra  enjoined  the 
former  to  be  used  by  the  Jews  on  all  occasions,  leaving  the 
latter  to  the  Samaritans  and  apostates.  Independently,  now- 
evcr,  of  the  strong  evidence  against  Buxtorfs  hypothesis, 
which  is  afforded  by  the  ancient  Hebrew  coins,  when  we 
consider  the  implacable  enmity  that  subsisted  between  the 
Jews  and  Samaritans,  is  it  likely  that  the. one  copied  from 
the  other,  or  that  the  former  preferred,  to  the  beautiful  letters 
used  by  their  ancestors,  the  rude  and  inelegant  characters  of 
their  most  detested  rivals  1  And  when  the  vast  difference 
between  the  Chaldee  (or  square)  and  the  Samaritan  letters, 
with  respect  to  convenience  and  beauty,  is  calmly  considered, 
it  must  be  acknowledged  that  they  never  could  have  been 
used  at  the  same  time.  After  all,  it  is  of  no  great  moment 
which  of  these,  or  whether  either  of  them,  were  the  original 
characters,  since  it  does  not  appear  that  any  change  of  the 
words  has  arisen  from  the  manner  of  writing  them,  because 
the  Samaritan  and  Hebrew  Pentateuchs  almost  always  agree, 
notwithstanding  the  lapse  of  so  many  ages.  It  is  mes' 
probable  that  the  form  of  these  characters  has  varied  at  dif- 
ferent periods:  this  appears  from  the  direct  testimony  of 
Montfaucon,"  and  is  implied  in  Dr.  Kennicott's  making  tin 
characters,  in  which  manuscripts  are  written,  one  test  of 
their  age.s  It  is,  however,  certain  that  the  Chaldee  or  square 
character  was  the  common  one :  as  in  Matt.  v.  8.  the  yod  is 
referred  to  as  the  smallest  letter  in  the  alphabet.   It  is  highly 

>  Stuart's  Heb.  Gram.  p.  12.  ^ub  anno  4740. 

»  Pra;f.  in  1  Reg. 

•  Walton,   Prol.  iii.    §29—37.  (pp   103—125.)    Carpzov,  Critics  Pacra 
pp.  225—241.   Bauer,  Critica  Sacra,  pp.  111—127. 
1  Hexapla  Origenis,  torn.  i.  pp.  22.  et  seq. 
»  Dissertation  on  the  Hebrew  Text.  vol.  i.  no.  310— 3M. 


Sect.  I.] 


ON  THE  HEBREW  LANGUAGE. 


191 


probable  that  it  was  the  common  character,  when  the  Sep- 
tuarrint  version  was  made ;  because  the  departures  in  the 
Hebrew  text  from  that  version,  so  far  as  they  hare  t* 
to  the  letters,  can  mostly  be  accounted  for,  on  the  ground, 
that  the  square  characters  were  then  used,  and  thai  the  final 
etters  which  vary  from  the  medial  or  initial  form,  were  then 
wanting.1 

IV.  Antiquity  ok  thk  1 1 kbrew  Vowei,  Points. 
Hut  however  interesting  these  inquiries  tuny  be  in  ■  phi- 
lological point  of  view,  it  is  of  far  greater  importance  to  be 
satisfied  concerning  the  much  litigated,  and  yet  undecided, 
question  respecting  the  antiquity  ox  the  Hebrew  points;  be- 
cause, unless  the  student  b.is  determined  for  himself,  after  a 
mature  investigation,  he  cannot  with  confidence  apply  to  the 
study  of  this  sacred  language.  Three  opinions  have  been 
offered  by  learned  men  on  this  subject     Hy  some,  the  origin 

%f  the  Hebrew  VOWel  points  is  maintained  to  be  coeval  with 
the  Hebrew  language  itself:  while  others  assert  them  to 
have  been  first  introduced  by  Ezra  after  the  Babylonish 
captivity,  when  he  compiled  the  canon,  transcribed  the  hooks 
into  the  present  Chaldee  characters,  and  restored  the  purity 
of  the  Hebrew  text.  A  third  hypothesis  is,  that  they  were 
invented,  about  five  hundred  years  after  Christ,  by  the  doc- 
tors of  the  school  of  Tiberias,  for  the  purpose  of  marking 
and  establishing  the  genuine  pronunciation,  for  the  con- 
venience of  those  who  were  learning  the  Hebrew  tongue. 
This  opinion,  first  announced  by  Raboi  Elias  Levita  in  the 
beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  has  been  adopted  by 
Cappel, Calvin,  Luther,  Casaubon,  Scaliger,  Masclef,  Erpe- 
nius,  Houbigant,  L'Advocat,  Bishops  Walton,  Hare,  and 
Lowth,  Dr.  Kennicott,  Dr.  Geddes,  and  other  eminent  critics, 
British  and  foreign,  and  is  now  generally  received,  although 
some  few  writers  of  respectability  continue  strenuously  to 
advocate  their  antiquity.  The  Arcanum  PtmctationU  litve- 
latum  of  Cappel  was  opposed  by  Buxtorf  in  a  treatise  Dc 
Pwtcterum  I  bcalium  Jlntiquitate,  by  whom  the  controversy 
was  almost  exhausted.  We  shall  briefly  state  the  evidence 
on  both  sides. 

That  the  vowel  points  are  of  modern  date,  and  of  human 
invention,  the  anti-punctists  argue  from  the  following  consi- 
derations : — 

1.  "  The  kindred  Shemitish  languages  anciently  had  no  writ- 
ten vowels.  The  most  ancient  Estrangelo  and  Kufish  charac- 
ters, that  is,  the  ancient  characters  of  the  Syrians  and  Arabians, 
were  destitute  of  vowels.  The  Palmyrene  inscriptions,  and 
nearly  all  the  Phoenician  ones,  are  destitute  of  them.  Some  of 
the  Maltese  inscriptions,  however,  and  a  few  of  the  Phoenician 
have  marks,  which  probably  were  intended  as  vowels.  The  Ko- 
ran was  confessedly  destitute  of  them,  at  first.  The  punctua- 
tion of  it  occasioned  great  dispute  among  Mohammedans.  In 
some  of  the  older  Syriac  writings  is  found  a  single  point,  which, 
by  being  placed  in  different  positions  in  regard  to  words,  served 
as  a  diacritical  sign.  The  present  vowel  system  of  the  Syrians 
was  introduced  so  late  as  the  time  of  Theophilus  and  Jacob  of 
Edcssa.  (Cent,  viii.)  The  Arabic  vowels  were  adopted  soon 
after  the  Koran  was  written  ;  but  their  other  diacritical  marks 
did  not  come  into  use.  until  they  were  introduced  by  Ibn  Mokla 
(about  a.  n.  900),  together  with  the  Nisbi  character,  now  in 
common  use."2 

2.  The  Samaritan  letters,  which  (we  have  already  seen)  were 
the  same  with  the  Hebrew  characters  before  the  captivity,  have 
no  points ;  nor  are  there  any  vestiges  whatever  of  vowel  points 
to  be  traced  cither  in  the  shekels  struck  by  the  kings  of  Israel, 
or  in  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch.  The  words  have  always  been 
read  by  the  aid  of  the  four  letters  Aleph,  He.  Van.  and  Jod. 
which  are  called  matres  Irctioiiis.  or  mothers  of  reading, 

3.  The  copies  of  the  Scriptures  used  in  the  Jewish  syna- 
gogues to  the  present  time,  ami  which  arc  accounted  particularly 
■acred,  arc  constantly  written  without  points,  or  any  distinctions 
of  vcrsc.-s  whatever:  a  practice  that  could  never  have  been  intro- 
duced, nor  would  it  have  been  so  religiously  followed,  if  vowel 
points  had  been  coeval  with  the  language,  or  of  divine  authority. 
To  this  fact  we  may  add,  that  in  many  of  the  oldest  and  best 
manuscripts,  collated  and  examined  by  Dr.  Kennicott,  either 
there  are  no  points  at  all,  or  they  are  evidently  a  late  addition  ; 
and  that  all  the  ancient  various  readings,  marked  by  the  Jews, 
regard  only  the  letters:  not  one  of  them  relates  to  the  vowel 
points,  which  could  not  have  happened  if  these  had  been  in  use. 

4.  Rabbi  Elias  Levita  ascribes  the  invention  of  vowel  points 
lo  the  doctors  of  Tiberias,  and  has  confirmed  the  fact  by  the  au- 
thority of  the  most  learned  rabbins. 


fi.  uart'8 Hebrew  Grammar,  p   16 


»  Ibid.  p.  19. 


5.  The  ancient  Cabbalists3  draw  all  their  mysteries  from  the 
letters  ;  but  none  from  the  vowel  points  ;  which  they  could  not 
have  neglected  if  they  had  been  acquainted  with  them.  And 
hence  it  is  concluded,  that  the  points  were  not  in  existence  when 
the  ( Cabbalistic  interpretations  were  made. 

Although  the  Talmud  contains  the  determinations  of  the 
Jewish  doctors  concerning  many  passages  of  the  law,  it  is  evi- 
dent that  the  points  were  not  affixed  to  the  text  when  the  Tal- 
mud «rss  composed  ;  because  there  are  several  disputes  concern- 
ing the  sen  e  of  psi  ages  of  the  law,  which  could  not  have  been 
controverted  if  the  points  had  then  been  in  existence.  Besides, 
the  vowel  points  are  never  mi  ntioned,  though  the  fairest  oppor 
tunity  for  noticing  them  offered  itself,  if  they  had  really  then  been 
in  OSS.  The  compilation  of  ISM  Talmud  was  not  finished  until 
the  riceth  century. ' 

7.  The  ancient  various  readings,  called  Keri  and  Ketib,  oi 
Khetibh  (which  were  collected  a  short  time  before  the  comple 
Hon  of  the  Talmud),  r.  late  entirely  to  consonants  and  not  to 
vowel  points;  yet,  if  these  had  existed  in  manuscript  at  the  time 
the  Keri  and  Khetib  were  collected,  it  is  obvious  that  some  re- 
ference would  directly  or  indirectly  have  been  made  to  them. 
The  silence,  therefore,  of  the  collectors  of  these  various  readings 
is  a  clear  proof  of  the  non-existence  of  vowel  points  in  their  time. 

8.  The  ancient  versions, — for  instance,  the  Chaldee  para- 
phrases of  Jonathan  and  Onkelos,  and  the  Greek  versions  of 
Aquila,  Syrp.rnaohus,  and  Thcodotion,  but  especially  the  Scptua- 
gint  version, — all  read  the  text,  in  many  passages,  in  senses  dif- 
ferent from  that  which  the  points  determine  them  to  mean. 
Whence  it  is  evident,  that  if  the  points  had  then  been  known, 
pointed  manuscripts  would  have  been  followed  as  the  most  cor- 
rect;  but  as  the  authors  of  those  versions  did  not  use  them,  it  if 
a  plain  proof  that  the  points  were  not  then  in  being. 

9.  The  ancient  Jewish  writers  themselves  are  totally  silent 
concerning  the  vowel  points,  which  surely  would  sot  have  been 
the  case  if  they  had  been  acquainted  with  them.  Much  stress 
indeed  has  been  laid  upon  the  books  of  Zohar  and  Bahir,  but 
these  have  been  proved  not  to  have  been  known  for  a  thousand 
years  after  the  birth  of  Christ.  Even  Buxtorf  himself  admits, 
that  the  book  Zohar  could  not  have  been  written  till  after  the 
tenth  century  ;  and  the  rabbis  Gedaliah  and  Zachet  confess  that 
it  was  not  mentioned  before  the  year  1290,  and  that  it  presents 
internal  evidence  that  it  is  of  a  much  later  date  than  is  pretended. 
It  is  no  uncommon  practice  of  the  Jews  to  publish  books  of  re- 
cent date  under  the  names  of  old  writers,  in  order  to  render  their 
authority  respectable,  and  even  to  alter  and  interpolate  ancient 
writers  in  order  to  subserve  their  own  views. 

10.  Equally  silent  are  the  ancient  fathers  of  the  Christian 
church,  Origen  and  Jerome.  In  some  fragments  still  extant,  of 
Origen's  vast  biblical  work,  entitled  the  Hexspla  (of  which  some 
account  is  given  in  a  subsequent  page),  we  have  a  specimen  of 
the  manner  in  which  Hebrew  was  pronounced  in  the  third  cen- 
tury; and  which,  it  appears,  was  widely  different  from  that  which 
results  from  adop'ing  the  Masorctic  reading.  Jerome  also,  in 
various  parts  of  his  works,  where  he  notices  the  different  pro 
nuneiations  of  Hebrew  words,  treats  only  of  the  letters,  and  no 
where  mentions  the  points,  which  he  surely  would  have  done, 
had  they  been  found  in  the  copies  consulted  by  him. 

11.  The  letters  n,  n,  t,  »  (Aleph,  He,  Vau,  and  Yod),  upon 
the  plan  of  the  Masoritcs.  arc  termed  quiescent,  because,  accord- 
ing to  them,  they  have  no  sound.  At  other  times,  these  same 
letters  indicate  a  variety  of  sounds,  as  the  fancy  of  these  critics 
lias  been  pleased  to  distinguish  them  by  points.  This  single  cir- 
cumstance exhibits  the  whole  doctrine  of  points  as  the  baseless 
fabric  of  a  virion.  To  suppress  altogether,  or  to  render  insig- 
nificant, a  radical  letter  of  any  word,  in  order  to  supply  its  place 
by  an  arbitrary  dot  or  a  fictitious  mark,  is  an  invention  fraught 
with  the  grossest  absurdity.6 

■>  The  Cabbalists  were  :•  s.'t  ofrabMatcal  doctors  among  tlm  Jews,  who 
derived  their  name  from  ib.ir  studying  the  Cabbala,  a  mysterious  kind  of 
•1  interpretations  of  Scripture,  and  metaphysi- 
cs! speculations  concerning  thp  Deity  and  other  beings,  which  are  found  in 

u  riiiii'.'s.  and  are  said  to  have  bi  en  banded  down  by  a  si  rrct  iradi- 
tion  from  the  earliest  a_2cs.  Ry  considering  the  numeral  powersofthe  let- 
ters  of  the  sac  ri  d  text,  and  changing  and  transposing  them  in  various  ways, 
ig  to  the  rules  of  their  art,  the  Cabbalists  extra  I  mihe 

BScred  oracles,  very  different  from  ihose  whu...  the  expressiona  seemed 
naturally  to  import,  or  which  were  even  intended  bv  their  inspired  authors. 
Some  learned  men  have  imagined,  that  the  Cabbalists  arose  soon  hffer  the 
time  of  Ezra;  but  the  truth  is,  that  no  Cabbalistic  writings  are  cxiani.  but 
what  are  posterior  to  the  destruction  of  the  sreond  temple.  For  an  °nfer 
tainine  account  of  the  Cabbala,  and  of  the  Cabbalistiral  philosophy,  see  Mr 
Allen's  Modern  Judaism,  pp.  65—94.,  or  Dr.  Enfield's  History  ol  Philosophy, 
vol.  ii.  pp.  199—221. 

*  For  an  account  of  the  Talmud,  see  part  ii.  book  i.  chap.  ii.  aect.  i.  $6 
infra. 

»  Wilson's  Elements  of  Hebrew  Grammar,  p.  48. 


192 


Ub  THE  ORIGINAL  LANGUAGES  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


[Part  I.  Ohap.1 


1 2.  Lastly,  as  the  first  vestiges  of  the  points  that  can  be  traced 
are  to  be  found  in  the  writings  of  Rabbi  Ben  Asher,  president 
of  the  western  school,  and  of  Rabbi  Ben  Naphthali,  chief  of  the 
eastern  school,  who  flourished  about  the  middle  of  the  tenth  cen- 
tury, we  are  justified  in  assigning  that  as  the  epoch  when  the 
system  of  vowel  points  was  established. 

Such  are  the  evidences  on  which  the  majority  of  the  learn- 
ed rest  their  convictions  of  the  modern  date-  of  the  Hebrew 
points:  it  now  remains,  that  we  concisely  notice  the  argu- 
ments adduced  by  the  fiuxtorfs  and  their  followers  for  the 
antiquity  of  these  points. 

1.  From  the  nature  of  all  languages  it  is  urged  that  they  re- 
quire vowels,  which  are  in  a  manner  the  soul  of  words. 

This  is  readily  conceded  as  an  indisputable  truth,  but  it  is  no 
proof  of  the  antiquity  of  the  vowel  points :  for  the  Hebrew  lan- 
guage always  had  and  still  has  vowels,  independent  of  the  points, 
without  which  it  may  be  read.  Origen,  who  transcribed  the 
Hebrew  Scriptures  in  Greek  characters  in  his  Hcxapla,  did  not 
invent  new  vowels  to  express  the  vowels  absent  in  Hebrew 
words,  neither  did  Jerome,  who  also  expressed  many  Hebrew 
words  and  passages  in  Latin  characters.  The  Samaritans,  who 
used  the  same  alphabet  as  the  Hebrews,  read  without  the  vowel 
points,  employing  the  matres  lectionis,  Aleph,  He  or  Hheth, 
Jod,  Oin,  and  Vau  (a,  e,  i,  o,  u)  for  vowels  ;  and  the  Hebrew 
may  be  read  in  the  same  manner,  with  the  assistance  of  these 
letters,  by  supplying  them  where  they  are  not  expressed,  agreea- 
bly to  the  modern  practice  of  the  Jews,  whose  Talmud  and  rab- 
binical commentators,  as  well  as  the  copies  of  the  law  preserved 
in  the  synagogues,  are  to  this  day  read  without  vowel  points. 

2.  It  is  objected  that  the  reading  of  Hebrew  would  be  rendered 
very  uncertain  and  difficult  without  the  points,  after  the  lan- 
guage ceased  to  be  spoken. 

To  this  it  is  replied,  that  even  after  Hebrew  ceased  to  be  a  ver- 
nacular language,  its  true  reading  might  have  been  continued 
among  learned  men  to  whom  it  was  familiar,  and  also  in  their 
schools,  which  flourished  before  the  invention  of  the  points.  And 
thus  daily  practice  in  reading,  as  well  as  a  consideration  of  the 
context,  would  enable  them  not  only  to  fix  the  meaning  of  doubt- 
ful words,  but  also  to  supply  the  vowels  which  were  deficient, 
and  likewise  to  fix  words  to  one  determinate  reading.  Cappel,1 
and  after  him  Masclef,2  have  given  some  general  rules  for  the 
application  of  the  matres  lectionis,  to  enable  us  to  read  Hebrew 
without  points. 

3.  "  Many  Protestant  writers  have  been  led  to  support  the 
authority  of  the  points,  by  the  supposed  uncertainty  of  the  un- 
pointed text ;  which  would  oblige  us  to  follow  the  direction  of 
the  church  of  Rome. 

"This  argument,  however,  makes  against  those  who  would 
suppose  Ezra  to  have  introduced  the  points :  for  in  that  case, 
from  Moses  to  his  day  the  text  being  unpointed  must  have  been 
obscure  and  uncertain  ;  and  if  this  were  not  so,  why  should  not 
the  unpointed  text  have  remained  intelligible  and  unambiguous 
after  his  time,  as  it  had  done  before  it  1  This  argument,  more- 
over, grants  what  they  who  use  it  are  not  aware  of:  for  if  it  be 
allowed  that  the  unpointed  text  is  ambiguous  and  uncertain,  and 
would  oblige  us  in  consequence  to  recur  to  the  church  of  Rome, 
the  Romanists  may  prove — at  least  with  every  appearance  of 
tiuth — that  it  has  always  been  unpointed,  and  that,  therefore,  we 
must  have  recourse  to  the  church  to  explain  it.  Many  writers 
of  that  communion  have  had  the  candour  to  acknowledge,  that 
the  unpointed  Hebrew  text  can  be  read  and  understood  like 
the  Samaritan  text ;  for  although  several  words  in  Hebrew  may, 
when  separate,  admit  of  different  interpretations,  the  context 
usually  fixes  their  meaning  with  precision  ;3  or,  if  it  ever  fail  to 
do  so,  and  leave  their  meaning  still  ambiguous,  recourse  may  be 
had  to  the  interpretations  of  ancient  translators  or  commentators. 
We  must  likewise  remember,  that  the  Masorites,  in  affixing 
points  to  the  text,  did  not  do  so  according  to  their  own  notions  how 
it  ought  to  be  read  :  they  followed  the  received  reading  of  their 
day,  and  thus  fixed  unalterably  that  mode  of  reading  which  was 
authorized  among  them  ;  and,  therefore,  though  we  reject  these 
points  as  their  invention,  and  consider  that  they  never  were  used 
by  any  inspired  writer,  yet  it  by  no  means  follows,  that  for  the 
interpretation  of  Scripture  we  must  go  to  a  supposed  infallible 
church ;  for  we  acknowledge  the  divine  original  of  what  the 
points  express,  namely,  the  sentiments  conveyed  by  the  letters 
and  words  of  the  sacred  text."4 

'  Arcanum  Puncfationis  revelatum,  lib.  i.  c.  18. 
■»  Grammatica  Hebraica,  vol.  i.  cap.  1.  §  iv. 

•  Thus  the  English  verb  to  skin  has  two  opposite  meanings ;  but  the  con- 
text will  always  determine  which  it  bears  in  any  passage  where  it  occur*. 
«  Hamilton's  Introd.  to  the  Study  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  pr.  14,  4b. 


4.  In  further  proof  of  the  supposed  antiquity  of  vowel  points, 
some  passages  have  been  adduced  from  the  Talmud,  in  which  ac- 
cents and  verses  are  mentioned.  The  fact  is  admitted,  but  it  is 
no  proof  of  the  existence  of  points ;  neither  is  mention  of  certain 
words  in  the  Masoretic  notes,  as  being  irregularly  punctuated, 
any  evidence  of  their  existence  or  antiquity  :  for  the  Masora  was 
not  finished  by  one  author,  nor  in  one  century,  but  that  system 
of  annotation  was  commenced  and  prosecuted  by  various  He- 
brew critics  through  several  ages.  Hence  it  happened  that  the 
latter  Masorites,  having  detected  mistakes  in  their  predecessors 
(who  had  adopted  the  mode  of  pronouncing  and  reading  used  in 
their  day),  were  unwilling  to  alter  such  mistakes,  but  contented 
themselves  with  noting  particular  words  as  having  been  irregu- 
larly and  improperly  pointed.  These  notes,  therefore,  furnish  no 
evidence  of  the  existence  of  points  before  the  time  of  the  first 
compilers  of  the  Masora.5 

The  preceding  are  the  chief  arguments  usually  urged  for  and 
against  the  vowel  points,  and  from  an  impartial  consideration 
of  them,  the  reader  will  be  enabled  to  judge  for  himself. 
The  weight  of  evidence,  we  apprehend,  will  be  found  to  de- 
termine against  them :  nevertheless,  "  the  points  seem  to  have 
their  uses,  and  these  not  inconsiderable ;  and  to  have  this  use 
among  others, — that,  as  many  of  the  Hebrew  letters  have 
been  corrupted  since  the  invention  of  the  points,  and  as  the 
points  subjoined  originally  to  the  true  letters  have  been  in 
many  of  these  places  regularly  preserved,  these  points  will 
frequently  concur  in  proving  the  truth  of  such  corruptions, 
and  will  point  out  the  method  of  correcting  them."6 

V.  Hebrew  Accents. 

Besides  the  vowel  points,  the  antiquity  of  which  has  been 
considered  in  the  preceding  pages,  we  meet  in  pointed  He- 
brew Bibles  with  other  marks  or  signs  termed  Accents;  the 
system  of  which  is  inseparably  connected  with  the  present 
state  of  the  vowel  points,  inasmuch  as  these  points  are  often 
changed  in  consequence  of  the  accents.  The  latter  therefore 
must  have  originated  contemporaneously  with  the  .written 
vowels,  at  least  with  the  completion  of  the  vowel  system. 
Respecting  the  design  of  the  accents  there  has  been  great 
dispute  among  Hebrew  grammarians.  Professor  Stuart,  who 
has  discussed  this  subject  most  copiously  in  his  valuable 
Hebrew  Grammar,  is  of  opinion  that  they  were  designed, 
not  to  mark  the  tone-syllable  of  a  word  or  the  interpunction, 
but  to  regulate  the  cantillation  of  the  Scriptures.  It  is  well 
known  that  the  Jews,  from  time  immemorial  in  the  public 
reading  of  the  Scriptures,  have  cantilluted  them,  that  is,  read 
in  a  kind  of  half  singing  or  recitative  way.  In  this  manner 
most  probably  the  Ethiopian  eunuch  was  reading  the  pro- 

{ihecy  of  Isaiah  when  he  was  overheard  and  interrogated  by 
■•hilip.  (Acts  viii.  30.)  In  this  manner  also  Mussulmen 
read  the  Koran ;  and  the  people  of  the  East  generally  deliver 
public  discourses  in  this  way.  The  mode  of  cantillating 
Hebrew  in  different  countries  is  at  present  various,  but 
guided  in  all  by  the  accents ;  that  is,  the  accents  are  used  as 
musical  notes,  though  various  powers  are  assigned  to  them.7 
The  mode  of  reading  with  Hebrew  accents  will  be  found 
treated  at  less  or  greater  length  in  most  of  the  Hebrew  gram- 
mars with  points. 

A  bibliographical  account  of  the  principal  editions  of  the 
Hebrew  Bible  will  be  found  in  the  Bibliographical  Appen- 
dix to  this  volume,  Part  I.  Chap.  I.  Sect.  I.,  and  of  the 
principal  Hebrew  grammars  and  lexicons,  both  with  and 
without  points,  in  Part  II.  Chap.  IV.  Sect.  I.  and  11 


SECTION   11. 


ON   THE    GREEK    LANGUAGE. 


I.  Similarity  of  the  Greek  language  of  the  New  Testament 
•with  that  of  the  Alexandrian  or  Sepluagint  Greek  ver- 
Sj0n, — II.    The  New    Testament  -why  -written  in  Greek. — 

»  Walton,  Prol.  iii.  §§  33—56.  (pp.  125—170.)  Carpzov.  Crit.  Sacr.  Vet. 
Test,  part  i.  c.  v.  sect.  vii.  pp.  242—274.  Pfeiffer,  Critica  Sacra,  cap.  iv.  sect, 
ii.  (Op.  pp.  704—711.)  Gerard's  Institutes,  pp.  32—38.  Jahn,  Introd.  ad  Vet. 
Fuidus,  pp.  129—131.  Bauer,  Critica  Sacra,  pp.  128—141.  Pndeaux's  Con- 
nection,  vol\  i.  part  i.  book  5.  pp.  347— 3G1.  8th  edition.  Bishop  Marsh  (Lec- 
tures, partii.  pp.  136—140.)  has  enumerated  the  principal  treatises  for  and 
against  the  vowel  points. 

«  Dr.  Kennicott,  Dissertation  i.  on  the  Hebrew  T  .a,  p.  345. 

1  Stuart's  Hebrew  Grammar,  pp.  22,  23.  68.  <  First  edition.)  In  pp.  64— 
66.,  and  Appendix  (E,)pp.  344—356.  Mr.  Stuart  .as  treated  at  larg»  on  the 
number,  names,  mode  ofwriting,  prose  and  poetic  consecution,  original  de- 
sign, and  importance  of  the  Hebrew  accents. 


Sect  II.] 


ON  THE  GREEK  LANGUAGE. 


l!)3 


III.  Examination  of  its  style. — IV.  Its  Dialects — Hebra- 
isms— Itabbinisms — Avamxisms — Latinisms — fersisms  and 
Cilicisms. 

I.    SlMILARITV  OF    THE   GREEK    LjJfSUAOI  OF    TBI    Svt 

TAMENT  WITH  THAT  OF    THE   Al.KX  ANIlltl A  N  OR   SlPTDAOIWT 

Greek  Version. 

Ik  a  knowledge  of  Hebrew  be  necessary  and  desirable,  in 

order  to  understand  the  Old  Testament  aright,  an  aoquaint- 
ance  with  the  Greek  language  is  of  equal  importance  f>r 
understanding  the  New  Testament  correctly.  It  is  in  this 
language  that  the  Septuaginl  version  of  the  Old  Testament 

Was  executed;   and  a:j  the  inspired  writers  of  the   New   Tl     - 

lament  thought  and  spoke  in  the  Chaldee  or  Syriac  tongues, 

whoso   turns   of  e\|iression  closely  corresponded  with   those 

of  the  ancient  Hebrew,  the  language  of  the  apostles  and 
evangelists,  when  they  wrote  in  Greek,  necessarily  resem- 
bled that  of  the  translators  of  the  Septuagint    And  as  every 
.leu,  who  read  Greek   at  all,  would   read   the  Greek  Bible, 
the  style  of  the  Septuaginl  again  operated  in  forming  the 
of  the  Greek  Testament."     The  Septuagint  version, 
fore,  being  a  new  source  of  interpretation  equally  im- 
i!  to  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  a  knowledge  of  the 
Greek   language   becomes   indispensably  necessary  to   the 
biblical  student. 

II.  A  variety  of  solutions  has  been  given  to  the  question, 
wfiv  the  New  Testament  was  written  in  Greek. 

The  true  reason  is  simply  this, — that  it  was  the  language 
beel  understood,  both  by  writers  and  readers,  being  spoken 
and  written,  read  and  understood,  throughout  the  Roman 
empire,  and  particularly  in  the  eastern  provinces.  In  fact, 
Greek  was  at  that  time  as  well  known  in  the  higher  and 
middle  circles  as  the  French  is  in  our  day;  almost  all  Ro- 
mans, who  had  received  any  tincture  of  education,  speaking 
it  in  addition  to  their  mother  tongue. '  To  the  universality 
of  the  Greek  language,  Cicero,2  Seneca,3  and  Juvenal4  bear 
ample  testimony:  and  the  circumstances  of  the  Jews  having 
had  both  political,  civil,  and  commercial  relations  with  the 
Greeks,  and  being  dispersed  through  various  parts  of  the 
[toman  empire,  as  well  as  their  having  cultivated  the  philo- 
sophy of  the  Greeks,  of  which  we  have  evidence  in  the  New 
Testament,  all  sufficiently  account  for  their  being  acquainted 
vith  the  Greek  language;  to  which  we  may  add  the  fact, 
bat  the  Septuagint  Greek  version  of  the  Old  Testament  had 
nvii  in  use  among  the  Jews  upwards  of  two  hundred  and 
•ighty  years  before  the  Christian  rera;  which  most  assuredly 
sould  not  have  been  the  case  if  the  language  had  not  been 
amiliai  to  them.  And  if  the  eminent  Jewish  writers,  Philo 
ind  Josephus,  had  motives  for  preferring  to  write  in  Greek, 
here  is  no  reason-  at  least  there  is  no  general  presumption — 
why  the  first  publishers  of  the  Gospel  might  not  use  the 
rreek  language.5  But  we  need  not  rest  on  probabilities.  For, 

1.  It  is  manifest  from  various  passages  in  the  first  book 
f  Maccabees,  that  the  Jews  of  all  classes  must  at  that  time 
b.  c.  175 — 140)  have  understood  the  language  of  their  con- 
juerors  and  oppressors,  the  Macedonian  Greeks  under  Anti- 
jchus,  falsely  named  the  Great,  and  his  successors. 

2.  Further,  when  the  Macedonians  obtained  the  dominion  of 
western  Asia,  they  filled  that  country  with  Greek  cities. 
The  Greeks  also  possessed  themselves  of  many  cities  in 
1'aastine,  to  which  the  Herods  added  many  others,  which 

'  Bisbop  Marsh's  Lectures,  part  iii.  pp.  30,  81,    Tlu-  question  relative  to 
pposed  Hebrew  originals  "i  Balm  Matthew's  Gospel,  and  of  the  Epis- 
the  Hebrews,  is  p  irposelv  omitted  in  this  place,  as  ll  is  considered  in 
the  subsequent  part  oi  tins  work. 

*  Orat.  pro  Archia  Poeta,  c.  10.    Gra;ca  leguntur  in  umnitnts  fere  genti- 

I  itinasoisfinibus,  exigoissane,  conttnentur.    Jn  "ststhe 

prevalence  of  the  <;reek  language  in  Gaul  DeBetl.  QaL  lib.  i.  c.39.  lib.  vi. 
c.  11  (vol.  i.  pp.  23.  101.  edit.  Bipnnt.) 

*  In  consolat  ad  Helviani,  c.  6.     Quid  sibi  Tolunt  in  mediid  barbarorum 

aibus  Graeccburbesl  Quid  inter  Indos  Persasque  Maccdonicus ser- 
'no .'  Scvthia  et  totus  ille  ferarum  indomitariunque  gentium  tractus  civita- 
;.•.<  Achates,  Ponticis  impositas  litoribus,  ostent.it. 

«  Nunc  totds  Graias  nostrasque  habet  orbis  Alln  n         -       n     >•   110 

liven  t'le  female  sex,  it  appears  from  the  same  satit  1st,  m  ide  use  of  Greek 

is  t  tie  language  of  familiarity  and  passion      See  Sat  vi   9    1  ■">— 191.    To  the 

authorities  above  cited  may  be  added  the  tesUmooi   >  of  Tacitus(De  Orat. 

89.)  of  Ovid  (De  Arte  Amor.  lib.  ii.  v.  121.),  and  of  Martial.  (Kpi^r.  I.  c. 

zix     Epig.  58.) 

»  Josephus,  de  Bell.  Jud.  Proem.  §  2.  says,  that  he  composed  his  history 

•  Jewish  war  in  the  language  of  his  country,  and  afterwards  wrote  it 

in  Creek  for  the  information  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans     The  reader  will 

find  a  great  number  of  additional  testimonies  to  the  prevalence  of  the  Greek 

tnguage  in  the  East,  in  Antonii  Josepfal  Btnterim  Epistola  Catholica  Inter- 

lnealis  de  Lingua  Originali  Novi  Testament]  Don  Latin),  &c.  pp.  171 — 

19S.    Dusseldorpii,  1320.    It  is  necessary  to  apprize  the  reader,  that  the 

I  sign  of  thi3  volume  is  to  support  the  dogma  of  the  Romish  church,  that 

the  reading  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  in  the  vulgar  tongue,  ought  not  to  be 

u"i>miscuonsly  alloyed. 

Vol.  I.  2  B 


were  also  inhabited  by  Greeks.  Herod  the  Great,  in  particu- 
lar, made  continual  efforts  to  give  a  foreign  physiognomy  to 
Jud. i  a;  which  country,  during  the  personal  ministry  of  Jesus 
<  'hrist,  was  thus  invaded  on  every  side  by  a  Greek  population. 
The  following  particulars  will  confirm  and  illustrate  this  fact : 
Aristobulus  and  Alexander  built  or  restored  many  cities, 
which  were  almost  entirely  occupied  by  Greeks,  or  by  Sy- 
rians who  Bpoke  their  language.  Some  of  the  cities,  indeed. 
which  were  rebuilt  by  the  Asmonaean  kings,  or  by  the  com- 
mand of  Pompey,  were  ofl  the  frontiers  of  Palestine,  but  a 
great  number  of  them  were  in  the  interior  of  that  country; 
and  concerning  these  cities  we  have  historical  data  which 
demonstrate  that  they  were  very  nearly,  if  not  altogether. 
Greek.  Thus,  at  Dora,  a  city  of  Galilee,  the  inhabitants 
refused  to  the  Jews  the  ri^ht  of  citizenship  which  bad  been 
granted  to  them  by  Claudius.'  Josephus  expressly  says 
thai  Gadara  and  Hippos  art  Greek  dtu$t  Uximnc  ««■<  T'.tu<. 
In  the  very  centre  oi  Palestine  stood  Hethshan,  which  place 
its  Greek  inhabitants  called  8eythapolU.*  Josephus  testifies 
that  Gaza,  in  the  southern  part  of  Judaea,  was  Greek;  and 
Joppa,  the  importance  of  whose  harbour  induced  the  kings 
of  kgypt  and  Syria  successively  to  take  it  from  the  Jews,10 
most  certainly  could  not  remain  a  stranger  to  the  same  influ- 
ence. Under  the  reign  of  Herod  the  Great,  Palestine  be- 
came still  more  decidedly  Greek.  That  prince  and  his  sons 
erected  several  cities  in  honour  of  the  Caesars.  The  most 
remarkable  of  all  these,  CVsarca  (which  was  the  second  city 
in  his  kingdom),  was  chiefly  peopled  by  Greeks;11  whoaftei 
Herod's  death,  under  the  protection  of  Nero,  expelled  the 
Jews  who  dwelt  there  with  them.12  The  Jews  revenged  the 
affront,  which  they  had  received  at  Caesarea,  on  Gadara, 
Hippos,  Scythopolts,  Askalon,  and  Gaza, — a  further  proof 
that  the  Greeks  inhabited  those  cities  jointly  with  the  Jews.13 
After  the  death  of  Pompey,  the  Greeks,  being  liberated  from 
all  the  restraints  which  bad  been  imposed  on  them,  made 
great  progress  in  Palestine  under  the  protection  of  Herod ; 
who  by  no  means  concealed  his  partiality  for  them,11  and 
lavished  immense  sums  of  money  for  the  express  purpose  of 
naturalizing  their  language  and  manners  among  the  Jews 
With  this  view  he  built  a  theatre  and  amphitheatre  at  Caesa- 
rea ;15  at  Jericho  an  amphitheatre,  and  a  stadium  ;10  he  erected 
similar  edifices  at  the  very  gates  of  the  holy  city,  Jerusalem, 
and  he  even  proceeded  to  build  a  theatre  within  its  walls.1' 

3.  The  Roman  government  was  rather  favourable  than 
adverse  to  the  extension  of  the  Greek  language  in  Palestine, 
in  consequence  of  Greek  being  the  official  language  of  the 
procurators  of  that  country,  when  administering  justice,  and 
speaking  to  the  people. 

Under  the  earlier  emperors,  the  Romans  were  accustomed 
frequently  to  make  use  of  Greek,  even  at  Rome,  when  the 
affairs  ofthe  provinces  were  under  consideration.18  If  Greek 
were  thus  used  at  Rome,  we  may  reasonably  conclude  that  it 
would  be  still  more  frequently  spoken  in  Greece  and  in  Asia. 
In  Palestine,  in  particular,  we  do  not  perceive  any  vestige 
of  the  official  use  of  the  Latin  language  by  the  procurators. 
We  do  not  find  a  single  instance,  either  in  the  books  of  the 
New  Testament  or  in  Josephus,  in  which  the  Roman  gover- 
nors made  use  of  interpreters ;  and  while  use  and  the  affairs 
of  life  accustomed  the  common  people  to  that  language,  the 
higher  classes  of  society  would  on  many  accounts  be  obliged 
to  make  use  of  it. 

4.  So  far  were  the  religious  authorities  of  the  Jews  from 
opposing  the  introduction  of  Greek,  that  they  appear  rather 
to  haw  favoured  the  use  of  that  language. 

They  employed  it,  habitually,  in  profane  works,  and  ad- 
mitted it  into  official  acts.  An  article  of  the  Mischna  prohi- 
bits the  Jews  from  writing  books  in  any  other  language, 
except  the  Greek.19    Such  a  prohibition  would  not  have  been 

•  Joaephaa,  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  xix.  c.  6.  §  5. 
1  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  xvi.  c.  11.  §4. 

•  z*\i5*iv  lUj-ij,  Judges  i.  27.  (Septuagint  version.)  Polybius,  lib.  v.  r. 
70.  %  4. 

•  Josephus,  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  xvii.  c.  11.  5  4. 

■  a  Diod.  Sic.  lib.  xix.  cc.  59.  93.  1  Mace.  x.  75.  xii.  33,  34.  xhi.  11.  xiv-  34 
2 Mace,  xiii.3.  Josephus,  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  xiii.  c.  9.  §  2.  and  lib.  xiv.  c.  10.  i22. 

ii  Joaephaa,  de  Bell.  Jud.  lib.  iii.  c.  9.  compared  with  lib.  ii.  c.  13.  $  7 

'»  Hell.  Jud.  lib.  ii.  c.  14.  §  4.  '»  Ibid.  lib.  ii.  c.  1R 

i«  Josephus,  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  xix.  c.  7.  %  5. 

'»  Idem.  lib.  xv.  c.  9.  compared  with  lib.  xvi.  c.  5. 

'«  Hell.  Jud.  lib.  i.  c.  a3.  §§  6.  8.    Ant.  Jud.  lib.  xvii.  c.  6. 

ci  Bell.  Jud.  lib.  i.  c.  9.  s.  3.  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  xv.  c.  8.  w*r(,v  <r  Ii«n 
xu.uo.,-  axoJo^o-ev.  Compare  Eichhorn  de  Juda:orum  Ke  Scemca  in  Com 
ment.    Soc.  Reg.  Scient.    Gotting.  vol.  ii.    Class  Antiq.  pp.  10/T.13-       . 

•»  This  will  account  for  the  Jewish  king,  Herod  Agrippa,  and  his  brother 
being  permitted  by  the  emperor  Claudius  to  be  present  in  the  senate,  and 
to  address  that  assembly  in  Greek.    Dion.  Hist.  lib.  lx.  e.  3 

•  »  Mischna,  Tract.  Megill.  c.  I.  S  8. 


194 

given  if  they  had  not  been  accustomed  to  write  in  a  foreign 
»anguage.  The  act. or  instrument  of  divorce  might,  indiffer- 
ently, be  written  and  signed  in  Greek  or  Hebrew :  in  either 
language,  and  with  either  subscription,  it  was  valid.1  During 
the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  for  the  first  time,  some  opposition 
was  made  to  the  use  of  the  Greek  language,  when  brides 
were  forbidden  to  wear  a  nuptial  crown,  at  the  same  time 
that  fathers  were  commanded  to  prevent  their  children  thence- 
forward from  learning  Greek.2  This  circumstance  will  en- 
able us  readily  to  understand  why  Josephus,  when  sent  by 
Titus  to  address  his  besieged  countrymen,  spoke  to  them 
ffysufav,  that  is,  in  the  Hebrew  dialect,  and  t»  ?t*t<;/»  yhcavn, 
in  his  native,  tongue  :*  it  was  not  that  he  might  be  better 
heard,  but  that  he  might  make  himself  known  to  them  as 
their  fellow-countryman  and  brother. 

5.  The  Greek  language  was  spread  through  various  clases 
of  the  Jewish  nation  by  usage  and  the  intercourse  of  life. 
The  people,  with  but  few  exceptions,  generally  understood 
it,  although  they  continued  to  be  always  more  attached  to 
their  native  tongue.  There  were  at  Jerusalem  religious 
communities  wholly  composed  of  Jews  who  spoke  Greek ; 
and  of  these  Jews,  as  well  as  of  Greek  proselytes,  the  Chris- 
tian church  at  Jerusalem  appears  in  the  first  instance  to  have 
been  formed.  An  examination  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles 
will  prove  these  assertions.  Thus,  in  Acts  xxi.  40.  and  xxii. 
2.  when  Paul,  after  a  tumult,  addressed  the  populace  in 
Hebrew,  they  kept  the  more  silence.  They,  therefore  evi- 
dently expected  that  he  would  have  spoken  to  them  in  an- 
other language  which  they  would  have  comprehended,4 
though  they  heard  him  much  better  in  Hebrew,  which  they 
preferred.  In  Acts  vi.  9.  and  ix.  29.  we  read  that  there  were 
at  Jerusalem  whole  synagogues  of  Hellenist  Jews,  under 
the  name  of  Cyrenians,  Alexandrians,  &c.  And  in  Acts  vi. 
1.  we  find  that  these  very  Hellenists  formed  a  considerable 
portion  of  the  church  in  that  city.5  From  the  account  given 
in  John  xii.  20.  of  certain  Greeks  (whether  they  were  Hel- 
lenistic Jews  or  Greek  proselytes  it  is  not  material  to  deter- 
mine), who  through  the  apostle  Philip  requested  an  interview 
with  Jesus,  it  may  fairly  be  inferred  that  both  Philip  and 
Andrew  understood  Greek.6 

6.  Further,  there  are  extant  Greek  monuments,  containing 
epitaphs  and  inscriptions,  which  were  erected  in  Palestine 
and  the  neighbouring  countries,7  as  well  as  ancient  coins 
which  were  struck  in  the  cities  of  Palestine,  and  also  in  the 
various  cities  of  Asia  Minor.8  "What  purpose  could  it 
answer,  to  erect  the  one  or  to  execute  the  other,  in  the  Greek 
language,  if  that  language  had  not  been  familiar — indeed 
vernacular  to  the  inhabitants  of  Palestine  and  the  neighbour- 
ing countries  1  There  is,  then,  every  reasonable  evidence, 
amounting  to  demonstration,  that  Greek  did  prevail  uni- 
versally throughout  the  Roman  empire ;  and  that  the  com- 
mon people  of  Judaea  were  acquainted  with  it,  and  under- 
stood it. 

Convincing  as  we  apprehend  the  preceding  facts  and  evi- 
dence will  bo  found  to  the  unprejudiced  inquirer,  two  or  three 
objections  have  been  raised  against  them,  which  it  may  not 
be  irrelevant  here  briefly  to  notice. 

1.  It  is  objected  that,  during  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  when 
Titus  granted  a  truce  to  the  factious  Jews  just  before  he 
commenced  his  last  assault,  he  advanced  towards  them  ac- 
companied by  an  interpreter  :9  but  the  Jewish  historian, 
Josephus,  evidently  means  that  the  Roman  general,  confident 
of  victory,  from  a  sense  of  dignity,  spoke  first,  and  in  his 
own  maternal  language,  which  we  know  was  Latin.  The 
interpreter,  therefore,  did  not  attend  him  in  order  to  trans- 
late Greek  words  into  Hebrew,  but  for  the  purpose  of  ren- 

>  If  the  book  of  divorce  be  written  in  Hebrew,  and  the  names  of  the 
witnesses  in  Greek,  or  vice  versa ;  or  the  name  of  one  witness  be  in  He- 
brew and  the  other  in  Greek;— if  a  scribe  and  witness  wrote  it,  it  is  law- 
fill.— Mischna,  Tract.  Gitin.  c.  9.  §  8. 

»  Ibid.  Tract.  Small,  c.  9.  §  14. 

a  Bell.  Jud.  lib.  v.  c.  9.  §2.  lib.  vi.  c  2.  %  1. 

*  In  like  manner,  it  is  well  known,  there  are  many  hundred  thousand 
natives  of  Ireland  who  can  understand  what  is  said  to  them  in  En«lish 
which  language  they  will  tolerate ;  but  thoy  love  their  native  Irish  dialect! 
and  will  listen  witli  profound  attention  to  anyone  who  kindly  addresses 
thcrn  in  it. 

»  Essai  d'une  Introduction  Critique  an  Nouveau  Testament  par  I  F 
Cellerier,  fils,  pp.  242—249.  Geneve,  1823.  8vo.  Dr.  Wait's  Translation 
of  Hug's  Introduction,  vol.  ii.  pp.  32 — 53. 

«  A.  Arigler  Hermeneutica  Uiblica,  pp  74—79.  Albcr,  Instil.  Hermeneut 
Nov.  Test.  torn.  i.  pp.  242,  243. 

•>  Antonii  Jos.  Binterim,  Propemticmn  ad  Molkenbuhrii  Problema  Criti- 
cum, — Sacra  Scriptura  Novi  Testamenti  in  quo  idiomate  originaliter  ab 
»postolis  edita  fuif!  pp.  27—40.    (Moguntiae,  1822,  8vo.) 

»  Ibid.  pp.  40—44. 

»  Josephus.  de  Bell.  Jud.  lib.  vi.  c.  6 


ON  THE  ORIGINAL  LANGUAGES  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


[Paiit  I.  Chap  1 


denng  into  Hebrew  or  Greek  the  discourse  which  Titus  pro* 
nounced  in  Latin. 

2.  It  has  also  been  urged  as  a  stTong  objection  to  the  Greek 
original  of  the  Gospels, that  Jesus  Christ  spoke  in  Hebrew; 
because  Hebrew  words  occur  in  Mark  v.  41.  (Talitha  cumi) ; 
vii.  34.  (Ephphu/ha);    Matt,   xxvii.  46.  [Eli,  Eli!  Lama 
sabachthani),  and  Mark  xv.  34.     But  to  this  affirmation  we 
may  reply,  that  on  this  occasion  the  evangelists  have  noticed, 
and  transcribed   these  expressions  in  the  original,  because 
Jesus  did  not  ordinarily  and  habitually  speak  Hebrew.   Bu 
admitting  it  to  be  more  probable,  that  the  Redeemer  did 
ordinarily  speak  Hebrew  to  the  Jews,  who  were  most  par- 
tial to  their  native  tongue,  which  they  heard  him  speak  with  "> 
delight,  we  may  ask — in  what  language  but  Greek  did  he  J 
address   the  multitudes,  when  they  were   composed  of  a 
mixture  of  persons  of  different  countries  and  nations — pro- 
selytes to  the  Jewish  religion,  as  well  as  heathen  Gentiles  * 

For  instance,  the  Gadarenes  (Matt.  viii.  28 — 34.  Mark  v.  \. 
Luke  viii.  26.)  ;  the  inhabitants  of  the  borders  of  Tyre  and 
Sidon  (Mark  vii.  24.) ;  the  inhabitants  of  the  Decapolis ; 
the  Syrophcenician  woman,  who  is  expressly  termed  a  Greek, 
h  yw»  'ExMiv/r,  in  Mark  vii.  26. ;  and  the  Greeks,  'E\*)ii>ec,  who 
were  desirous  of  seeing  Jesus  at  the  passover.  (John  xii 
20.)'° 

3.  Lastly,  it  has  been  objected,  that,  as  the  Christian 
churches  were  in  many  countries  composed  chiefly  of  the 
common  people,  they  did  not  and  could  not  understand 
Greek.  But,  not  to  insist  on  the  evidence  already  adduced 
for  the  universality  of  the  Greek  language,  we  may  reply, 
that  "  in  every  church  there  were  numbers  of  persons  en- 
dowed with  trie  gifts  of  tongues,  and  of  the  interpretation 
of  tongues ;  who  could  readily  turn  the  apostles'  Greek 
epistles  into  the  language  of  the  church  to  which  they  were 
sent.  In  particular,  the  president-  or  the  spiritual  man,  who 
read  the  apostle's  Greek  letter  to  the  Hebrews  in  their  public 
assemblies,  could,  without  any  hesitation,  read  it  in  the  He- 
brew language,  for  the  edification  of  those  who  did  not  under- 
stand Greek.  And  with  respect  to  the  Jews  in  the  provinces, 
Greek  being  the  native  language  of  most  of  them,  this 
epistle  was  much  better  calculated  for  their  use,  written  in 
\kr  Greek  language,  than  if  it  had  been  written  in  the  He- 
brew, which  few  of  them  understood."  Further,  "  it  was 
proper  that  all  the  apostolical  epistles  should  be  written  in 
the  Greek  language  ;  because  the  different  doctrines  of  the 
Gospel  being  delivered  and  explained  in  them,  the  explana- 
tion of  these  doctrines  could  with  more  advantage  De  com- 
pared so  as  to  be  better  understood,  being  expressed  in  one 
language,  than  if,  in  the  different  epistles,  they  had  been  ex-  , 
pressed  in  the  language  of  the  churches  and  persons  to  whom 
they  were  sent.  Now,  what  should  that  one  language  be, 
in  which  it  was  proper  to  write  the  Christian  Revelation, 
but  the  Greek,  which  was  then  generally  understood,  and  in 
which  there  were  many  books  extant,  that  treated  of  all  kinds 
of  literature,  and  on  that  account  were  likely  to  be  preserved, 
and  by  the  reading  of  which  Christians,  in  after  ages,  would 
be  enabled  to  understand  the  Greek  of  the  New  Testament  1 
This  advantage  none  of  the  provincial  dialects  used  in  the 
apostle's  days  could  pretend  to.  Being  limited  to  particular 
countries,  they  were  soon  to  be  disused ;  and  few  (if  any) 
books  being  written  in  them  which  merited  to  be  preserved, 
the  meaning  of  such  of  the  apostles'  letters  as  were  com- 
posed in  the  provincial  languages  could  not  easily  have  been 
ascertained."" 

III.  Examination   of  the  Style  of  the  New  Testa 

MENT. 

The  style  of  the  New  Testament  has  a  considerable 
affinity  with  that  of  the  Septuagint  Version  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, which  was  executed  at  Alexandria,'2  although  it  ap- 
proaches somewhat  nearer  to  the  idiom  of  the  later  Greek 
language.  Hence  some  philologers  have  wished  to  call  the 
diction  of  the  New  Testament  the  Alexandrine  dialect,  and 
have  regarded  the  dialect  of  Alexandria  as  the  source  of  the 
style  of  the  New  Testament.  This  opinion  is  supported, 
neither  by  a  comparison  of  the  New  Testament  with  this 
dialect,  nor  by  history  :  for  the  writers  of  the  New  Testa- 

>o  (Vllrrier  Essai,  p.  249.  Husr,  vol.  ii.  p.  54. 

'<  Dr.  Macknight  on  the  Epistles,  Pref.  to  Hebrews,  sect.  n.  5  3.  vol.  iv  p 
336.  4to  edit. 

«  Michaelis  has  devoted  an  entire  section  to  show  that  the  language  of 
the  New  Testament  has  a  tincture  of  the  Alexandrian  Horn.  Vol.  i.  pp.  143. 
ct  seq.  Professor  Winer  has  given  an  interesting  historical  sketch  of  the 
Greek  Language  of  the  New  Testament,  in  his  Grr^K  Grammar  of  the  New 
Testament,  translated  by  Professor  Stuart  and  Mr.  Robineon,  pp.  12—35 
Andover  (North  America),  1825.  8vo. 


8«CT.   II.] 


ON  THE  GREEK  LANGUAGE. 


195 


ment  were  not  citizens  of  Alexandria  ;  nor,  simply  because 
they  have  sometimes  followed  the  Alexandrine  version,  can 
it  be  concluded,  that  they  bave  imitated  the  Alexandrine 
Dialect,  which  was  not  a  language  |><  miliar  and  appropriate 

to  the  citizens  of  tlr.it  place  alone,  bul  was  ;i  kind  of  spe<  ch 
mixed  and  corrupted   by  the  Confluence  of  many   nations,  us 

Greeks,  Macedonians,  Africans,  Carthaginians,  s> 
Bast  Indians,  Sicilians,  and  others.  After  the  Macedonians 
had  subjugated  the  whole  of  Greece,  and  extended  their  do- 
minion into  Asia  and  Africa,  the  refined  and  eleganl  Attic 
began  to  decline ;  and  all  the  dialects  bi  ing  bj  degree  i  mixed 
together,  there  arose  a  certain  peculiar  language,  called  the 
Common,  and  also  ihe  Hellenic;  bul  more  especially,  since 

the  empire  of  the    Macedonians  was   the   chief  cans'-  of  its 

introduction  into  the  general  use  from  the  time  of  Alt  render 

onwards,  it  was  called  the  (later)  Maeedonie.  This  dialect 
.v.-.s  composed  from  almost  all   the  dialects  of  Greece,  to- 

? ether  with  very  many  foreign  words  borrowed  from  the 
Wsians,  Syrians,  Hebrews,  and  other  nations,  who  became 
connected  with  the  Macedonian  people  after  the  age  of  Ah  \- 
ander.  Now,  of  this  Macedonian  dialect,  the  dialect  of 
Alexandria  (which  was  the  language  of  all  the  inhabitants 
id'  that  city,  as  well  of  the  learned  as  of  the  .lews),  was  a 
degenerate  progeny  far  more  corrupt  than  the  common  Mace- 
donian dialect.  This  last-mentioned  common  dialect,  being 
lite  current  (Jreek  spoken  throughout  Western  Asia,  was 
made  use  of  by  the  writers  of  the  Greek  Testament.1  In 
consequence  of  the  peculiarities  of  the  Hebrew  phraseology 
being  discernible,  it  has  by  some  philologers  been  termed 
Hi l/raic-Greek,  and  (from  the  Jews  having  acquired  the 
Greek  language,  rather  by  practice  than  by  grammar,  among 
the  Greeks,  in  whose  countries  they  n  sided  in  large  commu- 
nities,) Hellenistic-Greek,  The  propriety  of  this  appellation 
was  severely  contested  towards  the  close  of  the  seventeenth 
and  in  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth  century  :2  and  nume- 

>  Eniesli  on  the  causes  of  the  forced  Interpretations  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, in  the  Biblical  Repository,  vol.  i.  pp.  172P— 176. 

»  The  "controversy  on  iliis  topic  began  very  soon  after  the  revival  of 
literature  in  Europe.  In  the  sixteenth  century,  Erasmus  ami  I.aurentius 
Valla  ventured  to  assert  publicly,  thai  the  Greek  of  the  New  Testament  is 
Hellenistic.  Many  learned  men  of  thai  day  were  inclined  to  adopt  this 
opinion.  But  Itoberi  Stephens,  in  ttie  preface  to  hla  celebrated  edition  of 
the  New  Testament  (1576),  took  it  into  bis  head  strenuously  to  contend  for 
the  Attic  purify  of  its  dialect.  As  his  Testament  was  60  widely  circulated, 
the  preface  served  to  excite  general  attention  i"  the  snbjecl  in  question, 
and  to  prepare  the  minds  of  critics  for  the  mighty  contest  which  followed. 
ii  Pforaoher  led  the  way,  in  his  Diatribe  de  Ling.  Grac.  N.  Test. 
'< ,  published  in  1629,  at  Amsterdam  ;  in  which  he  defends,  with  great 
warmth,  the  punty  of  the  New  Testament  Gn  ek.  Bis  antagonist  was  J. 
Jung,  who  published  in  1640  his  Sententimdoctiss.  virorum,  ae  Ifcllenistis 
•t  I/tilntiatica  DiaUctO.  To  this  a  reply  was  made,  by  J.  Grosse  of  Jena, 
Ityled  Trias  propositionum  thiol,  atilum  Nov.  Test,  n  barbaris  crimina- 
tionibua  rinttirantium  ;  in  which  the  whole  mass  of  Hellenists  were  con- 
signed over  to  the  most  detestable  heresy.  In  the  same  year,  Wulfer  wrote 
an  answer  to  this  in  his  Innocentia  Belteniatarum  virtdicata  ;  to  which 
Grosse  replied,  in  his  Observation.es  pro  triads  Observafl.  apologetica. 
Musa-us  defended  Wulfer  (though  not  in  all  his  positions)  in  his  Disijuisi- 
iiu  dt  stiti)  Nov.  Tistamenti,  a.  n.  1641  ;  in  which  Grosse  replied  by  a  7*er- 
tin  drfrnsio  Triados,  1641.  In  1642,  Musffiua  felt  himself  compelled  to  pub- 
is!) his  Vindifift,  JUsquisitionis ;  which  however  only  excited  Grosse  to  ;, 
Quarta  dtfettsio  Tiimlus. 

"About  "the  same  time,  the  contr  .vorsy  w:is  briskly  carried  on  in  Hol- 
land. D.  Heinsius,  in  his  Aristarchus  Sacer,  and  his  Esercitt.  Sac.  in  Nov. 
Teatamentwn,  bad  espoused  the  cause  of  Hellenism,  and  commented  upon 
Pforscher's  Diatribe.  In  a  plainer  manner  stilt  did  he  do  this,  in  bis  Exer- 
cttatio  dr  Lingua  Hellenist  ir  a,  published  in  1643.  bathe  lery  same  year. 
the  celebrated  Salmaaiua  appeared  as  bis  antagonist,  in  three  separate  pub- 
lications, the  spirit  and  tone  of  which  maj  be  readily  discerned  from  ineir 

titles.     The  first  was  inscribed    ' 

HeUeniatiea  deadens;  the  Becond,  Furtua  tin  c<e :  the  third, 

OaaUegium  lingua  Heller iatiea.    In  1648;  Gataker,  In  England,  warmly 
espoused  the  cause  of  the  Hellenists,  in  his  Dissert,  rfr  stilt)  Nov.   Ttata- 
minti.  On  the  same  side,  about  tins  time,  appeared  W,r,  nl'els,  ot 'Switzer- 
land, in  bis  essay  lie  stylo  Set  >,  u  nti :  an  I  J.  '  tlearlos,  of 
Germany,  in  his  book  Destilo  Nov.  Teatamenti ;  also  BSckler,  In  It 
De  ling.  Nov.  Tut.  originaH.    In  Holland.  Vorstius  published,  lm 
if  the  same  side,  his  book  Da  Htbraiai        '  and  in 
(665,  his  Comment,  dr  Hebratamia  X  Teat.    Tie-  last  was  attacked  by  H. 
Wirings,  in  his  Specimen  annotatt.  ad  Philol  I                      ' 
these  dissertations  were  collected  and  publishe  I  by  Rheoferd  in  bis  Syn- 
tagma  Diss.  Philol.  Theol.   de  stilo  ,\                       08;  and  also  by  Van 
Honert  about  the  same  time,  at  Amsterdam. 

"J.  II.  Miehaelis,  in  his  essay  De  textu  Nov  WW,  and  II. 

Illackwall,  In  bis  Sacred  Claaeica  iUualr  endeavoured  to 

moderate  the  parties,  and  to  show,  that  while  it  mighl  safely  be  admitted 
that  there  are  Hebraisms  in  the  New  Testament,  it  may  at  ihe  same  time 
be  maintained,  that  the  Greek  of  the  sacred  writers  la  entitled  to  the  cha- 
racter of  classic  purity.  But  all  efforts  at  peace  were  defeated  by  Georgi 
of  Wittemberg,  who,  in  1732,  published  his  llrulirirr  Nov.  Test.  This  was 
answered  by  Knappand  Dressing  of  Leipsic.  In  1733,  Georgi  published  his 
Hierocriticus  Sacer,  in  three  books  ;  and  at  Ihe  end  of  the  year,  a  second 
part,  in  as  many  more  books  ;  which  were  also  answered  by  his  Leipsic 
opponents.  From  this  time,  the  cause  of  the  Hellenists  began  lo  predomi- 
nate throughout  Europe.  And  though  many  essays  on  this  subject  have 
since  appeared,  and  it  has  been  canvassed  in  a  far  more  able  manner  than 
before,  yet  few  of  these  essays  have  been  controversial ;  almost  all  writers 
eaning  to  the  side  of  Hellenism."  Dissertations  on  the  Importance  and  best 


rous  publications  were  written  on  both  sides  of  the  question, 

with  considerable  asperity,  which,  together  with  ite  contro- 

II.  st  forgotten.     The  dispute,  however  in- 

teresting  to  the  philological  antiquarian,  is,  after  all,  a  mere 

s  ihe  appellations  of  HeUenist 
II         -i.  ,./,-.  and  of  Macedonian-Greek,  are  sufficiently  cor- 
rect for  the  purpose  of  characterising  the  language  of  the 
New  Testament,  one  or  other  of  them   is  now  generally 

adopted.     The  peculiar   genius   and    characti  r  of  the  Greek 

style  of  the  .New  Testament  are  copiously  and  ably  discussed 
bj  1 1<  si y  PI  i  ck,  in  a  disst  rtation  on  this  subject,  to  which 

the  reader  is  necessarily  referred.1 

Of  this  llih  aic  style,  the  Gospels  i  f  St.  Alatthew  and 
St.  Mark  exhibit  strong  vestiges:  the  former  presents  harsher 
Hebraisms  than  the  later:  and  the  Gospel  of  St.  Mark 
abounds  with  still  more  striking  Hebraisms.  "The  epistles 
of  St.  James  and  Jude  are  somewhat  better,  but  even  these 
are  full  of  Hebraisms, and  betray  in  otht  t  respects  a  certain 
Hebrew  tone.  St.  Luke  has.  in  several  passages,  written 
pure  and  classic  Greek,  of  which  the  four  first  verses  of  his 
Gospel  may  be  given  as  an  instance  :  in  the  seojiiel,  where 
he  describes  the  actions  of  Christ,  he  has  very  harsh  He- 
braisms, yet  the  style  is  more  agreeable  than  that  of  St. 

Matthew    or   St.  Mark.      In    the    Acts  of  the  Apostles    he   is 

not  free  from  Hebraisms,  which  he  seems  to  havt  nevei 
studiously  avoided  ;  but  his  periods  are  more  classically 
turned .  i  etimee  possess  beauty  devoid  of  art.     St 

John  has  num<  rous,  though  not  uncouth,  Hebraisms  both  in 
his  Gi  epistles  :  nut  be  has  written  in  a  smooth  and 

flowing  language,  and  surpasses  all  the  Jewish  writ, 
the  excellence  of  narrative.  St.  Paul  again  is  entirely  dif- 
ferent from  them  all  :  his  style  is  indeerf  neglected  and  full 
of  Hebraisms,  but  he  has  avoided  the  concise  and  ver^ 
constructs  it  of  the  Hebrew  language,  and  has,  upon  the 
whole,  a  considerable  share  of  the  roundness  of  Grecian 
composition.  It  is  evident  that  he  was  as  perfectly  acquainted 
with  the  Gn  i  k  manner  of  expression  as  with  the  Hebrew  ; 
and  he  has  introduced  them  alternately,  as  either  the  one  or 
the  oil  sted   itself  the  first,  or  was  the  best  ap- 

proved.'"' 

This  diversity  of  style  and  idiom  in  the  sacred  write.--, .  f 
the  New  Ti  stament  affords  an  intrinsic  and  irresistible  evi- 
dence for  the  authenticity  of  the  books  which  pass  under 
their  names.  If  their  style  had  been  uniformly  the  same, 
there  would  be  good  reason  for  suspecting  that  tney  had  all 
combined  together  when  they  wrote;  or,  else,  that  having 

()reviously  < .  ncerted  what  they  should  leach,  one  of  them 
tad  committed  to  writing  their  system  of  doctrine.  In  ordi- 
nary cases,  when  there  is  a  difference  of  style  in  a  work  pro- 
fessing to  be  the  production  of  one  author,  we  have  reason  to 
believe  that  it  was  written  by  several  persons.  In  like  man- 
ner, and  ft  r  the  very  same  reason,  when  books,  which  pass 
under  the  names  i  (  several  authors,  are  written  in  different 
styles,  we  ar<  authorisi  d  to  conclude  that  they  were  not  com 
posed  by  one  person. 

Further,  If  the  New  Testament  had  been  written  with 

classic  purity;  if  it  had  presented  to  us  the  language  of 

ttes,  1>'  mosthenes,  Xenophon,  or  Plutarch,  there  would 

have  been  just  grounds  for  suspicion  of  forgery;   and  it 

Method  ofatudying  the  Original  Languages  of  the  Bible,  by  Jahn  and  others, 
with  Notes  by  ProC  Stuart,  (Andover,  N.  America,  1S21»,  pp.  77, 78.    Th« 

-  of  investigating  the  controversy  on  the  purity  of  the 

Testament,  is  referred  lo  the  Acroases  Academics 

super   IIermen»utica  Novi  Testamenti  of  Prof.  Morus  (vol.  i.  pp.  202— 

233.) ;  in  which  he  has  .' numerated  the  principal  writers  on  each  side  of  the 

question.    A  similai   i»i  has  !>•  en  given  by  Beak  (Monogrammaia  Hemic- 

neuticea  Noi  i  Ti  -•  mend,  part  i.  pp.  28—320,  by  Carpzov,  (Isagoge  adl.ee- 

■  i  aeq.)  and  by  Rambach,  (Instit.  Herm.  Sacra;,  pp.  23. 

Dr.  Campbell  has  treated  the  subject  very  ably  in  Ihe  first  of  hie 

Preliminary  Hissertaltons,  prefixed  to  his  version  "of  the  four  Gospels;  and 

a  (I.ibelli  ad  Crisin  atque  Interpretationem  N.  T.  pp.  48— 60  )  has 

given  Bonn  interesting  extracts  fromOrigen.Chrysoatom,  and  other  fathers, 

who  mre  "I  opinion  thai  ihe  language  of  the  New  Teslament  was  not  pure 

writers  might  be  mentioned,  who  have  treated  bibliographi- 

rally  on  Ihi    topic  :  but  Ihe  preceding  foreign  critics  only  are  specific. i.  as 

be  easily  procured  from  the  Continent. 

•  Micha.  lis  ascribes  Ihe  dispdtes  above  noticed  either  to  "a  want  of  suf- 
ficient knowledge  of  Ihe  Greek,  the  prejudices  of  pedantry  and  school  or- 
thodoxy, or  ihe  injudicious  custom  of  choosing  the  Greek  Testament  as  the 
first  book  to  be  read  by  learners  of  that  language  ;  by  whic.i  nif  ans  they 
are  so  accustomed  to  its  singular  style,  that  in  a  more  advanced  age  they 
are  incapable  of  perceiving  its  deviation  from  the  language  of  the  classics  '' 
(Bp.  Marsh's Micbaelis,  vol  i.  p.  211.) 

•  Commenlaiio  de  vera  Natura  atque  Indole  Orationis  Grsecae  NoviTe».a- 
menti  (Gottingic,  1810.)  As  the  Latin  Treatise  is  not  of  very  common  occur- 
rence,  the  reader  is  particularly  referred  to  two  accessible  English  trans 
lations,  one  in  the  second  volume,  (pp.  91— is? .)  of  the  Edinburgh  '  Biblical 
Cabinet,'  and  the  other  in  the  first  volume  (pp.  63.$— €39.1  of  li«  Biblical 
Repository'  (Andover,  Massachusetts.  1833.) 

•  Michaelis,  vol.  i.  p.  112. 


.96 


ON  THE  ORIGINAL  LANGUAGES  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


[Part  I.  Chap.  I. 


might  with  propriety  have  been  objected,  that  it  was  impos- 
sible for  Hebrews,  who  professed  to  be  men  of  no  learning, 
to  have  written  in  so  pure  and  excellent  a  style,  and,  conse- 
Huently,  that  the  books  which  were  ascribed  to  them  must 
have  been  the  invention  of  some  impostor.  The  diversity 
)l"  style,  therefore,  which  ia  observable  in  them,  so  far  from 
oeing  any  obj j-oti"ii  to  the  authenticity  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, is  in  reVlitv  a  strong  argument  for  the  truth  and  sin- 
cerity of  the  sacred  writers,  and  of  the  authenticity  of  their 
writings.  "  Very  many  of  the  Greek  words  found  in  the 
New  Testament,  an-  nut.  such  as  were  adopted  by  men  of 
education,  ami  the  higher  and  more  polished  ranks  of  life, 
but  such  as  were  in  use  with  the  common  people.  Now  this 
shows  that  the  writers  became  acquainted  with  the  langi 
in  consequence  of  an  actual  intercourse  with  those  who  spoke 
it,  rather  than  from  any  study  of  books  :  and  that  intercourse 
must  have  been  very  much  confined  to  the  middling  or  even 
lower  classes  ;  since,  the  words  and  phrases  most  frequently 
used  by  them  passed  current  only  among  the  vulgar.  There 
are  undoubtedly  many  plain  intimations'  given  throughout 
these  books,  that  their  writers  were  of  this  lower  class,  and 
that  their  associates  were  frequently  of  the  same  description  ; 
but  the  character  of  the  style  is  the  strongest  confirmation 
possible  that  their  conditions  were  not  higher  than  what  they 
nave  ascribed  to  themselves."2  In  fact,  the  vulgarisms, 
foreign  idioms,  and  other  disadvantages  and  defects,  which 
some  critics  imagine  that  they  have  discovered  in  the  He- 
braic Greek  of  the  New  Testament,  "  are  assigned  by  the 
inspired  writers  as  the  reasons  of  God's  preference  of  it, 
whose  thoughts  are  not  our  thoughts,  nor  his  ways  our  ways. 
Paul  argues,  that  the  success  of  the  preachers  of  the  Gospel, 
in  spite  of  the  absence  of  those  accomplishments  in  lan- 
guage, then  so  highly  valued,  was  an  evidence  of  the  divine 
power  and  energy  with  which  their  ministry  was  accom- 
panied. He  did  not  address  them,  he  tells  us  (1  Cor.  i.  17.), 
with  the  w'sdtfm  of  worth, — with  artificial  periods  and  a 
studied  elocution, — lest  the  cross  of  Christ  should  be  made  of 
none  effect  ,■ — lest  to  human  eloquence  that  success  should  be 
ascribed,  which  ought  to  be  attributed  to  the  divinity  of  the 
doctrine  and  the  agency  of  the  Spirit,  in  the  miracles  wrought 
in  support  of  it.  There  is  hardly  any  sentiment  which 
he  is  at  greater  pains  to  enforce.  He  used  none  of  the  en- 
ticing or  persuasive  words  of  man's  wisdom.  Wherefore? — 
'  That  their  faith  might  not  stand  in  the  wisdom  of  man,  but 
in  the  power  of  God.''  (1  Cor.  ii.  4,  5.)  Should  I  ask  what 
was  the  reason  why  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  chose  for  the  in- 
struments of  that  most  amazing  revolution  in  the  religious 
systems  of  mankind,  men  perfectly  illiterate  and  taken  out 
of  the  lowest  class  of  the  people  1  Your  answer  to  this 
will  serve  equally  for  an  answer  to  that  other  question, — 
Why  did  the  Holy  Spirit  choose  to  deliver  such  important 
truths  in  the  barbarous  idiom  of  a  few  obscure  Gahlseans, 
and  not  in  the  politer  and  more  harmonious  strains  of  Grecian 
eloquence? — I  repeat  it,  the  answer  to  both  questions  is  the 
same — That  it  might  appear,  beyond  contradiction,  that  the 
excellency  of  the  power  was  of  God,  and  not  of  man."3 

As  a  large  proportion  of  the  phrases  and  constructions  of 
the  New  Testament  is  pure  Greek,  that  is  to  say,  of  the  same 
degree  of  purity  as  the  Greek  which  was  spoken  in  Mace- 
donia, and  that  in  which  Polybius  and  Appian  wrote  their 
histories  ;  the  language  of  the  New  Testament  will  derive 
considerable  illustration  from  consulting  the  works  of  classic 
writers,  and  especially  from  diligently  collating  the  Septua- 
gint  version  of  the  Old  Testament :  the  collections  also  of 
Raphelius,  Palairet,  Bos,  Abresch,  Ernesti,  and  other  writers 
whose  works  are  noticed  in  the  Bibliographical  Appendix  to 
Vol.  II.,  will  afford  the  biblical  student  every  essential 
assistance  in  explaining  the  pure  Greek  expressions  of  the 
New  Testament  according  to  the  usage  of  classic  authors. 
It  should  further  be  noticed,  that  there  occur  in  the  New 
Testament  words  that  express  both  doctrines  and  practices 

'  It  is  obvious  to  cite  such  passages,  as  Mark  i  IB.  ii.  14.  John  xxi.  3. 7. 
where  the  occupations  of  the  aposiles  are  plainU  ami  professedly  men- 
tioned. It  may  be  more  satisfactory  to  refer  to  Acts  iii.  6.  xviii.  3.  xx.  34. 
2  Cor.  viii  and  ix.  xi.  6.  8,  9.  27.  xii.  14,  &c.  Phil.  ii.25.  iv.  10,  <fec.  1  Thess. 
ii.  6.  9.  2Thess.  iii.  8.  10.  Philem.  11.  18.  In  these,  the  attainments,  occu- 
pations, and  associates  of  the  preachers  of  the  Gospel  are  indirectly  men- 
tioned and  alluded  to;  and  afford  a  species  of  undesigned  proof,  which 
seems  to  repel  the  imputation  of  fraud,  especially  if  the  circumstance  of 
style  be  taken  into  the  account. 

*  Bp.  Maltby's  "Illustrations  of  the  Truth  of  the  Christian  Religion,"  pp. 
10-12. 

•  Dr.  Campbell's  Preliminary  Dissertation,  Diss.  i.  (vol.  i.  3d  edit.)  p.  50. 
Bishop  Warburton  has  treated  this  topic  with  his  usual  ability  in  his  "Doc- 
trine of  Grace,"  book  i.  chapters  viii.— x.  (Works,  vol.  viii.  pp.  279—302.) 
See  also  Michaelis's  Introduction  vol.  .  pp.  116—123. 


which  were  utterly  unknown  to  the  Greeks;  and  also  words 
bearing  widely  different  interpretation  from  those  which  are 
ordinarily  found  in  Greek  writers. 

IV.  In  consequence  of  the  Macedonian  Greek  being  com- 
posed of  almost  all  the  dialects  of  Greece  (as  well  as  of  very 
many  foreign  words),  the  New  Testament  contains  examples 
of  the  various  dialects  occurring  in  the  Greek  language,  and 
especially  of  the  Attic.  To  these,  some  have  addedthe  poetic 
dialect,  chiefly,  it  should  seem,  because  there  are  a  few  pas- 
sages cited  by  St.  Paul  from  the  ancient  Greek  poets,  in 
Acts  xvii.  28.  1  Cor.  xv.  33.  and  Tit.  i.  12."  But  the  sa 
cred  writers  of  the  New  Testament,  being  .lews,  were  conse- 
quently acquainted  with  the  Hebrew  idioms,  and  also  with 
the  common  as  well  as  with  the  appropriated  or  acquired 
s.nsos  of  the  words  of  that  language.  Hence,  when  they 
used  a  Greek  word,  as  correspondent  to  a  Hebrew  one  of 
like  signification,  they  employed  it  as  the  Hebrew  word  was 
used,  either  in  a  common  or  appropriated  sense,  as  occasion 
required.  The  whole  arrangement  of  their  periods  "  is  regu- 
lated according  to  the  Hebrew  verses  (not  those  in  Hebrew 
poetry,  but  such  as  are  found  in  the  historical  books)  ;  which 
are  constructed  in  a  manner  directly  opposite  to  the  round- 
ness of  Grecian  language,  and  for  want  of  variety  have  an 
endless  repetition  of  the  same  particles."3  These  particular 
idioms  are  termed  Hebraisms,  and  their  nature  and  classes 
have  been  treated  at  considerable  length  by  various  writers. 
Georgi,  Pfochenius,  and  others,  have  altogether  denied  the 
existence  of  these  Hebraisms ;  while  their  antagonists  have, 
perhaps  unnecessarily,  multiplied  them.  Wyssius,  in  his 
Dialectologia  Sacra,  has  divided  the  Hebraisms  of  the  New 
Testament  into  thirteen  classes ;  Vorstius0  into  thirty-one 
classes  ;  and  Viser  into  eight  classes  ;r  and  Masclef  has  given 
an  ample  collection  of  the  Hebraisms  occurring  in  the  sacred 
writings  in  the  first  volume  of  his  excellent  Hebrew  Gram- 
mar.8 The  New  Testament,  however,  contains  fewer  He- 
brew grammatical  constructions  than  the  Septuagint,  except 
in  the  book  of  Revelation  ;  where  we  often  find  a  nominative, 
when  another  case  should  have  been  substituted,  in  imitation 
of  the  Hebrew,  which  is  without  cases.9  As  the  limits  ne- 
cessarily assigned  to  this  section  do  not  permit  us  to  abridge 
the  valuable  treatises  just  noticed,  we  shall  here  adduce  some 
instances  of  the  Hebraisms  found  principally  in  the  New 
Testament,  and  shall  offer  a  few  canons  by  which  to  deter- 
mine them  with  precision. 

I.  Thus,  to  be  called,  to  arise,  and  to  be  found,  are  the  same 
as  to  be,  with  the  Hebrews,  and  this  latter  is  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment frequently  expressed  by  the  former.  Compare  Isa.  Ix.  14. 
18.  lxi.  3.  lxii.  12.  Zech.  viii.  3. 

Accordingly,  in  the  New  Testament,  these  terms  are  often  elnployed  one 
for  the  other,  as  in  Matt.  v.  9.  They  shall  be  called  the  children  of  God: 
and  ver.  19.  He  shall  be  called  the  least  in  the  kingdom  of  Heaven!— 
1  John  iii.  1.  That  ice  should  be  called  the  sons  of  God.  To  be  called  here 
and  in  other  places  is  really  to  be,  and  it  is  so  expressed  according  to  the 
Hebrew  way  of  speaking.  There  is  the  like  signification  of  the  word  arise, 
as  in  2 Sam.  xi.  20.  if  the  king's  irrath  arise. — Esth.  iv.  14.  Enlargement 
and  deliverance  shall  arise  to  the  Jews.  Prov.  xxiv.  22.  Their  calamity  shah 
arise  suddenly .—In  ;ill  which  places  the  word  arise  signifies  no  other  thai 
actual  being  or  existing ;  according  to  the  Hebrew  idiom.  And  hence  it  in 
used  in  a  similar  manner  in  the  New  Testament,  as  in  Luke  xxiv.  38.  Wh 
do  thoughts  arise  in  your  hearts!  i.  e.  Why  are  they  there  ? — Matt.  xxiv. 
24.  There  shall  oris"  false  Chrisls,  i.  e.  there  shall  actually  be  at  that  tiin.- 
such  persons  according  to  my  prediction.  So,  to  be  found  is  among  th» 
Hebrews  of  the  same  import  with  the  above-mentioned  expressions,  anr* 
accordingly  in  the  Old  Testament  one  is  put  for  the  other,  as  in  1  Sam.  xxv 
28.  Evil  hath  not  been  found  in  thee. — 2Chron.  xix.  3.  Good  things  art 
found  in  thee. — Isa.  Ii.  3.  Joy  and  gladness  shall  be  found  therein. — Dan 
v.  12.  An  excellent  spirit  was  found  in  Daniel.  In  these  and  other  texts  tin 
Hebrew  word  rendered  found  is  equivalent  lo  was.  In  imitation  of  thi. 
Hebraism  to  be  found  is  used  for  sum  or  existo,  to  be  in  the  New  Testa 
ment.  as  in  Luke'  xvii.  IS.  There  are  not  found  that  returned  to  give  glon 
to  God,  save  this  stranger. — Acts  v.  39.  Lest  haply  ye  be  found  to  figh* 
against  God. — 1  Cor.  iv.  2.  That  a  man  be  found  faithful. — Phil.  ii.  8.  Be- 
ing found  in  fashion  as  a  man. — Heb.  xi.  5.    Enoch  was  not  found:  which 


«  J.  B.  Carpzov.  PrinicE  Linea?  Henneneuticre,  p.  16.  Pfeiffer,  Herm. 
Sacra,  c.  vii.  §6.  (Op.  torn.  ii.  p.  652.) 

*  Leusden  de  Dialectis,  p.  20.    Michaelis,  vol.  i.  p.  123. 

«  In  his  Philologia  Sacra:  this  work  was  originally  published  in4to.  but 
the  best  edition  is  that  of  M.Fischer,  in  8vo.  Leipsic,  1778.  Vorstius's  trea- 
tise was  abridged  by  Leusden  in  his  Philologus  Grxcus  ;  and  Leusden's 
Abridgment  was  republished  by  Fischer,  with  valuable  notes  and  other 
additions,  in  8vo.  Leipsic,  1783. 

i  In  his  Hermcneutica  Sacra  Novi  Testamenti,  pars  ii.  vol.  ii.  pp.  1—62. 

»  See  particularly  pp.  273-290.  304—307.  and  333-352.  See  also  Schae- 
fer's  Institutiones  Scripturistica.',  pars  ii.  pp.  191—205. 

»  Michaelis,  vol.  i.  p.  125.  Glassius  has  given  several  instances  in  his 
Philologia  Sacra,  canons  xxviii.  and  xxix.  vol.  i.  pp.  G7— 72.  edit.  Dathe. 
Professor  Winer  divides  the  Hebraisms  of  the  N  i  Btament  into  two 
classes,  perfect  and  imperfect.  Greek  Grammar  of  the  New  Test.  pp.  32— 
35.,  where  he  has  given  many  important  example  Winer's  arrangement 
of  Hebraisms  is  approved  by  Dr.  Alt  in  his  Grammatica  Graoa  Novi  Te» 
tamenti.  p.  xiii.  (Hal.  Sax.  1829.  8vo.) 


tflCT.   V.] 


HEBRAISMS  OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 


197 


it  the  same  with  Enoch  was  not,  as  is  evident  from  compering  this  place 
with  Gen.  v.  24.  to  which  it  refers.    The  expression  of  Be.  Peter,  I  En.  II. 
22.  Neither  was guile  found  in  his  mouth  Is  taken  from  Iss.  liii.  9. 
wao  there  any  deceit  (or  guile)  in  hismoidh.    Whem  that  in 

this,  as  well  as  the  .thi-r  texts  above  cited,  t'l  be/bund  is  equivalent 

2.  Verbs  expressive  of  a  person's  doing  an  action,  an  often 
tsed  to  signify  his  supposing  the  thing,  "r  discovering  and  ac- 
knowledging the  fact,  or  his  declaring  and  foretelling  the  event, 
uapeciallv  in  the  prophetic  wril 

Tims,  Be  that  findeth  hie  ti/e  ihall  U 
expects  te  save  his  I 
,1  Cor.  in.  18.)  Is  equivalent 
the  heart  of  tl  9,  10.  >  i  e.  I 

What  Qodhath  clean  ted  I  lets  I   I 
clean.  -But  of  that  day  and  hout  nomanknowethltiu  mown), 

,-  who  are  in  heaven,  neither  the  Son,  but  the  Father 
(Matt.  xxiv.  36.),  that  is,  neither  in  in  nor  an  angel,  nor  the  Bon,  ba  p 
make  known 

3.  Negative  verbs  are  often  put  for  a  strong  positive  affirma- 
tion. 

Thus,  No  good  thing  iriu  he  withhold  (PsaL  Ixxxhr.  ii.)  means,  Be  will 
riot  tht  not  weak  in  the  faith  (Rom.  iv.l 

in  tht  faith     Twill  not  leant  you  eomfortVese  (John  xiv.  18.) 
means,  /  will  both  protect  and  give  you  the  most  eohd  comfort. 

4.  The  privileges  of  the  first-horn  among  the  Jews  being  very 
great,  that  which  is  chief  or  moat  eminent  in  any  kind  is  called 
the  first-born.  Gen.  xlix.  H. 

So.  in  Job  xviii.  13.,  the  first-born  of  death  is  the  most  fetal  an 
death.— In  Isa.  xiv.  30.  the./ir»f-6orn  of  the  poor  denotes  those  who  are  mosl 
poor  and  miserable.    (See  also  PsaL  Ixxxix.  tf.  Jer.  xxxi.  9.  Rom.  viii.  29. 
Col.  i.  15.  18.  II.  b.  xii 

6.  The  word  son  has  various  peculiar  significations.  This 
word  was  a  favourite  one  among  the  Hebrews,  who  employed  it 
Co  designate  a  great  variety  of  illations.  The  son  of  any  thing, 
*ccording  to  the  oriental  idiom,  may  be  either  what  is  closely 
jonnected  with  it,  dependent  on  it,  like  it,  the  consequence  of  it, 
worthy  of  it,  &c. 

Thus,  the  suns  or  children  of  'Belial,  so  often  spoken  of  in  the  Old  Tes- 
tament, are  wicked  men,  BUCh  as  are  good  for  nothing,  or  such  as  wiil  not 
be  governed. — Children  of  light  are  such  as  are  divinely  enlightened. 
(Luke  xvi.  8.  John  xii.  36.  Kphcs.  v.  8.  IThess.  v.  5.>—  Chili'1, 
dience  arc  disobedient 'persons.  (Ephea.  ii.  2.)  Children  of  Bell  (Matt 
xiciii.  15.),  of  wrath  (Ephes.  ii.3.);  and  Am  of  perdition  (John  xvii.  12. 
2Thess.  ii.  3.),  are  respectively  such  as  are  worthy  thereof,  or  obnoxious 
thereto. — A  sun  of  peace  (Luke  x.  13.)  is  one  that  is  worthy  of  it.  (S<  e  Matt, 
x.  13.) — The  children  of  a  place  are  the  inhabitants  of  it.  (Ezra  it.  1  PsaL 
cxlix.  2.  Jer.  ii.  16.) — So  the  word  daughter  is  likewise  used  (2  Kind's  xix. 
21.  Psal.  xlv.  12.  cxx.wii.  s.  Lam.  ii.  13.  Zech.  ii.  ID.)  ;  the  city  being  as  a 
mother,  and  the  inhabitants  of  it,  taken  collects  i  ly,  as  lier  daughter.  The 
children  of  the  promise  are  such  as  embrace  and  believe  the  promise  of 
the  Gospel.  (Gal.  iv.  28.)— Sons  of  men  (PsaL  iv.  2.)  are  no  more  than  men. 
And  Christ  is  as  often  called  the  sun  of  man,  as  he  is  man.  The  S07is  of 
Gud  (Gen.  vi.2.)are  those  who  professed  to  he  pious,  or  the  children  of 
■13.)  They  ar  I  by  him. 

(1  John  iii.  10.)    On  the  same  account  are  men  called  the  children  of  the 
devil    So  likewise  (John  viii.  II.)  father  is  understood  in  a  like 
also  tho  .  thing,  or  instruct  others  tl 

lied  their  fathers.  (Gen.  iv.  GO.) 

6.  Name  is  frequently  used  as  synonymous  with  persons. 

Thus,  to  believe  on  the  name  of  Christ  (John  i.  12.)  mean 
aim.    See  similar  examples  in  John  iii.  18.  xx.  31.  Rev.  iii.  4.    In  like  man- 
ner soul  is  put  for  person,  in  Matt.  xii.  18.  In  whom  my  s.ml  is  well 
that  is,  in  whom  I  am  well  pleased.    Bee  other  examples  in 
xix.  20.  PsaL  cvt  15.  Job  xvi.  4,  Pi  Rom  viii.  1.  II.  1. 

7.  As  the  Jews  had  but  few  adjectives  in  their  language,  they 
had  recourse  to  substantives,  in  order  to  supply  their  place. 

Hence  we  find  kingdom  and  glory  used  I  ■  glorious  kingdom. 

'',  'Ihess.  ii.  I  j.  j  Mouth  and  wisa  tcourse  (Luke  xxi.  IS 

patience  of  hope  for  patient  expectat •' m  '    ;  glory  of hit 

for glur  (2  Thess.  i.  9.)    So  clrcura  uncircumcision 

mean  circumcised  and  nncircumcised  persons.  Anathema  (ICor.  xvi.  22.) 
means,  an  excommunicated  member.  The  spirits  of  the  pro}  ht  ts  •  1  <  '••!'. 
xiv.  32.)  means,  the  itantive 

gdvems  another,  in  the  senitive,  one  of  inein  is  sometimes  i 
iective.     In  the  body  of  his  flesh.  'Vieans,  in  / 

Bond  of  perfectness  (Col.  iii.  14.)  means.   •  vL  1J 

spiritual  wickedness  means,  wicit  d  Spit  \  ii.  6.  | 

is  a  new  life.     The  tree  of  the  lent  u 
pared  with  iii.  22.)  means,  U 
sure  which  to  taste  is  aneril.     When  two  Bubs) 
by  the  copulative  and,  the  one  frequently  governs  the  other. 
7.   All  the  people,  the  nations,  ana  the  languages,  mi 
tions  and  languages.     In  Acts  xxiii.  6.  the  hi 

dead  means,  the  hopeoft.hr  resurrection  of  ttf  I     I  Philo- 

sophy and  vain  deceit  denotes   ■ 
brought  afe  and  immortality  to  light  (2  Tim.  i.  10.]  ■ 
mortal  life  to  lisrht.    But  the  expression,  I  am  the  way,  th*  truth    and  the 
life  (John  xiv.  6),  means,  1  am  the  true  and  lirin?  tray.     It  is  of  import- 
ance to  observe,  that,  in  the  original,  nouns  in  i 
express  the  object,  and  so. •••times  the  agent     In  Matt  lx  35.  the  r 
the  kingdom,  means,  Mod  news  concerning  th»  kingdom.     Doctrines  of 
devils  (1  Tim.  iv.  ".  )  evidently   mean,  </  ning  demons.     The 

faith  of  Christ  often  denotes  the  faith  which  tie'  Lord  Jesus  Christ  enjoins. 
The  righteousness  of  God  sometimes  means,  his  personal  perfection,  and 


1  The  various  significations  of  the  words  "Son,"  and  'Sons  of  God," 
»ccording  to  the  oriental  idioms,  are  investigated  and  elucidated  at  consider- 
»ble  length  by  Professor  Stuart,  in  his  "Letters on  the  Eternal  Generation 
»f  the  Son  of  God,"  pp.  94—107.    Andover  (North  America),  1822 


sometimes  that  righteousness  whicn  he  requires  of  his  pcop.c.     In  Col.  11. 
W  tin  circum  •'  means,  the  circumcision  enjoined  by  Christ 

The  II-  1  living  to  express  the  excellence  of  the  thing 

to  which  it  Is  applied.      Thus,   tiring  water,  or  living  fountain,  signifies, 
running,  or  excellent  looter.    Living  stones,  living  way,  living  oracles, 
,    'Hint  stones,  an  excellent  icay,  and  excellent  oracles. 

8.  The  Jews,  having  no  superlatives  in  their  language,  em- 
ployed the  words  of  God  or  of  the  Lord  in  order  to  denote  the 
greatness  or  excellency  of  a  thing. 

I  '•  in  a  I/.-,  vutifiil  garden  is  called  the  garden  of  the  Lord. 

In  1  Sam.  xxvi  died  the  sleep  of  the  Lord.     In  2 

ChrOD.  xiv.  I :  oj  'tin  t  Lord  denotes  a  very  great  fear. 

tuntains  of  God  are 
i  1 1   Ii.)  the  tallest  cedars 

are  t.  ii,  |  God     Thei  i    ix.  28.  Heb.  in  our 

i  properly  rendered  mighty  thunderings)  mean  superlatively,  loud 
thunder.    Compare  the  effects  of  thunder, 

or  tie  voice  of  <;.id,  m  PsaL  xxix  .'!    -   The  production  of  rain  by  the  elec- 
tric spark  is  alluded  to,  in  a  very  beautiful  manner,  in  Jer.  x  13.   When  he 
■  niltitiidi  uf  wateis  in  the  heavens.*   In 
Jonah  in   2.    Nineveh  i    termed  urcat  city;  which  In  the 

original  II.  In.  ;.  0f  expression  oc- 

curs in  the  New  Testament    Thus  in  Actsvii.  20.  Moses  is  said  to  be 
,  literally  fat  eetly  rendered  in  our 

version  \ud  in  2  <'"r.  x.  1.  the  weapons  of  our  warfare 

are  '"'*  th  it  Is,   exceeding 

powerful  i  -or  authorized  translation. 

9.  According  to  the  Hebrew  idiom,  a  sword  has  a  mouth,  or 
the  edge  of  the  sword  is  called  a  mouth.   (Luke  xxi.  24.) 

or  r  translators  have  correctly  ren- 

dered il    tht   tdt      of  tht   tuwa  (Heb.  .v    34)— escaped  the  edge  of  the 
-,  the  mouth  .,t  the  sword.  So,  we  read  of  a  two- 
iv.  12.),  font  Greek      That  this  is 

the  Hebrev  logy  may  be  seen  by  comparing  Judg.  iti.lG.  PsaL  cxlix 

G.  1'i'ov.  v.  4. 

10.  The  verb  ■ynetoTut,  to  know,  in  the  New  Testament,  fre- 
quently denotes  to  approve. 

Thus  in  Matt.  vii.  23.  /  never  knew  you  weans,  I  never  approved  you. 
A  similar  construi  lion  occurs  in  1  Cor.  viii.  3.  and  in  Rom.  vii.  15.  (Gr.i 
which  in  our  version  is  rendered  allow.    Compare  also  Psal.  i.  I 

1 1 .  Lastly,  to  hear  denotes  to  understand,  to  attend  to,  and  t< 
regard  what  is  said. 

In  Illustration  of  this  remark,  compare  Dent  xviii.  15.  with  Acts  iii.  23. 

and  s Iso  Matt.  xvii.  5,  and  xi.  15.  xiii.  9.  and  Luke  viii.  8. 

It  vi  ult  task  to  adduce  numerous  similar  exam* 

:  tii.  Hebraisms  occurring  in  the  Scriptures,  and  par- 
ticularly in  the  New  Testament;  but  the  preceding  may 
suffice  to  show  the  benefit  that  may  be  derived  from  duly 
considering  the  import  of  a  word  i:i  the  several  passages  of 
Holy  Writ  in  which  it  occurs. 

In  order  to  understand  the  full  force  and  meaning  of  the 
Hebraisms  of  the  New  Testament,  the  following  canons 
have  been  laid  down  by  the  celebrated  critic  John  Augustus 
Erncsti,  and  his  annotator  Professor  Morus  : — 

1.  Compare  Hebrew  words  and  forms  of  expressions  with 
those  which  occur  in  good  Greek  formulx,  particularly  in  doc- 
trinal passages. 

As  all  languages  have  some  modi  i  which  are  con 

other,  it  sonn  '  e  word  or  expression  is  both  He- 

brew,  a  eek,  and  affords  a  propi  whether  we  take  Kin 

a  Hebrew  or  a  Greek  sense.     But,  in  >  is  preferable  ID  adopt 

easing  which  a  Jew  would  give,  because  it  is  most  probable  that  the 
sacred  writer  had  this  in  view  rather  than  the  Creek  meaning,  especially  it 
the  latter  were  not  of  very  frequent  occurrence.  Thus,  the  expression,  ye 
shall  die  in  your  sins  (John  viii.  24.).  if  explained  according  to  the  Greek 
idiom,  is  equivalent  to  i/e  shrill  pt  iirse  of  sinful  practice  to 

:  but,  according  t..  !iom,  it  not  only  de- 

notes a  physical  or  temporal  death,  but  also  eternal  death,  and  is  equivalent 
.//  he  damned  on  account  of  yum  sins,  in  rejecting  the  Messiah. 
The  latter  interpretation,  therefori  .  j  to  he  adopted,  as  agreeing 

best  wit  and  also  with  the  context. 

T  rule  applies  particularly  to  the  doctrinal  passages  of  the  NewTesta- 
ment,  which  must  in  all  cases  be  interim  .  to  the  genius  of  the 

l  bus,  In  fear  Gud.  in  the  language  of  a  Jew,  means  to 
worship  God  i  uf  God,  which  is  so 

in  quently  mi  ntioned  In  the  New  Testament,  if  taken  according  to  the  He- 
brew  idiom,  implies  not  only  the  mental  know  f  God,  but  also  the 

worship  and  reverence  of  him  which  flows  from  it,  and  consequently,  it  is 
actical  know!-  The  reason  o'f  this 

obvious.    In  the  first  place,  our  Saviour  and  his  apostles,  the  first 
lily,  were  Jews,  who  :  tested  in  the  Jewish 

and  language;  and  who  (with  the  exception  of  Paul),  being  unac- 
quainted witli :  the  Greek  lac  me  they  were  called 

■  H  •  s  in  the  style  and  man- 
ner peculiar  to  their  country.    Secondly,  the  religion  taught  in  tl 

h  that  delivered  in  the  Old  Testament,  of  which  it  is  a 
the  law  of  Moses  is 
'ual  or  interna!  worship  :  the  legal  dispensation  is  sue- 
hal  was  imperfect  and  ob- 
scure is  become  perfect  and  clear.     Now  things  that  are  continued  are 
substantially  the  same,  or  of  a  similar  nature.    Thus  the  expression  to 
■  itu  God  occurs  both  in  the  Old  at  Testament     In  the 

It  simply  means  to 4  n  ihe  latter  it  is  continued, 

so  that  what  was  imperfect  becomes  pet  nplies  the  mental  or 

spiritual  approach  unto  th-  ual  worshipping  of 

God.    In  like  manner,  sine   I        .  -'  related  in  the  1)1, 

Testament  concerning  the  victims,  priests,  and  tern p!e  of  God  are  transfci 


»  I)  ■.  A.  Clarke  on  Ej 


198 


ON  THE  ORIGINAL  LANGUAGES  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


[Part  I.  Chap. 


red.  in  '.tie  New  Testament,  to  the  atoning  death  of  Christ,  to  bis  offering  of 
himself  to  death,  and  to  the  Christian  church,  the  veil  of  figure  being  with- 
drawn, the  force  and  beauty  of  these  expressions  cannot  be  perceived,  nor 
their  meaning  fully  ascertained,  unless  we  interpret  the  doctrinal  parts  of 
the  New  Testament  by  the  aid  of  the  Old  Testament. 

2.  The  Hebraisms  of  the  New  Testament  are  to  be  com- 
pared -with  the  good  Greek  occurring  in  the  Septuagint  or 
Alexandrian  version. 

\s  the  Hebraisms  occurring  in  the  Old  Testament  are  uniformly  ren- 
dered in  the  Septuagint  version,  in  good  Greek,  this  translation  may  be 
as  a  commentary  and  exposition  of  those  passages,  and  as  i  i  n 
i  the  sense  of  tbe  Hebrew  nation  concerning  their  meaning.    The 
Alexandrian  translation,  therefore,  ought  lobe  consulted  in  those  passages 
sent  in  which  the  sacred  writers  have  rendered  the  He- 
ms literally.    Thus,  in  1  Cor.  xv.  54.  death  is  said  to  be  tKattmi  i  d  up 
ory,  which  sentence  is  a  quotation  from  Isaiah  *xv.8.  As  the  tfcoreu 
-li'l  N«TsacH,  with  the1?  prefixed,  acquires  the  force  of  an  adverb      ul 
means  for  ever,  without  end,  or  incessantly ;  ami  as  tlm  Septuagint  some- 
tinves  renders  the  word  LaNersacH  by  e«s  >"x°s  in  victory,  bur  most  com- 
i  ,,.,,;-,•  by  us  tsa.0,-,  for  eve?;  Michaelis  is  of  opinion  that  this  last  meaning 
I  ,■  ,:.  r!y  belongs  to  1  Cor.  xv.  54.,  which  should  therefore  be  rendered  death 
."_-■  swalloicei  up  for  ever.    And  so  it  is  translated  by  Bishop  Pearce. 

8.  In  passages  that  are  good  Greek,  -which  are  common  both 
",  the  Old  and  JWw  Testament,  the  corresponding -words  in  the 
Hebrew  Old  Testament  are  to  be  compared. 

Several  passages  occur  in  the  New  Testament,  that  are  good  Greek,  and 
which  are  also  to  be  found  in  the  Alexandrian  version.  In  these  eases  it  is 
not  sufficient  to  consult  the  Greek  language  only  :  recourse  should  also  be 
had  to  the  Hebrew,  because  such  words  of  the  septuagint  and  New  Testa- 
:  ave  acquired  a  different  meaning  from  whin  is  given  to  them  by  Greek 
writers,  and  are  sometimes  to  be  taken  in  a  more  lax,  sometimes  in  a  more 
trict,  sense.  Thus,  in  Gen.  v.  24.  and  Heb.  xi.  5.  it  is  said  that  Enoch 
,'  Ond,  ivtifurrttnivxi  toi  fcit-o ;  which  expression  in  itsi  If  is  sufficiently 
and  is  also  good  Greek;  but  if  we  compare  the  corresponding  ex- 
pression in  the  Hebrew,  its  true  meaning  is,  that  he  walked  with  God.  In 
rendering  this  clause  bf  tmiprtit*i»au  m  Bix,  ihe  (.'reek  translator  did  not 
render  the  Hebrew  verbatim,  for  in  that  case  he  would  have  said  ^pie- 
irxTuc-t  t-jv  fc>;u> ;  but  he  translated  it  correctly  as  to  the  sense.  Enoch 
pleased  God,  because  he  lived  habitually  as  in  the  sight  of  God,  setting  him 
always  before  his  eyes  in  every  thing  he  said,  thought,  and  did.  In  Psal.  ii. 
i.  the  Septuagint  version  runs  thus,  Iv«ti  i$pvz.~xv  i$vii, why  did  the  nations 
•aee?  Now  though  this  expression  is  good  Greek,  it  does  not  fully  render 
!he  ori-ginal  Hebrew,  which  means  why  do  the  nations  furiously  and  lumul- 
tuoualy  asse7nble  together,  or  rebel?  The  Septuagint  therefore  is  not  suffi- 
ciently close.  Once  more,  the  expression  on/,  avnc,  they  are  not,  is  good 
Greek,  but  admits  of  various  meanings,  indicating  those  who  arc  not  yet  in 
existence,  those  who  are  already  deceased,  or,  figuratively,  persons  of  no 
authority.  This  expression  occurs  both  in  the  Septuagint  version  of  Jer. 
xxxi.  15.  and  also  in  Matt.  ii.  13.  If  we  compare  the  original  Hebrew,  we 
shall  find  that  it  is  to  be  limited  to  those  who  are  dead.  Hence  it  will  be  evi- 
dent that  the  collation  of  the  original  Hebrew  will  not  only  prevent  us  from 
taking  words  either  in  too  lax  or  too  strict  a  sense,  but  will  also  guard  us 
against  uncertainty  as  to  their  meaning,  and  lead  us  to  that  very  sense  which 
the  sacred  writer  intended. 

Besides  the  Hebraisms  which  we  have  just  considered, 
there  are  found  in  the  New  Testament  various  Rabbinical, 
Syriac,  Persic,. Latin,  and  other  idioms  and  words,  which  are 
respectively  denominated  Rabbinisms,  Syriasms,  Persians, 
Latinisms,  &c.  &c.  on  which  it  may  not  be  improper  to  offer 
a  few  remarks. 

1.  Rabbinisms. — We  have  already  seen  that  during,  and 
subsequent  to,  the  Babylonian  captivity,  the  Jewish  language 
sustained  very  considerable  changes.1  New  words,  new 
sentences,  and  new  expressions  were  introduced,  especially 

erms  of  science,  which  Moses  or  Isaiah  would  have  as  little 
mderstood,  as  Cicero  or  Caesar  would  a  system  of  philosophy 
or  theology  composed  in  the  language  of  the  schools.  This 
new  Hebrew  language  is  called  Talmudical,  or  Rabbinical, 
from  the  writings  in  which  it  is  used;  and,  although  these 
writings  are  of  much  later  date  than  the  New  Testament, 
yet,  from  the  coincidence  of  expressions,  it  is  not  improbable 
that,  even  in  the  time  of  Christ,  this  was  the  learned  language 
of  the  Rabbins.2  Lightfoot,  Schoetgenius,  Meuschen,  and 
others,  have  excellently  illustrated  the  Rabbinisms  occurring 
in  the  New  Testament. 

2.  Aramseisms,  or  Syriasms  and  ClutUaisms. — The  verna- 
cular language  of  the  Jews,  in  the  time  of  Jesus  Christ, 
was  the  Aramaean ;  which  branched  into  two  dialects,  differ- 
ing in  pronunciation  rather  than  in  words,  and  respectively 
denominated  the  Chaldee  or  East  Aramaean,  and  the  Syriac, 
or  West  Aramaean.  The  East  Aramaean  was  spoken  at'  Jeru- 
salem and  in  Judaea ;  and  was  used  by  Christ  m  his  familiar 
discourses  and  conversations  with  the  Jews;  the  West  Ara- 
]u;ectn  was  spoken  in  '*  Galilee  of  the  Gentiles."  It  was 
therefore  natural  that  numerous  Chaldee  and  Syriac  words, 
phrases,  and  terms  of  expression,  should  be  intermixed  with 
the  Greek  of  the  New  Testament,  and  even  such  as  are  not 
to  be  found  in  the  Septuagint ;  and  the  existence  of  these 
Chaldaisms  and  Syriasms  affords  a  strong  intrinsic  proof  of 

>  See  p.  190.  supra. 

»  Michaelis,  vol.  i.  p.  129.,  who  has  given  some  illustrative  examples.  Mori 
Acroases  super  Hermeneuticte  Novi  Testamenti,  vol.  i.  p.  238.  See  also 
Olearius  de  Stylo  Novi  Testamenti,  membr.  iii.  aphorism  vii.  (Thesaurus 
Theologicus  Nov.  Test.  torn.  ii.  pp.  23,  24.) 


the  genuineness  and  authenticity  of  the  New  TestamenL 
Were  this,  indeed,  "  free  from  these  idioms,  we  might  natu- 
rally conclude  that  it  was  not  written  either  by  men  of  Galilee 
or  Judaea,  and  therefore  was  spurious ;  for,  as  certainly  as  the 
speech  of  Peter  betrayed  him  to  be  a  Galilsean,  when  Christ 
stood  before  the  Jewish  tribunal,  so  certainly  must  the  writ- 
ten language  of  a  man,  born,  educated,  and  grown  old  in 
Galilee,  discover  marks  of  his  native  idiom,  unless  we  assume 
the  absurd  hypothesis,  that  God  hath  interposed  a  miracle, 
which  would  have  deprived  the  New  Testament  (if  one  of  its 
strongest  proofs  of  authenticity."3 

The  following  are  the  principal  Aramaean  or  Syriac  and 
Chaldee  words  occurring  in  the  New  Testament: — A/?/ga 
(Abba),  Father,  (Rom.  viii.  15.) — ?■.*&&*.(**.  {Aceldama),  the 
field  of  blood,  (Acts  i.  19.) — A^u-jLytSSuv  {Armageddon),  the 
mountain  ef  Megiddo,  or  of  the  Gospel,  (Rev.  xvi.  16.) — 
BxS-rti/*  (Bethesda),  the  house  of  mercy,  (John  v.  2.) — K»p«? 
(Cephas),  a  rock  or  stone,  (John  i.  43.) — Kcg^av  (Corban),  a 
gift  or  offering  dedicated  to  God,  (Mark  vii.  11.) — Ex*/,  E>,»/, 
x-jLfAa.  <r*fi*x8aivi  (Eloi,  Eloi,  lama  subachthani),  my  God,  my 
God !  why  hast  thou  forsaken  mel  (Matt,  xxvii.  46.  Mark 
xv.  34.) — fyip-jAa.  (Ephphatha),  be  thou  opened,  (Mark  vii. 
34.) — Mu/ufAuva.  (Mammon),  riches,  (Malt.  vi.  24.) — Maga* 
A(k  (Maran  Mha),  the  Lord  cometh,  (1  Cor.  xvi.  22.) — V-jma 
(Raca),  thou  worthless  fellow  !  (Matt.  v.  22.) — TawS*  kvjuu 
(Talitha  cumi),  maid  arise!    (Mark  v.  41. )4 

3.  Latinisms. — "  The  sceptre  having  departed  from  Judah" 
(Gen.  xlix.  10.)  by  the  reduction  ot  Judaea  into  a  Roman 
province,  the  extension  of  the  Roman  laws  and  government 
would  naturally  follow  the  success  of  the  Roman  arms ;  and 
if  to  these  we  add  the  imposition  of  tribute  by  the  conquerors, 
together  with  the  commercial  intercourse  necessarily  conse- 
quent on  the  political  relations  of  the  Jews  with  Rome,  we 
shall  be  enabled  readily  to  account  for  the  Latinisms,  or  Latir. 
words  and  phrases,  that  occur  in  the  New  Testament. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  principal  Latinisms : — Aa-o-ct 
fiicv  (assarion,  from  the  Latin  word  assarius),  equivalent  to 
about  three  quarters  of  a  farthing  of  our  money,  (Matt.  x.  29: 
Lukexii.  6.) — K»nr;c  (census),  assessment  or  rate,  (Matt.  xvii. 
25.) — Kan-cvpiaiv  (centurio),  a  centurion,  (Mark  xv.  39.  44,  45.) 
— Ko\»wa.  (colonia),  a  colony,  (Acts  xvi.  12.) — k.wo1uJm  (cus- 
lodia),  a  guard  of  soldiers,  (Matt,  xxvii.  65,  66.  xxviii.  11.) 
— bavupto;  (denarius),  a  Roman  penny,  equivalent  to  about 
seven-pence  halfpenny  of  our  money,  (Luke  vii.  41.) — 
<bgtty&.)i.M  (fuigellum),  a  scourge,  (John  ii.  15.);  from  this 
word  is  derived  •bfj.ytwcu,  to  scourge  with  whips,  (Matt,  xxvii. 
26.  Mark  xv.  15.)  As  this  was  a  Roman  punishment,  it  is 
no  wonder  that  we  find  it  expressed  by  a  term  nearly  Roman. 
— icvolot;  (Justus),  (Acts  i.  23.) — Aiyaev  (legio),  a  legion,  (Matt. 
xxvi.  53.) — KoifgavTw  (quadrans),  a  Roman  coin  equivalent  to 
about  three  fourths  of  an  English  halfpenny,  (Matt.  v.  26.) 
— A<j&gT<vsf  (Libert in  us),  a  freed  man,  (Acts  vi.  9.) — A*"w 
(linteum),  a  towel,  (John  xiii.  4.) — M*xs\mv  ^macellum), 
shambles,  (1  Cor.  x.  25.) — Mi^/Sgav*  (membrana),  parchment, 
(2  Tim.  iv.  13.) — Mjx/cit  (mille),  a  mile;  the  Roman  mile 
consisting  of  a  thousand  paces,  (Matt.  v.  41.) — Hsu-™?  (sex- 
iarius),  a  kind  of  pot,  (Mark  vii.  4. 8.) — Uyumftov  (prastortum). 
a  judgment  hall,  or  place  where  the  praetor  or  other  chief 
magistrate  heard  and  determined  causes,  (Matt,  xxvii.  27.) 
— ~Z»fAiKiv$-iw  or  St/utxtv&icv  (semicinctium),  an  apron,  (Acts  xix. 
12.) — 2/*ag/ic  (stearins),  an  assassin,  (Acts  xxi.  38.)- — ScwWaar 
(sudarium),  a  napkin,  or  handkerchief,  (Luke  xix.  20.) — 
2.7riHtuAa.Tcep  (speculator),  a  soldier  employed  as  an  executioner, 
(Mark  vi.  27.) — T*6§v».  (taberna),  a  tavern,  (Acts  xxviii.  15.) 
— twhK  (titulus),  a  title,  (John  xix.  19,  20.)5 

a  Michaelis,  vol.  i.  p.  135.  Morus,  vol.  i.  p.  237.  Arigler,  Hermeneutica 
Biblica.  pp.  83—88.  Bi^iop  Marsh,  in  his  notes  to  Michaelis,  states,  that  a 
new  branch  of  the  Aramtean  language  has  been  discovered  by  Professor 
Adler,  which  differs  in  some  respects  from  the  East  and  West  Aramasan 
dialects.  For  an  account  of  if,  he  refers  to  the  third  part  of  M.  Adler's  JVovt 
Testamenti  Versiones  Syricas,  Simplex,  Philoxeniana,  et.  Ilierosulymi- 
tana,  denuo  examinatm,  4jrc.  4to.  Hafnite,  1789,  of  which  work  we  have  not 
been  able  to  obtain  a  sight.  Pfeitfer  has  an  amusing  disquisition  on  theGali- 
leean  dialect  of  Peter,  which  in  substance  corresponds  with  the  abovecitet 
remark  of  Michaelis,  though  Pfeiffer  does  not  seem  to  have  known  the  exact 
names  of  the  dialects  then  in  use  among  the  Jews.  Op.  torn.  i.  pp.  616—622 

*  Additional  examples  of  Chaldaisms  and  Syriasms  may  be  seen  in  Olea 
riusde  Stylo  Novi  Testamenti,  membr.  iii.  aphorism  vi.  (Thesaurus  Theo 
logico-Philologicus,  torn.  ii.  pp.  22,  23.) 

»  Pritii  Jntroductio  ad  Lectionem  Novi  Testamenti,  pp.  320—322  Olearius, 
sect.  2.  memb.  iii.  aph.  ix.  pp.  24,  25.  Arigler,  Hermeneutica  Bibhca,  p.  99 
Michaelis,  vol.  i.  pp.  162—173.  Morus,  vol.  i.  pp.  235,  236.  Olearius  and 
Michaelis  have  collected  numerous  instances  of  Latinizing  phrases  occur- 
ring in  the  New  Testament,  which  want  of  room  compels  us  to  omit.  Ful'. 
elucidations  of  the  various  idioms  above  cited  are  given  by  Schleusner  and 
Parkhurst  in  their  Lexicons  to  the  New  Testament,  ihe  Graeco-Barbara 
Novi  Testamenti  (16mo.  Amsterdam,  1649),  of  Ch.  ttomsus.  may  also  be 
consulted  when  it  can  be  met  with 


8ect.  m.] 


ON  THE  COGNATE  OR  KINDRED  LANGUAGES. 


199 


1.  From  the  unavoidable  intercourse  of  the  Jews  with  the 
neighbouring  nations,  the  Arabs,  Persians  (to  whose  sove- 
-eigns  they  were  formerly  subject),  and  the  inhabitants  of 
Asia  Minor,  both  words  and  expressions  may  occasionally  In- 
traced  in  the  New  Testament,  which  have  been  thus  neces- 
sarily introduced  among  the  Jews.  These  words,  however, 
are  not  sufficiently  numerous  to  constitute  so  many  entire 
dialects;  for  instance,  there  are  not  more  than  six  or 
Persian  words  in  the  whole  of  the  New  Testament.1  These 
cannot,  therefore,  be  in  Strictness  termed  PlBSISKS;  and 
though  the  profoundly  learned  Michaelis  is  of  opinion  that 
the  Zend-avesta,  or  ancient  hook  of  the  Zoroastrian  religion, 
translated  by  M.  \miuetil  iln  Perron,  throws  considerable 
light  on  the  phraseology  of  Saint  John's  writings;  yet,  as 

the  authenticity  of  that  work  has  heen  questioned,  not  I 
disproved,  by  eminent  orientalists,  it  cannot  (we  apprehend; 

be  with  propriety  applied  to  the  elucidation  of  the  New  T<  s- 

tament.     From  the  number  of  words  used  by  Sainl  Paul   in 
peculiar  senses,  as  well  as  words  not  ordinarily  occurring  in 

Greek  writers,  Michaelis  is  of  opinion  (after  Jerome)  that 
they  were  provincial  idioms  used  in  Cilicia  in  the  age  in 
which  he  lived  ;  and  hence  be  denominates  them  Cilicisms.- 
The  preceding  considerations  and  examples  may  suffice  to 
convey  some  idea  of  the  genius  of  the  Greek  language  of  the 
New  Testament.  For  an  account  of  the  principal  editions 
of  the  Greek  Testament,  see  the  Bibliographical  Appendix 
to  Volume  II.  Part  I.  Chap.  I.  Sect.  III. ;  and  for  the  most 
useful  Lexicons  that  can  be  consulted,  see  Part  II.  Chap.  IV 
Sect.  III. 


SECTION  III. 

ON  THE  COGNATE  OR  KINDRED  LANGUAGES. 

I.  The  Aramxan,  -with  its  two  dialects  ;  1.  The  Chaldee ;  2. 
The  Syriac. — II.  The  Arabic,  with  its  derivative,  the  Ethi- 
opic. — III.  Use  and  importance  of  the  cognate  languages  to 
sacred  criticism. 

The  Cognate  or  Kindred  Languages  are  those  which  are 
allied  to  the  Hebrew,  as  being  sister-dialects  of  the  Shemitish 
languages,  all  of  which  preserve  nearly  the  same  structure 
and  analogy.  The  principal  cognate  languages  are  the  Ara- 
maean, and  the  Arabic,  with  their  respective  dialects  or  deri- 
vatives. 

I.  The  Aramaean  Language  (which  in  the  authorized 
English  version  of  2  Kings  xviii.  26.,  and  Dan.  ii.  4.,  is 
rendered  the  Syrian  or  Syriac)  derives  its  name  from  the  very 
extensive  region  of  Aram,  in  which  it  was  anciently  verna- 
cular. As  that  region  extended  from  the  Mediterranean  sea 
through  Syria  ana  Mesopotamia,  beyond  the  river  Tigris, 
the  language  there  spoken  necessarily  diverged  into  various 
dialects;  the  two  principal  of  which  are  the  Chaldee  and  the 
Syriac. 

1.  The  Chaldee,  sometimes  called  Ly  way  of  distinction 
the  East-Jlramvcun  dialect,  was  formerly  spoken  in  the  pro- 
vince of  Babylonia,  between  the  Euphrates  and  the  Tigris, 
the  original  inhabitants  of  which  cultivated  this  language  as 
a  distinct  dialect,  and  communicated  it  to  the  Jews  during 
the  Babylonian  captivity.  By  means  of  the  Jews  it  was 
transplanted  into  Palestine,  where  it  gradually  became  the 
vernacular  tongue;  though  it  did  not  completely  displace 
the  old  Hebrew  until  the  time  of  the  Maccabees.  Although 
the  Aramaean,  as  spoken  by  Jews,  partook  somewhat  of  the 
Hebrew  character,  no  entire  or  very  important  corruption  of 
t  took  place;  and  to  this  circumstance  alone  the  Babylonians 
are  indebted  fer  the  survival,  or  at  least  the  partial  preserva- 
tion, of  their  language,  which,  even  in  the  mother-country, 
has,  since  the  spread  of  Mohammedism,  heen  totally  extinct 

The  principal  remains  of  the  Chaldee  dialect  now  extant 
will  be  found, — 

(1.)  In  the  Canonical  Books,  Ezra  iv.  8.  to  vi.  18.  and 
vii.  12 — 2G.  Jer.  x.  11.,  and  Dan.  ii.  1.  to  the  end  of  chapter 
vii.;  and 

(2.)  In  the  Targums  or  Chaldee  Paraphrases  of  the  books 

1  Such  are  nyyufimii',  y*£»,  M*y<>i,  ^xpy^f 
«  Michaulis.  vol.  i.  pp  149—162. 


of  the  Old  Testament,  of  which  an  account  will  be  found  in 
chap.  iii.  sect.  iii.  §  1.  infra. 

2.  The  Sviuac  or  Jl't.yt-.lruimran  was  spoken  both  in 
Syria  and  Mesopotamia;  and,  after  the  captivity,  it  became 
vi  macular  in  Galilee.  Hence,  though  several  of  the  sacred 
writers  of  the  New  Testament  expressed  themselves  in 
Greek,  their  idea-  were  Syriac;  and  they  consequently  used 
many  Syriac  idioms,  and  a  few  Syriac  words.4  The  chief 
difference  between  the  Syriac  ana  Chaldee  consists  in  the 
vowel  points  or  mode  of  pronunciation;  and,  notwithstand- 
ing the  forms  of  their  re -p<  ctive  letters  are  very  dissimilar, 
y<  t  tie  com  Bpondence  between  the  two  dialects  is  so  close, 
that  if  the  Chaldee  he  written   in  Syriac  characters  without 

Jioints,  it  becomes  Syriac,  with  the  exception  of  a  single  in- 
lection  in  the  formation  of  the  rerbs.'  The  earliest  document 
still  extant  in  the  Syriac  dialect  is  the  Pesehito  or  old  Syriac 
version  of  the  Old  and  V  v.  Testament,  of  which  an  account 
will  he  found  in  chap.  iii.  Beet  iii.  §  3.  infra.  The  great 
assistance,  which  a  knowledge  of  this  dialect  affords  to  the 

critical  understanding  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  is  illustrated 
at  considerable  length  hy  the  elder  Michaelis,  in  a  philologi- 
cal dissertation,  originally  published  in  1756,  and  reprinted 
in  the.  first  volume  of  MM.  Pott's  and  Ruperti's  "  Sylloge 
Commentationum  Theologicarum." 

II.  Though  more  remotely  allied  to  the  Hebrew  than 
either  of  the  preceding  dialects,  the  Arabic  Language  pos- 
sesses sufficient  analogy  to  explain  and  illustrate  the  former, 
and  is  not,  perhaps,  inferior  in  importance  to  the  Chaldee  or 
the  Syriac;  particularly  as  it  is  a  living  language,  in  which 
almost  every  subject  has  been  discussed,  and  has  received 
the  minutest  investigation  from  native  writers  and  lexicogra- 
phers. The  Arabic  language  has  many  roots  in  common 
with  the  Hebrew  tongue;  and  this  again  contains  very  many 
words  which  are  no  longer  to  be  found  in  the  Hebrew  writ- 
ings that  are  extant,  but  wrhich  exist  in  the  Arabic  language. 
Tne  learned  Jews,  who  flourished  in  Spain  from  the  tenth 
to  the  twelfth  century  under  the  dominion  of  the  Moors, 
were  the  first  who  applied  Arabic  to  the  illustration  of  the 
Hebrew  language ;  and  subsequent  Christian  writers,  as 
Bochart,  the  elder  Schultens,  Olaus  Celsius,  and  others,  have 
diligently  and  successfully  applied  the  Arabian  historians, 
geographers,  and  authors  on  natural  history,  to  the  explana- 
tion of  the  Bible.7 

The  Ethiopic  language,  which  is  immediately  derived 
from  the  Arabic,  has  been  applied  with  great  advantage  to 
the  illustration  of  the  Scriptures  by  Bochart,  De  Dieu,  Hot- 
tinger,  and  Ludolph  (to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  an  Ethio- 
pic grammar  and  lexicon)  ;3  and  Pfeiffer  has  explained  a  few 
passages  in  the  books  of  Ezra  and  Daniel,  hy  the  aid  of  the 
Persian  language.9 

III.  The  Cognate  or  Kindred  Languages  are  of  considerable 
use  in  sacred  criticism.  They  may  lead  us  to  discover  the 
occasions  of  such  false  readings  as  transcribers  unskilled  in 
the  Hebrew,  but  accustomed  to  some  of  the  other  dialects, 
have  made  by  writing  words  in  the  form  of  that  dialect,  in- 
stead of  the  Hebrew  form.  Further,  the  knowledge  of  these 
Languages  will  frequently  serve  to  prevent  ill-grounded  con- 
jectures that  a  passage  is  corrupted,  by  showing  that  the 
common  reading  is  susceptible  of  the  very  sense  which  such 
passage  requires;  and  when  different  readings  are  found  in 
copies  of  the  Bible,  these  languages  may  sometimes  assist  us 
in  determining  which  of  them  ought  to  be  preferred.10 

»  .lahn,  Elements  Aramaics;  Linguae,  p.  2.  Walton's  Prolegomena,  c.  xii 
§2,  3.  (pp.  669—662.  edit  Dathii.)  Rigge's  Manual  of  the  Chaldee  Language, 
I  .'.  (Boston,  Mass.  1832.)  To  his  excellent  Chaldee  Grammar  Mr  R 
lias  appended  a  Chrestomathy,  containing  the  biblical  Chaldee  passages, 
end  select  portion*  of  the  Targums  with  very  useful  notes  and  a  vocabu 
l.u  v.  to  facilitate  the  acquisition  of  this  dialect  to  the  biblical  student. 

«  Haaclef,  Qrauun.  Hebr.  vol.  ii.  p.  114.  Wotton's  Misna,  vol.  i.  preef.  p 
xviii. 

•  Walton,  Prol.  c.  xiii.  §2,  3,  4,  5.  (pp.  594—603.) 

«  l>  Christiani  Bcnedicti  Michaelis  Dissertatio  Philologies,  quii  Lumina 
Syri.ua  pro  illustrando  Ebraismo  Sacro  exibentur  (Hala:,  1756),  in  Pott's 
and  Ruperti's  Sylloge,  torn.  i.  pp.  170—244.  The  editors  have  inserted  in  the 
DOtee  some  additional  observations  from  Micliaelis's  own  copy. 

It  r.  llerm  Sacr.  pp.  88,  83.  106,  107.  Walton,  Prol.  c.  xiv.  52—7.  14. 
(pp.  635—641.  619.)    Bishop  Marsh's  Divinity  Lectures,  part  iii.  p.  28. 

•  Bauer,  Herui.  Sacr.  p.  107.    Walton,  Prol.  c.  xvi.  §6—8.  (pp.  674-678.) 
»  Dubia  Vexata,  cent.  Iv.  no.  66.  (Op.  torn.  i.  pp.  420--122.)  and  Hcrm. 

3a-.ni,  r   vi.  5  9.  (Ibid.  torn,  ii    p.  648.)    Walton,  Prol.  c.  xvi.  §5.  (pp  691 

■'fWnrd'sInstitut.-s  of  Biblical  Criticism,  p.  63.— For  Notices  of  the  prnv 
'  miliars  and  lexicons  of  the  Cognate  Languages,  see  the  HiBLiooaA 
\ppEsntx  tc  the  second  Volume,  Part  II.  Chap-  IV.  Sect.  1* 


300 


HISTORY  OF  THE  HEBREW  TEXT. 


[Part  I.  Cha*.  II 


CHAPTER  II. 


PRITICAL    HISTORY    OF    THE    TEXT    OP    THE    HOLY    SCRIPTURES. 


SECTION  I. 


HISTORY    AND    CONDITION    OF    THE    TEXT    OF    THE    OLD   TESTAMENT. 


§    1.    HIST0n.1T    OF    THE    HEBREW    TEXT. 

J  From  the  writing  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  until  the  time  of  Jesus  Christ ;  1.  History  of  the  Pentateuch  ;  2.  An- 
cient  history  of  the  remaining  books  of  the  Old  Testament. — II.  From  the  time  of  Jesus  Christ  to  the  age  of  the  JMasorites  ; 
1.  History  of  the  text  in  the  first  century  ;  2.  From  the  second  to  the  fifth  century  ;  3.  Particularly  in  the  time  of  Jerome. — 
III.  From  the  age  of  the  Masorites  to  the  invention  of  the  art  of  printing ;  1.  Object  of  the  Masora, — its  object  and  critical 
value;  2.  Oriental  and  occidental  readings ;  3.  Recensions  of  Aaron  ben  Asher  and  Jacob  ben  JVaphtali ;  4.  Standard 
copies  of  the  Hebreiv  Scriptures  in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries. — IV.  From  the  inventio7i  of  the  art  of  printing  to 
our  own  time. 


The  Critical  History  of  the  Text  of  the  Old  Testament  | 
has  been  divided  into  various  periods.  Dr.  Kennicott  has  j 
specified  six,-  Bauer  divides  it  into  two  principal  epochs,  J 
each  of  which  is  subdivided  into  two  periods;  Jahn  \ms  five  ' 

Eeriods ;  and  Muntinghe,  whose  arrangement  is  here  adopted,  ' 
as  disposed  it  into  four  periods,  viz.  1.  From  the  writing 
of  the  Hebrew  books  until  the  time  of  Jesus  Christ ;  2.  From 
the  time  of  Christ  to  the  age  of  the  Masorites ;  3.  From  the 
age  of  the  Masorites  to  the  invention  of  the  art  of  printing; 
and,  4.  From  the  invention  of  printing  to  our  own  time. 
I.  History  of  the  Hebrew  text  from  the  writing  of  ! 

THE  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  UNTIL  THE  TIME  OF  JeSUS  i 

Christ. 

1.  We  commence  with  the  Pentateuch,  concerning  the  j 
earliest  history  of  which  we  have  more  minute  information 
than  Ave  have  of  the  other  books  of  the  Old  Testament. 
Previously  to  the  building  of  Solomon's  Temple,  the  Penta- 
teuch was  deposited  by1  the  side  of  the  ark  of  the  covenant 
(Deut.  xxxi.  24 — 26.),  to  be  consulted  by  the  Israelites;  and 
after  the  erection  of  that  sacred  edifice,  it  was  deposited  in 
the  treasury,  together  with  all  the  succeeding  productions 
of  the  inspired  writers.  On  the  subsequent  destruction  of 
the  temple  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  the  autographs  of  the  sacred 
books  are  supposed  to  have  perished :  but  some  learned  men 
have  conjectured  that  they  were  preserved,  because  it  does 
not  appear  that  Nebuchadnezzar  evinced  any  particular  en- 
mity against  the  Jewish  religion ;  and  in  the  account  of  the 
sacred  things  carried  to  Babylon  (2  Kings  xxv.  2  Chron. 
xxxvi.  Jer.lii.),  no  mention  is  made  of  the  sacred  books. 
However  this  may  be,  it  is  a  fact,  that  copies  of  these  auto- 
graphs were  carried  to  Babylon;  for  we  find  the  prophet 
Daniel  quoting  the  law  (Dan.  ix.  11.  13.),  and  also  expressly 
mentioning  the  prophecies  of  Jeremiah  (ix.  2.),  which  he 
could  not  have  done,  if  he  had  never  seen  them.  We  are 
further  informed  that,  on  the  finishing  of  the  temple  in  the 
sixth  year  of  Darius,  the  Jewish  worship  was  fully  re-esta- 
blished, according  as  it  is  written  in  the  book  of  Moses  (Ezra 
vi.  18.)  ;  which  would  have  been  impracticable,  if  the  Jews 
had  not  had  copies  of  the  law  then  among  them.  But  what 
still  more  clearly  proves  that  they  must  have  had  transcripts 
of  their  sacred  writings  during,  as  well  as  subsequent  to,  the 
Babylonish  captivity,  is  the  fact,  that  when  the  people  re- 
quested Ezra  to  produce  the  law  of  Moses  (Nehem.  viii.  1.), 
they  did  not  entreat  him  to  get  it  dictated  anew  to  them ;  but 
that  he  would  bring  forth  the  book  of  the  laiu  of  Moses,  which 
the  Lord  had  commanded  to  Israel.  Further,  long  before  the 
time  of  Jesus  Christ,  another  edition  of  the  Pentateuch  was 
in  the  hands  of  the  Samaritans,  which  has  been  preserved  to 
our  time;  and  though  it  differs  in  some  instances  from  the 
text  of  the  Hebrew  Pentateuch,  yet  upon  the  whole  it  accu- 
rately agrees  witli  the  Jewish  copies.2  And  in  the  year  286 
or  285  before  the  Christian  a>ra,  the  Pentateuch  was  trans- 
lated into  the  Greek  language;3  and  this  version,  whatever 
errors  may  now  be  detected  in  it,  was  so  executed  as  to  show 
that  the  text,  from  which  it  was  made,  agreed  with  the  text 
which  we  now  have. 

«  So  it  should  be  rendered ;— not  in  the  side  of  the  ark.  See  Dr.  Kenni- 
cott's  Diss.  ii.  p.  298. 

»  See  a  fuller  account  of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch,  infra,  sect.  ii.  nn 
43,  44. 

*  See  a  critical  account  of  the  Septuagint  version,  in  chap.  iii.  sect.  iii. 
iZ  infra. 


2.  With  regard  to  the  entire  Hebrew  Bible. — About  fifty 
years  after  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple,  and  the  consequent 
re-establishment  of  the  Jewish  religion,  it  is  generally  ad- 
mitted that  the  canon  of  the  Old  Testament  was  settled ;  but 
by  whom  this  great  work  was  accomplished,  is  a  question 
on  which  there  is  considerable  difference  of  opinion.  On  the 
one  hand  it  is  contended  that  it  could  not  have  been  done  by 
Ezra  himself;  because,  though  he  has  related  his  zealous 
efforts  in  restoring  the  law  and  worship  of  Jehovah,  yet  on 
the  settlement  of  the  canon  he  is  totally  silent;  and  the 
silence  of  Nehemiah,  who  has  recorded  the  pious  labours  of 
Ezra,  as  well  as  the  silence  of  Josephus,  who  is  diffuse  in 
his  encomiums  on  him,  has  further  been  urged  as  a  presump- 
tive argument  why  he  could  not  have  collected  the  Jewish 
writings.  But  to  these  hypothetical  reasonings  we  may 
oppose  the  constant  tradition  of  the  Jewish  church,  uncon 
tradicted  both  by  their  enemies  and  by  Christians,  that  Ezra 
with  the  assistance  of  the  members  of  the  great  synagogue 
(among  whom  were  the  prophets  Haggai,  Zechariah,  and 
Malachi),  did  collect  as  many  copies  of  the  sacred  writings 
as  he  could,  and  from  them  set  forth  a  correct  edition  of  the 
canon  of  the  Old  Testament,  with  the  exception  of  his  own 
writings,  the  book  of  Nehemiah,  and  the  prophecy  of  Mala- 
chi; which  were  subsequently  annexed  to  the  canon  by 
Simon  the  Just,  who  is  said  to  have  been  the  last  of  the 
great  synagogue.  In  this  Esdrine  text,  the  errors  of  the 
former  copyists  were  corrected  ;  and  Ezra  (being  himself  an 
inspired  writer)  added  in  several  places,  throughout  the 
books  of  this  edition,  what  appeared  necessary  to  illustrate, 
connect,  or  complete  them.4  Whether  Ezra's  own  copy  of 
the  Jewish  Scriptures  perished  in  the  pillage  of  the  temple 
by  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  is  a  question  that  cannot  now  be 
ascertained ;  nor  is  it  material,  since  we  know  that  Judas 
Maccabaeus  repaired  the  temple,  and  replaced  every  thing 
requisite  for  the  performance  of  divine  worship  ( 1  Mace.  iv. 
36 — 59A  which  included  a  correct,  if  not  Ezra's  own,  copy 
of  the  Scriptures.5  It  is  not  improbable,  that  in  this  latter 
temple  an  ark  was  constructed,  in  which  the  sacred  books 
of  the  Jews  were  preserved  until  the  destruction  of  Jerusa- 
lem, and  the  subversion  of  the  Jewish  polity  by  the  Romans 
under  Titus,  before  whom  the  volume  of  the  law  was  carried 
in  triumph,  among  the  other  spoils  which  had  been  taken  at 
Jerusalem.6 

II.  History  of  the  Hebrew  Text  from  the  time  of 
Jesus  Christ  to  the  age  of  the  Masorites. 

1.  As  the  Jews  were  dispersed  through  various  countries, 
to  whose  inhabitants  Greek  was  vernacular,  they  gradually 
acquired  the  knowledge  of  this  language,  and  even  culti- 
vated Greek  literature :  it  cannot  therefore  excite  surprise, 
that  the  Septuagint  version  should  be  so  generally  used,  as 
to  cause  the  Hebrew  original  to  be  ahmst  entirely  neglected. 
Hence  the  former  was  read  in  the  synagogues  :  it  appears 
to  have  been  exclusively  followed  by  the  Alexandrian  Jew, 
Philo,  and  it  was  most  frequently,  though  not  solely,  con- 
sulted by  Josephus,  who  was  well  acquainted  witli  Hebrew.7 

*  Prideaiix's  Connection,  part  i.  book  v.  sub  anno  446.  vol.  i.  pp.  320—314. 
and  the  authorities  there  cited.  Carpzov.  Introd.  ad  Libros  Biblicos  Vet 
Test.  pp.  24.  308,  309. 

«  Bp.  Tomline's  Elements  of  Theology,  vol.  i.  p.  I 

•  Josephus,  de  Bell.  Jud.  lib.  vii.  c.  3.  §  11. 

1  Muntinghe,  Expositio  Criticea  Sacra;,  pp  SI,  ■•  '--  Jahn  ct  Ackermarm, 
Introd.  ad  Libros  Vet.  Feed.  5  90. 


- 


JSUCT.  I.  §   1.] 


HISTORY  OP  THE  HEBREW  TEXT. 


20] 


2.  In  the  second  century,  both  Jews  and  Christians  ap- 

Slied  themselves  sedulously  to  the  study  of  the  Hebrew 
criptures.  Besides  the  Peschito  or  Old  Syriac  version  (if 
indeed  this  was  not  executed  at  the  close  of  tin-  lirst  cen- 
tury), which  was  made  from  the  Hebrew  for  die  Syrian 
('hnstians,  three  Greek  versions  were  undertaken  and  com- 
pleted; one  fur  the  Jews  by  Aquila,  an  apostate  from  Chris- 
tianity to  Judaism,  and  two  for  trie  Bbionites  or  bi  mi-Chris- 
tians by  Theodotion  and  Symmachus.1  Tha  Hebrew  text, 
as  it  existed  in  the  East  from  year  300  to  the  end  cf  the  fifth 
century,  is  presented  to  us  by  Origan  in  Ins  Hexapla,by 
Jonathan  in  his  Targum  or  Paraphrase  on  the  Prophets,  and 
by  the  rabbins  in  die  Gemaras  or < lommentaries  on  the  Misna 
or  Traditionary  Expositions  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures.  "Hie 
varieties  are  scarcely  more  aumerous  or  more  important  than 

in  the  version  of  the  second  century.     lint  the  discrepancies. 

which  were  observed   in  the  Hebrew  manuscripts  in  the 

Second  or  at  least  in  the  third  century,  excited    the   attention 

of  the  Jews,  who  began  to  collate  copies,  and  to  collect  va- 
rious readings;  which, being  distributed  into  several  classes, 
appear  in  the  Jerusalem  Talmud  about  the  year  280.  They 
are  as  follows  : — 

(1.)  QnoiD  tin?  ^iTfca  BOPHeaiM),  or  the  Rejection  of  the 
Scribi-s  :  to  this  class  belong  five  places,  in  which  the  reader  is 
directed  to  reject  the  prefix  i  vau,  which  was  found  in  the  He- 
brew text.3  As  wc  have  no  information  concernii  y  the  "  rejec- 
tion of  the  scribes,"  except  tin-  slight  notice  contained  in  the 
Talmud,  Morin  is  of  opinion,  that  it  is  only  a  fragment  of  some 
corrections  and  a  revision  of  the  sacred  text  made  by  some  Jew- 
ish doctors,  whose  time  and  circumstances  are  utterly  unknown.3 

(2.)  o>-iDiDppn  (tiwkix  BOPBeaix),  or  the  Correction  of  the 
Scribes,  contains  sixteen  or  eighteen  places,  which  were  cor- 
rupted in  the  Hebrew  manuscripts,  and  the  correct  reading  of 
which  was  restored  hy  the  collation  of  copies. 

(3.)  Extraordinary  Points  placed  over  one,  more,  or  all  the 
letters  of  some  word,  which,  as  appears  from  the  collation  of 
ancient  versions  and  the  Samaritan  text,  denote  that  those  words 
and  letters  were  not  found  by  the  copyists  in  some  manuscripts. 
Of  this  description  of  various  readings  there  are  fifteen  examples. 
Jahn  ascribes  the  origin  of  these  points — or  at  least  of  many  of 
them — to  the  unwillingness  of  a  transcriber  to  erase  a  letter  or 
word  improperly  written,  which  he  rather  chose  to  denounce  by 
this  extraordinary  point,  while  other  subsequent  copyists  tran- 
scribed the  points  along  with  the  word.4 

(4.)  In  many  Jewish  manuscripts  and  printed  editions  of  the 
Old  Testament,  a  word  is  often  found  with  a  small  circle  annexed 
to  it,  or  with  an  asterisk  over  it,  and  a  word  written  in  the  margin 
of  the  same  line.  The  former  is  called  the  Trp  (un^Tin),  that 
is,  written,  and  the  latter,  »tjj  (Kenr),  that  is,  read  or  reading. 
as  if  to  intimate,  write  in  this  manner,  but  read  in  that  manner. 
For  instance,  when  they  meet  with  certain  words,  they  substi- 
tute others  :  thus  instead  of  the  sacred  name  Jehovah,  they 
substitute  Adonai  or  Elohim  ;  and  in  lieu  of  terms  not  strictly 
consistent  with  decency,  they  pronounce  others  less  indelicate  or 
more  agreeable  to  our  ideas  of  propriety.5 

(5.)  The  an'B  (s  in  him)  are  critical  conjectures  of  the 
more  ancient  rabbins,  on  certain  passages  of  Scripture.5 

3.  The  state  of  the  Hebrew  text,  in  the  west  of  Europe, 
during  the  fifth  century,  is  exhibited  to  us  in  the  Latin  ver- 
sion made  by  Jerome  from  the  original  Hebrew,  and  in  his 
commentaries  on  the  Scriptures.  From  a  careful  examina- 
tion of  these  two  sources  several  important  facts  have  bi  en 
collected,  particularly  that 

(1.)  The  Old  Testament  contained  the  same  books  which  are 
at  present  found  in  our  copies. 

(2.)  The  form  of  the  Hebrew  letters  wis  tin-  same  which  we 
now  have,  as  is  evident  from  Jerome's  frequently  hiking  notice 
of  the  similar  letters,  beth  and  caph.  resb  and  da!eth,  mem  and 
samech,  &e. 

(3.)  The  modern  vowel  points,  accents,  and  other  diacritic 
signs  were  utterly  unknown  to  Jerome.  Some  words  were  of 
doubtful  meaning  to  him,  because  they  were  destitute  of  v 

1  An  account  of  these  versions  anil  of  the  biblical  labours  of  Origen  is 
given  in  etiap.  iii.  sect.  iii.  §'-.  infra. 
»  Bauer  has  given  the  examples al  length,  in  his  Critics  Sacra,  p.  208. 
3  Mortal  EUercitationes  Biblica,  lib.  i>  exercit  22.  cap.  i.  §G. 

•  Mnntinghi  ■  rit  Sacra  p  66.  Jahn  el  /Lckermann,  Introd. 
S 107.  Cappel'a  Critica  Sacra  by  Vogel  and  Scharfenberjr,  torn.  i.  p.  455. 

'The  Keri  and  Khetib  ar.^  copiously  discussed  by  Bishop  Walton,  Pro- 
.eg.  viii.  5513— 26.  Cappel,  Critica  Sacra,  lib  iii.  c.  i  — iii  xiv.— xvi.,  and  by 
Mr.  Whittaker,  in  his  Historical  ami  Critical  Inquiry  into  the  Interpretation 
Df  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  pp.  114—173. 

•  See  a  full  account  of  them  in  Cappel'sCr:t':a  Sacra,  lib.  vi.  c.  8. 
Vol.  I.  S  O 


(4.)  The  divisions  of  chapters  and  verses  did  not  exist  in  any 
Hebrew  MSS. ;  but  it  should  seem  that  both  the  Hebrew  origina. 
and  the  Septuagint  Greek  version  were  divided  into  larger  sec- 
tions, which  dilfer  from  those  in  our  copies,  because  Jerome,  in 
his  commentary  on  Amos  vi  9.,  says  that  what  is  the  beginning 
of  another  chapter  in  the  Hebrew,  is  in  the  Septuagint  the  end 
of  the  preceding.' 

(5.)  Tin-  Hebrew  MS.  used  by  Jerome  for  the  most  part 
agrees  with  the  Masoretic  text ;  though  there  are  a  few  unim 
p  nrtant  various  readings. 

HI.  IIisToitv  or  thi:  HlBREW  Tk.xt  from  tiii:  A.GB  OF 
THE  MA80R1TE8  TO  THE  Invention  ok  THE  AST  of  PRINTING. 

1.  Aft.r  the  destruction  of  J<  msalem  and  the  consequent 
dispersion  i  f  the  Jews  into  various  countries  of  the  Roman 

empire,  some  of  those  who  were  settled  in  the  East  applied 

themselves  to  the  cultivation  of  \\\,  rut  lire,  and  opened  various 

Is,  in  wl  ieh  they  taught  the  Scriptures.  <>ne  of  the 
most  distinguished  of  these  academies  was  that  established 
at  Tiberias  in  Tab  -tine,  which  Jerome  mentions  as  existing 

in  the  fifth  century.*  The  doctors  of  this  school,  early  in 
the  sixth  century,  agreed  to  revise  tin-  sacred  text,  and  issue 
an  accurate  edition  of  it;  for  which  purpose  tin  \  collected 
all  the  scatter..!  critical  and  grammatical  observations  they 
could  obtain,  which  appeared  likely  to  contribute  towards 
fixing  both  the  reading  arid  interpretation  of  Scripture,  into 
one  book,  which  they  called  mioa  (.MasoaoH),  that  is,  Ira- 
tUtiorif  because  it  consisted  of  remarks  which  they  had  re- 
ceived from  others.  Some  rabbinical  authors  pretend  that, 
when  God  gave  the  law  to  Moses  on  Mount  Sinai,  he  taught 
him,  first,  its  true  reading,  and,  secondly,  its  true  interpre- 
tation :  and  that  both  these  were  handed  down  by  oral  tra- 
dition, from  generation  to  generation,  until  at  length  they 
were  committed  to  writing.  The  former  of  these,  viz.  the 
true  reading,  is  the  subject  of  the  Masora  ;  the  latter  or  true 
interpretation  is  that  of  the  Mishna  and  Gemara,  of  which  an 
account  is  given  in  a  subsequent  chapter  of  the  present 
volume. 

The  Masoretic  notes  and  criticisms  relate  to  the  books, 
verses,  words,  letters,  vowel  points,  and  accents.  The 
Meteorites  or  Massorets,  as  the  inventors  of  this  system  were 
called,  were  the  first  who  distinguished  the  books  and  sec- 
tions of  books  into  verses.  They  marked  the  number  of  al. 
the  verses  of  each  book  and  section,  and  placed  the  amount 
at  the  end  of  each  in  numeral  letters,  or  in  some  symbolical 
word  formed  out  of  them ;  and  they  also  marked  the  middle 
verse  of  each  book.  Further,  they  noted  the  verses  where 
someiiil..  ;  was  supposed  to  be  forgotten  ;  the  words  which 
they  believed  to  be  changed  ;  the  letters  which  they  deemed 
to  be  superfluous ;  the  repetitions  of  the  same  verses  ;  the 
different  reading  of  the  words  which  are  redundant  or  defec- 
tive; the  number  of  times  that  the  same  word  is  found  at  the 
beginning,  middle,  or  end  of  a  verse  ;  the  different  significa- 
tions of  the  same  word  ;  the  agreement  or  conjunction  of  one 
word  with  another;  what  letters  are  pronounced,  and  what 
are  inverted,  together  with  such  as  hang  perpendicular, 
and  they  took  the  number  of  each,  for  the  Jews  cherish  the 
sacred  books  with  such  reverence,  that  they  make  a  scruple 
of  changing  the  situation  of  a  letter  which  is  evidently  mis- 
placed ;  supposing  that  some  mystery  has  occasioned  the 
alteration.  I  hey  have  likewise  reckoned  which  is  the  middle 
letter  of  the  Pentateuch,  which  is  the  middle  clause  of  each 

book,  and  how  ly  turn  Beach  letter  of  the  alphabet  occurs 

in  all  the  Hebrew  Scriptures.  The  following  table  from 
Bishop  Walton  will  give  an  idea  of  their  laborious  minute- 
ness in  these  researches  : — 

Times. 

N  Aleph occurs  in  the  Hebrew  Bible. 42377 

3   Beth 38218 

i  Gimel 29537 

T  Daleth 32530 

n  He 47554 

1  Vau 76922 

I   Zain 22867 

n  Cheth 23447 

13  Teth 1 1052 

*   Yod 66420 

3  Caph 48253 

s  Lamed 41517 

'  In  Hebraicis  alterins  hoc  capituli  eiordiura  est;  apud  LXX  vsro  (mil 
superioris. 
•  Bauer,  Critica  Sacra,  pp.  212—215. 
»  Praefat.  ad  Comment,  in  libros  Paralipomen»n. 


J02 


HISTORY"  OF  THE  HEBREW  TEXT. 


[Pari  I.  Chap  IL 


Times. 

n  Mem occurs  in  the  Hebrew  Bib.e. 77778 

j  Nun 41696 

9  Samech 13580 

V  Ain 20175 

B  Pe  22725 

x  Tsaddi.'.V 21882 

p  Koph 22972 

T  Resch 22147 

V  Shin 32148 

n  Tau 593431 

Such  is  the  celebrated  Masora  of  the  Jews.  At  first,  it 
did  not  accompany  the  text ;  afterwards  the  greatest  part  of 
it  was  written  in  the  margin.  In  order  to  bring  it  within  the 
margin,  it  became  necessary  to  abridge  the  work  itself.  This 
abriSgment  was  called  the  little  Masora,  Masora  parva,- 
but,  being  found  too  short,  a  more  copious  abridgment  was 
inserted,  which  was  distinguished  by  the  appellation  of  the 
great  Masora,  Masora  magna.  The  omitted  parts  were  added 
at  the  end  of  the  text,  and  called  the  final  Masora,  Masora 
finalist 

The  age  when  the  Masoiites  lived  has  been  much  contro- 
verted. Some  ascribe  the  Masoretic  notes  to  Moses ;  others 
attribute  them  to  Ezra  and  the  members  of  the  great  syna- 
gogue, and  their  successors  after  the  restoration  of  the  temple 
worship,  on  the  death  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  Archbishop 
Usher  places  the  Masorites  before  the  time  of  Jerome; 
Cappel,  at  the  end  of  the  fifth  century  ;  Bishop  Marsh  is  of 
opinion,  that  they  cannot  be  dated  higher  than  the  fourth  or 
fifth  century ;  Bishop  Walton,  Basnage,  .Tahn,  and  others, 
refer  them  to  the  rabbins  of  Tiberias  in  the  sixth  century, 
and  suppose  that  they  commenced  the  Masora,  which  was 
augmented  and  continued  at  different  times,  by  various  au- 
thors ;  so  that  it  was  not  the  work  of  one  man,  or  of  one 
age.  In  proof  of  this  opinion,  which  we  think  the  most 
probable,  we  may  remark,  that  the  notes  which  relate  to  the 
variations  in  the  pointing  of  particular  words,  must  have 
been  made  after  trie  introduction  of  the  points,  and  conse- 
quently after  the  Talmud ;  other  notes  must  have  been  made 
before  the  Talmud  was  finished,  because  it  is  from  these  notes 
that  it  speaks  of  the  points  over  the  letters,  and  of  the  varia- 
tions in  their  size  and  position.  Hence  it  is  evident,  that  the 
whole  was  not  the  work  of  the  Masorites  of  Tiberias ;  fur- 
ther, no  good  reason  can  be  assigned  to  prove  the  Masora  the 
work  of  TSzra,  or  his  contemporaries  ;  much  appears  to  show 
it  was  not :  for,  in  the  first  place,  most  of  the  notes  relate  to 
the  vowel  points,  which,  we  have  seen,3  were  not  introduced 
until  upwards  of  fifteen  hundred  years  after  his  time,  and  the 
remarks  made  about  the  shape  and  position  of  the  letters  are 
unworthy  of  an  inspired  writer,  being  more  adapted  to  the 
superstition  of  the  rabbins,  than  to  the  gravity  of  a  divine 

i  Bishop  Walton's  Prolegom.  c.  viii.  §8.  p.  275.  edit.  Dathii.  In  the  last 
century,  an  anonymous  writer  published  the  followiug  calculation  similar 
to  that  of  the  Masorites,  for  the  English  Version  of  the  Bible,  under  the 
title  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament  Dissected.  It  is  said  to  have  occupied 
three  years  of  the  compiler's  life,  and  is  a  singular  instance  of  the  trifling 
employments  to  which  superstition  has  led  mankind. 

THE    OLD    AND    NEW    TESTAMENT    DISSECTED. 

Books  in  the  Old....  39    In  the  New 27    Total 66 

Chapters 929    260     1,189 

Verses 23,214    7,959    31,173 

Words 592,439     181,253    773,692 

Letters 2,728,800    838,380    3,567  150 

Apocrypha 

Chapters ia3 

Verses 6,081 

Words 252,185 

The  middle  chapter,  and  the  least  in  the  Bible,  is  Psalm  1 17. 
The  middle  verse  is  the  eighth  of  the  118th  Psalm. 
The  middle  line  2d  of  Chronicles,  4(.h  chapter,  16th  verse. 
The  word  and  occurs  in  the  Old  Testament,  35,543  times. 
The  same  word  occurs  in  the  New  Testament,  10,684  times. 
The  word  Jehovah  occurs  6S55  times. 

Old  Testament. 
The  middle  book  is  Proverbs. 
The  middle  chapter  is  Job  29th. 
The  middle  verse  is  2d  Chronicles,  20th  chapter,  between  the  17th  and 

18th  verses. 
The  least  verse  is  1st  Chronicles,  1st  chapter  and  25th  verse. 

New  Testament. 

The  middle  book  is  Thessalonians  2d. 

The  middle  chapter  is  between  the  13th  and  14th  Romans. 

The  middle  verse  is  chapter  17th  of  Acts,  17th  verse. 

The  least  verse  is  11th  chapter  of  John,  verse  35. 
The  21st  verse  of  the  7th  chapter  of  Ezra  has  all  the  Letters  in  the  Alpha- 
bet except  j. 
The  19th  chapter  of  the  2d  of  Kings  and  the  37th  of  Isaiah  are  alike. 

•  Butler's  Horse  Biblicae,  vol.  i.  p.  61. 

«  See  pp.  191,  192.  of  the  preaenf  volume. 


teacher.  Secondly,  No  one  ;,an  suppose  that  the  prophets 
collected  various  readings  of  their  own  prophecies,  though 
we  find  this  has  been  done,  and  makes  part  of  what  is  called 
the  Masora.  Thirdly,  The  rabbins  have  never  scrupled  to 
abridge,  alter,  or  reject  any  part  of  these  notes,  and  to  inter- 
mix their  own  observations,  or  those  of  others,  which  is  a 
proof  that  they  did  not  believe  them  to  be  the  work  of  the 
prophets  ;  for  in  that  case  they  would  possess  equal  authority 
with  the  text,  and  should  be  treated  with  the  same  regard. 
Lastly,  Since  all  that  is  useful  in  the  Masora  appears  to  nave 
been  written  since  Ezra's  time,  it  is  impossible  to  ascribe  to 
him  what  is  useless  and  trifling ;  and  from  these  different 
reasons  it  may  be  concluded  that  no  part  of  the  Masora  was 
written  by  Ezra.  And  even  though  we  were  to  admit  that 
he  began  it,  that  would  not  lead  us  to  receive  the  present 
system  in  the  manner  the  Jews  do,  because,  since  we  cannot 
now  distinguish  what  he  wrote,  and  since  we  find  many 
things  in  it  plainly  unworthy  of  an  inspired  writer,  we  may 
justly  refuse  it  the  credit  due  to  inspiration,  unless  his  part 
were  actually  separated  from  what  is  the  work  of  others. 
On  the  whole,  then,  it  appears,  that  what  is  called  the  Ma- 
sora is  entitled  to  no  greater  reverence  or  attention  than  may 
be  claimed  by  any  other  human  compilation.4 

Concerning  the  value  of  the  Masoretic  system  of  notation, 
the  learned  are  greatly  divided  in  opinion.  Some  have  highly 
commended  the  undertaking,  and  have  considered  the  work 
of  the  Masorites  as  a  monument  of  stupendous  labour  and 
unwearied  assiduity,  and  as  an  admirable  invention  for  deli- 
vering the  sacred  text  from  a  multitude  of  equivocations  and 
perplexities  to  which  it  was  liable,  and  for  putting  a  stop  to 
the  unbounded  licentiousness  and  rashness  of  transcribers  and 
critics,  who  often  made  alterations  in  the  text  on  their  own 
private  authority.  Others,  however,  have  altogether  censured 
the  design,  suspecting  that  the  Masorites  corrupted  the  purity 
of  the  text  by  substituting,  for  the  ancient  and  true  reading 
of  their  forefathers,  another  reading  more  favourable  to  their 
prejudices,  and  more  opposite  to  Christianity,  whose  testi- 
monies and  proofs  they  were  desirous  of  weakening  as  much 
as  possible. 

Without  adopting  either  of  these  extremes,  Bishop  Marsh 
observes,  that  "  the  text  itself,  as  regulated  by  the  learned 
Jews  of  Tiberias,  was  probably  the  result  of  a  collation  of 
manuscripts.  But  as  those  Hebrew  critics  were  cautious  of 
introducing  too  many  corrections  into  the  text,  they  noted  in 
the  ma-gins  of  their  manuscripts,  or  in  their  critical  collec- 
tions, s  ich  various  readings,  derived  from  other  manuscripts, 
either  by  themselves  or  by  their  predecessors,  as  appeared  to 
be  worthy  of  attention.  This  is  the  real  origin  of  those  mar- 
ginal or  Masoretic  readings  which  we  find  in  many  editions 
of  the  Hebrew  Bible.  But  the  propensity  of  the  later  Jews 
to  seek  mystical  meanings  in  the  plainest  facts  gradually  hv 
duced  the  belief  that  both  textual  and  marginal  readings  pro- 
ceeded from  the  sacred  writers  themselves ;  and  that  the  lat- 
ter were  transmitted  to  posterity  by  oral  trad  ition,  as  conveying 
some  mysterious  application  of  the  written  words.  They 
were  regarded  therefore  as  materials,  not  of  criticism,  but  of 
interpretation."*  The  same  eminent  critic  elsewhere  remarks, 
that  notwithstanding  all  the  care  of  the  Masorites  to  preserve 
the  sacred  text  without  variations,  "  if  their  success  has  not 
been  complete,  either  in  establishing  or  preserving  the  Hebrew 
text,  they  have  been  guilty  of  the  only  fault  which  is  com- 
mon to  every  human  effort."6 

2.  In  the  period  between  the  sixth  and  the  tenth  centuries, 
the  Jews  had  two  celebrated  academies,  one  at  Babykn  in 
the  east,  and  another  at  Tiberias  in  the  west ;  where  their 
literature  was  cultivated,  and  the  Scriptures  were  very  fre- 
quently transcribed.  Hence  arose  two  recensions  or  editions 
of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  which  were  collated  in  the  eighth 
or  ninth  century.  The  differences  or  various  readings  ob- 
served in  them  were  noted,  and  have  been  transmitted  to  our 
time  under  the  appellation  of  the  Oriental  and  Occidental 
or  Eastern  and  Western  Readings.  They  are  variously 
computed  at  210,  216,  and  220,  and  are  printed  by  Bishop 
Walton  in  the  Appendix  to  his  splendid  edition  of  the  Polj-- 
glott  Bible.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  not  one  of  these 
various  readings  is  found  in  the  Septuagint :  they  do  nut  re- 
late to  vowel  points  or  accents,  nor  do  any  of  them  affect  the 
sense.  Our  printed  editions  vary  from  the  eastern  readinga 
in  fifty-five  places.7 

«  Waehner's  Antiquitates  Hebraeorum,  vol.  i.  pr  93—137.  Walton,  ProJ 
viii.  §§  1—16. 

*  Lectures  in  Divinity,  part  ii.  p.  84.  •  Ibid.  p.  98. 

'  Walton,  Proleg.  viii.  §§  27, 28.  Cappel,  Critica  Sacra,  lib.  iii.  c.  i<.  Bauer 
Critica  Sacra,  pp.  223,  224. 


dicT.  1.  $  ?.] 


SAMARITAN  PENTATEUCH. 


203 


3.  The  attention  paid  by  the  .lews  to  the  study  of  the 
Scriptures,  during  this  period,  is  further  evinced  by  several 
Chaldee  paraphrases  which  were  made  about  this  time,  and 
by  the  Arabic  version  of  the  Scriptures  executed  by  rabbi 
Saadias  Gaon,  an  Egyptian  Jew,  who  died  a.  d.  842,  of 
which  an  account  is  given  in  chap.  iii.  sect.  iii.  §  .'5.  infra. 

To  the  tenth  century  may  be  referred  the  completion  and 
establishment  of  the  modern  system  of  vowel   points.      \t 
length,  in  the  early  part  of  tin-  eleventh  century,  \  lbo 
A-  mat,  president  of  the  academy  at  Tiberw  B  bkh 

Naphtali,  president  of  the  academy  at  Babylon,  collated  the 
manuscripts  of  the  oriental  and  occidental  .lews.  The  dis- 
crepancies observed  by  these  eminent  Jewish  scholars  amount 
to  upwards  of 864;  with  one  single  exception,  tiny  relate  to 
tint  VOWel  points,  and  consequently  are  of  little  value;  they 
are  also  printed  by  Bishop  Walton.  The  western  Jews,  and 
our  printed  editions  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  almost  wholly 
follow  the  recension  of  Aaron  ben  Asher.1 

I .  The  learned  Jews,  who  removed  to  Europe  in  the  middle 
of  the  eleventh  century,  brought  with  them  pointed  manu- 
scripts ;  and  in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  copies  were 
transcribed  with  greater  care  than  was  exercised  in  succeed- 
ing^ges.  In  malving  these  transcripts  the  copyists  adopted 
certain  exemplars,  which  were  highly  esteemed  for  their  cor- 
rectness, as  the  standard  texts.  These  standard  copies  bear 
the  names  of  the  Codex  of  Hillel,  of  Ben  Asher,  which  is 
also  called  the  Palestine,  Jerusalem,  or  Egyptian  Codex,  of 
Ben  Naphtali,  or  the  Babylonian  Codex,  the  Pentateuch  of 
Jericho,  and  the  Codex  Sinai. 

(1.)  The  Codex  of  Hillel  was  a  celebrated  manuscript 
which  rabbi  Kimchi  (who  lived  in  the  twelfth  century)  says 
that  he  saw  at  Toledo,  though  rabbi  Zacuti,  who  flourished 
towards  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  states  that  part  of 
it  had  been  sold  and  sent  into  Africa.  Who  this  Hillel  was, 
the  learned  are  by  no  means  agreed ;  some  have  supposed 
that  he  was  the  very  eminent  rabbi  Hillel,. who  Uvea  about 
sixty  years  before  the  birth  of  Christ;  others  imagine  that  he 
was  the  grandson  of  the  illustrious  rabbi  Jehudah  Hakkadosh, 
who  wrote  the  Misna,  and  that  he  flourished  about  the  mid- 
dle of  the  fourth  century.  Others,  again,  suppose  that  he 
was  a  Spanish  Jew,  named  Hillel;  but  Bauer,  with  greater 
probability,  supposes  the  manuscript  to  have  been  of  more 
recent  date,  ana  written  in  Spain,  because  it  contains  the 
vowel  points,  and  all  the  other  grammatical  minutiae;  and 
that  the  feigned  name  of  Hillel  was  inscribed  on  its  title  in 
nrder  to  enhance  in  value. 

(2,)  (3.)  The  Codices  of  Ben  Asher  and  Ben  Naphtali 
have  already  been  noticed.  We  may,  however,  state,  on  the 
authority  of  Maimonides,  that  the  first  of  these  was  held  in 
most  repute  in  Egypt,  as  having  been  revised  and  corrected 
in  very  many  places  by  Ben  Asher  himself,  and  that  it  was 
the  exemplar  which  he  (Maimonides)  followed  in  copying 
the  law,  in  conformity  with  the  custom  of  the  Jews. 

(1.)  The  Codex  of  Jericho  is  highly  commended  by  rabbi 
Ehas  Levita,  as  being  the  most  correct  copy  of  the  law  of 
Moses,  and  exhibiting  the  defective  and  full  words. 

(5.)  The  Codex  Sinai  was  a  very  correct  copy  of  the 
Pentateuch,  characterized  by  some  variation  in  the  accents, 
in  which  respect  it  differed  from  the  preceding  exemplar.2 

Lastly,  to  this  period  may  be  referred  the  division  of  the 
text  of  the  Old  Testament  into  chapters  by  cardinal  Hugo 
de  Sancto  Victore,  who  died  in  1200,  of  which  an  account  is 
given  in  sect.  iii.  §  1.  of  this  chapter. 

IV.  History  of  the  Hebrew  IY.xt  from  the  Invention 
of  the  Art  of  Printing  to  our  own  Time. 

Shortly  after  the  invention  of  the  art  of  printing,  the  He- 
brew Scriptures  were  committed  to  the  press;  at  first  in  de- 
tached portions,  and  afterwards  the  entire  Bible. 

The  earliest  printed  portion  was  the  book  of  Psalms,  with 
the  commentary  of  rabbi  Kimchi:  it  appeared  in  1 177,  with- 
out any  indication  of  the  place  where  it  was  printed.  In 
1482  the  Pentateuch  was  published  at  Bologna:  at  Soncino, 
the  former  and  latter  prophets  were  accurately  printed  in 
14^~>--<d,  in  two  volumes  folio,  with  the  commentary  of 
Kimchi ;  in  1487,  the  Book  of  Psalms,  with  the  commentary 
of  Kimchi,  and  the  remainder  of  the  Hagiographa,  appeared 
at  Naples  in  two  volumes  folio  according  to  Jahn,  but  in  two 
volumes  quarto  according  to  De  Rossi,  with  the  commenta- 
ries of  rabbi  lmmanuel  on  the  Proverbs,  of  Ben  Gershom  on 
the  book  of  Job,  and  of  Kimchi  on  the  remaining  books. 

1  Walton,  Prolog  v.ii.  %  29.  Cappcl,  Crilica  Sacra,  lib.  iii.  c.  18.  Bauer, 
Critics  Sacra,  pp.  124— 12C. 

•  Walto»\,  Proleg.  viii.  §§&— 11.  Kcnnicott,  Diss.  Gen.  §555,56.  Bauer, 
Oritica  S«c»a,  pp.  224—236. 


Tin;  most  ancient  edition  of  the  entire  Hebrew  Scriptures 
was  printed  at  Soncino,  in  1488:  it  was  followed  in  that 
prinbd  at  lirescia  in  1494.  In  1502 — 1517  the  Compluten- 
sian  Polyglott  was  printed  at  Alcala  or  Complutum  in  Spain. 
The  Hebrew  text  is  printed  after  manuscripts,  with  the  vowel 
points,  bat  without  accents.  The  Hebrew  text  of  this  Poly- 
gon is  followed,  1.  In  the  Antwerp  Polyglott  printed  in  1569 
— 1573;  '.  In  the  I'aris  Polyglot!  printed  in  1629 — 1645  at 
the  expense  of  M.  Le  Jay;  and,  3.  In  the  London  Polyglott 
i  dited  by  Bishop  Walton  in  1057.  Two  celebrated  editions 
wen  executed  By  Cornelius  and  Daniel  Bomberg,  with  the 
Targums  and  Rabbinical  <  'oinmentaries  ; — the  first  in  1518, 
under  the  care  of  Felix  Pratensis,  a  converted  Jew;  and  the 
second  in  L525—26,  under  the  care  of  Jacob  Ben  Chaim. 

The  Brescian  edition  of  1494,  the  Complutensian,  finished 
in  1517,  and  the  second  Bomberg  edition  of  1525-26,  are  tho 
three  standard  texts,  after  which  all  subsequent  impressions 
have  been  printed.4  A  bibliographical  and  critical  account 
of  the  principal  editions  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  is  given 
in  the  Bibliographical  Appendix  to  the  second  volume. 
Part  I.  Chap.  I-  Sect.  I. 

§  2.  HISTCRV  AND  CONDITION  OF  THE  SAMARITAN  PENTA- 
TEUCH. 

I.  Origin  of  the  Samaritans. — II.  Account  of  the  Samaritan 
Pentateuch. — III.  Variations  of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch 
from  the  Hebrew. — IV.  Versions  of  the  Samaritan  Penta- 
teuch. 

I.  Origin  of  the  Samaritans. 

The  Samaritans  being  generally  considered  as  a  Jewish 
sect,  the  specification  ot  their  tenets  properly  belongs  to  the 
second  volume  of  this  work.  At  present,  it  will  De  suffi- 
cient to  remark  that  they  were  descended  from  an  intermix- 
ture of  the  ten  tribes  with  the  Gentile  nations.  This  origin 
rendered  them  odious  to  the  Jewrs,  who  refused  to  acknow- 
ledge them  as  Jewish  citizens,  or  to  permit  them  to  assist 
in  rebuilding  the  Temple,  after  their  Tetum  from  the  Babylo- 
nish captivity.  In  consequence  of  this  rejection,  as  well  as 
of  other  causes  of  dissension,  the  Samaritans  erected  a  tem- 
ple on  Mount  Gerizim,  and  instituted  sacrifices  according  to 
the  prescriptions  of  the  Mosaic  law.  Hence  arose  that  in- 
veterate schism  and  enmity  between  the  two  nations,  so  fre- 
quently mentioned  or  alluded  to  in  the  New  Testament. 
The  Samaritans  (who  still  exist,  but  are  greatly  reduced  in 
numbers)  reject  all  the  sacred  books  of  the  Jews  except  the 
Pentateuch,  or  five  books  of  Moses.  Of  this  they  preserve 
copies  in  the  ancient  Hebrew  characters ;  which,  as  there  has 
been  no  friendly  intercourse  between  them  and  the  Jews 
since  the  Babylonish  captivity,  there  can  be  no  doubt  were 
the  same  that  were  in  use  before  that  event,  though  subject 
to  such  variations  as  will  always  be  occasioned  by  frequent 
transcribing.  And  so  inconsiderable  are  the  variations  from 
our  present  copies  (which  were  those  of  the  Jews),  that  by 
this  means  we  have  a  proof  that  those  important  books  have 
been  preserved  uncorrupted  for"  the  space  of  nearly  three 
thousand  years,  so  as  to  leave  no  room  to  doubt  that  they  are 
the  same  which  were  actually  written  by  Moses. 

II.  Account  of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch. 
Although  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  was  known  to  and 

cited  by  Eusebius,  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  Procopius  of  Gaza, 
Diodorus  of  Tarsus,  Jerome,  Syncellus,  and  other  ancient 
fathers,  yet  it  afterwards  fell  into  oblivion  for  upwards  of  a 
thousand  years,  so  that  its  very  existence  began  to  be  ques- 
tioned. Joseph  Scaliger  was  the  first  who  excited  the  atten- 
tion of  learned  men  to  this  valuable  relic  of  antiquity ;  and 
M.  Peiresc  procured  a  copy  from  Egypt,  which,  together  with 
the  ship  that  brought  it,  was  unfortunately  captured  by  pi- 
rates. More  successful  was  the  venerable  Archbishop  Usher, 
who  procured  six  copies  from  the  East;  and  from  another 
copy,  purchased  by  Pietro  della  Valle  for  M.  de  Sancy  (then 
ambassador  from  France  to  Constantinople,  and  afterwards 
Archbishop  of  St.  Maloes),  Father  Morinus  printed  the  Sa- 
maritan Pentateuch,  for  the  first  time,  in  the  Paris  Polyglott. 
This  was  afterwards  reprinted  in  the  London  Polyglott  by 
Bishop  Walton,  who  corrected  it  from  three  manuscripts 
which  had  formerly  belonged  to  Archbishop  Usher.  A  neaJ 
edition  of  this  Pentateuch,  in  Hebrew  characters,  was  edited 
by  Dr.  Blayney,  in  octavo,  Oxford,  1790. 

»  See  a  bibliographical  account  of  the  Polyglott  editions  of  the  Bible  in  the 
Appendix  to  the  second  volume,  part  i.  chap.  i.  sect,  iv- 

♦  Jahn  el  Ackprinann,  Introductio  ad  Libros  Vet.  Feed.  §  112.  Bauer,  K  n 
tica  Sacra,  pp.  229—231 


204 


HISTORY  AND  CONDITION  OF  THE 


[PART  I.  Chap.  Ii 


1JI.  Variations  of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  from 
the  Hebrew. 

The  celebrated  critic,  Le  Clerc,1  has  instituted  a  minute 
comparison  of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  with  the  Hebrew 
ext;  and  has,  with  much  accuracy  and  labour,  collected 
hose  passages  in  which  he  is  of  opinion  that  the  former  is 
more  or  less^ correct  than  the  latter.     For  instance, — 

1.  The  Samaritan  text  appears  to  be  more  correct  than  the 
Hebrew,  in  Gen.  ii.  4.  vii.  2.  xix.  19.  xx.  2.  xxiii.  16.  xxiv.  14. 
xlix.  lo'  11.    1.  26.    Exod.  i.  2.  iv.  2. 

2.  It  is  expressed  more  conformably  to  analogy,  in  Gen. 
xxxi.  39.  xxxv.  26.  xxxvii.  17.  xli.  34.  43.  xlvii.  3.  Deut. 
xxxii.  5. 

3.  It  has  glosses  and  additions  in  Gen.  xxix.  15.  xxx.  36. 
xli.  16.  Exod.  vii.  18.  viii.  23.  ix.  5.  xxi.  20.  xxii.  5.  xxiii.  10. 
xxxii.  9.    Lev.  i.  10.  xvii.  4.    Deut.  v.  21. 

4.  It  appears  to  have  been  altered  by  a  critical  hand,  in 
Gen.  ii.  2.  iv.  10.  ix.  5.  x.  19.  xi.  21.  xviii.  3.  xix.  12.  xx.  16. 
xxiv.  38.  55.  xxxv.  7.  xxxvi.  6.  xli.  50.  Exod.  i.  5.  xiii.  6.  xv. 
5.   Num.  xxii.  32. 

5.  It  is  more  full  than  the  Hebrew  text,  in  Gen.  v.  8.  xi.  31. 
xix.  9.  xxvii.  34.  xxxix.  4.  xliii.  25.  Exod.  xii.  40.  xl.  17. 
Num.  iv.  14.   Deut.  xx.  16. 

6.  It  is  defective  in  Gen.  xx.  16.  and  xxv.  14. 

It  agrees  with  the  Septuagint  version  in  Gen.  iv.  8.  xix.  12. 
xx  J  6.  xxiii.  2.  xxiv.  55.  62.  xxri.  18.  xxix.  27.  xxxv.  29. 
xxxix.  8.  xli.  16.  43.  xliii.  26.  xlix.  26.  Exod.  viii.  3.  and  in 
many  other  passages.     Though, 

7.  It  sometimes  varies  from  the  Septuagint,  as  in  Gen.  i.  7. 
v.  29.  viii.  3.  7.  xlix.  22.  Num.  xxii.  4. 

The  differences  between  the  Samaritan  and  Hehrew  Pen- 
tateuchs  may  be  accounted  for,  by  the  usual  sources  of 
various  readings,  viz.  the  negligence  of  copyists,  introduction 
of  glosses  from  the  margin  into  the  text,  the  confounding  of 
.similar  letters,  the  transposition  of  letters,  the  addition  of  ex- 
planatory words,  &c.  The  Samaritan  Pentateuch,  however, 
is  of  great  use  and  authority  in  establishing  correct  readings  : 
in  many  instances  it  agrees  remarkably  with  the  Greek  Sep- 
tuagint, and  it  contains  numerous  and  excellent  various  lec- 
tions, which  are  in  every  respect  preferable  to  the  received 
Masoretic  readings,  and  are  further  confirmed  by  the  agree- 
ment of  other  ancient  versions. 

The  most  material  variations  between  the  Samaritan  Pen- 
tateuch and  the  Hebrew,  which  affect  the  authority  of  the 
former,  occur,  first,  in  the  prolongation  of  the  patriarchal 
generations;  and,  secondly,  in  the  alteration  of  Ebal  into 
Gerizim  (Deut.  xxvii.),  in  order  to  support  their  separation 
from  the  Jews.  The  chronology  of  the  Samaritan  Penta- 
teuch has  been  satisfactorily  vindicated  by  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Hales,  whose  arguments,  however,  will  not  admit  of  abridg- 
ment;2 and  with  regard  to  the  charge  of  altering  the  Penta- 
teuch, it  has  been  shown  by  Dr.  Kennicott,  from  a  considera- 
tion of  the  character  of  the  Samaritans,  their  known  reverence 
for  the  law,  our  Lord's  silence  on  the  subject  in  his  memora- 
ble conversation  with  the  woman  of  Samaria,  and  from  vari- 
ous other  topics ;  that  what  almost  all  biblical  critics  have 
hitherto  considered  as  a  wilful  corruption  by  the  Samaritans, 
is  in  all  probability  the  true  reading,  and  that  the  corruption 
is  to  be  charged  on  the  Jews  themselves.  In  judging  there- 
fore of  the  genuineness  of  a  reading,  we  are  not  to  declare 
absolutely  for  one  of  these  Pentateuchs  against  the  other,  but 
to  prefer  the  true  readings  in  both.  '-'  One  ancient  copy," 
Dr.  Kennicott  remarks,  with  equal  truth  and  justice,  "  has 
been  received  from  the  Jews,  and  we  are  truly  thankful 
for  it :  another  ancient  copy  is  offered  by  the  Samaritans ; 
let  us  thankfully  accept  that  likewise.  Both  have  been  often 
transcribed ;  both  therefore  may  contain  errors.  They  differ 
in  many  instances,  therefore  the  errors  must  be  many.  Let 
the  two  parties  be  heard  without  prejudice;  let  their  evi- 
dences be  weighed  with  impartiality;  and  let  the  genuine 
words  of  Moses  be  ascertained  by  their  joint  assistance. 
Let  the  variations  of  all  the  manuscripts  on  each  side  be 
carefully  collected;  and  then  critically  examined  by  the  con- 
text and  the  ancient  versions.  If  the  Samaritan  copy  should 
be  found  in  some  places  to  correct  the  Hebrew,  yet  will  the 
Hebrew  copy  in  other  places  correct  the  Samaritan.  Each 
copy  therefore  is  invaluable ;  each  copy  therefore  demands 

«  Comment,  in  Pentateuch,  Index,  ii.  Sec  also  some  additional  observa- 
tions on  the  differences  between  the  Samaritan  and  Hehrew  Pentateuchs, 
in  Dr.  Kennicott's  Remarks  on  Select  Passages  in  the  Old  Testament,  pp. 
43-47. 

»  Analysis  of  Chronology,  vol.  i.  pp.  80.  ct  seq.  4to.  edition. 


our  pious  veneration,  and  attentive  study.  The  Pentateuch 
will  never  be  understood  perfectly,  till  we  admit  the  autho- 
rity of  BOTH."3 

IV.  Versions  of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch. 

Of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  two  versions  are  extant;  one 
in  the  proper  Samaritan  dialect,  which  is  usually  termed  the 
Samaritan  Version,  and  another  in  Arabic. 

1.  The  Samaritan  version  was  made  in  Samaritan  charac 
ters,  from  the  Hebraeo-Samaritan  text  into  the  Samaritan 
dialect,  which  is  intermediate  between  the  Hebrew  and  the 
Aramaean  languages.  This  version  is  of  oreat  antiquity, 
having  been  made  at  least  before  the  time  of  Origen,  that  is. 
early  in  the  second  century.  The  author  of  the  Samaritan 
version  is  unknown,  but  he  has  in  general  adhered  very 
closely  and  faithfully 'to  the  original  text;  so  that,  this  ver- 
sion is  almost  exactly  the  counterpart  of  the  original  Hebrew- 
Samaritan  codex,  with  all  its  various  readings.  This  shows, 
in  a  degree  really  surprising,  how  very  carefully  and  accu- 
rately the  Hebrew  Pentateuch  has  been  copied  and  preserved 
by  the  Samaritans,  from  the  ancient  times  in  which  their 
version  was  made.4 

2.  The  Arabic  version  of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  is 
also  extant  in  Samaritan  characters,  and  was  executed  by 
Abu  Said,  a.  d.  1070,  in  order  to  supplant  the  Arabic  trans- 
lation of  the  Jewish  rabbi,  Saadia  Gaon,  which  had  till  that 
time  been  in  use  among  the  Samaritans.  Abu  Said  has  very 
closely  followed  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch,  whose  readings 
he  expresses,  even  where  the  latter  differs  from  the  Hebrew 
text :  in  some  instances,  however,  both  Bishop  Walton  and 
Bauer  have  remarked,  that  he  has  borrowed  from  the  Arabic 
version  of  Saadia.  On  account  of  the  paucity  of  manuscripts 
of  the  original  Samaritan  Pentateuch,  Bauer  thinks  this  ver- 
sion will  be  found  of  great  use  in  correcting  its  text.  Some 
specimens  of  it  have  been  published  by  Dr.  Durell  in  the 
"  Hebrew  Text  of  the  Parallel  Prophecies  of  Jacob  relating 
to  the  Twelve  Tribes,"  &c.  (Oxford,  1763,  4to.)  and  before 
him  by  Castell  in  the  fourth  volume  of  the  London  Poly- 
glott;  also  by  Hwiid,  at  Rome,  in  1780,  in  8vo.,  and  bv 
Paulus,  at  Jena,  in  1789,  in  8vo.5 


SECTION  II. 

history  and  condition  of  the  text  of  the  new  testament. 

Account  of  the  different  families,  recensiojis,  or  editions  oj 
manuscripts  of  the  New  Testament ;  and  of  the  systems.  I. 
Of  ISengel.—ll.  Of  Griesbach.— III.  Of  Michaelis.—lV. 
OfMatihxi.—V.  Of  Nolan.— VI.  Of  Hug.— VII.  OfEich- 
horn. — VIII.  Of  Scholz  ; — Analysis  of  it,  -with  remarks. — 
IX.  On  the  Foedus  cum  Grxcis,  or  coincidence  between 
many  Greek  manuscripts  and  the  Latin  version. 

The  total  number  of  manuscripts  of  the  New  Testamen' 
(whether  they  have  been  transmitted  to  us  entire  or  in  frag- 
ments), which  are  known  to  have  been  hitherto  wholly  or 
partially  collated,  amounts,  according  to  Professor  Scholz's 
enumeration,  to  six  hundred  and  seventy-four.  The  result 
of  the  collation  of  these  manuscripts  and  of  the  ancient  ver- 
sions, together  with  the  quotations  of  the  New  Testament, 
occurring  in  the  writing  of  the  early  Christian  fathers  and 
ecclesiastical  writers,  has  led  many  eminent  critics  to  con- 
clude that  certain  manuscripts  have  an  affinity  to  each  other, 
and  that  their  text  is  distinguished  from  that  of  others  by 
characteristic  marks;  and,  after  diligently  comparing  the 
quotations  from  the  New  Testament  in  the  writings  of  Cle- 
ment of  Alexandria  and  of  Origen6  with  those  made  by  Ter- 
tullian  and  Cyprian,  they  have  deduced  the  inference,  thai, 
so  early  as  the  third  century,  there  were  in  existence  two 
families,  recensions,  or  editions  of  manuscripts,7  or,  in  othet 

»  Kennicott,  Diss.  ii.  pp.  20—165. 

«  North  American  Review,  New  Series,  vol.  xxi.  p.  313. 

8  Bp.  Walton,  Prolog,  c.  xi.  §§  10—21.  pp.  527— 553.  Carpzov.  Critica  Sa- 
cra, pp.  585—620.  Leusden,  Philplogus  Hebrsus,  pp.  59-67.  Bauer.  Cri- 
tica Sacra,  pp.  325—335.  Muntinghe,  Expositio  Crilices  Veteris  Foederis 
pp.  148,  H9. 

•  In  the  second  volume  of  Griesbach's  Symbols  Criticae  (pp.  229—620.) 
there  is  a  laborious  collation  of  the  quotations  from  the  New  Testament, 
made  by  Origen  and  Clement  of  Alexandria,  With  the  Vulgate  or  common 
Greek  text. 

*  Bengel  expressed  this  relationship  or  affinity  between  manuscripts  by 
the  termfamuu.  (Introd.  ad  Crisin  N.  T.  §§27-36.;  Sender  (Apparatus 
ad  Libcralem  Novi  Testamenti  Interpretations  •  !  15.)  and  Griesbach 
(Symbols  Critics,  torn.  i.  p.  rxviii.)  use  the  '  .m  recensio,  recension,  that 
is  edition,  which  last  term  is  adopted  by  Michaelis,  vol.  ii.  p.  V.3. 


JJf.ct.  II.] 


TEXT  OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT 


words,  two  entirely  different  texts  of  the  V  ■.  T<  lament 
A  similar  arrangement  of  texts  is  now  known  to  <  \ist  in  the 
manuscripts  of  profane  authors.  Professor  Heyne,  fur  in- 
stance, detected  two  distinct  families  of  manuscripts  of 
Virgil's  works,  at  least  in  the  ASneid,  viz.  one,  the  Upronian, 
which  is  found  in  the  Codex  Mediceusj  and  another,  differ- 
ing from  this,  which  is  found  in  the  ci  lebrated  ( lodex  Vati- 
canus,  No.  3867. '  In  like  manner,  M.  Gerhard  discovered, 
in  thirteen  manuscripts  of  Apollonius,  very  numerous  various 
readings  of  such  a  different  character,  as  have  do  doubl  of 
there  having„been  two  recensions  of  the  text  of  thai  writer.2 
Michaelis  has  ohserved  that,  as  different  countries  bad 
different  versions  according  to  their  respective  languages, 
their  manuscripts  naturally  resembled  their  respective  ver- 
sions, as  these  versions,  generally  speaking,  were  made  from 
inch  manuscripts  as  were  in  common  use.  Eight  differenl 
systems  of  recensions  or  editions  have  been  proposed  by 
Bengal,  Griesbach,  Michaelis,  Matthau,  Nolan,  Hug,  Eich- 
horn,  and  Scholz. 

I.  As  the  result  of  his  researches  concerning  the  Greek 
text  of  the  New  Testament,  Bengel  established  two  recen- 
sions or  (as  he  termed  them)  families,  viz.  the  African  and 

ic  Asiatic.  Of  the  African  family  he  considers  the  Alex- 
.ndrian  manuscript,  which  is  described  in  a  subsequent  sec- 
tion, as  almost  the  sole  representative,  nearly  all  the  African 
MSS.  having  been  entirely  destroyed.  With  this  agree  the 
Ethiopic,  Coptic,  and  ancient  Latin  versions.  The  other 
manuscripts  he  regards  as  witnesses  of  the  Asiatic  family. 
According  to  Bengel,  a  reading  of  the  African  family  is 
always  ancient,  though  not  always  genuine :  while  the  Asiatic 
family,  though  numerous,  are  of  very  little  weight,  especially 
when  they  are  not  supported  by  any  ancient  version,  though 
sometimes  a  manuscript  of  the  Asiatic  family  supplies  an 
hiatus  in  a  manuscript  of  the  African  family.  And  he  was 
of  opinion,  that  the  agreement  of  several,  or  certainly  of 
the  principal,  witnesses  of  each  family,  is  a  strong  criterion 
of  the  genuineness  of  a  reading.3 

II.  The  basis  of  Dr.  Giuesbach's  system  is,  the  division 
of  the  Greek  manuscripts  of  the  New  Testament  into  three 
classes,  each  of  which  is  considered  as  an  independent  wit- 
ness for  the  various  readings  which  it  contains.  The  value 
of  a  reading,  so  far  as  manuscript  authority  is  regarded,  is 
decided  by  Griesbach,  not  according  to  the  individual  manu- 
script in  which  it  is  found,  but  according  to  the  number  of 
classes  by  which  it  is  supported.  The  classes  under  which 
he  arranges  all  the  Greek  manuscripts  are  the  following ; 
viz.  1 .  The  Alexandrine ;  2.  The  Occidental  or  Western  ; 
and,  3.  The  Byzantine  or  Oriental.  To  each  of  these  is 
given  the  appellation  of  recension  or  edition,  as  we  commonly 
say  of  printed  books. 

1.  The  first  class,  or  Alexandrine  Recension,  which  is 
also  called  the  Egyptian  Recension,  comprises  those  manu- 
scripts, which,  in  remarkable  and  characteristic  readings, 
agree  with  the  quotations  of  the  early  Alexandrine  writers, 
particularly  Origen  and  Clement  of  Alexandria.  After  them, 
this  recension  was  adopted  by  the  Egyptian  Greeks :  with 
it  also  coincides  the  Coptic  version. 

2.  The  Occidental  or  Western  Recension  is  that  which 
was  adopted  by  the  Christians  of  Africa  (especially  by 
Tertullian  and  Cyprian),  Italy,  Gaul,  and  the  west  of  Europe 
generally.  With  this  recension  sometimes  coincide  the 
Sahidic  version,  made  in  the  fourth  century,  the  Syriac  ver- 
sion of  Jerusalem,  and  the  readings  in  the  margin  of  the 
Syro-Philoxenian  version;  as  also  the  Ante-llieronymian 
or  old  Latin  versions,  which  were  in  use  before  the  Vulgate 
version. 

3.  The  Byzantine  or  Oriental  RzccitSlOK  or  edition, 
which  was  in  general  use  at  Constantinople,  after  that  city 
became  the  capital  and  metropolitan  see  of  the  eastern 
empire. 

With  this  edition  are  closely  allied  those  of  the  neigh- 
bouring provinces,  whose  inhabitants  were  subject  to  the 
spiritual  jurisdiction  of  the   patriarch  of  Constantinople.1 

*  Heyne,  having  adverted  to  some  orthographical  peculiarities,  which 
clearly  distinguish  the  two  families  of  Virgilian  manuscripts,  thua  states  his 
deliberate  opinion  : — "  Deduxit  nos  sedula  observatio  tandem  eo,  utomnino 
duas  codicum  familias,  saltern  in  JSneide  deprehenderemus,  alteram  Apro- 
nianam,  Mediceo  auctore ;  alteram  ab  eo  divcrsam.  in  c|iiaprincepsest  Ro- 
matins  sive  Vaticanus."  Virgilii  Opera,  a  C.  G.  Heyne.  vol.  v.  p.  399.  Edi- 
tio  tenia,  Lipsia?,  1800. 

*  Lectiones  Apollonianae.  Scripsit  Edvardus  Gerhard,  p.  40.  Lipsia?,  1816. 

*  Bengelii  Apparatus  Criticus  ad  Novum  Testamentum,  p.  425.  Tubin- 
ga,  1763. 

«  Michaelis  remarks,  that  the  greatest  number  of  manuscripts  written  on 
Mount  Athos  ate  evidently  of  the  Byzantine  edition  ;  and  he  thinks  it  pro- 


The  readings  of  the  Byzantine  lecension  are  those  which 
are  most  commonly  found  in  the  Kcmi  Ex/savc,  or  printed  Vul- 
gate Greek  text,  and  are  also  most  numerous  in  the  existing 
manuscripts  which  correspond  to  it.  Griesbach  reckons 
upwards  of  one  hundred  manuscripts  of  this  class,  which 
minutely  harmonize  with  each  other.  On  account  -jf  tho 
many  alterations,  thai  were  unavoidably  made  in  the  long 
interval  between  the  fourth  and  fifteenth  centuries,  Michaelis 
proposes  to  divide  the  Byzantine  edition  into  ancient  ana 
modem  ;  but  he  does  not  specify  any  criteria  by  which  we 
can  determine  the  boundaries  between  these  two  classes. 
The   Byzantine  text  is  found  in  the  four  Gospels  of  the 

Alexandrian  manuscript:  it  was  the  original  of  tin-  Sclavonic 
or  old  Russian  version,  and  was  cited  by  Chrysostom  and 
Theophylact  bishop  of  Bulgaria. 

Most  of  the  manuscripts  now  extant  exhibit  one  of  the 
texts  above  described  ;  some  are  composed  of  two  or  three 
recensions.  No  individual  manuscript  preserves  any  recen- 
sion in  a  pure  State;  but  manuscripts  are  said  to  be  of  the 
Alexandrian  or  Western  recension,  as  the  appropriate  read- 
ings of  each  preponderate.  The  margins  of  these  manu- 
scripts, as  well  as  those  of  the  Ethiopic,  Armenian,  Sahidic, 
and  Syro-Philoxenian  versions,  and  the  Syrian  version  of 
Jerusalem,  contain  the  Alexandrian  variations  for  the  Wr<  st.  n 
readings,  or  vice  versa  ;  and  some  Byzantine  manuscripts 
have  the  Alexandrian  or  Western  various  lections  in  their 
margins.  Each  of  these  recensions  has  characteristics 
peculiar  to  itself.  The  Occidental  or  Western  preserves 
harsh  readings,  Hebraisms,  and  solecisms,  which  the  Alex- 
andrine has  exchanged  for  readings  more  conformable  to  classic 
usage.  The  Western  is  characterized  by  readings  calculated 
to  relieve  the  text  from  difficulties,  and  to  clear  the  sense  :  it 
frequently  adds  supplements  to  the  passages  adduced  from 
the  Old  Testament;  and  omits  words  that  appear  to  be 
cither  repugnant  to  the  context  or  to  other  passages,  or  to 
render  the  meaning  obscure.  The  Alexandrine  is  free  from 
the  interpretations  and  transpositions  of  the  Western  recen- 
sions. An  explanatory  reading  is  therefore  suspicious  in 
the  Western  recension,  and  a  classical  one  in  the  Alexan- 
drine. The  Byzantine  or  Constantinopolitan  recension  (ac- 
cording to  Griesbach's  system)  preserves  the  Greek  idiom 
still  purer  than  the  Alexandrine,  and  resembles  the  Western 
in  its  use  of  copious  and  explanatory  readings.  It  is  like- 
wise mixed,  throughout,  with  the  readings  of  the  other 
recensions.5 

Although  Dr.  Griesbach  has  defended  his  classification 
of  the  docunsents  of  the  text  of  the  New  Testament  with  great 
ingenuity  and  learning,  yet  it  is  liable  to  doubts  which  are 
not  to  be  despised,  independently  of  the  attacks  which  have 
been  made  on  his  theory  of  recensions  by  the-  authors  of 
other  recensions,  of  which  an  account  is  given  in  the  follow- 
ing pages. 

1.  In  the  first  place,  what  he  has  urged  concerning  the 
origin  of  each  recension  is  destitute  of  foundation,  and  the 
existence  of  three  texts  has  never  been  proved  analytically.6 

2.  The  peculiar  character  of  the  text  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, which  is  followed  by  the  Peschito  or  old  Syriac  ver- 
sion, cannot  be  well  accounted  for  according  to  Griesbach's 
doctrine. 

For  this  version  (which  was  most  probably  executed  early  in 
the  second  century  if  not  at  the  close  of  the  first, — certainly 
before  the  middle  of  the  third  century)  often  exhibits  readings 
of  such  a  nature  as,  according  to  Griesbach's  theory,  belonged 
to  the  Western  text,  although  at  that  time  there  was  no  inter- 
course between  the  Syriac  and  the  Western  churches.  He  there- 
fore concludes  that  the  original  text  of  this  version  underwent 
not  a  few  alterations  at  various  times :  although  at  that  time 
there  was  no   twofold  recension  extant  of  the   text  which  waa 

bible  that  almost  all  the  Moscow  manuscripts,  of  which  M.  Mallhsi  has 
given  extracts,  belong  to  this  edition.  As  the  valuable  manuscripts  collected 
by  the  late  Professor  Carlyle  wen-  obtained  in  Syria,  Constantinople,  and 
the  islands  of  the  Levant,  it  is  probable,  whenever  they  shall  be  collated, 
that  they  will  be  found  to  coincide  with  the  Byzantine  n  cension.  These 
manuscripts  are  preserved  in  the  Archiepiscopal  Library  at  Lambeth,  and 
are  describee"  in  a  subsequent  section. 

»  Michaelis,  vol.  ii.  pp.  163—177.  Griesbach's  Symbols  Critieae.  'ora- '• 
pp.  cxvii.— exxii.  exxxvii.  clvii. — clxiv.  torn.  ii.  pp.  132—148  Gr'efJ?*c'1'* 
edit,  of  the  New  Test.  vol.  i.     Proleg.  pp.  Ixxiii— Ixxxi.  edit.  Halae,  1796. 

•  This  fact  has  been  shown  at  length,  after  a  very  minute  examination  of 
Griesbach's  data,  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Laurence  (now  archbishop  ofCashel)  la 
his  Remarks  on  the  Classification  of  Manuscripts  adopted  by  Griesbach  « 
his  edition  of  the  New  Testament.  (8vo.  Oxford,  1814.)  For  learned  and  ela- 
borate analyses  of  Dr.  Laurence's  work  see  the  Eclectic  Review  for  1615, 
vol.  iv.  N.  S.  pp.  1—22.  173—189.,  and  particularly  the  British  Crtie 
1814,  vol.  i.  N.  S.  pp.  173—192.  296—315.  401-428 


206 


HISTORY  AND  CONDITION  OF  THE 


[Part  I.  Chap.  II 


followed  by  the  Syriac  version,  and  by  the  old  italic  version,  by 
the  aid  of  which  the  text  of  the  New  Testament  was  published 
in  the  west.  A  similar  difficulty  attends  the  Coptico-Sahidic 
version,  which  Griesbach  refers  to  the  Western  recension  ;  there 
being  no  union  between  the  Christian  congregations  of  Upper 
Egypt  who  used  that  version,  and  the  Western  church. 

3.  Lastly,  those  who  have  been  desirous  of  arranging 
manuscripts,  versions,  and  the  writings  of  th<)  fathers,  accu- 
rately, according  to  various  recensions,  are  pressed  with  this 
difficulty,  viz. :  That  not  one  of  those  documents  for  the  text 
of  the  New  Testament,  which  are  really  ancient,  exhibits 
any  such  pure  and  entire  recension.1 

But  though  Dr.  Griesbach's  theory  of  recensions  has  been 
thus  shaken — not  to  say  subverted — yet  his  critical  labours 
will  not  cease  to  possess  high  claims  to  the  grateful  attention 
of  every  student  of  sacred  literature. 

As  a  general  and  correct  index  to  the  great  body  of  Greek 
manuscripts,  so  far  as  they  had  then  been  collated,  they  are 
an  invaluable  treasure  to  the  scholar,  and  a  necessary  acqui- 
sition to  the  divine,  but  especially  to  those  who  may  not  be 
able  to  procure  the  moTe  copious  critical  Edition  of  the  New- 
Testament  edited  by  Dr.  Scholz  :  at  the  same  time,  his  col- 
lection of  various  readings  is  admirably  calculated  to  satisfy 
our  minds  on  a  point  of  the  highest  moment, — the  integrity 
of  the  Christian  Records.  Through  the  long  interval  of 
seventeen  hundred  years, — amidst  the  collision  of  parties, — 
the  opposition  of  enemies, — and  the  desolations  of  time, — 
they  remain  the  same  as  holy  men  read  them  in  the  primi- 
tive ages  of  Christianity.  A  very  minute  examination  of 
manuscripts,  versions,  and  fathers,  proves  the  inviolability  of 
the  Christian  Scriptures.  "They  all  coincide  in  exhibiting 
the  same  Gospels,  Acts,  and  Epistles ;  and,  among  all  the 
copies  of  them  which  have  been  preserved,  there  is  not  one 
which  dissents  from  the  rest  either  in  the  doctrines  or  precepts, 
which  constitute  Christianity.  They  ai,l  contain  the  same 
doctrines  and  precepts.  For  the  knowledge  of  this  fact,  we 
are  indebted  to  such  men  as  Griesbach,  whose  zealous  and 
persevering  labours  to  put  us  inpossession  of  it  entitle  them 
to  our  grateful  remembrance.  To  the  superficial,  and  to  the 
novice  in  theology,  the  long  periods  of  life,  and  the  patient 
investigation,  which  have  been  applied  to  critical  investiga- 
tion, may  appear  as  mere  waste,  or,  at  the  best,  as  only 
amusing  employment :  but  to  the  serious  inquirer,  who,  from 
his  own  conviction,  can  declare  that  he  is  not  following  cun- 
rrintjly  devised  fables,  the  time,  the  talents,  and  the  learning 
which  have  been  devoted  to  critical  collation  will  be  accounted 
as  well  expended,  for  the  result  which  they  have  accomplished. 
The  real  theologian  is  satisfied,  from  his  own  examination, 
that  the  accumulation  of  many  thousands  of  various  read- 
ings, obtained  at  the  expense  of  immense  critical  labour, 
does  not  affect  a  single  sentiment  in  the  whole  New  Testa- 
ment. And  thus  is  criticism — which  some  despise  and 
others  neglect — found  ta  be  one  of  those  undecaying  columns, 
by  which  the  imperishable  structure  of  Christian  truth  is 
supported."2 

III.  According  to  Michaelis,  there  have  existed  four 
principal  recensions,  viz.  1.  The  Alexandrine  ;  2.  The  Occi- 
dental ;  and,  3.  The  Byzantine  as  proposed  by  Griesbach ; 
in  addition  to  which,  as  the  old  Syriac  version  differs  from 
them,  Michaelis  has  instituted  a  fourth,  which  he  terms  the 
Edessene  edition  :  it  comprehends  the  special  Asiatic  in- 
struments, as  they  were  termed  by  Griesbach,  or  those 
Manuscripts  from  which  that  version  was  made.  Of  this 
edition  no  manuscripts  are  extant ;  a  circumstance  for  which 
Michaelis  accounts,  by  the  early  prejudice  of  the  Syrian 
literati  in  favour  of  whatever  was  Grecian,  and  also  by  the 
wars  that  devastated  the  East  for  many  ages  subsequent  to 
the  fifth  century.  But,  by  some  accident,  which  is  difficult 
to  be  explained,  manuscripts  are  found  in  the  west  of  Europe, 
accompanied  even  with  a  Latin  translation,  such  as  the  Codex 
Bezae,  which  so  eminently  coincide  with  the  Old  Syriac 
version,  that  their  affinity  is  indisputable.  Although,  ac- 
cording to  this  theory,  the  readings  of  the  Occidental,  Alex- 
andrine, and  Edessene  editions  sometimes  differ,  yet  they 
very  frequently  harmonize  with  each  other.  This  coinci- 
dence Michaelis  ascribes  to  their  high  antiquity,  as  the  old- 
est manuscripts  extant  belong  to  one  of  these  editions,  and 

'  Schott,  Isagoge  in  Novum  Fcedus,  pp.  563 — 565.  Some  weighty  objec- 
tions against  Griesbach's  theory  of  recensions  will  be  found  in  Dr.  Schulz's 
prolegomena  to  his  third  edition  of  Griesbach's  Greek  Testament,  vol.  i.  pp. 
*xxii. — xxxv.  and  in  Dr.  Gabler's  preface  to  the  second  volun:e  of  Gries- 
bach's Opuscula  Academica,  pp.  iv. — ix 

*  Eclectic  Review,  vol.  v.  part  i.  p.  189 


the  translations  themse  ve<s  are  ancient  A  reading  confirmed 
by  three  of  them  is  supposed  to  be  of  the  very  highest 
authority  ;  yet  the  true  reading  may  sometimes  befoundonly 
in  the  fourth.3 

IV.  Totally  disregarding  Griesbach's  system  of  recensions, 
Professor  Matth^ei  altogether  denied  the  existence  of  any 
anciently  executed  recensions  of  the  Greek  Testament.  In 
order  to  judge  accurately  of  its  text,  he  proposed  to  divide 
the  existing  manuscripts  into,  1.  Codices  Ttxttis  Perpetui , 
that  is,  those  which  are  not  accompanied  by  Scholia  or  Com- 
mentaries :  these  he  considered  to  be  preferable  to  all  others, 
because  they  exhibit  a  purer  text.  2.  Ltc/imraries,  or  manu- 
scripts containing  the  sections  of  the  New  Testament  read 
in  the  service  of  the  church,  which  exhibit,  more  frequently 
than  the  first  class,  a  text  interpolated  from  commentaries. 
3.  Manuscript  f  of  a  mixed  description,  having  scholia  and  in- 
terpretations written  in  the  margin,  and  which  are  for  thr 
most  part  interpolated.  Matthaei  was  of  opinion  that  the 
manuscripts  of  the  New  Testament  which  he  found  at  Mos- 
cow, and  which  were  very  diligently  collated  by  him,  are 
preferable  to  all  others.  As  these  manuscripts  came  origi- 
nally from  Mount  Athos,  and  other  parts  of  the  Greek  em- 
pire, and  as  the  Russian  church  is  a  daughter  of  the  Greek 
church,  those  manuscripts  consequently  contain  what  Gries- 
bach has  called  the  Byzantine  Text ;  which  Matthaei  admits 
to  be  the  only  authentic  text,  excluding  the  Alexandrine  and 
Western  recensions,  and  also  rejecting  all  quotations  from 
the  fathers  of  the  Greek  church.  To  the  class  of  manuscripts 
to  which  the  Codex  Bezae,  the  Codex  Claromontanus,  and 
Others  of  high  antiquity,  belong,  he  gave,  in  the  preface  to 
his  edition  of  Saint  John's  Gospel,  the  appellation  of  Editio 
Scurrilis,  nor  did  he  apply  softer  epithets  to  those  critics  who 
ventured  to  defend  such  manuscripts. 

V.  The  Rev.  Dr.  Nolan's  system  of  recension  is  de- 
veloped in  his  "  Inquiry  into  the  Integrity  of  the  Greek  Vul- 
gate or  received  Text  of  the  Neiv  Testament.''''  (London,  1815, 
8vo.)4  That  integrity  he  has  confessedly  established  by  a 
series  of  proofs  and  connected  arguments,  the  most  decisive 
that  can  be  reasonably  desired  or  expected ;  but  as  these 
occupy  nearly  six  hundred  closely  printed  pages,  the  limits 
of  this  section  necessarily  restrict  us  to  the  following  concise 
notice  of  his  elaborate  system,  of  the  existence  of  which 
the  continental  critics  appear  to  be  entirely  ignorant. 

It  has  been  an  opinion  as  early  as  the  times  of  Bishop 
Walton,  that  the  purest  text  of  the  Scripture  canon  had  been 
preserved  at  Alexandria ;  the  libraries  of  that  city  having 
been  celebrated  from  an  early  period  for  their  correct  and 
splendid  copies.  From  the  identity  of  any  MS.  in  its  pe- 
culiar readings,  with  the  Scripture  quotations  of  Origen,  whr 
presided  in  the  catechetical  school  of  Alexandria,  a  strong 
presumption  arises  that  it  contains  the  Alexandrine  recen- 
sion :  the  supposition  being  natural,  that  Origen  drew  his 
quotations  from  the  copies  generally  prevalent  in  his  native 
country.  This,  as  we  have  seen,  was  the  basis  of  Di. 
Griesbach's  system  of  recensions:  accordingly,  he  ascribes 
the  highest  rank  to  the  manuscripts  of  the  Alexandrine 
class,  the  authority  of  a  feto  of  which  in  his  estimation  out- 
weighs that  of  a  multitude  of  the  Byzantine.  The  peculiar 
readings,  which  he  selects  from  the  manuscripts  of  this  class, 
he  confirms  by  a  variety  of  collateral  testimony,  principally 
drawn  from  the  quotations  of  the  ancient  fathers  ana  the 
versions  made  in  the  primitive  ages.  To  the  authority  of 
Origen,  however,  he  ascribes  a  paramount  weight,  taking  it 
as  the  standard  by  which  his  collateral  testimony  is  to  be 
estimated  ;  and  using  their  evidence  merely  to  support  his 
testimony,  or  to  supply  it  when  it  is  deficient.  1  he  read- 
ings which  he  supports  by  this  weight  of  testimony,  he  con- 
siders genuine;  and,  introducing  a  number  of  them  into  the 
sacred  page,  he  has  thus  formed  his  corrected  text  of  the 
New  Testament.  The  necessary  result  of  this  process,  as 
obviously  proving  the  existence  of  a  great  number  ot  spuri- 
ous readings,  has3  been  that  of  shaking  the  authority  of  the 
authorized  English  version,  together  with  the  foundation  on 
which  it  rests. 

In  combating  the  conclusions  of  Griesbach,  Dr.  Nolan 
argues,  from  the  inconstancy  of  Origen's  quotations,  that  no 
certain  conclusion  can  be  deduced  from  his  testimony  :  he 
infers  from  the  history  of  Origen,  who  principally  wrote  and 

»  Shoell,  Hist,  de  la  Litterature  Gricque,  torn  ..  p.  130.  Bishop  Marsh'i 
Lectures,  part  ii.  p.  30.     Schott,  Isagoge  in  Novum  Foedus,  p.  570. 

*  There  is  a  copious  analysis  of  this  worlr  I  .  -he  British  Critic  (N.S.),  vol. 
v.  pp.  1—24.,  from  which,  and  from  the  work  :'«6elf,  the  present  notice  o> 
Dr.  Nolan's  system  of  recensions  is  derived. 


SjCT    II  .J 


fEXT  OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 


2<n 


fmblished  in  Palestine,  that  the  texc,  quoted  by  that  ancient 
ather,  was  rather  the  Palestine  than  the  Alexandrine;  and 
he  proves,  from  the  express  testimony  of  Saint  Jerome,  that 
the  text  of  Origen  was  really  adopted  in  Palestine,  while 
that  of  Hesychius  was  adopted  at  Alexandria. 

Having  thus  opened  the  question,  and  set  it  open  the 
nroader  ground  assumed  by  those  critics,  who  confirm  the 
readings  of  the  Alexandrine  text,  by  the  coincidence  of  the 
ancient  versions  of  the  Oriental  and  Western  churches  ;  Dr. 
Nolan  combats  this  method,  proposed  for  investigating  the 
genuine  texts,  in  two  modes,  lie  first  shows  thai  a  coinci- 
dence between  the  Western  and  Oriental  churches  does  DOl 
necessarily  prove  the  antiquity  of  the  text  which  they  mutu- 
ally support;  as  the  versions  of  the  former  church  were  cor- 
rected, alter  the  texts  of  the  latter,  by  Jerome  and  Cassiodo- 
rus,  who  may  have  thus  created  the  coincidence,  which  is 
'aken  as  a  proof  of  the  genuine  reading.  In  the  next  place, 
ne  infers,  from  the  prevalence  of  a  text  published  by  Euse- 
hius  of  Caesarea,  and  from  the  comparatively  late  period  at 
which  the  Oriental  versions  were  formed,  that  their  general 
coincidence  may  be  traced  to  the  influence  of  Eusebius's 
edition.  This  'position  he  establishes,  by  a  proof  deduced 
from  the  general  prevalence  of  Eusebius's  sections  and 
canons  in  the  Greek  MSS.  and  ancient  versions,  and  by  a 
presumption  derived  from  the  agreements  of  those  texts  and 
versions  with  each  other,  in  omitting  several  passages  con- 
tained in  the  Vulgate  Greek,  which  were  at  variance  with 
Eusebius's  peculiar  opinions.'  And  having  thus  established 
the  general  influence  of  Eusebius's  text,  he  concludes  against 
the  stability  of  the  critical  principles  on  which  the  German 
critics  have  undertaken  the  correction  of  the  Greek  Vulgate. 

The  material  obstacles  being  thus  removed  to  the  establish- 
ment of  his  plan,  Dr.  Nolan  next  proceeds  to  investigate  the 
different  classes  of  text  which  exist  in  the  Greek  manu- 
scripts. Having  briefly  considered  the  Scripture  quotations 
of  the  fathers,  and  shown  that  they  afford  no  adequate  crite- 
rion for  reducing  the  text  into  classes,  he  proceeds  to  the 
consideration  of  the  ancient  translations,  and  after  an  exami- 
nation of  the  Oriental  versions,  more  particularly  of  the 
Sahidic,  he  comes  to  the  conclusion,  that  no  version  but  the 
Latin  can  be  taken  as  a  safe  guide  in  ascertaining  the  genu- 
ne  text  of  Scripture.  This  point  being  premised,  the  author 
ays  the  foundation  of  his  scheme  of  classification,  in  the 
following  observations  : — 

"  In  proceeding  to  estimate  the  testimony  which  the  Latin 
translation  bears  to  the  state  of  the  Greek  text,  it  is  necessary 
to  premise,  that  this  translation  exhibits  three  varieties: — as 
corrected  by  Saint  Jerome,  at  the  desire  of  Pope  Damasus, 
and  preserved  in  the  Vulgate;  as  corrected  by  Eusebius  of 
Verceli,  at  the  desire  of  Pope  Julius,  and  preserved  in  the 
Codex  Vercellensis ;  and  as  existing  previously  to  the  cor- 
rections of  both,  and  preserved,  as  1  conceive,  in  the  Codex 
Brixianns.  The  first  of  these  three  editions  of  the  Italic 
translation  is  too  well  known  to  need  any  description;  both 
the  last  are  contained  in  beautiful  manuscripts,  preserved  at 
Verceli,  and  at  Brescia,  in  Italy.  The  curious  and  expensive 
manner  in  which  at  least  the  latter  of  these  manuscripts  is 
executed,  as  written  on  purple  vellum  in  silver  characters, 
would  of  itself  contain  no  inconclusive  proof  of  its  great 
antiquity;  such  having  been  the  form  in  which  the  most 
esteemed  works  were  executed  in  the  times  of  Eusebius, 
Chrysostom,  and  Jerome.  The  former  is  ascribed,  by  im- 
memorial tradition,  to  Eusebius  Vercellensis,  the  friend  of 
Pope  Julius  and  Saint  Athanasius,  and,  as  supposed  to  have 
been  written  with  his  own  hand,  is  deposited  among  the 
relics,  which  are  preserved,  with  a  degree  of  superstitious 
reverence,  in  the  author's  church  at  Verceli  in  Piedmont 
By  these  three  editions  of  the  translation,  we  mighl  naturally 
expect  to  acquire  some  insigh?  into  the  varieties  of  the 
original;  and  this  expectation  is  fully  justified  on  experi- 
ment. The  latter,  not  less  than  the  former,  is  cap;:1 
being  distributed  into  three  kinds  ;  each  of  which  possesses 
an  extraordinary  coincidence  with  one  of  a  correspondent 
kind,  in  the  translation.  In  a  word,  the  Greek  manuscripts 
are  capable  of  being  divided  into  three  principal  classes,  one 
of  which  agrees  with  the  Italic  translation  contained  in  the 
Brescia  manuscript;  another  with  that  contained  in  the 
Verceli  manuscript ;  and  a  third  with  that  contained  in  the 
Vulgate."2 

1  In  the  course  of  this  discussion,  Dr.  Nolan  assigns  various  reasons  for 
'-he  omission  of  the  following  remarkable  passages.  Mark  xvi.  9— 20.  John 
?iii  I— 11. ;  and  for  the  peculiar  readings  of  the  following  celebrated  texts, 
icis  xx.  28.  1  Tim.  iii.  16.  1  John  *.  7.     Sec  his  Inquiry,  pp.  35-41. 

»  No Wa  Inquiry,  pp  58—61 


Specimens  of  the  nature  and  closeness  of  the  coincidence 
of  these  three  classes  are  annexed  by  Dr.  Nolan,  in  separate 
columns,  from  which  the  four  following  examples  are  se- 
lected. He  has  prefixed  the  readings  of  the,  received  text  and 
authorized  English  version  (from  Matt.  v.  38.  41.  and  44.), 
in  order  to  evince  their  coincidence  with  that  text,  to  which 
the  preference  appears  to  he  due,  on  account  of  its  conformity 
to  the  Italic  translation  contained  in  the  Codex  Brixianus. 


Verc. 
Vulg. 
Brix. 


38.  k-uU-.iti  'jyti  cicvrce.     liec. 
— and  a  tooth  for  a  tooth.     Auth. 
cScitol  ayn  cJ:irx.      Cant.  dentem  pro  dentem. 

kxi  rJcvrct  *vti  fcfsvTcc.      Vat.  et  dentem  pro  dcntc. 

Kit  oferra  tun  t/srnc.     Jfosc.        et  dentem  pro  dente. 
41.  uTruyt  fxvx'  xvtcii  iva.      liec. 
— go  with  him  twain.     Auth. 
Crruyt  [xtr   tuntu  m  <**>>*  iuo.  vade  cum  illo  ail/iuc  alia  duo. 

Cant.  Verc. 

ii7ru.yt  r^t-  atttrcu  Am.      I'm.  vade  cum  illo  et  a  Wad  uo.   Vulg 

Crruyt /urr' awrcu  <fvt.     Jlfosc.  vade  cum  illo  duo.     Brix. 

44.  ui\cywri  tcw{  tui.T<tfta(jLtirM(  Cjuxt.      Iiec. 
— bless  them  that  curse  you.     Auth. 

KiKcyUTt  rcu;  kxtx^ulawmc  LfX'M desunt. 

Cant.  desunt. 


Verc. 
Wig. 


wt.cytnt  Tci/c   HfTUfUfjimw 
J\Iosc. 


VfMt. 


benedicite    malcdicentibus  vob 
Brix. 

44.  7rpc<Taj%trf)i  Cvtf  tw  emftxfcvrav  SfMtt 

k-ju  StaaccvTuv  C/uxc.     liec. 

— pray  for  them  who  despitcfully  use  you 

and  persecute  you.  Auth. 

TTf.Tzv^i'jii  i7ri^  tcdv  tTrwixfrvTaiv    orate  pro  calumniantibus  et  per 


sequentibus  vos.     Verc. 
orate  pro  persequentibus  ct  ca 

lumniantibus  vos.      Vulg. 
orate  pro  calumniantibus  vobi 

et  persequentibus  vos.    Brix 


km  iiuiLcvrwv  vux.;.      Cant. 
T^'.^iu^irit     Crrtf     tctv     ftuumtn 
L/uu.:.       Vat. 

7r^oam^i^i  imp  tcti  vrxpfx^cvruv 

UfAXC,    KJ.I  fiait'jVTIDV  C/U.U.C. 

Mosc. 

The  preceding  short  specimen  will  sufficiently  evince  the  affi 
nity  subsisting  between  the  Latin  and  Greek  manuscripts, 
throughout  the  different  classes  into  which  they  may  be  divided  : 
at  the  same  time  it  will  illustrate  the  dissimilarity  which  those 
classes  exhibit  among  themselves,  in  either  language,  regarded 
separately.  Still  further  to  evince  the  affinity  which  in  other 
respects  they  possess  among  themselves,  Dr.  Nolan  exhibits  a 
connected  portion,  comprising  the  first  twelve  verses  of  the  fifth 
chapter  of  St.  Matthew's  Gospel,  in  the  original  and  the  transla- 
tion :  from  which  we  select  the  six  following  examples  : — 

CLASS   I. 

Codex  Cantabrigiensis.  Codex  Vercellensis. 

1.  lJw  Stvcuc  &£\'.i/c,  =tv6o»  uc  T3  1.  Videns  autcm  Jesus  tur- 
gor kxi  KxBio-xvrccaurcu,rr^ca->i\(icv    bam,    ascendit    in    montem,  et 


xmu>  ct  /LtaBurxi  autow 

2.  Kxt  etvu^af  to  <ttcij.%  xutcv, 
tftia^t)  xut.us  \ryw 

<l.  \l*xJpi:t  ct  TT»^:i  Tc»  maj- 
uxrr  vn  xvtui  sct/v  »  Qxo-ihvx  Ta.7 
tvptumt. 

5.  Ma*a{/:i  u  rrpxnc  C'ri  ott/Til 
*>.»  w.jUHT'.uvt  T»v  yw. 

I.  MtUCOMM  •-(  TF/Sci/VTK--  ct; 
xvt:  inrasiAMtownUi 

6.  MwiMMI  ct  Ttltwrrt;  x.ji  it- 
•^uiitk  tjiv  i.x.X4ccrtnnf  cti  ximt 
%tjrTXcr(»;<rcvTxi. 


Codex  Vaticanus. 
1 .    \foc  if«  T:i/f  cprKcuc,  sc.'fC  tic 

tc  ejK*    XXI  H/Qtcrxv  TOCXVT'.V,  ~f-C- 

cruxbct  [si/re*]  ci  juxSwrxt  awcu. 


2.   Kxt  xvaZx?  t;  tt:/ux  ocCtcv, 
tfJxcrxtv  xur.v;  >.eyav 

'J.    MxxXftU  Ct  TTTCe^Ct  t»  7ntv- 

(xxtC  cti    aurav  iTtn  »  @-/.<?t\tt* 
Tat  cvf-xya)-,'. 

4.  MxxXtlU     a     «3rO•9ot/VT£>-•     OTI 

turret  7rxf^uoji6na-c*Txt. 

5.  Mxxxptoi  ct   ?rp*m'  in  carrot 
*>jicero/u>ir!.u<ri  txy  ym. 


cum    sedisset,    acccsserunt    ad 
cum  discipuli  ejus ; 

2.  Et  aperuit  os  suum,  et  do- 
cebat  eos  die'ens  : 

3.  Beati  pauperes  spiritu : 
quoniam  ipsorum  est  regnum 
coelorum. 

5.  Beati  mites  :  quoniam  ipsi 
hereditate  possedebunt  terram. 

4.  Beati  qui  lugent :  quoniam 
ipsi  consolabuntur. 

6.  Beati  qui  esuriunt  et  siti 
unt  justitiam :  quoniam  ips 
saturabuntur. 

CLASS  II. 

Versio  Vu/gata. 

1.  Videns  autem  turbas  as- 
cendit in  montem,  et  cum  sedis- 
set accesserunt  ad  eum  discipuli 
ejus  : 

2.  Et  aperiens  os  suum,  do- 
ccbat  eos  dicens : 

3.  Beati  pauperes  spiritu: 
quoniam  ipsorum  est  regnum 
coelorum. 

4.  Beati  mites  :  quoniam  ipsi 
possidebunt  terram. 

5.  Beati  qui  lugent :  quoniam 
ipsi  consolabuntur. 


208 


HISTORY  AND  CONDITION  OF  THE 


[Parx  i.  Chap.  II 


6.  MiKufioi  oi  THjvurrK  hzi  St-  6.  Bcati  qui  esuriunt  et  siti- 
«fa>yTi,-  tjiv  SiKmoTuvm'  in  aurct  unt  justitiam :  quoniam  ipsi 
frpTa.>rQ>tT'.VTUi.  saturabuntur. 

CLASS  III. 

Codex  Moscuensis.  Codex  Brixiensis. 

1.  iScev  Si  reus  o^kou;,  *\f£»  as  1.  Videns  autem  turbas  as- 
ro  «f  of  x.zi  x.-j&t<rMrGs  civtcu,  7rg>-  cendit  in  monteni,  et  cum  sedis- 
*»»flo»  avru  si  /uu.8nrcu  annoy'  set   accesserunt  ad  eum    disci- 

puli  ejus  ; 

2.  K*/  *F6/£*c  to  3-to/uol  aumv,  2.  Et  aperiens  os  suum  doce- 
tSiSuo-x.?/  aureus  xryar  bat  eos  dicens  : 

3.  M***g<«  ol  tttu-^oi  nrq>  7ryej-  3.  Beati  paupcres  spiritu  : 
tvtri  in  a.urm  to-riv  »  fixo-tKwt  quoniam  ipsorum  est  regnum 
rcf/  euptvtm-  ccelorum. 

4.  Mixxput  oi  mvQwyris'  on  4.  Beati  qui  lugent :  quoni- 
eurroi  ar*pjut\>t8no-ovraj.  am  ipsi  consolabuntur. 

5.  Majftptoi  ol  7rpxu;'  o<n  cturoi  5.  Beati  mansueti :  quoniam 
vjipcvi/uHo-cvn  rw  jhv.  ipsi  hereditabunt  terram. 

6.  Msut*pni  oi  iruiawnt  **<  St-  6.  Beati  qui  esuriunt  et  siti- 
Y&ifTsc  rm  SiKcLtoo-unv  in  auroi  unt  justitiam :  quoniam  ipsi 
Xoprxo-Qytrcvrcti.  saturabuntur. 

On  these  different  classes  of  manuscripts  in  the  Greek  and 
Latin,  Dr.  Nolan  remarks,  that  it  must  be  evident,  on  the 
most  casual  inspection,  that  the  manuscripts  in  both  lan- 
guages possess  the  same  text,  though  manifestly  of  different 
classes.  "They  respectively  possess  that  identity  in  the 
choice  of  terms  and  arrangement  of  the  language,  which  is 
irreconcileable  with  the  notion  of  their  having  descended 
from  different  archetypes.  And  though  these  classes,  in 
either  language,  vary  among  themselves,  yet,  as  the  transla- 
tion follows  the  varieties  of  the  original,  the  Greek  and  Latin 
consequently  afford  each  other  mutual  confirmation.  The 
different  classes  of  text  in  the  Greek  and  Latin  translation, 
as  thus  coinciding,  may  be  regarded  as  the  conspiring  testi- 
mony of  those  churches,  which  were  appointed  the  witnesses 
and  keepers  of  Holy  Writ,  to  the  existence  of  three  species 
of  text  in  the  original  and  in  the  translation.'"1 

Having  thus  produced  the  testimony  of  the  eastern  and 
western  churches  to  the  existence  of  these  classes,  the  learned 
inquirer  proceeds  to  ascertain  the  antiquity  of  the  classes: 
which  he  effects  by  the  Latin  translation. 

"  As  the  existence  of  a  translation  necessarily  implies  the 
priority  of  the  original  from  which  it  was  formed ;  this  tes- 
timony may  be  directly  referred  to  the  close  of  the  fourth 
century.  The  Vulgate  must  be  clearly  referred  to  that  pe- 
riod, as  it  was  then  formed  by  St.  Jerome :  in  its  bare  exist- 
ence, of  course,  the  correspondent  antiquity  of  the  Greek 
text,  with  which  it  agrees,  is  directly  established.  This 
version  is,  however,  obviously  less  ancient  than  that  of  the 
Vercelior  Brescia  manuscript;  as  they  are  of  the  old  Italic 
translation,  while  it  properly  constitutes  the  new.  In  the 
existence  of  the  ancient  version,  the  antiquity  of  the  original 
text  with  which  it  corresponds  is  consequently  established. 
The  three  classes  of  text,  which  correspond  with  the  Vulgate 
and  Old  Italic  version,  must  be  consequently  referred  to  a 
period  not  less  remote  than  the  close  of  the  fourth  century."2 

The  system  of  classification  being  thus  carried  up  as  high 
as  the  fourth  century,  Dr.  Nolan  justifies  it  by  the  testimony 
of  Jerome ;  for  this  learned  father,  who  lived  at  that  period, 
asserts  the  existence  of  three  classes  of  text  in  the  same  age, 
which  respectively  prevailed  in  Egypt,  Palestine,  and  Con- 
stantinople. The  identity  of  these  classes  with  the  different 
classes  of  text  which  still  exist  in  the  Greek  original  and  in 
the  Latin  version,3  our  author  then  proceeds  to  establish. 
\nd  this  he  effects  by  means  of  the  manuscripts  which  have 
been  written,  the  versions  which  have  been  published,  and  the 
collations  which  have  been  made,  in  the  different  countries 
to  which  St.  Jerome  refers  his  classes;  founding  every  part 
of  his  proofs  on  the  testimony  of  Adler,  Birch,  Woide,  Mun- 
ter,  and  other  critics  who  have  analyzed  the  text  and  versions 
of  the  New  Testament. 

The  result  of  this  investigation  is,  that  the  three  classes  of 
cext,  which  are  discoverable  in  the  Greek  manuscripts,  are 
nearly  identical  with  the  three  editions,  which  existed  in  the 
age  of  Jerome ;  with  which  they  are  identified  by  their  coin- 
cidence with  the  Latin  translation  which  existed  in  the  ao-e 
of  that  Christian  father.  Of  the  first  class,  the  Codex  Bezse, 
or  Cambridge  manuscript,  is  an  exemplar :  it  contains  the 
text  which  Jerome  refers  to  Egypt,  and  ascribes  to  Hesy- 
rchius.     Of  the  second  class,  the  Codex  Vaticanus,  or  Vatican 

*  Nolan's  Inquiry,  p.  70.  »  Ibid.  pp.  70,  71. 

»  To  which  is  now  to  be  added  the  Peschito  or  Old  Syriac  version 


manuscript,  forms  the  exemplar,  and  contains  the  text  which 
Jerome  refers  to  Palestine,  and  ascribes  to  Eusebius;  and 
of  the  third  class,  the  Moscow  manuscript,  collated  by  Mat- 
thaei,  and  by  him  noted  with  the  letter  V.  and  the  Harleian 
manuscript  in  the  British  Museum,  No.  5684.,  noted  G.  by 
Griesbach,  are  the  exemplars,  and  contain  the  text  which 
Jerome  attributes  to  Lucian,  and  refers  to  Constantinople. 
The  result  of  Dr.  Nolan's  long  and  eloborate  discussion  is, 
that,  as  the  Occidental  or  Western,  Alexandrine,  and  Byzan 
tine  texts  (according  to  Griesbach's  system  of  recensions) 
respectively  coincide  with  the  Egyptian,  Palestine,  and  By- 
zantine texts  of  Dr.  Nolan,  we  nave  only  to  substitute  the 
term  Egyptian  for  Western,  and  Palestine  for  Alexandrine, 
in  order  to  ascertain  the  particular  text  of  any  manuscript 
which  is  to  be  referred  to  a  peculiar  class  or  edition.,  "  The 
artifice  of  this  substitution  admits  of  this  simple  solution : 
the  Egyptian  text  was  imported  by  Eusebius  of  Verceli  into 
the  West,  and  the  Palestine  text  republished  by  Euthalius 
at  Alexandria,  the  Byzantine  text  having  retained  the  place 
in  which  it  was  originally  published  by  Lucianus.  In  a 
word,  a  manuscript  which  harmonizes  with  the  Codex  Can- 
tabrigiensis  must  be  referred  to  the  first  class,  and  will  con- 
tain the  text  of  Egypt.  One  which  harmonizes  with  the 
Vatican  manuscript  must  be  referred  to  the  second  class, 
and  will  contain  the  text  of  Palestine.  And  one  which  har- 
monizes with  the  Moscow  manuscript  must  be  referred  to 
the  third  class,  and  will  contain  the  text  of  Constantinople."1 

The  advantages  stated  by  Dr.  Nolan  as  resulting  from  the 
system  of  recensions  just  developed  are  twofold : — In  the  first 
place,  it  leads  not  only  to  a  more  adequate  method  of  classi 
fication,  but  also  to  the  discovery  of  a  more  ancient  text,  by 
means  of  the  priority  of  the  old  Italic  version  to  the  New  oi 
Vulgate  Latin  of  Jerome.  And,  secondly,  it  coincides  with 
the  respective  schemes  of  Dr.  Griesbach  and  of  M.  Matthaei, 
and  derives  support  from  their  different  systems.  It  adopts 
the  three  classes  of  the  former,  with  a  slight  variation  merely 
in  the  name  of  the  classes  ;  and,  in  ascertaining  the  genuine 
text,  it  attaches  the  same  authority  to  the  old  Italic  transla- 
tion, which  the  same  distinguished  critic  has  ascribed  to  that 
version.  It  likewise  agrees  with  the  scheme  of  Matthaei,  in 
giving  the  preference  to  the  Kom  ExJeo-ts,  the  Greek  Vulgate 
or  Byzantine  text,  over  the  Palestine  and  Egyptian;  but  it 
supports  the  authority  of  this  text  on  firmer  grounds  than  the 
concurrence  of  the  Greek  manuscripts.  "Hence,"  it  is  ob- 
served, that  "  while  it  differs  from  the  scheme  of  M.  Mat- 
thaei, in  building  on  the  old  Italic  version,  it  differs  from 
that  of  Dr.  Griesbach,  in  distinguishing  the  copies  of  this 
translation,  which  are  free  from  the  influence  of  the  Vulgate, 
from  thosf3  which  have  been  corrected  since  the  times  of 
Eusebius  of  Verceli,  of  Jerome,  and  Cassiodorus.  And  it 
affords  a  more  satisfactory  mode  of  disposing  of  the  multi- 
tude of  various  readings,  than  that  suggested  by  the  latter, 
who  refers  them  to  the  intentional  'or  accidental  corruptions 
of  transcribers ;  or  by  that  of  the  former,  who  ascribes  them 
to  the  correction  of  the  original  Greek  by  the  Latin  transla- 
tion: as  it  traces  them  to  the  influence  of  the  text  which  was 
published  by  Eusebius,  at  the  command  of  Constantine." 

VI.  Widely  different  from  all  the  preceding  theories  is  the 
system  of  recensions  proposed  by  the  learned  Romanist  Pro- 
fessor Hug,  of  Fribourg,  who  affirms  the  existence  of  three 
recensions  or  editions,  and  divides  the  history  of  the  sacred 
text  of  the  New  Testament  into  three  periods,  viz : — 

1.  The  First  Period  comprises  the  text  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, from  the  time  when  its  several  books  were  written  to 
the  third  century.  That  text,  according  to  the  testimony  of 
Clement  of  Alexandria,  Origen,  Irenseus,  and  other  fathers, 
was  early  the  object  of  imprudent  or  rash  alterations :  al- 
though their  statements  were  greatly  exaggerated,  yet  the 
fact  is  certain,  that  such  alterations  were  actually  made ;  and 
the  text,  thus  altered,  was,  according  to  Hug,  what  is  com- 
monly termed  KOlNH  EKA0212,  or  the  common  edition, 
which,  he  thinks,  is  in  a  great  measure  represented  in  the 
Codex  Bezae  or  Cambridge  Manuscript.  Though  almost 
every  where  the  same,  this  edition  had  two  forms,  a  little 
different,  one  of  which  corresponds  with  Griesbach's  West- 
ern Recension,  and  the  other  with  his  special  Asiatic  In- 
struments, and  particulariy  with  the  Peschito  or  old  Syriac 
version. 

2.  Second  Period The  defects  of  the  common  edition  hav- 
ing been  perceived  about  the  middle  of  the  third  century, 
three   learned   men,   severally   and   independently,   though 

«  Nolan's  Inquiry,  pp.  105  106. 


Sect  II.] 


TEXT  OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 


209 


nearly  simultaneously,  undertook  tin-  arduous  task  of  puri- 
fying  the  text,  and  of  restoring  it  to  its  first  form,  by  the  aid 
of  manuscripts,  viz.  Origen  in  Palestine,  Hesychii 
Egypt,  where  he  was  a  bishop,  and  Lucian,  a  presbj 
Antioch,  in  Syria.  The  work  of  ffuychius  was  generally 
received  in  Egypt,  and  became  the  source  of  the  Alexandrine 
family:  that  of  Lucian,  which  was  better  Known,  and  has 
sometimes  been  termed  the  Editio  Vulgata,  or  Lucianuttvna 
introduced  into  divine  worship  in  Syria,  in  Asia  Minor,  in 
Thrace,  and  at  Constantinople;  and  that  of  Origen,  having 
been  made  in  bis  old  age,  and  left  for  publication  by  bis 
pupils,  was  confined  within  Palestine,  where  it  was 

superseded  by  the  edition  of  Lucian,  and  in  no  long  time  was 
entire] y  lost. 
:;.  The  Third  Period  of  the  history  of  the  t<  \t  ofthi 
iment  embraces  the  variations  made  therein,  from  the 

threefold  recension  in  the  third  century,  ;<>  "in-  own  lime.1 

VII.  Professor  Eichhork  approaches  nearer  to  the  opinion 

of  Hug  than  to  that  of  Griesbach,  on  the  subject  of  ancient 
U  ins.      I  le  considers  the  existence  of  a  twofold  text  in 
e  ,n,l   century  as  fully  proved,  viz.  the  African  and 
Asiatic;  though  neither  of  these  texts  was  regulated  by  any 
m  critical  laws.    He  denies  that  Origen  was  the  author 
eculiar  recension:  but  he  is  of  opinion  that  Hesychius 
ind  Lucian  in  the  third  century  did  severally  undertake  and 
niplete  a  revision  of  the  text;  and  that  ever  since  that  pe- 
riod there  has  been  a  threefold  recension  of  the  text  of  the 
Testament,  viz.  1.  The  African  (or  Alexandrine);  2. 
rhe  Asiatic  (or  Constantinopolitan)  ;  and,  3.  A  mixed,  text 
formed  out  of  these  two,  because  there  were  some,  who,  not- 
withstanding the  recensions  of  Hesychius  and  Lucian,  had 
icquired  ecclesiastical  authority  in  the  African  and  Asiatic 
churches,  yet  frequently  preferred  to   follow  the  authority 
"i  more  ancient  manuscripts.-     The  text  thus  formed  con- 
tinued the  same  until  the  seventh  century;  after  which  time, 
•liitil  the  New  Testament  was  issued  from  the  press,  no 
learned  men  applied  themselves  to  the  collation  of  the  text 
with  MSS.- 

VIII.  The  last  and  most  important  (as  it  is  the  most  pro- 
bable) of  the  various  systems  of  recensions,  which  have  been 
proposed,  is  that  announced  by  Dr.  .1.  Martin  Augustin 
Scholz,4  one  of  the  professors  at  Bonn  upon  the  Rhine. 

i  the  differences,  which  are  sufficiently  perceptible  in 

manuscripts  and  editions  of  the  Greek  text  of  the  New 
Testament,  Dr.  Scholz  concludes  that  these  instruments  na- 
turally divide  themselves  into  two  great  classes,  which  are 

ime  throughout  the  books  of  the  New  Testament.  To 
the  first  of  these  classes  belong  all  the  editions  and  those 
numerous  manuscripts,  which  were  written  within  the  limits 
if  the  patriarchate  of  Constantinople,  that  is,  in  Asja  or  in 

astern  parts  of  Europe,  and  which  were  destined  for 
liturgical  use:  the  second  class  compri-  manuscripts 

written  in  Egypt,  and  the  western  part  of  Europe.  Tran- 
scribed, unquestionably,  from  copies  which  were  valuable  on 
account  of  their  age  and  beauty,  they  were  intended  only  to 
pn  serve  the  contents  of  those  copies ;  but,  as  they  presented 
a  different  text  from  that  which  was  generally  received,  they 
could  not  be  employed  in  divine  service:  hence  they  were 
for   the  most  part  negligently  written,   with  an   incorrect 

■  Cellerier,  Introd.au  Nouv.  Test.  pp.  81—103.  Dog's Introd.  to  the  New 
IV .st.  vol.  i.  pp.  134—231. 

»  Euthalius,  for  instance,  who  was  an  Egyptian  bishop  in  the  sixth  cen- 

i  try,  previously  to  publishing  apeculiar  sticbometrical  arrangement  of  the 

\  :ts  ind  Pauline  Epistles,  went  to  Cssarea  in  I'  there  collated 

■>  ptian  or  Alexandrine  text  which  he  used  with  the  more  ancient 

Mss.  In  the  celebrated  Library  ol  Pampnilus  whii  h  w  ,    d  iposited  in  that 

<   '''•■'  inea  Monumenlorum  Veteris  Eccleslce  Gra?ca>,  p. 

i.u.i',  1098.) 

»  Eichhorn  Einleit  in  das  N.  T.  vo!.  iv.  pp.  275—382, 

«  Dr.  Scholzhaa,  in  fact,  proposed  neo  systems  of  rec  melons.    Thefirst 

•eloped  in  his  "  Cures  Criticain  H'Storiam  '/'•  situ  /^ramreliorum 
itattonibtu  duabus  exhibits,"  published  at  Heidelberg  in  1 
ie  result  of  hi3  examination  o{ forty-eight  manuscripts  in  the  Royal 
I.  brary  at  Paris;  seventeen  of  which  he  collated  entirely,  and  nine  of 
bad  never  before  been  examined  by  any  person.    As  the  extensive 
and  laborious  researches,  unremittingly  prosecuted  during  ten  years,  in- 
d  Professor  Scholz  to  abandon  this  system  of  recensions,  and  to  adopt 
■  nd,  of  which  an  abstract  is  given  in  the  text,  if  may  suffice  here 
.  to  state,  that,  according  to  his  first  theory,  he  thought  Ilia!  he  had 
ered,  among  the  various  manuscripts  collated  by  him,  vestiges  of  five 
distinct  families;  viz.  two  African  or  rather  Egyptian,  one  of  which  cor- 
responded with  the  Alexandrine  recension  ofOrlesbach,  and  the  other,  witb 
his  Occidental  recension  ;  and  two  Asiatic,  one  of  which  was  particoUvl'y 
deserving  of  that  name,  and  corresponded  witb  the  special  Asiatic  Instru- 
ments of  Griesbacb,  and  the  other  was  the  Byzantine  or  Constantinopoli- 
oension.  To  these  he  added  a  fifth  recension,  which  he  denominated 
the  Cyprian,  because  it  contained  thai  text  which  is  exhibited,  in  the  Co- 
r  Cyvrius,  a  manuscript  of  the  eighth  century  brought  from  the  Isle  of 
is,  which  is  described  in  i  subsequent  page. 

Vol.  I.  2  T> 


Orthography,  and  on  leaves  of  vellum  :jf  different  sizes  and 
qualities.  To  this  class.  Professor  Scholz  gives  the  appella- 
tion of  Alexandrine,  because  its  text  originated  at  Alexandria: 
it  is  followed  by  several  Latin  and  Coptic  versions,  by  the 

Ktliiopie  version,  and  liy  the  ecclesiastical  writers  who  lived 

in  Egypt  and  in  the  west  of  Europe.  The  other  clai  lie 
the  Const  ant  inopolit  an,  because  its  text  was  written 
within  the  precincts  of  the  patriarchate  of  Constantinople: 
to  this  class  Dr.  Scholz  refers  the  Syriao  versions  (Peecnito 
and  Philoxenian),  the  Gothic,  Georgian,  and  Sclavonic  ver- 
sions, and  the  quotation--  from  the  New  Testament  which 
occur  in  the  works  of  the  ecclesiastical  writers,  who  flouri 
in  taia  .Minor,  Syria,  Palestine,  and  the  eastern  part  of  Eu- 
rope, especially  Greece  and  Constantinople.  There  are. 
rer,  extant  other  manuscripts,  which  b<  •  times 

e  class,  and  sometimes  to  the  other,  and  which  also  ex- 
hibit some  peculiar  varieties;  but,  after  repeated  examina- 
tions of  them,  he  is  of  opinion  that  they  do  not  possess  suf- 
ficient character-  to  e, .  stitute  them  distinct  classes.  The 
conclusion  to  which  Dr.  Scholz  has  arrived,  is,  that  the 
Constantinopolitan  ti  always  faithful  to  the  text 

now  actually  received,  while  the  Alexandrine  text  varies 
from  it  in  innumerable  instances;  and  this  conclusion  he 
founds,  not  only  upon  the  actual  collation  of  mx  hundred  and 
seventy-four  manuscripts,  but  also  upon  an  induction  of  his- 
torical particulars,  of  which  the  following  is  an  abstract. 

The  separation  of  the  MSS.  of  the  New  Testament  into 
two  classes,  in  the  manner  just  stated  (Dr.  Scholz  argues), 
is  so  conformable  to  the  real  rtate  of  the  text,  that  it  is 
secure  from  every  attack  :  there  would,  indeed,  be  very  little 
ground  for  the  objection,  in  order  to  combat  this  classifica- 
tion, that  the  text  of  the  greatest  number  of  manuscripts  is 
not  yet  known,  and  consequently  uncertain.  This  objection 
can  only  be  repelled  a  posteriori.  For  this  purpose,  after 
having  determined  the  text  of  a  great  number  of  manuscripts 
by  actually  collating  a  few  chapters,  Dr.  Scholz  proceeded 
to  collate  them  nearly  at  length.  When,  therefore,  eighty 
manuscripts  exhibited,  almost  constantly,  the  same  additions, 
the  same  omissions,  and  the  same  various  readings, with  the 
exception  of  a  few  obvious  mistakes  of  the  transcribers  and 
some  unimportant  modifications ; — when,  further,  after  taking 
here  and  there  fifteen  or  twenty  chapters,  he  uniformly  found 
in  three  or  four  hundred  other  manuscripts  the  same  various 
readings  as  in  the  first  eighty; — he  considered  himself 
authorized  to  conclude,  that  the  remainder  of  the  uncollated 
manuscripts  would  present  the  same  results  as  in  these  fif- 
teen or  twenty  chapters;  and  that  like  results  would  be 
presented  by  all  the  manuscripts  written  in  the  same  place 
and  under  the  same  circumstances  as  these  four  hundred 
manuscripts  were  written  :  that  is  to  say,  that  all  the  manu- 
scripts which  were  written  within  the  patriarchate  of  Con- 
stantinople, and  were  destined  to  be  used  in  divine  service, 
followed  the  text  of  the  Constantinopolitan  class. 

It  is  by  no  means  surprising  that  tliis  classification  should 
be  thus  clearly  connected  with  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction. 
The  history  of  the  propagation  of  Christianity  shows  us 
with  what  strictness,  especially  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  missionaries  enjoined  on 
their  converts  the  minutest  rites  of  the  principal  church,  and 
also  to  what  warm  disputes  the  least  deviation  from  them 
gave  rise.  These  discussions  always  terminated  in  reducing 
them  to  the  most  entire  conformity  with  the  metropolis. 

Further,  from  the  fifth  to  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, a  greater  number  of  copies  of  the  sacred  books  was 
made  at  Constantinople  than  in  all  the  rest  of  the  patri- 
archate. Transcribed  and  collated  in  the  same  convents 
under  the  eyes  of  the  superiors,  then  sold  and  resold  by  the 
monks  and  priests  to  distant  churches,  all  these  copies  pre- 
sented the  same  text,  as  well  as  the  same  characters  and  the 
same  menologies  (or  calendars  of  Creek  saints  for  every  day 
in  the  month  throughout  the  year),  in  all  the  provinces  wbicc 
were  subject  to  the  influence  of  the  metropolitan  church,  of 
its  literature,  booksellers,  and  monks. 

When  Islamism  was  diffused  from  India  to  the  Atlantic 
Ocean ; — when  thousands  of  Christians  were  imprisoned, 
driven  to  apostacy,  or  sold  as  slaves ; — when  the  flames  had 
devoured  a  prodigious  number  of  Greek  manuscripts ; — 
when  the  use  of  the  Greek  language  was  interdicted,  and  the 
capital  of  Greek  literature  was  overthrown, — then  the  influ- 
ence of  Constantinople  extended,  without  a  rival,  over  almost 
every  thing  that  remained  to  the  Christians  who  spoke  Greek. 
The  text  of  the  Constantinopolitan  church,  and  the  manu- 


210 


HISTORY  AND  CONDITION  OF  THE 


[PaIIT  I.    .  HAP.    12 


scripts  which  contained  it,  were  generally  adopted.  The 
text  of  the  other  class,  on  the  contrary,  which  had  till  then 
been  used  for  divine  service  within  the  limits  of  the  patri- 
archate of  Alexandria,  and  the  manuscripts  belonging  f> 
that  class,  disappeared  almost  entirely.  The  copyists  ceased 
to  transcribe  them  :  the  most  ancient  and  valuable  perished  ; 
and  their  text  was  preserved  only  in  a  few  libraries,  or  by  a 
few  lovers  of  literature,  as  curiosities,  or  as  venerable  relics 
of  ancient  and  lost  documents. 

Although  the  Alexandrine  text  is  sometimes  found  in 
liturgical  "books  or  in  lectionaries,  Dr.  Scholz  cannot  believe 
that  the  manuscripts,  which  contained  it,  were  ever  destined 
for  divine  service :  they  have,  in  fact,  been  written  with  so 
much  haste  and  incorrectness,  that  such  could  never  have 
been  their  destination.  The  manuscripts  of  both  families 
ordinarily  have  few  corrections  and  no  various  readings  in 
the  margins  :  every  thing,  on  the  contrary,  indicates  that 
they  are  not  exact  copies  of  ancient  exemplars. 

That  zo  few  very  ancient  manuscripts  of  the  Constantino- 
politan  text  are  now  extant,  is  a  circumstance  which  ought 
not  to  excite  surprise.  They  must  necessarily  have  been 
worn  out,  and  have  perished,  in  consequence  of  the  daily 
use  made  of  them  for  divine  service.  In  the  fourth  century 
the  text  may  he  regarded  as  equally  fixed  with  the  canon  of 
the  New  Testament;  after  which  time  the  veneration  of 
believers  for  the  sacred  books  would  not  allow  the  introduc- 
tion of  any  change.  Before  that  period,  therefore,  the  altera- 
tions must  have  taken  place,  which  gave  rise  to  the  division 
of  manuscripts  into  two  classes.  Since  that  period  manu- 
scripts have  been  collated  and  even  corrected,  but  never 
arbitrarily  and  always  after  ancient  documents :  besides,  the 
corrections  so  made  were  of  little  importance,  and  had  only 
a  limited  influence.  Although  different  manuscripts  may  be 
of  the  same  country,  it  does  not  necessarily  result  that  their 
text  exhibits  an  absolute  identity,  but  only  a  general  con- 
formity in  the  greatest  number  of  cases. 

What  then,  it  may  be  asked,  was  the  origin  of  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan text  1  Dr.  Scholz  is  of  opinion  that  it  was 
the  original  text,  nearly  in  all  its  purity  9  and  derived  directly 
from  autographs.  This  he  regards  as  certain  as  any  critical 
fact  can  be  :  nistory  leads  us  to  admit  it;  external  evidence 
confirms  it;  and  it  is  completely  demonstrated  by  internal 
proofs. 

The  greater  part  of  the  writings  of  the  New  Testament 
were  destined  for  the  churches  in  Greece  and  in  Asia  Minor, 
where  the  idea  of  forming  a  collection  of  them  would 
oricinate,  as  is  evident  from  Saint  John's  approbation  of  the 
collection  of  the  first  three  Gospels.  These  writings  were, 
from  the  beginning,  read  in  the  religious  assemblies  of  the 
Christians ;  and  when  the  originals  were  worn  out  or  lost  by 
use  or  by  the  calamities  which  befell  many  of  the  churches, 
apographs  or  correct  transcripts  from  them  were  preserved  in 
private  libraries  as  well  as  in  the  libraries  attached  to  the 
churches.  These  holy  writings  were  further  multiplied  by 
numerous  copyists  for  the  use  of  private  individuals.  Tn 
transcribing  the  text,  the  Constantinopolitan  scribes  certainly 
did  not  imitate  the  audacity  of  the  grammarians  of  Alex- 
andria :'  this  would  be  in  the  highest  degree  improbable,  if 
the  question  related  to  profane  authors ;  but  it  becomes  utterly 
incredible  as  it  regards  the  New  Testament.  On  the  con- 
trary, these  writings  were  cherished  with  increasing  reli- 
gious veneration.  The  long  series  of  venerable  bishops, 
who  presided  over  the  numerous  churches  in  Asia,  the 
Archipelago,  and  in  Greece,  transmitted  to  the  faithful  the 
instructions  which  they  had  received  from  the  apostles.  Far 
from  altering  in  any  degree  that  sacred  deposit,  they  laboured 
with  pious  vigilance  to  preserve  it  pure  and  unmutilated.  In 
this  state  they  left  it  to  their  successors  and  to  new  churches ; 
and,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  errors  of  the  copyists,  the 
text  remained  without  alteration  until  the  reigns  of  Constan- 
tine  and  of  Constans.  At^  that  time,  however,  some  Alex- 
andrine MSS.  were  dispersed  at  Constantinople,  whence 
alterations  were  introduced  into  many  Byzantine  manu- 
scripts. This  circumstance  accounts  for  a  tendency  in  the 
Constantinopolitan  family  to  approximate. nearer  to  the  Alex- 
andrine text  than  we  should  otherwise  expect. 

Let  us  now  examine  the  complaints  of  the  ancients  rela- 
tive to  the  alterations  made  in  the  text  of  all  literary  produc- 
tions, generally,  and  particularly  in  the  text  of  the  New 
Testament.  These  complaints  have  no  relation  to  those 
countries,  in  which  Christianity  existed  during  the  first  three 

•  On  this  subject  see  the  note  in  p.  211.  infra 


centuries  with  the  greatest  purity.  The  fathers,  who  liver 
and  wrote  in  those  countries,  did  not  participate  in  these 
accusations.*  If  they  did  not  bring  to  the  study  of  the  New 
Testament  the  critical  acumen  of  Origen,  the  greater  part  of 
them  were  not  destitute  of  a  truly  classical  education ;  and 
such  important  diversities  of  readings,  as  are  sometimes 
discernible  in  the  Egyptian  or  Alexandrine  copies,  could  not 
have  escaped  them.  Consequently,  they  were  unknown  to 
them  ;  and  the  manuscripts  which  were  made  use  of  for 
public  worship  must  have  been  transcribed  with  sufficient 
exactness,  so  as  to  give  no  cause  for  discontent. 

We  should  have  a  further  proof  cf  the  authenticity  of  the 
Constantinopolitan  text,  if  we  could  find  it  agree  with  that 
of  other  countries  equally  distinguished  by  the  contiguity  of 
their  churches,  and  by  the  number  and  learning  of  their  pas- 
tors. These  two  texts,  however,  must  have  continued  inde- 
pendent of  each  other ;  and  the  monuments  of  both  must 
present  vestiges  of  a  higher  antiquity,  apparently  ascending 
(at  least  since  the  third  century)  to  distinctsourc.es.  In  sucn 
case  we  should  evidently  be  authorized  to  conclude  that  this 
twofold  text  is  really  conformable  to  the  original  text. 

We  have  extant  critical  documents,  some  of  which  were 
written  in  Palestine,  and  others  in  Syria,  which  agree  with 
those  of  Greece  and  Asia  Minor,  even  in  readings  that  are 
utterly  insignificant.  This  is  the  case  with  six  Palestine 
manuscripts  (and  particularly  with  the  Codex  Regius  Parisi- 
ensis  53.),"  which  were  copied  in  a  convent  at  Jerusalem 
after  very  ancient  manuscripts.  Consequently,  they  make 
known  to  us  the  text  of  that  country  for  a  long  period  of 
time.  The  text  of  these  six  exemplars  is  not  absolutely 
identical,  which  circumstance  still  further  corroborates  the 
argument,  and  shows  that  they  faithfully  represent  to  us  the 
ancient  witnesses  for  the  text  of  the  New  Testament. 

We  do  not  here  appeal  to  the  testimony  of  Justin  Martyr, 
as  he  frequently  cites  from  memory  or  alludes  to  apocryphal 
gospels  :  but  the  writers  of  Palestine,  who  are  less  ancient 
than  he  was,  exactly  follow  a  text  conformable  to  that  of 
Constantinople.  In  Syria,  besides  some  Greek  manuscripts 
already  referred  to.  and.  which  appear  to  have  been  written 
in  that  country,  we  find  the  Peschito  and  the  Philoxenian 
Syriac  versions;  the  first,  executed  in  the  third4  and  the 
second  in  the  sixth  century:  both  these  versions  follow  the 
Constantinopolitan  text;  no  doubt  therefore  can  nowr  remain 
on  this  subject.  The  text  which  prevailed  in  Asia  and  in 
Greece  during  the  first  ages  of  Christianity  also  prevailed  in 
Syria.  It  is  the  same  text  which  somewhat  later  prevailed 
at  Constantinople,  whence  it  was  diffused  throughout  the 
eastern  empire,  and  which  has  been  preserved  to  us  with  a 
greater  degree  of  purity  than  any  other  text,  and  without 
any  important  alterations. 

As  the  sacred  books  were,  from  the  beginning  of  Chris- 
tianity, destined  to  liturgical  use,  it  would  become  necessary 
sometimes  to  write  in  the  margin,  for  the  direction  of  the 
public  reader,  certain  initial  or  final  words  or  phrases,  with 
which  he  was  to  commence  or  terminate  the  portion  ap- 
pointed to  be  read  in  the  church,  in  order  that  the  whole 
passage  might  be  the  better  understood.  From  the  margin 
it  became  impossible,  in  later  times,  to  prevent  these  words 
or  phrases  from  passing  occasionally  into  the  text.  In  many 
manuscripts,  however,  they  have  remained  in  their  original 
place ;  but,  as  might  naturally  be  expected,  there  was  only  a 
small  number  of  copyists  sufficiently  exact  to  leave  them  there.5 
From  all  these  facts  and  arguments  Dr.  Scholz  concludes 
that  the  Constantinopolitan  text,  as  it  is  actually  found  either 
in  manuscripts,  or  in  the  Evangelisteria,  Lectionaria,  and 
other  ascetic  books,  must  be  regarded  as  the  purest  text ; 
especially  as  it  is  that  which  has  in  every  age  received  the 
sanction  of  the  church,  and  has  always  been  employed  in 
divine  service. 

It  would  now  remain  to  prove  by  internal  arguments,  de- 
rived from  the  very  variations  from  the  Constantinopolitar 
text,  which  are  discoverable  in  the  Alexandrine  text,  tha 
the  former  is  indeed  the  authentic  text.    But  for  this  purpose 

»  Dr.  Scholz,  in  his  Prolegomena  to  the  New  Testament,  pp.v.— vii.  has 
treated  this  subject  at  length,  and  *as  given  numerous  references  to  th< 
fathers  and  early  ecclesiastical  writers,  who  attest  the  care  of  the  ancient 
Christians  in  preserving  the  sacred  text  from  being  corrupted. 

3  No.  262.  of  Dr.  Scholz's  Catalogue  of  MSS.  It  is  described  in  his  Fro 
legomena,  p.  lxxxviii. 

*  Though  Prof.  Scholz  refers  the  Peschito  Syriac  version  to  the  thira 
century,  many  eminent  biblical  critics  refer  it  to  Hip  second  century,  it  in 
deed  it  were  not  executed  at  the  close  of  the  first  snlury.  This  circum 
stance  imparts  additional  weight  to  Dr.  Scholz'p  argument. 

»  This  subject  is  treated  at  length  by  Dr.  Si  MZ,  m  the  Prolegomena  U 
his  edition  of  the  New  Testament,  pp.  clxiv—  clxvi.  / 


S»ci.  II.  1 


TEXT  OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 


211 


it  will  be  sufficient  to  appeal  to  competent  judges,  ami  par- 
ticularly to  the  profoundly  learned  Dr.  CriesbaHt,1  who  very 
rarely  followed  the  Alexandrine  text,  notwithstanding  his 
predilection  in  favour  of  the  ancient  manuscripts  in  which  it 
is  preserved.  Further,  the  remarkable  agreement  which 
exists  among  the  Constantinopolitan  manuscripts,  and  the 
scrupulous  delicacy  of  the  copyists  who  transcribed  them, 
are  almost  a  proof  of  the  legitimacy  of  ibis  icxi ;  for,  on  a 
comparison  of  them  with  the  Egyptian  exemplars,  th< 
of  corruption  every  where  observable  in  the  latter  will  readily 
be  perceived.  Every  one  of  these  exemplars  has  so  many 
peculiar  variations,  as  to  place  the  mutual  relationship  of  thai 
•■lass  of  manuscripts  beyond  all  doubt.1 
There  exists  no  difference  between  the  manuscripts  of  the 

Alexandrine    family   and    those   of  u  hat    may  he   called    the 

Occidental  or  Western  family.     Both,  in  Dr.  Schoiz's  judg- 

iient,  form  hut  one  class:  they  vary,  however,  from  each 

other  in  so  man\  instances,  that,  if  we  do  not  confine  our- 

■  !  to  one  single  family,  ami  to  its  general  character,  we 

must  institute  as  many  classes  as  there  are  manuscripts.  In- 
stead, therefore,  of  dividing  the  Egyptian  documents  into 
two  classes  as  he  had  formerly  done,"  on  the  authority  of  the 
distinguished  critics  who  had  preceded  him,  Dr.  Scholz  now 
reunites  them  together  under  the  name  of  the  Alexandrine 
family,  because  they  exhibit  the  corrupted  text  of  Alex- 
andria, whence  they  have  originally  issued. 

Egypt,  then,  is  the  country  whence  the  alterations  of  the 
text  of  the  New  Testament  principally  originated.  They 
commenced  in  the  very  first  century.  This  is  demonstrated 
by  the  most  ancient,  monuments  of  the  text;  for  instance, 
the  Codices  Vaticanus,  Alexandrinus,  and  Ephremi,  which 
unquestionably  are  copies  of  very  ancient  exemplars,  and 
exhibit  Egyptian  interpolations.  Witness,  also,  the  Egyp- 
tian and  Latin  translations  made  in  the  second  and  third  cen- 
turies after  exemplars  of  the  same  description  ;  and,  finally, 
the  quotations  of  the  fathers  and  ecclesiastical  writers  of  the 
same  country.  Clemens  Alexandrinus,  Origen,  and  Dio- 
nysius  Alexandrinus  all  made  use  of  this  text.  The  com- 
plaints of  the  ancient  doctors  of  the  church,  and  of  Origen 
in  particular,  relate  to  these  manuscripts,  and  to  the  conduct 
of  the  Alexandrian  copyists.  The  ecclesiastical  writers  who 
indicate  or  discuss  various  readings  made  use  of  manuscripts 
of  the  same  description,  of  which  only  they  consequently 
spoke.  ]  irome,  who  certainly  employed  manuscripts  of 
both  families,  seems  to  have  had  but  a  very  obscure  appre- 
h<  n  ion  of  the  difference  subsisting  between  them.  His 
<  of  them,  therefore,  is  sufficiently  vague.  To  this  ob- 
scure apprehension  it  should  seem  that  we  must  refer  the 
passage  of  his  letter  to  Damascus  bishop  of  Rome,  in  which 
he  condemns  upon  hearsay  the  exemplars  of  Lucian  and 
Hesycbius.  He  speaks  of  their  labours  in  an  uncertain  and 
unsatisfactory  manner  :  he  mentions  neither  the  city  nor  the 
country  where  their  text  was  adopted  ;  and  the  expressions 

"assent  perversa   contentio, nee  in  Now"    [Teatamento] 

"prof'.tit  vim mdasm ",,,:  show  in  what  horror  Jerome  and  his 
contemporaries  held  such  corrections;  and,  consequent  I  v. 
what  little  chance  they  had  of  being  adopted,  even  if  they 
had  been  preferable  to  the  Egyptian  text. 

Enough  has  been  said  concerning  the  origin  of  this  text. 
At  Alexandria,  where  it  is  well  known  that  great  numbers 
of  manuscripts    were   transcribed,    the    grammarians  were 

1  "Ipse  etiam  Griesbachius  aliique  ingenue  fatentur,  lectiones  alexan- 
•  iriiKi*  lange  pleresque  plane  rnpvbndas  bssb."     Scholz,  Prol 

CLXVII.  CLXVIII. 

*  The  Sahidic  version  (which  was  in  the  dialect  spoken  iii  t'|i|irr  Egypt) 
may  be  adduced  as  an  example  of  the  variations  above  referred  to.  In  the 
Qospels  and  lets  of  ihn  Apostles  ii  agrees  with  D.  or  I  •■  very 
nearly  119  times  ;  wiiii  I),  and  A.  (the  Codex  Alexandrinus),  16  times :  with 
I).  A.  and  other  Egyptian  exemplars,  112 times  ;  with  l».  A.  and  the  Vulgate, 
!'.f>  times :  with  l).  and  the  Vulgate,  52  times  ;  with  A.  very  nearly  II  times  : 
with  A.  and  several  other  Egyptian  exemplars  51                      i 

r.ii  Latin  versions,  n  times.    In  die  Epistles  of  Saint  Paul  it  agrees  with  A. 

and  I>.  83  ti a ;  with  A.  alone,  :t  times ;  with  A  1)  an 

emplars,  1 1  times ;  with  A.  and  others,  5  times  ;  with  A.  and  the  Vul 

times  ;  with  1).  alone,  twice  ;  with  D.  and  Ol  ITS,  7  limes  :  with  I) 

and  the  Vulgate,  7  times,    [n  the  Catholic  Epistli  \    >  aires; 

with  A.  ami  others,  14  times ;  with  A.  and  the  Vu  ;  with  other 

in  exemplars  (A.  excepted),  50 times  ;  and  in  more  than  one  hundred 
instances  it  has  its  own  peculiar  readings.  Scholz,  Biblische-Krltische 
Rcise,  p.  178. 

*  See  p  209.  supra,  note 

4  The  entire  passage  of  Jerome  alluded  to  is  as  follows  : — "  I)e  Novo  nunc 
loquor  Testamento.  .  .  .  Hoc  certe  cum  in  nostro  sennone  discordat,  et  in 
diversos  rivulorum  tramites  illicit,  nno  .le  fonte  querendnm.  Pra'termitto 
eos  codices,  quos  a  Luciano  et  Hesyehio  nuncupates  paucorum  bomthum, 
aaseril  perversa  contentio,  quibus  utique  nee  in  toto  veteii  instrumento 
post  Septuaginta  interpretes  emendare  quid  licnit,  nee  in  Novo  profuit 
emerdasse,  cum  mullarum  gentium  linguis  Scriptura  anie  translata  doceat, 
falsa  esse  quae  addita  sunt.'T 


accustomed  to  correct  m  .he  margins  whatever  di&pi< 
them  in  the  authors  whose  productions  they  copied,    which 
alterations  wen-  subsequently  introduced  into  the  text. 

of  the    Egyptian    alterations  were  made  in  the  first 
•':\  they  are  found  iii  all  the  mai 
of  that  family.     A  sufficiently  large  number  of  new  int 
lations,  somi  M'  them  very  considerable  ones,  had  a  Ibtei 
origin.     Sudi  is  the  source  of  the  principal  diffi  i 
servable  in  the  Alexandrine  family.    This  corrupt  text  was 
diffused  more  or  less  in  the  West,  either  in  Greek  manu- 
scripts   or    in    the    Latin   versions;    and   this    circum 
accounts  for  its  being  constantly  used  by  the  Italian  and 

\i'i  ican  doctors,  as  well  as  by  [renieus  in  the  south  of  France. 
\\  hen,  howevi  r,  Jerome  dot  !  cite  the  writings  of  any  of  his 

Asiatic  fellow-countrymen,  he  'jives  the  purest  text  which 

they  used,  that  19,  the  (  '"iistantinopolilan  text.'1 

Although    Prof.  Schoiz's  system  of  classing  mantis. 
seems,  at  first   view,  to   contradict,   those  of  his   predeo 
in  this  departmt  at  of  sacred  criticism  (except  Bengel 
this  contradiction  is  only  apparent — not  real;  for  he  actually 
recognises  the  same  facts  as  other  critics;  he  only  denii 
importance  of  some,  and   explains  others  in  a  different  way. 
With  respect  to  the  results,  however,  there  is  no  difference 
The   grand — the   final — result   of   the  principle  of  families, 
viz.  the  certainty,  and   (in  any  thing  material)  the  inviola- 
bility of  tiic  sacred   text,  is  expressed  more  distinctly  by 
Scholz  than  by  any  of  his  predecessors.    His  system,  more- 
over, appears  gt  nerally  to  offer — more  than  any  other  theory 
or  systi  in  of  recensions — a    remarkable  character  of  sim- 
plicity and  universality.     It  is  less  complicated,  and  it 
possesses  a  jti -■  of  probability  (probability  approx- 

imating to  certainty)  than  either  of  the  theories  noticed  in 
the  present  section  ;  and  it  is  supported  by  profoundly  learned 
and  lain  rious  researches,  the  result  of  which  (it  must  be 
candidly  admitted)  shows  the  great  pre-eminence  of  the 
Asiatic  or  Constantinopolitan  text  over  the  African  or  Alex- 
andrine text,  and,  consequently,  the  real  value,  genuine- 
ness, AND  INTEGRITY  OF  T!IE  PRESENT  UECE1VED  TEXT  OF  THK 

New  Testament. 

Having  thus  given  a  summary,  and,  it  is  hoped,  an  impar- 
tial, view  of  Professor  Schoiz's  system  of  classification  of 
manuscripts,  it  only  remains  that  we  offer  some  specimen - 
in  illustration  of  it. 

1.  The  first  vestige  of  a  twofold  class  of  manuscripts  is 
furnished  by  Jerome,  who,  in  hi-<  epistle  to  Minerius  and 
Alexander,  states  that  he  found  three  different  readings  in 
1  Cor.  xv.  51. 

(1.)  The  Asiatic  writers,  as  Theodorus  of  Hcraclea,  Diodorus 
of  Tarsus,  and  Apollonaris,  follow  the  reading  given  by  Theodore! 
and  Chrysostom  :  Womcffn  »l  KU/uH^nT-.yihx,  TrxtTiz  it  dx\*y»o-.* 
/u&ct;    We  shall  not  all  sleep,  but  we  shall  all  be  changed. 

(2.)  The  African  writers,  as  Origen,  Didymus,  and  Acacius, 
even  Jerome  himself  (in  his  explanation  of  Psalm  xliv.  addressed 
to  Principia).  read,  with  the  Greek  manuscripts  quoted  by  Run" 
nus,  Pelagius,  Augustine,  and  GScumeniua, — Xhtmt  y.»  kw/xkSho-:- 
atf)x,  cb  t/(tc  i-  tKkteyam/tA*  ;  We  shall  all  sleep,  but  ive  shall 
not  all  be  changed.     From  this  loi-jjuu, 

(3.)  'J 'he  Latin  manuscripts  differed,  in  reading  t*itk  //a 
•ixair/T.fj.ihi.  :'u  irw/ri;  ii  .x\xyniT',juibi  ;  Jl'e  shall  all  rise  again, 
but  ice  shall  not  all  be  changed. 

This  v,  riety  of  reading  discovered  by  Jerome  is  also  evi- 
dent in  manuscripts  which  are  now  extant.  The  Codices  B. 
which,  however,  omits  the  word  i*tr,  D. 
(Cantabrifjieiisis"  E.  (lla^neensis  B.  VI.)  and  others,  which 
are  followed  by  the  received  text,  agree  with  the  Asiatic 
writers.  The  Codices  C.  (Ephremi),  17  (Regius  55),  and 
other  manuscripts  and  writers  of  the  Alexandrine  family, 
agree  with  the  African  writers. 

■-'.  T      :   llowing  examples,  selected  from  the  fifth  chapter 

»    \  [nation  of  Dr.  Schoiz's  remark  on  the  inaccuracy  of 

the  Alexaiidi  ian  copyists  is  incidentally  given  by  the  geographer  Strabo, 
whodii  Relating  the  migrations  of  Aristotle's  library  h 

works  had  stiffen  I  gi  eatly  from  the  errors  which  had  crept  into  tlie  copies 
made  of  thru  s.  that  Rome  contributed  to  multiply  these 

he  capture  of  Athens,  took  possession  oi'Aristo- 
tle's  library,  which  he  ordered  to  be  transported  to  Rome.  There  the  gram 
inarianTy  rami  ion,  who  was  a  follower  of  the  Aristotelian  philosophy,  bavins 
gained  over  the  keeper  of  the  library  took  copies  ofthe  philosopher's  writ- 
ings. Some  booksellers  also  had  copies  made  by  incompetent  transcribers 
and  not  bv  the  collators  [xvnZxKKovn;,  those  whose  province  it  was  :.. 
compare  'the  copies  with  the  original  exemplar).  The  same  thing  also 
happens  to  books  which  are  copied  for  sale,  both  here  flhat  is,  at  Rom" 
and  at  Alexandria:— "o-.-p  **■  i-i  m  «.-.*.»■  -•■  «•<  »(>»<"«  rf*%H"""' 
3.o\.«v  *x>  i*?xS<  xxtlv  AAEBAN&VEIA.  Strabonis  ^eographia,  lib.  xm 
torn.  ii.  pp.  875,  876.     Oxon.  1S07  ;  or  p.  609.   Paris,  1620.    Edit.  Casa  'Imi. 

«  Scholz,  Biblische-Kritische  Reise,  pp.  163— J67. 


112 


DIVISIONS  AND  MARKS  OF  DISTINCTION 


[Part  I.  Chap.  II 


of  Saint  Mark's  Gospel,  exhibit  a  specimen  of  the  variations 
between  the  Constantinopolitan  and  Alexandrine  Recensions. 


CQN9TAXT1XOPOLITAN    RECEX- 

ALEXANDRINE    RECE 

SIOX. 

1.   h.bc/ 

r.hftii 

2.    \PoJj0VTl   *ilTw 

'■  -oStmc  *»'*< 

THV  THTtl 

[/ttuvtww. 

5.   hovt  x.n  .'•  nit  f*Mf*s**t 

(S.V»fAXtrt  K&i  tV  TDK   CgW 

6.  irro 

t/3-5 

tint 

X8JS/. 

9.  <?a  wty  ' 

ovojux.  <rot. 

i;Tai»i6»  \t}iev 

hvyti  avrZ. 

xsytcev 

vryim. 

12.  7r*VTi;  it  Szi/juvk 

omitted. 

13.  eiflaw 

omitted.- 

o  'Infcv; 

omitted. 

14.  ci  St 

Kt\  01. 

tbu;  %qan 

ttvTwt. 

LvwyyVKaw 

Cmryyvketv. 

ignxBw 

KtAct. 

15.   Kit  tftzriT/uacv 

ly.dLTLT/J.tKV. 

18.  iftS&wjt 

cuCmvwtoi;. 

i  jJ.iT     dL'uT'jV 

[azt   abrou  ». 

19.    j  Si    'iMO-iUt 

MM. 

25.  ym  t;c 

yvn. 

33.  W  cthtH 

ai/TH. 

34.  b  Js 

o  St  'lno-ov;. 

36.  euflw; 

omitted. 

38.  s^-s~j" 

i^XpVTSLt. 

9">g"o;v,  K\ai',vta.c 

SogvCv  XXI  KKMCVTctC. 

40.  o  Js 

d!JTCC  St. 

o'wavTic 

vm/to.;. 

iyauts'^ji/ov 

omitted. 

41.    KYJfAl 

KCU/U. 

The  attentive  reader  will  doubtless  observe  that,  different 
as  these  two  recensions  are,  not  one  of  the  various  readings 
above  given  affects  the  sense  of  the  evangelist's  narrative,  and 
that  most  of  them  are  incapable  of  being  exhibited  in  a  trans- 
lation.^ 

IX.  From  the  coincidence  observed  between  many  Greek 
manuscripts  and  the  Vulgate,  or  some  other  Latin  version,  a 
suspicion  arose  in  the  minds  of  several  eminent  critics,  that 
the  Greek  text  had  been  altered  throughout  to  the  Latin  ;  and 
it  has  been  asserted  that  at  the  council  of  Florence  (held  in 
1439  with  the  view  of  establishing  an  union  between  the 
Greek  and  Latin  churches),  a  resolution  was  formed,  that 
the  Greeks  should  alter  their  manuscripts  from  the  Latin. 
This  has  been  termed  by  the  learned,  ramus  cum  Gr^cis. 
The  suspicion,  concerning  the  altering  of  the  Greek  text, 
seems  to  have  been  first  suggested  by  Erasmus,  but  it  does 
not  appear  that  he  supposed  the  alterations  were  made  before 
the  fifteenth  century :  so  that  the  charge  of  Latinizing  the 
manuscripts  did  not  (at  least  in  his  notion  of  it)  extend  to  the 
original  writers  of  the  manuscript,  or,  as  they  are  called,  the 
writers  a  prima  m  ■nit  ,•  since  it  affected  only  the  writers  a 
secundd  manv,  or  subsequent  interpolators.  The  accusation 
was  adopted  and  extended  by  Father  Simon  and  Dr.  Mill, 
and  especially  by  Wetstein.  Bengel  expressed  some  doubts 
concerning  it ;  ami  it  was  formally  questioned  by  Semler, 
Griesbach,  and  Woide.  The  reasonings  of  the  two  last- 
mentioned  critics  convinced  Michaelis  (who  had  formerly 
agreed  with  Erasmus)  that  the  charge  of  Latinizing  was  un- 
founded; and  in  the  fourth  edi;;on  oi  his  Introduction  to  the 
New  Testament  (the  edition  translated  by  Bishop  Marsh), 
with  a  candour  of  which  there  are  too  few  examples,  Michaelis 
totally  abandoned  his  first  opinion,  and  expressed  his  opinion 
that  the  pretended  agreement  in  the  Foedus  cum  Graccis  is  a 
mere  conjecture  of  Erasmus,  to  which  he  had  recourse  as  a 
refuge  in  a  matter  of  controversy.  Carrying  the  proof  to  its 
utmost  length,  it  only  shows  that  the  Latin  translations  and 
the  Greek  copies  were  made  from  the  same  exemplars ;  which 
rather  proves  the  antiquity  of  the  Latin  translations,  than  the 
corruption  of  the  Greek  copies.  It  is  further  worthy  of  re- 
mark, that  Jerome  corrected  the  Latin  from  the  Greek;  a 
circumstance  which  is  known  in  every  part  of  the  Western 
Church.  Now,  as  Michaelis  justly  observes,  when  it  was 
known  that  the  learned  father  had  made  the  Greek  text  the 

»  Scholz,  Biblische-Kritische  Reise,  &c.  i.  <:,  Biblico-Critical  Travels  in 
France,  Switzerland,  Italy,  Palestine  and  the  Archipelago,  in  1819,  1820, 
and  1821 ;  accompanied  with  a  History  of  the  Text  of  the  Hew  Testament, 
up.  163—182.  (Leipzig,  1823.  8vo.)  Nov.  Test.  Grsec.  torn.  i.  Prolegom.  pp.  i. 
— *Ui,  xt. — lix.  cxlvi. — clxriii. 


oasis  of  his  alterations  in  the  Latin  translation,  it  is  scarcely 
to  be  imagined  that  the  transcribers  of  the  Western  Church 
would  alter  the  Greek  by  the  Latin  ;  and  it  is  still  less  pro- 
bable that  those  of  the  Eastern  Church  would  act  in  this 
manner.2 


SECTION  III. 

ON  THE  DIVISIONS  AND  MARKS  OF  DISTINCTION  OCCURRING  I» 
MANUSCRIPTS  AND  PRINTED  EDITIONS  OF  THE  SCRIPTURES. 

§    1.  ON  THE  DIVISIONS  AND  MARKS  OF  DISTINCTION  OCCURRING 
IN   THE   OLD  TESTAMENT. 

I.  Different  appellations  given  to  the  Scriptures. — II.  General 
divisions  of  the  canonical  books  ;  particularly  of  the  Old 
Testament. — 1.  The  Laiv. — 2.  The  Prophets. — 3.  The  Ce- 
tnbim,  or  Hagiographa. — III.  Modern  divisions  of  the  book* 
of  (he  Old  Testament. —  Chapters  and  verses. 

I.  The  collection  of  writings,  which  is  regarded  by  Chris- 
tians as  the  sole  standard  of  their  faith  and  practice,  has  been 
distinguished,  at  various  periods,  by  different  appellations. 
Thus,  it  is  frequently  termed  the  Scriptures,  the  Sacred  or 
Holy  Scriptures,  and  sometimes  the  Canonical  Scriptures. 
This  collection  is  called  The  Scriptures:,  as  being  the  most 
important  of  all  writings ;  the  Holy  or  Sacred  Scriptures, 
because  they  were  composed  by  persons  divinely  inspired ; 
and  the  Canonical  Scriptures,  either  because  they  are  a  rule 
of  faith  and  practice  to  those  who  receive  them ;  or  because, 
when  the  number  and  authenticity  of  these  books  were  ascer- 
tained, lists  of  them  were  inserted  in  the  ecclesiastical  canons 
or  catalogues,  in  order  to  distinguish  them  from  such  books 
as  were  apocryphal  or  of  uncertain  authority,  and  unques- 
tionably not  of  divine  origin.  But  the  most  usual  appella- 
tion is  that  of  the  Bible — a  word  which  in  its  primary  import 
simply  denotes  a  book,  but  which  is  given  to  the  writings  of 
the  prophets  and  apostles,  by  way  ofeminence,  as  being  the 
Book  of  Books,  infinitely  superior  in  excellence  to  every  un- 
assisted production  of  the  human  mind.3 

II.  The  most  common  and  general  division  of  the  canon- 
ical books  is  that  of  the  Ola  and  New  Testament;4' the 
former  containing  those  revelations  of  the  divine  will  whicl 
were  communicated  to  the  Hebrews,  Israelites,  or  Jews,  be 
fore  the  birth  of  Christ,  and  the  latter  comprising  the  inspirer 
writings  of  the  evangelists  and  apostles. 

The  arrangement  of  the  books  containing  the  Old  Testa 
ment,  which  is  adopted  in  our  Bibles,  is  not  always  regulated 
by  the  exact  time  when  the  books  were  respectively  written; 
although  the  book  of  Genesis  is  universally  allowed  to  be 
the  first,  and  the  prophecy  of  Malachi  to  be  the  latest  of  the 
inspired  writings.  The  various  books  contained  in  the  Old 
Testament  were  divided  by  the  Jews  into  three  parts  or  classes 
— the  Law — the  Prophets — and  the  Ceiubim,  or  Hagiographa, 
that  is,  the  Holy  Writings :  which  division  obtained  in  the 
time  of  our  Saviour,5  and  is  noticed  by  Josephus,6  though  he 
does  not  enumerate  the  several  books. 

1.  The  Law  (so  called,  because  it  contains  precepts  for  the 
regulation  of  life  and  manners)  comprised  the  Pentateuch,  or  five 
books  of  Moses,  which  were  originally  written  in  one  volume,  as 
all  the  manuscripts  are  to  this  day,  which  are  read  in  the  syna- 
gogues. It  is  not  known  when  the  writings  of  the  Jewish  legis- 
lator were  divided  into  Jive  books :  but  as  the  titles  of  Genesis, 
Exodus,  Leviticus,  Numbers,  and  Deuteronomy,  are  evidently  of 
Greek  origin  (for  the  tradition  related  by  Philo,  and  adopted  by 
some  writers  of  the  Roman  Church,  that  they  were  given  by 
Moses  himself,  is  too  idle  to  deserve  refutation),  it  is  not  impro- 
bable that  these  titles  were  prefixed  to  the  several  books  by  the 
authors  of  the  Alexandrian  or  Septuagint  Greek  version. 

a  Michaelis's  Introduction,  vol.  ii.  pari  i.  pp.  103— 173.  Butler's  Hora> 
Biblicse,  vol.  i.  p.  125. 

3  Lardner's  Works,  8vo.  vol.  vi.  pp.  1—8.  4to.  vol.  iii.  pp.  137—110.  Juhn 
Introd.  ad  Vet.  Foed.  p.  7. 

*  Concerning  the  import  of  the  word  "Testament,"  see  p.  28.  supra. 

'  These  are  the  words  which  I  spake  unto  you,  while  I  was  yet  with  yon, 
that  all  things  might  be  fulfilled  which  are  written  in  the  Law,  and  in  the 
Prophets,  and  in  the  Psalms,  concerningme.  (Luke  xxiv.  44.)  In  which 
passage  by  the  Psalms  is  intended  the  Hagiographa  ;  which  division  begin 
ning  with  the  Psalms,  the  whole  of  it  (agreeably  to  the  Jewish  manner  of 
quoting)  is  there  called  by  the  name  of  the  book  with  which  it  commences 
Saint  Peter  also,  when  appealing  to  prophecies  in  proof  of  the  Gospel,  says, 
"  All  the  prophets  from  Samuel,  and  those  that  follow  after,  as  many  as  have 
spoken,  have  likewise  foretold  of  these  days."  ( I  cts  iii.  24.)  In  which 
passage  the  apostle  plainly  includes  the  books  of  San  ael  in  the  class  of 
prophets. 

*  Contr.  Apion.  Lb.  i   $  8. 


Sect.  in.  §  2.] 


OCCURRING  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 


213 


2.  The  Prophets,  which  were  thus  designated  because  these 
hooks  were  written  by  inspired  prophetical  men,  were  divided  into 
the  former  and  latter?  with  regard  to  the  time  when  they  ■■■ 
tively  flourished:  the  former  prophets  contained  the  hooks  of 
Joshua,  Judges,  1  and  2  Samuel,  and  l  and  S  Kings,  the  two 
ixst  being  each  considered  as  one  book  ;  the  latter  prophets  com- 
prised tlie  writings  of  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Bzekiel,  and  of  the 
twelve  minor  prophets,  whose  books  were  reckoned  as  one.     The 

reason   why   Moses    is    not   included    amour;    llie    prophets,  is.  he- 

bubc  he  bo  far  surpassed  all  those  who  came  alter  him,  in  emi- 
nence and  dignity,  that  they  were  not  accounted  worthy  to  be 

placed  on  a  level  with  him:  and  the  hooks  ol  Joshua  and  Judges 

are  reckoned  among  the  prophetical  hooks,  because  they  are  gene- 
rally Supposed  tO  have  heeti  written  by  the  prophet  Samuel. 

:t.  The  Cxtvbih  or  Ha8iog>rapra,  thai  is.  the  Holy  Writ- 
comprehended  the  Psalms,  Proverbs,  Job,  8ong  of  Solomon, 

Ruth,  Lamentations  of  Jeremiah,  EcdeuasteS,  Esther,  Daniel. 
Ezra  and  Nehemiah  (reckoned  as  one),  and  the  two  hooks  of 
Chronicles,  also  reckoned  as  one  hook.'-'  This  third  class  or  di- 
vision of  the  Sacred  Book-  has  received  its  appellation  of  Cetubim 
or  llo  ii  Writings,  because  thej  were  nol  orally  delivered,  as  the 
law  of  Moses  was;  hut  the  Jews  affirm  that  they  were  composed 

by  men  divinely  inspired,  who,  however,  had  no  public  mission 
as  prophets  :  and  the  Jews  conceive  that  they  were  dictated  not.  by 
dreams,  visions,  or  voire,  or  in  other  ways,  as  the  oracles  of  the 
prophets  were,  hut  that  they  were  more  immediately  revealed  to 
the  minds  of  their  authors.  It  is  remarkable  that  Daniel  is  ex- 
cluded from  the  number  of  prophets,  and  that  his  writings,  with 
the  rest,  of  the  Hagiographa,  were  not  publicly  read  in  the  syna- 
gogues as  the  Law  and  the  Prophets  were  :  this  is  ascribed  to  the 
singular  minuteness  witli  which  lie  foretold  the  coining  of  the 
Messiah  before  the  destruction  of  the  city  and  sanctuary  (Dan.  ix.), 
and  the  apprehension  of  the  Jews,  lest  the  public  reading  of  his 
predictions  should  lead  any  to  embrace  the  doctrines  of  Jesus 
Christ.  I 

The  Pentateuch  is  divided  into  fifty  or  fifty-four  Paraschioth, 
or  larger  sections,  according  as  the  Jewish  lunar  year  is 
simple  or  intercalary;  one  of  which  sections  was  read  in  the 
synagogue  every  Sabbath-day :  this  division  many  of  the 
Jews  suppose  to  have  been  appointed  by  Moses,  but  it  is  by 
others  attributed,  and  with  greater  probability,  to  Ezra. 
These  paraschioth  were  further  subdivided  into  smaller  sec- 
tions termed  Siderim,  or  orders.  Until  the  persecution  of 
Antiochus  Epiphanes,  the  Jews  read  only  the  law;  but  the 
reading  of  it  being  then  prohibited,  they  substituted  for  it 
fifty-four  Haphtoroth,  or  sections  from  the  Prophets.  Subse- 
quently, however,  when  the  reading  of  the  Law  was  restored 
by  the  Maccabees,  the  section  which  bad  been  read  from  the 
Law  was  used  for  the  first,  and  that  from  the  Prophet 
the  second  lesson.4  These  sections  were  also  divided  into 
Pe.su/cim,  or  verses,  which  have  likewise  been  ascribed  to 
Ezra;  but  if  not  contrived  by  him,  it  appears  that  this  sub- 
division was  introduced  shortly  after  his  death  ;  it  was  pro- 
bably intended  for  the  use  of  the  Targumists  or  Chaldee  in- 
terpreters. After  the  return  of  the  .leu  s  from  the  Babylonish 
captivity,  when  the  Hebrew  language  had  ceased  to  be 
spoken,  and  the  Chaldee  became  the  vernacular  tongue,  it 
was  (as  we  have  already  remarked)5  usual  to  read  the  law, 
first  in  the  original  Hebrew,  and  afterwards  to  interpret  it  to 
the  people  in  the  Chaldee  dialect.  For  the  purpose  of  expo- 
sition, therefore,  these  shorter  periods  were  very  convenient 

III.  The  divisions  of  the  Old  Testament,  which  now 
generally  obtain,  are  four  in  numb,  r :  namely,   1.  The  Pen- 

>  This  distinction,  Carpzov  thinks,  was  borrowed  from  Zech.  i.  !  Be 
ye  not  as  your  fathers,  unto  whom  the  former  prophets  have  cried. "'— In- 
trod.  ad.  Lib.  Bibl.  Vet. Test  p.  146. 

»The  Bong  of  Solomon,  Ruth,  Lamentai  -       '  er  are, 

in  the  modern  copies  of  the  Jewish  Scriptures,  placed  imoiedi 
Pentateuch;  under  the  name  of  the  five  Megilloth  oi  I  le  book 

of  Ruth  holds  sometimes  the  first  or  second  and  sometimes  the  tiah  place. 

■  Hottioger'sThesaurus,  p.  510.  Leusden's  Pbilolog      H  Diss.  ii. 

pp.  13— 22.   Bishop  Cosin'sScholasticalHisI   ofthi  < 

*  Of  these  division  idenl  traces  in  the  N 

the  section  (Ti^iozi)of  the  prophet  Isaiah,  which  the  Ethiopian  eunuch  was 
reading,  was,  in  all  probability,  thai  which  related  to  the  sufferings  of  the 
Messiah.  (Acts  \iii. .'!''.)    When  S;iint  Paul  entered  b 
Antioch  in  Pisidia,  he  stood  np  to  preach,  afl 

avd  the  Prophets  (Acts  xiii.  15);  that  is,  after  reading  the  1 1  r .- r  lesson  out 
of  the  Law,  and  the  second  lesson  out  of  the  Prophets.  And  in  the  very 
discourse  which  he  then  delivered,  he  tells  the  Jews  thai  the  Prophets 
were  read  at  Jerusalem  on  every  Sabbath-day,  thai  is,  in  thcise  lessons 
which  were  taken  out  of  the  Prophets.  (Acts  xiii.  27.) 
'  Bee  p.  190.  supra,  of  this  volume. 

•  In  vol.  ii.  part  iii.  chap.  i.  sect  iv.  we  have  given  a  table  of  the  Paras- 
chioth or  Sections  of  the  Law,  together  with  the  Haphtoroth  or  Sections 
of  the  Prophets,  as  they  are  read  in  the  different  Jewish  synagogues  for 
e.ery  Sabbath  of  the  year,  and  also  showing  the  portions  corresponding 
with  our  modern  divisions  of  chapters  and  verses 


tateueh,  or  five  books  of  Moses; — 2.  The  Historical  Books, 
comin  ua  to   Bather  inclusive; — 3.  The  Doclrinm 

or  Poetical  Booh,  of  Job,  Psalms,  the  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes. 
and  the  Song  of  Solomon; — and,  1.  The  Prophetical  Bookt 
of  [8aiah,  Jeremiah  with  bis  Lamentations,  Ezekiel,  Daniel, 
and  the  twelve  minor  Prophets.  These  are  severally  di- 
vided into  Chapters  and  \  buses,  to  facilitate  reference,  and 
not  primarily  with  a  view  to  any  natural  division  of  the  mul- 
1 1  BubjectS  which  they  embrace:  hut  by  whom  these 
divisions  were  originally  made  is  a  question,  concerning 
which  table  difference  of  opinion. 

Thai  they  are  comparatively  a  modern  invention  is  evident 
from  its  being  utterly  unknown  to  the  ancient  Christians, 
who  Greeli  Bibles,  indeed,  then  had  rn>.u  and  Kipzmux 
{Till  and  Heads) \  but  the  intent  of  these  was,  rather  to 
poinl  oul  thi  ■'"  or  contents  of  the  text,  than  to  divide  the 
various  books.  They  also  differed  greatly  from  the  present 
chapters,  many  of  them  containing  only  a  few  verses,  and 
Some  of  them  not  more  than  one  The  invention  of  chapters 
has  by  '.one-  been  ascribed  tO  Lanfranc,  who  was  archbishop 

of  Cant  rburj  in  th     reigns  of  William  (hi  v  and 

William  II.;  while  others  attribute  it  to  Stephen  Lano-ton, 
who  was  archbishop  of  the  same  see  in  the  reigns  of  John 
and  Henry  III.  Bui  the  real  author  of  this  very  useful  divi- 
sion w  is  ca  di  tal  Hugo  de  Sancto  Caro,  who  flourished 
about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century,  and  wrote  i 
brated  commentary  on  the  Scriptures.  Having  projected 
concordance  to  the   Latin  Vulgj  n,  by  which  anj 

re  might  be  found,  he  divided  both  the  Old  and 
Testaments  into  chapters,  which  arc  the  same  we  now  have  : 
tin  so  chapters  he  subdivided  into  smaller  portions,  which  he 
distinguished  by  the  letters  A,  B,  C,  D,  E,  F,  and  (.',  which 
are  placed  in  the  margin  at  equal  distances  from  eai  h  otht  r, 
according  to  the  length  of  the  chapters.7  The  facility  of 
reference  thus  afforded  by  Hugo's  divisions,  having  become 
known  to  Rabbi  Mordecai  Nathan  (er  Isaac  Nation,  as  he 
is  soni'  times  called),  a  celebrated  Jewish  teacher  in  the 
fifteenth  century,  he  undertook  a  similar  concordance  for  the 
ures;  but  instead  of  adopting  the  marginal 
of  Hugo,  he  marked  every  fifth  verse  with  a  1  lebrew 
numeral,  thus,  k  1.  n  5,  &c,  retaining,  however,  the  cardi- 
nal's divisions  into  chapters.  This  concordance  of  Rabbi 
Nathan  was  commenced  a.  d.  1438,  and  finished  in  1445, 
The  introduction  of  verses  into  the  Hebrew  Bible  w;  s  made 
by  Athias,  a  Jew  of  Amsterdam,  in  his  celebrated  edition 
of  the  Hebrew  Bible,  printed  in  1661,  and  reprinted  in  1667. 
He  marled  every  verse  with  the  figures  in  common  ns 
cept  those  which  had  been  previously  marked  hy  Nathan 
with  Hebrew  letters,  in  the  manner  in  which  thev  at  p 
appear  in  Hebrew  Bibles.  Byrejecting  these  Hebrew  nu- 
merals, and  substituting  for  them  the  corresponding  figures, 
all  the  copies  of  the  Bible  in  other  languages  have 
marked.  As,  however,  the  modem  divisions  and  subdivi- 
sions are  not  always  made  with  the  strictest  regard  to  the 
connt"  rts,  it  is  greatly  to  be  wished  that  all  future 

editions  of  the  Scriptures  might  be  printed  after  the  judicious 
manner  adopted  by  Mr.  Reeves  in  his  equally  beautiful  and 
■t  editions  of  the  entire  Bible;  in  which  the  numbers 
of  the  verses  and  chapters  are  thrown  into  the  margin,  and 
the  metrical  parts  of  Scripture  are  distinguished  from  the 
rest  by  being  printed  in  verses  in  the  usual  manner 

§  '.'.    o\  THE  DIVISIONS  AND  HARKS  OF  DISTINCTION  OCCURRING 
IN  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 

I.  Ancient  divisions  oftntM  and  Ksp^Axi*. — Ammonian,  Ease- 
bum,  und  Euthalian  sections. — Modern  division  of  chap- 
ters.— II.  Account  of  the  undent  and  modern  punctuution 
of  the  .New  Testament. — Ancient  ~~'X'-'  <ind  modern  verses. 
— III.  Of  the  titles  to  each  book. — IV.  Subscriptions  to  the 
different  books. 

It  is  evident  on  inspecting  the  most  ancient  manuscripts 
of  the  New  Testament,  that  the  several  books  were  originally 

i  The...  divisions  of  cardinal  Hugo  may  be  seen  jn  any  of  the  older  ed> 

'■  ilgate,  and  in  the  earlier  English  translations  of  the  Bible, 

which  were  i  aion,  particularly  in  that  usually  caller/ 

Tan-. .  London,  1  <:r.  in  which  Hugo 

divided  tiie  text  of  t  lie  Latin  Vulgate  into  its  present  chapters,  is  not  known. 

il  appears  from  the  preface  to  the  Cologne  edition  of  his  works, 

composed  his  Concordanci  3,  and  a=  his  division 

of  the  Vulgate  into  its  present  chapters  was  connected  with  that  ConcorJ- 

ance,  it  could  not  lm\  ■  many  years  middle  of  the 

thirteenth  century.    Dp.  Marsh's  Lectun  -"  note  15. 

•  Buxtorf.  Prajf.  ad  Concordant.  Bibliorum  Hebrfeorum.  Prideaax'i 
Connexion,  vol.  i.  pp,  33-2— ?H2.  Carpzov.  Introd.  ad  I.tbros  Bibhcos  Vet 
Test.  pp.  27,  23.  Leusden,  Philol  Hebr.  Diss.  iii.  pp.  23— 31.  Ackermarra. 
Introd.  in  Libros  Sacros  Vet  Fo-d.  pp.  ion — 104. 


214 


DIVISIONS  AND  MARKS  OF  DISTINCTION 


[Part  I.  Chap. 


written  in  one  continued  series  without  any  blank  - , 
between  the  words;1  but  in  progress  of  time,  when  Chris- 
nanity  was  established,  and  frequent  appeals  were  made  to 
the.  sacred  writers,  in  consequence  of  the  heresies  that  dis- 
turbed the  peace  of  the  church,  it  became  necessary  I 
trive  some  mr.de  by  which  to  facilitate  references  to  their 
productions. 

1.  The  Jews,  we  have  already  seen,2  divided  their  law 
into  paraschioth  and  siderim,  or  larger  and  smaller  sections, 
ami  the  prophets  into  haphtoroth  or  sections;  and  this  divi- 
sion most  probahly  suggested  to  the  early  Christians  the 
idea  of  dividing  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  into  simi- 
lar sections.  The  early  Christian  teachers  gave  the  name 
of  pEBicoP-ffi  to  the  sections  read  as  lessons  by  the  Jews:3 
and  Clement  of  Alexandria  applies  the  same  appellation  to 
larger  sections  of  the  Gospels  and  St.  Paul's  epistles.  These 
pencopae  then  were  church-lessons  or  sections  of  the  New 
i Vstament,  which  were  read  in  the  assemblies  for  divine 
worship  after  Moses  and  the  prophets.  The  commencement 
of  each  pericope  was  usually  designated  by  the  letter  *  («££», 
ginning),  and  its  close  by  the  letter  t  (tixcc,  the  end).'1 

Subsequently  the  ancients  divided  the  New  Testament 
into  two  kinds  of  chapters,  some  longer  and  others  shorter; 
the  former  were  called  in  Greek  twam,  and  in  Latin  breves,- 
and  the  table  of  contents  of  each  brevis,  which  was  prefixed 
to  the  copies  of  the  New  Testament,  was  called  breoimium. 
"1  he  shorter  chapters  were  called  wp*\su*,  capitula,  and  the 
list  of  them,  capitulatio. 

This  method  of  dividing  is  of  very  great  antiquity,  cer- 
tainly prior  to  the  fourth  century  :  for  Jerome,  who  flourished 
towards  the  close  of  that  century,  expunged  a  passage  from 
Saint  Matthew's  Gospel  which  forms  an  entire  chapter,  as 
an  interpolation.5  These  divisions  were  formerly  very 
numerous;  but,  not  being  established  by  any  ecclesiastical 
authority,  none  of  them  were  ever  received  by  the  whole 
church.  Saint  Matthew's  Gospel,  for  instance,  according  to 
the  old  breviaria,  contained  twenty-eight  breves;  but,  accord- 
ing to  Jerome,  sixty-eight.  The  same  author  divides  his 
Gospel  into  355  capitula;  others,  into  74;  others,  into  88 ; 
others,  into  117;  the  Syriac  version,  into  7G;  and  Erpenius's 
edition  of  the  Arabic,  into  101.  The  most  ancient,  and,  it 
appears,  the  most  approved  of  these  divisions,  was  that  of 
Tatian  (a.  d.  172),  in  his  Harmony  of  the  four  Gospels,  for 
the  Ttrku  or  breves ;  and  that  of  Ammonius,  a  learned  Christian 
of  Alexandria  in  the  third  century,  in  his  Harmony  of  the 
Gospels,  for  the  k^^kmh  or  capitula.  From  him  they  were 
termed  the  Ammonian  Sections.  As  these  divisions  were 
subsequently  adopted,  and  the  use  of  them  was  recommended, 
by  Eusebius  the  celebrated  ecclesiastical  historian,  they  are 
frequently  called  by  his  name.  According  to  this  division, 
Saint  Matthew  contains  68  breves,  and  355  capitula ;  Saint 
Mark,  48  breves,  and  234  capitula;  Saint  Luke,  83  breves, 
and  342  capitula;  and  Saint  John,  18  breves,  and  231  capi- 
tula. All  the  evangelists  together  form  21G  breves  and  1126 
capitula.  In  ancient  Greek  manuscripts  the  wrxa  or  larger 
portions  are  written  on  the  upper  or  lower  margin,  and  the 
k«p*k-xii.  or  smaller  portions  are  numbered  on  the  side  of  the 
margin.  They  are  clearly  represented  in  Erasmus's  editions 
ot  the  Greek  Testament,  and  in  Robert  Stephens's  edition 
of  15511. 

The  (livision  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  of  the  Catho- 
lic Epistles,  into  ic-psx-jct  or  capitula,  was  made  by  Eutha- 
lius,  bishop  of  Sulca,  in  Egypt,  in  the  fifth  century;  who 
published  an  edition  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  that  had  been 
divided  into  capitula,  in  one  continued  series,  by  some  un- 
known person  in  the  fourth  century,  who  had  considered 

i  This  is  manifest  from  the  strange  manner  in  which  the  early  fathers 
of  the  Christian  church  have  sometimes  separated  and  united  words  in 
the  passages  which  they  have  quoted  Thus  instead  of  ?og><r*T<  j,  :,fx 
tc  i  »v  0«ov,  t/iere/ure  glorify  God  (1.  Cor.  vi.  20.),  Chrysostoin  read  «<>£»• 
"::  ""■  *f*J'  ""  e"»i  glorify  and  cany  Oud ;  and  in  this  erroneous 
reading  he  has  been  followed  by  the  Latin  translator,  who  has  glorificate 
et  porlate  Dnum.  In  like  manner,  in  Phil.  ii.  4.,  instead  of  s*»eroi  rxsjrout. 
r.,  looking  every  )nan,  the  Codex  Boernerianus  reads  Sxseo-Toij  ko*v>uvte; 
ig  for  every  one.  Cellerier,  Essai  d'une  Introduction  Critique  au 
Nouvean  Testament,  p  H2.  Geneve,  1823.  8vo.  Hug's  Introduction 
vol.  i.  p.  23!j. 

»  See  p.  213.  supra 

*  Justin.  Dialog,  cum  Tryphone,  cc.  65,  66.  72.  cited  in  Hun's  Inlrod.  vol. 
i.  p.  253.  Some  vestiges  ol  the  same  mode  of  division  orcur  in  Tertullian. 
ad  ax.  lib.  ii.  c.  2.  p  H7.  D.  I)e  Pudicitia,  c.  16.  sub  ftiiem.  !>■•  Mono- 
gam.  C.  11.  p.  GS3.  The  passages  are  given  at  length  by  Dr.  Lardner, 
Works,  8vo.  vol.  ii.  p.  383. ;  ito.  vol.  i.  p.  433. 

*  Schott,  Isagogue  ad  Nov.  Test.  p.  585. 

s  The  paragraph  in  question  is  to  be  found  in  the  Codex  Beza;,  imme- 
diately after  the  twenty-eighth  verse  of  the  twenty-eighth  chapter  of  St. 
Matthew's  Gospel.  Michaelis  has  printed  it,  together  with  two  Latin  trans- 
itions of  it,  in  his  Introduction  to  the  New  Test.  vol.  i.  pp.  293—295. 


them  as  one  book.  This  arrangement  of  the  Pauline  Epib 
ties  is  to  be  found  in  the  Vatican  manuscript,  and  in  some 
others ;  but  it  by  no  means  prevails  uniformly,  for  there  ar? 
many  manuscripts  extant,  in  which  a  fresh  enumeration 
commences  with  each  epistle.6 

Besides  the  divisions  into  chapters  and  stctions  above 
mentioned,  the  Codex  Bezae  and  other  manuscripts  were 
further  divided  into  lessons,  called  Ava}vaer//*T-*  or  Atayrvnt. 
Euthalius  is  said  to  have  divided  Saint  Paul's  Epistles  in 
this  manner,  as  Andrew  Bishop  of  Cscsarea  in  Cappadocia 
divided  the  Apocalypse,  at  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  cen- 
tury, into  twenty-four  lessons,  which  he  termed  \cyu  (accord- 
ing  to  tl.e  numher  of  elders  before  the  throne  of  God,  Rev. 
iv.  ■).),  and  seventy-two  titles,  according  to  the  number  of 
parts,  vi?..  body,  soul,  and  spirit,  of  which  the  elders  were 
composed ! 

Tne  division  of  titau  and  Kepxhatx  continued  to  be  general 
both  in  the  eastern  and  western  churches,  until  cardinal  Hugo 
de  Sancto  Caro  in  the  thirteenth  century  introduced  the 
chapters  now  in  use,  throughout  the  western  church,  for  the 
New  Testament  as  well  as  the  Old :  of  which  an  account 
has  aheady  been  given.7  The  Greek  or  eastern  church, 
however,  continued  to  follow  the  ancient  divisions ;  nor  are 
any  Greek  manuscripts  known  to  be  extant,  in  which  chap- 
ters are  found,  prior  to  the  fifteenth  century,  when  the  Greek 
fugitives,  after  the  taking  of  Constantinople,  fled  into  the 
West  of  Europe,  became  transcribers  for  members  of  the 
Latin  church,  and  of  course  adopted  the  Latin  divisions. 

II.  Whether  any  points  for  marking  the  sense  were  used 
by  the  apostles,  is  a  question  that  has  been  greatly  agitated  ; 
Pritius,  Pfaff,  Leusden,  and  many  other  eminent  critics, 
maintaining  that  they  were  in  use  hefure  the  time  of  the 
apostles,  while  Dr.  Grahe,  Fabricius,  Montfoucon,  Hoff- 
mann, John  Henry  Michaelis,  RogalL,  John  David  Michaelis, 
Moldenhawer,  Ernesti,  and  a  host  of  other  critics,  maintain 
that  the  use  of  points  is  posterior  to  the  time  of  the  apostles.8 
The  numerous  mistakes  of  the  fathers,9  or  their  uncertainty 
how  particular  passages  wrere  to  be  read  and  understood, 
clearly  prove  that  there  was  no  regular  or  accustomed  system 
of  punctuation  in  use,  in  the  fourth  century.  The  majority 
of  the  points  or  stops  now  in  use  are  unquestionably  of  mo- 
dern date :  for  although  some  full  points  are  to  be  found  in 
the  Codex  Alexandrinus,  the  Codex  Vaticanus,  and  the  Co- 
dex Beza;  (as  they  also  are  in  inscriptions  four  hundred  years 
before  the  Christian  a?ra),  yet  it  cannot  be  shown  that  our 
present  system  of  punctuation  was  generally  adopted  earlier 
than  the  ninth  century.     In  fact,  it  seems  to  have  been  a 

Gradual  improvement,  commenced  by  Jerome,  and  continued 
y  succeeding  biblical  critics.  The  punctuation  of  the  manu- 
scripts of  the  Septuagint,  Ernesti  observes  from  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem,10  was  unknown  in  the  early  part  of  the  fourth  cen- 
tury, and  consequently  (he  infers)  the  punctuation  of  the 
New  Testament  was  also  unknown.  About  fifty  years  after- 
wards Jerome  began  to  add  the  comma  and  colon;  and  they 
were  then  insertedin  many  more  ancient  manuscripts.  About 
the  middle  of  the  fifth  century,  Euthalius  (then  a  deacon  of 
the  church  at  Alexandria)  published  an  edition  of  the  four 
Gospels,  and  afterwards  (when  he  was  bishop  of  Sulca  in 
Egypt)  an  edition  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  and  of  all  the 
Apostolical  Epistles,  in  which  he  divided  the  New  Testa- 
ment into  o-t/^,0/  (siichoi),  or  lines  regulated  by  the  sense,  so 
that  each  terminated  where  some  pause  wras  to  be  made  in 
reading.     Of  this  method  of  division  (which  Euthalius  de- 

«  Millii  Prolegomena,  §§  351—300.  662—664.  739.  et  seq.  An  edition  of  the 
Divisions  of  Euthalius  was  for  the  first  lime  printed  in  Greek  with  a  Latin 
version  after  several  manuscripts  in  the  Vatican  Library,  by  Lorenzo 
Alessandro  Zacagni,  in  pp.  403— 70S.  of  his  Collectanea  Monumentoram 
Ecclesise  Gnec;e  et  Latineo.  Rouiac,  1098.  4to. 

'  See  p.  213.  supra,  of  this  volume. 

6  Rumpaeus  has  given  twelve  closely  printed  quarto  pages  to  the  enume 
ration  of  these  opinions.     Com.  Crit.  in  Nov.  Test.  pp.  105—176. 

»  Some  of  these  mistakes  and  uncertainties  of  interpretation  are  sufli 
ciently  curious.  Thus  Jerome  on  Eph.  i.  5.  says:  "Dupliciter  legendum, 
u!  caritasvel  cum  superioribus  vel  inferioribus  copuletur."  And  on  Phile- 
mon 4.  5.  he  says:  "Ambigue  verb"  dictum,  utrfmi  grates  agat  Deo  suo 
semper,  an  tnemoriam  ejus  faciat  inorationibussuisse»»per.  Et  utrumque 
infeliigi  potest.  (Jerome,  Homil.  iv.  in  Job.  pp.  42,  43.  edit.  Francofurti.) 
Epiphantus  mentions  a  mark  of  punctuation  used  in  the  Old  Testament, 
which  he  calls  -cS.wiom  ;  but  he  takes  notice  of  nothing  of  the  kind  m 
the  New  Testament,  though  be  was  warmly  discussing  the  manner  in 
which  the  sense  ought  to  be  divided  in  John  i.  3.  The  disputes  which 
arose  concerning  this  passage,  prove  to  demonstration  that  there  was  no 
lived  punctuation  at  the  period  referred  to.  Chrysostom,  for  instance, 
branded  as  heretics  those  whe  placed  a  pause  after  Ii  words  ovSi  sv  and 
before  ytyovtv,  yet  this  mode  of  pointing  was  adopted  by  Iren.eus,  Cle- 
ment of  Alexandria,  Origen,  and  even  by  Atrnxvsnus.  Cellerier,  Intro 
duction  au  Nouv.  Test.  p.  114.,  where  other  additional  examples  are  given 

'o  Cyrilli  Catechesis,  xiii.  p.  301.    Ernesti,  Inst.  Interp.  Nov.  Test.  p.  159 


Siiof.  III.  §  2.] 

vis  id  in  order  to  assist  the  clergy  when  reading  the  Word  in 
public  worship,  and  obviate  the  inconveniences  and  mistakes 
just  noticed)  the  following  extract  from  Tit.  ii.  2,  '.I.,  accord- 
ing to  the  Codex  11.,  Coislinianus  202.,  will  give  an  idea  to 
the  reader: — 

nPE^BTTAi:    NH*AAIOri   E1NA1 
^EMNOTi 
2CWPONA2 

rriAiNONTA^;  th<  mZTBJ 

TH/   ArAIIH* 
I1PBZBTTIAA2  flZATTCZ 

EN    KATAiTMMATl    IKI'OIIPKI  II- [II 

MH    A1ABOAOT2 

MH   OlNOi  nOAAfli  ABAOTAOMEMA2 

KAAOAlAA2KAAOTi. 

Iii  English,  thus: 

THAT  THE  AGED  MEN  BE  SOBER 

GRAVE 

TEMPERATE 

SOUND  IN  FAITH 

IN  LOVE 

THE  AGED  WOMEN  LIKEWISE 

IN  BEHAVIOUR  AS  BECOMETH  HOLINESS 

NUT  FALSE  AGGTSERs 

NOT  GIVEN  TO  MUCH  WINE 

TEACHERS  OF  GOOD  THINGS.i 

This  mode  of  dividing  the  sacred  text  was  called  2riyo/u«pt; 
and  this  method  of  writing  or^mfoy  ypsL^eu.  At  the  end  of  each 
manuscript  it  was  visual  to  specify  the  number  of  stichoi 
which  it  contained.  When  a  copyist  was  disposed  to  con- 
tract his  space,  and  therefore  crowded  the  lines  into  each 
other,  lie  placed  a  point  where  Euthalius  had  terminated  the 
line.  In  the  eighth  century  the  stroke  which  we  call  acomma 
was  invented.  In  the  Latin  manuscripts,  Jerome's  points 
were  introduced  by  Paul  Warnefrid,  and  Alcuin,  at  thj?  com- 
mand of  the  emperor  Charlemagne ;  and  in  the  ninth  century 
the  Greek  note  of  interrogation  (;)  was  first  used.  At  the 
invention  of  printing,  the  editors  placed  the  points  arbitrarily, 
probably  (Michaelis  thinks)  without  bestowing  the  necessary 
attention ;  and  Stephens  in  particular,  it  is  well  known,  varied 
his  points  in  every  edition.  The  fac-similes  given  in  a  sub- 
sequent section  of  this  volume  will  give  the  reader  an  idea  of 
the  marks  of  distinction  found  in  the  more  ancient  manu- 
scripts. 

The  stichoi,  however,  not  only  assisted  the  public  reader 
of  the  New  Testament  to  determine  its  sense  ;  they  also 
Served  to  measure  the  size  of  books  ;  thus,  Josephus's  twenty 
books  of  Jewish  Antiquities  contained  60,000  stichoi,  though 
in  lttigius's  edition  there  are  only  40,000  broken  lines.  And 
according  to  an  ancient  written  list  preserved  by  Simon,  and 
transcribed  by  Michaelis,  the  New  Testament  contained 
18,612  stichoi.2 

The  verses  into  which  the  New  Testament  is  now  divided, 
are  much  more  modern,  and  are  an  imitation  of  those  invented 
for  the  Old  Testament  by  Rabbi  Nathan  in  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury.3 Robert  Stephens  was  their  first  inventor,4  and  intro- 
duced them  in  his  edition  of  the  New  Testament,  published 
in  the  year  1551.  This  invention  of  the  learned  printer  was 
soon  introduced  into  all  the  editions  of  the  New  Testament ; 
and  the  very  great  advantage  it  affords,  for  facilitating  refcr- 

>  Hug's  Introduction,  vol.  i.  p.  211. 

•  lntrod.  to  the  New  Test.  vol.  ii.  pp.  520.  B27.    Michaelis,  after  - 
ases  the  word  remata;  but  this  is  evidently  a  mistak.-     <>n  the  -objects 
discussed  in  this  section,  Scholz's  Prolegomena  (pp.  31 — 33.),  and  Prilius's 
Introductin  in  Nov.  Test.  (pp.  333—310.  302—373.)  may  be  consulted. 

>  See  p.  213.  supra,  of  this  volume. 

*  He  made  this  division  when  on  a  journey  from  Lyons  to  Paris,  and,  as 
ins  son  Henry  tells  us  (in  his  preface  to  the  Concordance  of  I 
Testament),  he  made  it  inter  equitandum,  literally,  while  riding  on  horse- 
back ;  but  Michaelis  rather  thinks  that  the  phrase  means  only,  that  when 
n.-  was  weary  of  riding,  he  amused  himself  with  this  work  at  his  inn. 
Michaelis,  vol.  ii.  p.  527. 


OCCURRING  IN  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 


215 


encee  to  particular  passages,  has  caused  it  to  be  retained  in 
the  majority  of  editions  and  versions  of  the  New  Testament, 
though  much  to  the  injury  of  ite  interpretation,  as  many  pas- 
ire  now  severed  that  ought  to  be  united,  and  wee  versa.5 
Prom  this  arrangement,  however,  Wetstein,  Bengel,  Boyer, 
Griesbach,  Drs.  Burton,  and  Bloomfield,  and  other  editors  of 
the  Greek  Testament,  have  wisely  departed,  and  have  printed 
the  texl  in  continued  paragraphs,  throwing  the  numbers  of 
Stephens's  vi  rses  into  the  margin.  Mr.  Reeves  also  has 
pursued  the  same  method  in  his  beautiful  and  correct  editions 
of  the  authorized  English  version,  and  of  the  Greek  Testa- 
ment in  12m  i.,  1803. 

Bi  El  in  the  different  books  of  the  New  Testa- 

ment, we  tin  it  with  titles  or  tnscripti  i  of  them, 

and  also  with  subscriptions  at  the  end,  specifying  the  writei 

of  each  book,  the  time  and  place,  when  and  where  it  was 
written,  and  the  person  to  whom  it  was  written. 

III.  It  is  not  known  by  whom  the  QreCRlPTlOlfS  or  titles 
of  the  various  books  of  the  New  Testament  were  prefixed. 
In  consequence  of  the  very  great  diversity  of  titles  occurring 
in  manuscripts  it  is  generally  admitted  that  they  were  not 

originally  written  by  the  apostles,  but  were  subsequently 
added,  in  order  to  distinguish  one  book  from  another,  when 
the  canon  of  the  New  Testament  was  formed.  It  is  however 
certain,  that  these  titles  are  of  very  great  antiquity;  for  we 
find  them  mentioned  by  Tertullian  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
second  century,0  and  Justin  Martyr,  in  the  early  part  of  the 
same  century,  expressly  states,  that  the  writings  of  the  four 
evangelists  were  in  his  day  termed  GomehJ 

IV.  But  the  SUBSCRIPTIONS  annexed  to  the  epistles  are 
manifestly  spurious  :  for,  in  the  first  place,  some  of  thern  are, 
beyond  all  doubt,  false,  as  those  of  the  two  Epistles  to  the 
Thessalonians,  which  purport  to  be  written  at  Athens,  whereas 
they  were  written  from  Corinth.  In  like  manner,  the  sub- 
scription to  the  first  epistle  to  the  Corinthians  states,  that  it 
was  written  from  Philippi,  notwithstanding  St.  Paul  in 
forms  them  (xvi.  8.)  that  he  will  tarry  at  Epnaiu  until  Pen 
tccost;  and  notwithstanding  he  begins  his  salutations  in  that 
epistle,  by  telling  the  Corinthian  Christians  (xvi.  19.)  tin 
Churches  of  Jsia  salute  you,-  a  pretty  evident  indication  thai 
he  himself  was  in  Asia  at  that  very  time.  Again,  according 
to  the  subscription,  the  epistle  to  the  Galatians  was  written 
from  Rome ;  yet,  in  the  epistle  itself,  the  apostle  expresses 
his  surprise  (i.  6.)  that  they  were  so  soon  removed  from  him 
that  catted  them,-  whereas  his  journey  to  Rome  was  ten  years 
posterior  to  the  conversion  of  the  Galatians.  And  what  still 
more  conclusively  proves  the  falsehood  of  this  subscription 
is,  the  total  absence  in  this  epistle  of  all  allusions  to  his  bonds 
or  to  his  being  a  prisoner;  which  Saint  Paul  has  not  faileC 
to  notice  in  every  one  of  the  four  epistles,  written  from  tha 
city  and  during  his  imprisonment.8  Secondly,  The  subscrip- 
tions  are  altogether  wanting  in  some  ancient  manuscripts  of 
the  best  note,  while  in  others  they  are  greatly  varied.  And, 
thirdly,  The  subscription  annexed  to  the  first  epistle  to 
Timothy  is  evidently  the  production  of  a  writer  of  the  age  of 
Constantine  the  Great,  and  could  not  have  been  written  by 
the  apostle  Paul :  for  it  states  that  epistle  to  have  been  writ- 
ten to  Timothy  from  Laodicea,  the  chief  city  of  Phrygia  Pa- 
catiana ;  whereas  the  country  of  Phrygia  was  not  divided  into 
the  two  provinces  of  Phrygia  Prima,  or  J'ucatiuna,  and 
Phrygia  Secundu,  until  the  fourth  century.  According  to  Dr. 
Mill,  the  subscriptions  were  added  by  Euthalius  bishop  of 
Sulea  in  Egypt,  about  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century.  But, 
whoever  was  the  author  of  the  subscriptions,  it  is  evident 
that  he  was  either  grossly  ignorant,  or  grossly  inattentive. 

The  various  subscriptions  and  titles  to  the  different  books 
are  exhibited  in  Griesbach's  and  Scholz's  Critical  Editions 
of  the  New  Testament. 

•  Thus  Col.  iv.  1.  ought  to  have  been  united  to  the  third  chapter. 

•  Adversus  Marcionem,  lib.  iv.  c  2. 

'  Apnl.  i.  p.  98.  bardner's  Works,  Bvo.  vol.  ii.  p.  121. ;  4to.  vol.  i.  p.  341 
Pritii  lntrod.  in  Nov.  Test.  pp.  331  -333. 

•  Paley's  Horse  Paulinas,  pp.  375,  379. 


210 


HEBREW  MANUSCRIPTS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 


[Part  I.  Chap.  HT 


CHAPTER  III. 


ON    THE    CRITICISM    OP    THE    TEXT    OP    SCRIPTURE. 


Necessity  of  the  Criticism  of  the  Text. 


Since  the  editions  of  the  Sacred  Text  very  often  differ  from 
each  other,  and  many  also  contain  spurious  readings,  besides 
which  great  numbers  of  other  readings  are  extant ;  the  exhi- 
bition of  a  correct  text  becomes  a  very  important  object  of 
attention  with  those  who  are  desirous  of  understanding  the 
Holy  Scriptures: — in  other  words,  the  interpreter  and  the 
divine  stand  equally  in  need  of  the  art  of  criticism,  by  the 
aid  of  which  a  proper  judgment  may  be  formed  of  various 
readings,  the  spurious  may  he  discerned,  and  the  genuine,  or 
at  least  the  most  probable,  may  be  restored.  This  subject, 
which  involves  an  inquiry  respecting  the  fact,  what  the  author 
wrote,  has  not  inaptly  been  compared  by  Dr.  Jahn  to  a  judi- 
cial procedure,  in  which  the  critic  sits  upon  the  bench,  and 
the  charge  of  corruption  in  the  reading  is  brought  against  the 
text.  The  witnesses  from  whom  evidence  is  to  be  obtained 
respecting  what  the  author  wrote, — or,  in  other  words,  the 
Sources  of  the  text  Scripture, — are,  Manuscript  Copies, 
Ancient  Versions,  the  Editiones  Principes  and  other 
early  printed  Editions,  and  other  Books  of  Antiquity, 
the  Authors  of  which  quoted  the  Text  from  Manuscripts. 
But  since  these  witnesses  are  often  at  variance  with  one 
another,  and  very  frequently  it  is  impossible  to  ascertain  the 
truth  from  their  evidence,  it  further  becomes  necessary  to  call 
in  the  aid  of  internal  arguments,  or  those  which  are  drawn 
from  the  very  nature  of  the  case.  Such  are, — the  facility  or 
the  difficulty  of  a  more  modern  origin,  the  absence  of  any 
sense,  or  at  least  of  one  that  is  suitable,  the  agreement  or 
disagreement  of  a  reading,  with  the  series  and  scope  of  the 
discourse,  the  probability  or  improbability  of  any  particular 
word  or  expression  having  arisen  from  the  author,  and  the 
correspondence  or  discrepancy  of  parallel  places ;  lastly,  the 
laws  by  which,  on  such  evidence,  the  critic  is  guided  in  pro- 
nouncing sentence,  are  the  rules 'of  criticism.1  These  topics 
it  is  proposed  severally  to  discuss  in  the  following  sections. 


Form  of  a  Svnagocue  Roll  of  the  Pentateuch. 

SECTION  1. 

ON  THE  HEBREW  IVANUSCRJPYS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

f.  Different  classes  nf  Hebrew  manuscripts. — II.  The  rolled 
manuscripts  of  the  Synagogues.— III.  The  square  manu- 
scripts used  by  the  Jews  in  private  life. — IV.  Age  of  He- 
brew manuscripts. — V.  Of  the  order  in  -which  the  Sacred 
Boohs  are  arranged  in  manuscripts. — Number  of  books 
contained  in  different  manuscripts. — VI.  Modern  families 
or  recensions  of  Hebrew  manuscripts. — VII.  Notice  of  the 
most  ancient  manuscripts. — VIII.  Brief  notice  of  the  manu- 
scripts of  the  Indian  Jews. — IX.  Manuscripts  of  the  Sama- 
ritan Pentateuch. 

Although,  as  we  have  already  seen,2  the  Hebrew  text  of 
the  Old  Testament  has  descended  to  our  times  uncorrupted, 

»  Jahn,  Introductio  ad  Libros  Canonicos  Veteris  Foederis,  §  116. 
•  Pp.  53—57.  supra. 


yet,  with  all  the  care  which  the  ancient  copyists  could  be- 
stow, it  was  impossible  to  preserve  it  free  from  mistakes, 
arising  from  the  interchanging  of  the  similar  letters  of  the 
Hebrew  Alphabet,  and  other  circumstances  incident  to  the 
transcription  of  ancient  manuscripts.  The  rabbins  boldly 
asserted,  and,  through  a  credulity  rarely  to  be  paralleled,  it 
was  implicitly  believed,  that  the  Hebrew  text  was  absolutely 
free  from  error,  and  that  in  all  the  manuscripts  of  the  Old 
Testament  not  a  single  various  reading  of  importance  could 
be  produced.  Father  Morin  was  the  first  person  who  ventured 
to  impugn-  this  notion  in  his  Exercitationes  in  utrumque 
Samaritanorum  Pentateucnum,  published  at  Paris  in  1631 
and  he  grounded  his  opinion  of  the  incorrectness  of  the 
Hebrew  manuscripts  on  the  differences  between  the  Hebrew 
and  the  Samaritan  texts  in  the  Pentateuch,  and  on  the  dif- 
ferences between  the  Hebrew  and  the  Septuagint  in  other 
parts  of  the  Bible.  Morinus  was  soon  after  followed  by 
Louis  Cappel  (whose  Critica  Sacra  was  published  in  1650), 
who  pointed  out  a  great  number  of  errors  in  the  printed 
Hebrew,  and  showed  how  they  might  be  corrected  by  the 
ancient  versions  and  the  common  rules  of  criticism.  He 
did  not,  however,  advert  to  the  most  obvious  and  effectual 
means  of  emendation,  namely,  a  collation  of  Hebrew  manu- 
scripts;  and,  valuable  as  his  labours  unquestionably  are,  it 
is  certain  that  he  neither  used  them  himself,  nor  invited 
others  to  have  recourse  to  them,  in  order  to  correct  the  sacred 
text.  Cappel  was  assailed  by  various  opponents,  but  chieflv 
by  the  younger  Buxtorf  in  his  Anticritica,  published  at  Basil 
in  1638,  who  attempted,  but  in  vain,  to  refute  the  principles 
he  had  established.  In  1657  Bishop  Walton,  in  his  Prole- 
gomena to  the  London  Polyglott  Bible,  declared  in  favour 
of  the  principles  asserted  by  Cappel,  acknowledged  the 
necessity  of  forming  a  critical  apparatus  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  a  more  correct  text  of  the  Hebrew  Bible,  and  ma- 
terially contributed  to  the  formation  of  one  by  his  own  exer- 
tions. Subsequent  biblical  critics  acceded  to  the  propriety 
of  their  arguments,  and  since  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  the  importance  and  necessity  of  collating  Hebrew 
manuscripts  have  been  generally  acknowledged.3 

I.  Hebrew  Manuscripts  are  divided  into  two  Classes, 
viz.  Autographs,  or  those  written  by  the  inspired  penmen 
themselves,  which  have  long  since  perished  ;  and  apographs, 
or  copies  made  from  the  originals,  and  multiplied  by  repeated 
transcription.  These  apographs  are  also  divided  into  the 
more  ancient,  which  formerly  enjoyed  the  highest  authority 
among  the  Jews,  but  have  in  like  manner  perished  long  ago ; 
and  into  the  more  modern,  which  are  found  dispersed  in  vari- 
ous public  and  private  libraries.  The  manuscripts  which 
are  still  extant,  are  subdivided  into  the  rolled  manuscripts 
used  in  the  synagogues  and  into  the  square  manuscripts  which 
are  used  by  private  individuals  among  the  Jews. 

II.  The  Pentateuch  was  read  in  the  Jewish  Synagogues 
from  the  earliest  times  ;  and,  though  the  public  reading  of 
it  was  intermitted  during  the  Babylonish  captivity,  it  was 
resumed  shortly  after  the  return  of  the  Jews.  Hence 
numerous  copies  were  made  from  time  to  time ;  and  as  they 
held  the  books  of  Moses  in  the  most  superstitious  veneration, 
various  regulations  were  made  for  the  guidance  of  the  tran- 
scribers, who  were  obliged  to  conform  to  them  in  copying 
the  Rolls  destined  for  the  use  of  the  synagogue.  The  date 
of  these  regulations  is  not  known,  but  they  are  long  posterior 
to  the  Talmud;  and  though  many  of  them  are  the  most 
ridiculous  and  useless  that  can  be  well  conceived,  yet  the 
religious  observance  of  them  which  has  continued  for  many 
centuries,  has  certainly  contributed  in  a  great  degree  to  pre- 
serve the  purity  of  the  Pentateuch.  The  following  are  a 
few  of  the  principal  of  these  regulations. 

The  copies  of  the  law  must  be  transcribed  from  ancient 
manuscripts  of  approved  character  only,  with  pure  ink,  on 
parchment  prepared  from  the  hide  of  a  clean  animal,  for  this 
express  purpose,  by  a  Jew,  and  fastened  together  by  the 
strings  of  clean  animals ;  every  skin  must  contain  a  certain 

»  Jahn,  et  Ackermann,  Introductio  ad  Libros  Canonicos  Veteris  Foederis 
part  i.  ch.  vi.  %  104.    Bp.  Marsh's  Lectures,  part  ii.  p.  99 


Sect.  I.] 


OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 


217 


number  of  columns  of  prescribed  length  and  breadth,  eacn 
column  comprising  a  given  number  of  lines  and  words;  no 
word  must  oe  written  by  lu-.irt  or  with  points,  or  without 
being  first  orally  pronounced  by  die  copyist;  thr  name  "I 
God  is  not  to  he  written  hut  with  the  utmost  devotion  and 
attention,  and  previously  to  writing  it,  he  must  wash  his  pen. 
The  want  of  a  single  letter,  or  the  redundance  of  a  single 
letter,  the  writing  of  pro  e,   or  verse   as   prose, 

respectively  vitiates  a  manusoripl ;  and  when  a  copy  Ir.is 
noon  completed,  it  must  be  examined  and  corrected  within 
thirty  days  after  the  writing  has  been  finished,  in  ord 
determine  whether  it  is  to  be  approved  or  rejected.  These 
rules,  it  is  said,  are  observed  to  the  present  day  hy  the  per- 
sons who  transcribe  the  Bacred  writings  for  the  use  of  the 
rogue.'  The  form  ef  one  of  these  rolled  manuscripts 
(from  the  origin  d  ami  i  g  the  I  larli  ian  MSS.  in  the  I5riu-di 
M  urn,  No.  7f")i!t.)  is  given  in  the  vignette  at  the  head  of 
,.  It  is  a  large  double  roU,  containing  the  He- 
brew   Pentateuch;    written    with    very   great    care    on    forty 

brown  African  skins.  These  skins  are  ofdifferenl  breadths, 
some  containing  more  columns  than  others.    The  columns 

g  hundred  and  fifty-three  in  number,  each  of  which 
contains  about  sixty-three  lines,  is  about  twenty-two  inches 
deep,  and  generally  more  than  five  inches  broad.  The  letters 
have  do  points,  apices,  or  flourishes  about  them.  The  initial 
words  are  not  larger  than  the  rest;  and  a  space,  equal  to 
about  four  lines,  is  left  between  every  two  books.     Alto- 

r,  this  is  one  of  the  finest  specimens  of  the  synagogue- 
rolls  thai  haS  been  preserved  to  the  present  time. 

III.  The  Square  Manuscripts,  which  are  in  private  use, 
are  written  with  black  ink,  either  on  vellum  or  on  parchment, 
or  on  paper,  and  of  various  sizes,  folio,  quarto,  octavo,  and 
duodecimo.  Those  which  are  copied  on  paper  are  considered 
as  beinor  the  most  modern ;  and  they  frequently  have  some 
one  of  the  Targumsor  Chaldee  paraphrases, either  subjoined 
to  the  text  in  alternate  verses,  or  placed  in  parallel  columns 
with  the  text,  or  written  in  the  margin  of  the  manuscript. 
The  characters  are,  for  the  most  part,  those  which  are  called 
the  square  Chaldee ;  though  a  few  manuscripts  are  written 
with  rabbinical  characters,  but  these  are  invariably  of  recent 
date.  Biblical  critics,  who  are  conversant  with  the  Hebrew 
manuscripts,  have  distinguished  three  sorts  cf  characters, 
each  differing  in  the  beauty  of  their  form.  The  Spanish 
character  is  perfectly  square,  simple,  and  elegant :  the  types 
of  the  quarto  Hebrew  Bibles,  printed  by  Robert  Stephen 
and  by  Plantin,  approach  the  nearest  to  this  character.   The 

on,  on  the  contrary,  is  crooked,  intricate,  and  inelegant 
in  every  respect ;  and  the  Italian  character  holds  a  middle 
place  between  these  two.  The  pages  are  usually  divided 
into  three  columns  of  various  lengths;  and  the  initial  letters 
of  the  manuscripts  are  frequently  illuminated  and  ornamented 
with  gold.  In  many  manuscripts  the  Masora1  is  added; 
what  is  called  the  larger  Masora  being  placed  above  and  be- 
low the  columns  of  the  text,  and  the  smaller  Masora  being 
inserted  in  the  blank  spaces  between  the  columns. 

IV.  As  the  authority  of  manuscripts  depends  greatly 
on  their  antiquity,  it  becomes  a  point  of  considerable  im- 
portance to  ascertain  their  AGE  as  exactly  as  possible.  Now 
this  may  be  effected  either  by  external  testimony  or  by  inter- 
nal marks. 

1.  External  testimony  is  sometimes  afforded  by  the  sub- 
scriptions annexed  by  the  transcribers,  specifying  the  time 
when  they  copied  the  manuscripts.  But  this  criterion  cannot 
always  be  depended  upon  :  for  instances  have  occurred,  in 
which  modern  copyists  have  added  ancient  and  false  dates  in 
order  to  enhance  the  value  of  their  labours.  As.  however. 
by  far  the  greater  number  of  manuscripts  have  no  subscrip- 
tions or  other  criteria  by  which  to  ascertain  their  date,  it  be- 
comes necessary  to  resort  to  the  evidence  of 

2.  Internal  Marks.  Of  these  the  following  are  stated  by 
Dr.  Kennicott  and  M.  Do  Rossi  to  be  the  principal : — 1. 
The  inelegance  or  rudeness  of  the  character  (Jablonski  lays 
down  the  simplicity  and  elegance  of  the  character  as  a  crite- 
rion of  antiquity) ; — 2.  The  yellow  colour  of  the  vellum; — 

3.  The  total  absence,  or  at  least  the  very  rare  i urrence,  of 

the  Masora,  and  of  the  Keri  and  Ketio; — 1.  The  writing 
of  the  Pentateuch   throughout   in  one   book,  without  any 

«  Carpzov.  Critica  Sacra  Vet.  Test.  pp.  371,  372  Dr.  Henderson  (Bibli- 
cal Researches,  pp.  208—211.)  has  given  an  account  of  the  laborious  minu- 
B*,  in  many  respects  coinciding  with  those  above  stated,  to  which  the 
modern  Jews  are  subjected. 

*  See  an  account  of  the  Masora  in  pp.  201,  202.  supra. 

*  For  an  account  of  these,  see  p.  201.  supra. 

Vol.  I.  2E 


r  mark  of  distinction  appearing  at  the  beginning  cf 
books  than  at  the  beginning  of  sections ; — 5.  The  absence 
of  critical  emendations  and  corrections; — f>.  The  absence  of 
the  rowel  points; — 7.  Obliterated  letters,  being  written  ana 
re-written  with  ink  ; — 8.  The  frequent  occurrence  of  the 
name  .lehovah  in  lieu  of  Adonai ; — 9.  The  infrequency  of 
capital  and  little  letters; — 10.  The  insertion  of  points  to  fill 
up  blank  spaces) — 1  I.  The  r.on-di  vision  of  some  books  and 
psalms; — 12.  The  poetical  books  not  being  distinguished 
from  those  in  prose  by  dividing  them  into  hemisOchs; — 
13.  Readings  frequently  differing  from  the  Masoretic  copies, 
but  agreeing  with  the  5  text,  with  anci<  i 

and  with  the  quotations  of  the  fathers.  The  conjunction  of 
all.  or  ot  several,  of  these  internal  marks,  is  said  to  afford 
certain  criteria  of  the  antiquity  of  Hebrew  manuscripts.  •  Bui 
the   opinions  of  the  eminent  critics  ab 

questioned  by  Pi  Bauer  and  Tychsen,  who  have 

advanced  strong  reasons  to  prove  that  they  are  uncertain 
guides  in  determining  the  age  of  manuscripts.    The 

ancient  Hebrew  manuscripts  are  all  written  without  any  di 
visions  of  words,  as  is  evidi  nt  not  only  from  ancient  If 
coins  and  Palmyrene  inscriptions,  but  also  from  various  pas- 
sages in  the  most  ancient  translations,  the  authors  I  f  which 

frequently  adopted  a  division  of  word  .  i  r  different 

from  that  of  the  Masorites.  This  circt 
roborated  by  the  rabbinical  tradition,  that  the  law  was 
formerly  one  verse  and  one  word.  It  is  imp<  ssible  to  de- 
termine the  time,  when  the  Hebrews  began  to  divide  word; 
in  manuscripts:  we  only  know,  from  the  rex  arches  of  Dr. 
Kennicott  and  other  eminent  Hebrew  critics,  that  all  the 
ancient  interpreters  used  manuscripts  written  in  one  con- 
tinued series  ;  that  MSS.  of  more  recent  date  (the  thirteenth 
century)  are  still  extant  in  which  the  same  mode  of  writing 
appears, — for  instance,  the  MSS.  numbered  290.  and  293.  by 
Dr.  Kennicott;  and  that  some  vestiges  of  the  division  of 
words  are  to  be  found  in  the  Talmudical  writings,  and  in 
Jerome.4 

V.  A  twofold  Order  of  Arrangement  of  the  sacred  books 
is  observable  in  Hebrew  manuscripts,  viz.  the  Talmudical 
and  the  Masoretic.  Originally,  the  different  books  of  the 
Old  Testament  were  not  joineu  together;  according  to  Rabbi 
Elias  Levita  (the  most  learned  Jewish  writer  on  the  subject), 
they  were  first  joined  too-ether  by  the  members  of  the  great 
synagogue,  who  divided  them  into  three  parts. — the  law, 
the  prophets,  and  hagiographa,  and  who  placed  the  prophets 
and  hagiographa  in  a  different  order  from  that  assigned  by 
the  Talmudists  in  the  book  entitled  Baba  Bathra. 

The  following  is  the  Talmudical  arrangement  of  the  Old 
Testament:  Of  the  Prophets,  Joshua,  Judges,  Samuel, 
Kings  (1  and  2),  Jeremiah,  Isaiah.  Ezekiel.  and  the  twelve 
minor  Prophets  (in  one  book).  Of  the  Hagiographa,  Ruth, 
Psalms.  Job,  Ecclesiastes,  Song  of  Solomon,  Lamentations, 
Esther,  Chronicles.  By  the  Masorites,  the  Prophets  are 
placed  in  the  same  order,  with  the  exception  of  Isaiah,  who 
precedes  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel,  because  he  flourished  before 
them.  This  arrangement  is  adopted  in  the  manuscripts  of 
the  Spanish  .lews,  while  the  Talmudical  order  is  preserved 
in  those  of  the  German  and  French  Jews.  In  the  Hagio- 
grapha the  Masorites  have  departed  from  the  arrangement 
of  the  Talmudists,  and  place  the  books  comprised  in  that 
division  thus  : — Psalms.  Job,  Proverbs,  Ruth,  the  Song  of 
Solomon,  Ecclesiastes,  Lamentations  of  Jeremiah,  Esther. 
Daniel,  and  Ezra.  This  mode  of  arrangement  obtains  in  the 
Spanish  manuscripts.  But  in  the  German  MSS.  they  aTe 
thus  disposed  :  Psalms,  Proverbs,  Job,  the  Five  Megilloth 
(or  hooks),  Daniel,  Ezra,  and  Chronicles;  and  the  Five 
Megilloth  (or  books)  are  placed  in  the  order  in  which  they 
are  usually  read  in  their  synagogues,  viz.  the  Song  of  Solo- 
mon, Ruth,  Lamentations  of  Jeremiah,  Ecclesiastes,  and 
Esther. 

There  are,  however,  several  manuscripts  extant,  which 
depart  both  from  the  Talmudical  and  from  the  Masoretical 
order,  and  have  an  arrangement  peculiar  to  themselves. 
Thus,  in  the  Codex  Norimbergensis  1.  (No.  19S.  of  Dr.  Ken- 
nicott's  catalogue),  which  was  written  a.  d.  1291,  the  books 
are  thus  placed :  the  Pentateuch,  Joshua,  Judges,  Samuel, 
Kings,  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  the  twelve  minor  Pro- 
phets, Ruth,  Esther,  Psalms,  Job,  Ecclesiastes,  Song  of 
Solomon,  Lamentations,  Proverbs,  Daniel,  Ezra,  and  Nehe- 
miah  (in  one  book),  and  Chronicles.  In  the  Codex,  No. 
94.,  written  a.  d.  1285  (in  the  university  library  at  Cam' 

»  Muntinghe,  Expositio  Crit.  Vet.  Fred.  pp.  40,  41. 


218 


ON  THE  HEBREW  MANUSCRIPTS 


[Pah  i  I.  Chap.  Ill 


bridge),  and  also  in  No.  102.,  a  manuscript  in  the  British 
Museum,  written  early  in  the  fourteenth  century,  the  books 
of  Chronicles  precede  the  Psalms;  Job  is  placed  before  the 
Proverbs;  Ruth  before  the  Song  of  Solomon;  and  Eccle- 
Biastes  before  the  Lamentations.  In  the  Codex,  No.  130., 
a  manuscript  of  the  same  date  (formerly  in  the  library  of  the 
Royal  Society  of  London,  but  now  in  the  British  Museum), 
Chronicles  and  Ruth  precede  the  Psalms  ;  and  in  the  Codex, 
No.  96.  (in  the  library  of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge), 
written  towards  the  close  of  the  fourteenth  century,  and 
also  in  many  other  MSS.,  Jeremiah  takes  precedence  of 
Isaiah.  In  the  Codex  Regiomontanus  2.  (No.  224.),  writ- 
ten early  in  the  twelfth  century,  Jeremiah  is  placed  before 
Ezekiel,  whose  book  is  followed  by  that  of  Isaiah  :  then 
succeed  the  twelve  minor  Prophets.  The  Hagiographa  are 
thus  disposed  :  Ruth,  Psalms,  Job,  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes, 
Song  of  Solomon,  Lamentations,  Daniel,  Esther,  Ezra,  and 
Nehemiah  (in  one  book),  and  the  books  of  Chronicles  (also 
in  one  book).  The  order  pursued  in  the  Codex  Ebnerianus 
2.  is  altogether  different  from  the  preceding.  Samuel  follows 
Jeremiah,  who  is  succeeded  by  the  two  books  of  Kings,  and 
by  part  of  the  prophecy  of  Ezekiel :  then  comes  part  of 
Isaiah.  The  twelve  minor  Prophets  are  written  in  one  con- 
tinued discourse  ;  and  are  followed  by  Ruth,  Psalms,  Job, 
Proverbs  with  Ecclesiastes  and  the  Song  of  Solomon,  Lamen- 
tations, Daniel,  Esther,  Ezra,  Nehemiah,  and  Chronicles. 

Of  the  various  Hebrew  manuscripts  which  have  been  pre- 
served, few  contain  the  Old  Testament  entire  :  the  greater 
part  comprise  only  particular  portions  of  it,  as  the  Penta- 
teuch, five  Megilloth,  and  Haphtaroth  or  sections  of  the 
prophets  which  are  read  on  the  Sabbath-days  ;  the  Prophets 
or  the  Hagiographa.  Some,  indeed,  are  confined  to  single 
books,  as  the  Psalms,  the  book  of  Esther,  the  Song  of  Solo- 
mon, and  the  Haphtaroth.  This  diversity  in  the  contents  of 
manuscripts  is  occasioned,  partly  by  the  design  of  the  copy- 
ist, who  transcribed  the  whole  or  part  of  the  sacred  writings 
for  particular  purposes  ;  and  partly  by  the  mutilations  caused 
by  the  consuming  hand  of  time.  Several  instances  of  such 
mutilations  are  given  in  the  account  of  the  principal  Hebrew 
MSS.  now  extant,  in  p.  219.  infra. 

_  VI.  As  the  Hebrew  manuscripts  which  have  been  in  use 
since  the  eleventh  century  have  all  been  corrected  according 
to  some  particular  recension  or  edition,  they  have  from  this  cir- 
cumstance been  classed  into  Families,  according  to  the 
country  where  such  recension  has  obtained.  These  Families 
or  Recensions  are  three  or  four  in  number,  viz. 

1.  The  Spanish  Manuscripts,  which  were  corrected  after 
the  Codex  of  Hillel,  described  in  page  203.  supra. 

They  follow  the  Masoretic  system  with  great  accuracy, 
and  are  on  this  account  highly  valued  by  the  Jews,  though 
some  Hebrew  critics  hold  them  in  little  estimation.  The 
characters  are  written  with  great  elegance,  and  are  perfectly 
square :  the  ink  is  pale ;  the  pages  are  seldom  divided  into 
three  columns  :  the  Psalms  are  divided  into  hemistichs ;  and 
the  Chaldee  paraphrases  are  not  interlined,  but  written  in 
separate  columns,  or  are  inserted  in  the  margin  in  smaller  let- 
ters. Professor  Tychsen  speaks  in  high  terms  of  the  cali- 
graphy  of  the  Spanish  manuscripts.  As  the  Spanish  monks 
excelled  in  that  art,  he  thinks  the  Jews,  who  abounded  in 
Spain  in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  acquired  it 
from  them,  and  he  appeals  to  manuscripts  which  he  had 
seen,  where  the  letters  are  throughout  so  equal,  that  the 
whole  has  the  appearance  of  print.1 

2.  The  Oriental  Manuscripts  are  nearly  the  same  as  the 
Spanish  manuscripts,  and  may  be  referred  to  the  same  class-. 

3.  Ihe  German  Manuscripts  are  written  with  less  ele- 
gance than  the  Spanish  codices  :  their  characters  are  more 
rudely  formed ;  the  initial  letters  are  generally  larger  than 
the  rest,  and  ornamented ;  the  ink  is  very  black.  They  do 
not  follow  the  Masoretic  notation,  and  frequently  vary  from 
the  Masoretic  manuscripts,  exhibiting  important  readings 
that  are  not  to  be  found  in  the  Spanish  manuscripts,  but 
which  agree  with  the  Samaritan  text  of  the  Pentateuch,  and 
with  the  ancient  versions.  The  Chaldee  paraphrases  are 
inserted  in  alternate  verses.  This  class  of  manuscripts  is 
little  esteemed  by  the  Jews,  but  most  highly  valued  by 
biblical  critics. 

4.  The  Italian  Manuscripts  hold  a  middle  place  between 
the  Spanish  and  German  codices,  and  sometimes  have  a 
nearer  affinity  to  one  class  than  to  the  other,  both  in  the 
fchape  of  the  Hebrew  characters,  and  also  as  it  respects  their 

»  Tychsen,  Tentamen  de  variis  Cod.  Heb.  MSS.  pp.  302—308- 


adherence  to  or  neglect  of  the  Masoretic  system.  M.  Bruns, 
the  able  assistant  of  Dr.  Kennicott  in  collating  Hebrew  ma- 
nuscripts, has  given  engraved  specimens  of  the  Spanish, 
German,  and  Italian  manuscripts,  in  his  edition  of  Dr.  K.'s 
Dissertatio  Generalis  (8vo.  Brunswick,  1783)  ;  and  Profes- 
sor Tychsen  has  given  fourteen  Hebrew  alphabets,  of  various 
ages  and  countries,  at  the  end  of  his  Tentamen  de  variis  Cc- 
dicum  Hebraeorum  Vet.  Test.  MSS.  Generibus.  Ancient 
and  unpointed  Hebrew  manuscripts,  written  for  the  u«e  of 
the  synagogues,  and  those  Masoretic  Spanish  exemplars, 
which  have  been  transcribed  by  a  learned  person,  and  for  a 
learned  person,  from  some  famous  and  correct  copy,  are  pre- 
ferred by  M.  De  Rossi  to  the  copies  written  for  private  use, 
or  even  for  the  synagogue,  from  Masoretic  exemplars,  of 
which  last  the  number  is  very  great.  But  M.  Bauer  pro- 
nounces those  manuscripts  to  be  the  best,  whose  various  lec- 
tions are  most  frequently  confirmed  by  the  ancient  versions, 
especially  by  the  Alexandrian  and  Syriac,  and  also  by  the 
Samaritan  Pentateuch  and  version.2 

VII.  M.  De  Rossi  has  divided  Hebrew  manuscripts  into 
three  classes,  viz.  1.  More  Ancient,  or  those  written  before 
the  twelfth  century; — 2.  Ancient,  or  those  written  in  the 
thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries  ; — 3.  More  recent,  or  those 
written  at  the  end  of  the  fourteenth,  or  at  the  beginning  of 
the  fifteenth  century.  The  most  recent,  or  those  written 
since  the  fifteenth  century,  which  are  very  numerous,  and  are 
those  found  in  the  synagogues,  he  pronounces  to  be  of  little 
or  no  use,  unless  it  can  be  proved  that  they  have  been  tran- 
scribed from  ancient  apographs.  The  total  number  of  He- 
brew manuscripts  collated  by  Dr.  Kennicott  for  his  critical 
edition  of  the  Hebrew  Bible  is  about  six  hundred  and  thirty. 
The  total  number  collated  by  M.  De  Rossi  for  his  Collection 
of  Various  Readings,  is  four  hundred  and  seventy-nine  ma- 
nuscripts, besides  two  hundred  and  eighty-eight  printed  edi- 
tions. The  following  are  the  most  ancient  manuscripts 
collated  by  Dr.  Kennicott. 

The  Codex  Laudianus,  a.  172.  and  162.  and  numbered  1. 
in  Dr.  Kennicott's  list  of  Hebrew  manuscripts.  Though  now 
in  two  folio  parts,  it  is  evident  that  they  originally  formed  only 
one  volume :  each  part  consists  of  quinquernions,  or  gatherings 
of  five  sheets  or  ten  leaves,  and  at  the  bottom  of  every  tenth 
leaf  is  a  catch-word  beginning  the  next  leaf,  which  is  the  first 
of  the  succeeding  gathering  of  ten  leaves.  But  at  the  end  of 
the  first  part  or  volume,  there  is  pasted  on,  one  leaf  of  the  next 
quinquernion,  completing  the  book  of  Deuteronomy ;  so  that 
this  volume  concludes  with  five  sheets  and  one  leaf  over.  And 
the  first  gathering  in  the  second  volume  consists  of  only  tour 
sheets  and  one  leaf,  which  last  is  likewise  pasted  on,  for  want  of  its 
fellow-leaf.  This  manuscript  is  written  on  vellum,  accoidiflg  to 
Dr.  Kennicott,  in  the  Spanish  character,  but  in  the  opinion  of 
Dr.  Bruns  it  is  in  the  Italic  character,  to  which  M.  De  Rossi 
assents.  The  letters,  which  are  moderately  large,  are  plain, 
simple,  and  elegant,  but  universally  unadorned ;  and  they  were 
originally  written  without  points,  as  is  evident  from  the  different 
colour  of  the  ink  in  the  letters  and  in  the  points.  Some  of  the 
letters,  having  become  obliterated  by  the  lapse  of  ages,  have  been 
written  over  a  second  time ;  and  though  such  places  were  re- 
written in  the  same  strong  character,  yet  many  of  the  words 
were  becoming  a  second  time  invisible,  when  collated  by  Dr.  K. 
This  eminent  critic  assigns  it  to  the  tenth  century,  but  De  Rossi 
refers  it  to  the  eleventh.  The  Laudian  manuscript  begins  with 
Gen.  xxvii.  31. :  it  contains  fourteen  thousand  variations  from 
Vander  Hooght's  edition  of  the  Hebrew  Bible.  More  than  two 
thousand  are  found  in  the  Pentateuch,  which  confirm  the  Sep- 
tuagint  Greek  version  in  one  hundred  and  nine  various  readings ; 
the  Syriac,  in  ninety -eight ;  the  Arabic,  in  eighty-two;  the 
Vulgate  or  Latin  version,  in  eighty-eight ;  and  the  Chaldee 
Paraphrase,  in  forty-two  :  it  also  agrees  with  the  Samaritan  Pen- 
tateuch against  the  printed  Hebrew,  in  seven  hundred  instances. 
What  renders  this  manuscript  the  more  valuable  is,  that  it  pre- 
serves a  word  of  great  importance  for  understanding  2  Sam. 
xxiii.  3 — 7.,  which  word  is  confirmed  by  the  Greek  version,  and 
thus  recovers  to  us  a  prophecy  of  the  Messiah.3 

2.  The  Codex  Carlsruhensis  1.  (No.  154.  of  Dr.  Kcnm- 
cott's  list  of  manuscripts)   formerly  belonged  to  the  celebrated 

»  Walton,  Prolegom.  c.  iv.  §1—12.  pp.  171—184.  cc.  vii.  viii.  pp.  225—331 
edit.  Dathii  Carpzov.  Critica  Sacra,  pp.  283—387.  Br.  Kennicott,  Diss.  1. 
pp.  313—317. ;  also  his  Dissertatio  Generalis,  passim.  Jahn,  Introd.  ad  Vet 
Fcedus,  pp.  153—170.  Bauer,  Critica  Sacra,  pp.  311  £26.  313—407.  De 
Rossi,  Var.  Loct.  torn.  i.     Prolegom.  §  xi— x\x.  pp.  xi  —  xxii. 

» Kennicott,  Dissert.  I.  pp.  315—319.  Disse>  •  H.  pp  533,  531.  Biblia 
Hebraica,  torn.  ii.  Dissert.  Generalis,  pp.  70,  71.  De  Rossi,  Varis  Leo 
tiones,  toin.  i.    Proleg.  p.  lix. 


Sect.  I.] 


OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 


210 


and  learned  Rcuchlin,  whose  efforts  contributed  so  much  towards 
the  revival  >f  literature  in  the  fifteenth  century.  This  manuscript 
is  now  preserved  in  the  public  lil>r;iry  at  Carlsruhc,  and  is  the 
oldest  that  has  a  certain  date.  It  is  in  square  folio,  and  was 
written  in  the  year  of  the  world  4866,  corresponding  with  1 100 
j)f  our  am.     It  contains  th  •  PropheU  with  the  Targum. 

8.  The  Codex  Vikxn.k  (No.  •">!»().  ofKennicott)  contains  the 

Prophets  and  Hagiographa.      hi       i  velltnn  in  folio, 

and,  if  the  date  in  its  subscription  be  correct  (a.  d.  1018  or  1019), 
it  is  more  ancient  than   thi  Brum  collected    two 

hundred  important  various  readings  from  this  manuscript  The 
points  have  been  added  hy  a  later  hand.  According  to  Adlcr's 
enumeration,  it  consists  of  foui  hundred  and  seventy-one  leaves, 
and  two  columns,  each  column  containing  twenty-one  lines. 

I.  The  Codkx  Cbsevs,  in  the  Malatests  Library  at  Bologna, 
(No.  536.  of  Kennicott),  is  a  folio  manuscript  written  on  vellum, 
in  the  German  character,  towards  the  end  of  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury. It  contains  the  Pentateuch,  the  Haphtaroth  or  sections  of 
the  Prophetical  Hooks,  and  the  Megilloth  or  five  Books  of  Can- 
ticles, or  the  Bong  >>i  Solomon,  Ruth,  the  Lamentations  of  Jere- 
miah, Keclesiastes,  and  Esther.  De  Rossi  pronounces  it  to  be  a 
most  ancient  and  valuable  manuscript,  and  slates  that  in  its 
margin  are  inserted  some  various  readings  of  still  more  ancient 

manuscripts.1 

f>.  The  Codbx  Fi.otiKvriNis  2.  (No.  162.  of  Kennicott)  is 
written  on  vellum,  in  quarto,  in  a  square  Spanish  character, 
with  points,  towards  the  end  of  the  eleventh,  or,  at  the  latest,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century.  It  contains  the  books  of 
foshua.  Judges,  and  Samuel.  Very  many  of  the  letters,  which 
were  obliterated  by  time,  have  been  renewed  by  a  later  hand. 

(i.  The  Codex  Midiolaitxxsis  9.  (193.  of  Kennicott)  is 
written  on  vellum,  in  octavo,  in  the  German  character,  towards 
the  close  of  the  twelfth  century.  It  has  neither  the  points  nor 
the  Masora.  This  manuscript  comprises  the  Pentateuch ;  the 
beginning  of  the  book  of  Genesis,  and  the  end  of  Leviticus  and 
Deuteronomy,  have  been  written  by  a  later  hand.  Both  erasures 
and  alterations  occur  in  this  manuscript,  and  sometimes  a  worse 
reading  is  substituted  in  place  of  one  that  is  preferable.  Never- 
theless it  contains  many  good  various  readings. 

7.  The  Cooex  NouiiMBEiir.Kxsrs  4.  (201.  ofKennicott)  is  a 
folio  manuscript,  written  on  thin  vellum,  in  the  German  charac- 
ter, and  containing  the  Prophets  and  Hagiographa.  It  is  mutilated 
in  various  parts.  It  is  of  great  antiquity,  and,  from  the  simila- 
rity of  its  character  to  that  of  the  Codex  Carlsruhensis,  both  Dr. 
Kennicott  and  M.  De  Rossi  assign  it  to  the  beginning  of  the 
twelfth  century. 

8.  The  Codex  Pauisiensis  27.  (Regius  29.  210.  of  Kenni- 
cott) is  a  quarto  manuscript  of  the  entire  Bible,  written  on  vel- 
lum, in  an  elegant  Italic  character.  The  initial  words  are,  with 
few  exceptions,  of  the  same  size  as  the  rest.  The  Masora  and 
Keri  are  both  wanting;  and  the  Megilloth  precede  the  books  of 
Chronicles.  It  is  highly  valued  by  Kennicott  and  De  Rossi,  who 
refer  it  also  to  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century. 

9.  Coeval  with  the  preceding  is  the  Conr.x  RsoioxoKTA.xros 
2.  (224.  of  Kennicott).  written  in  the  Italic  character,  in  small 
folio.  This  manuscript  contains  the  Prophets  and  the  Hagio- 
grapha, but  it  is  mutilated  in  various  places.     The  initial  letters 

•  are  larger  than  the  others,  and  three  of  the  poetical  books  are 
written  in  hemistichs. 

10.  To  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century  likewise  is  to  be 
referred  the  Codex  Pabibibssis  24.  ( S ni-tJermanensis  2,  No, 
366.  ofKennicott):  it  is  written  on  vellum,  in  large  quarto.  It 
is  imperfect  from  Jer.  xxix.  19.  to  xxxviii.  2.;  and  from  Hosea 
iv.  4.  to  Amos  vi.  12.  Isaiah  follows  Ezekiel  according  to  the 
Talmudieal  Canon.2 

The  following  are  anions  the  most  ancient  of  the  manu- 
scripts in  the  possession  of  the  late  M.  De  Rossi,  and  collated 
hy  him,  viz. 

1.  The  Codex,  by  him  numbered  634.,  which  is  in  quarto.  It 
contains  a  fragment  of  the  books  of  Leviticus  and  Numbers — 
from  Levit.  xxi.  19.  to  Num.  i.  60.;  and  exhibits  every  mark  of 
the  remotest  antiquity.  The  vellum  on  which  it  is  written  is 
decayed  by  age ;  the  character  is  intermediate,  or  Italic — ap- 
proaching that  of  the  German  manuscripts.  The  letters  are  all 
of  an  uniform  size;  there  is  no  trace  of  the  Masora,  or  of  any 
Masoretic  notes,  nor  is  any  space  left  before  the  larger  sections; 
thou  h  sometimes,  as  in  other  very  ancient  manuscripts,  a  few 
points  are  inserted  between  the  words.  M.  De  Rossi  assigns 
his  manuscript  to  the  eighth  century. 

*  De  Rossi,  torn.  i.    Proleg.  p.  lxxxv.i. 

*  Kennicott,  D;ssertatio  Generalis,  pp.  85.  37,  83,  89.93.  104. 


2.  A  manuscript  of  the  Pertateuch  (No.  503.),  in  quarto,  and 
on  vellum,  containing  from  Gen.  xii.  41.  to  Deut.  xv.  12.  It  is 
composed  of  haves  of  various  ages,  the  most  ancient  of  which 
arc  of  the  ninth  or  tenth  century.  The  character  is  semi-rabbi- 
nical, rule,  ami  confessedly  very  ancient.  Points  occur,  in  some 
of  the  more  ancient  leaves,  in  the  writing  of  the  original  copyist, 
hut  sometimes  they  are  wanting.  There  are  no  traces  of  the 
Masora  or  of  the  Masoretic  notes,  and  sometimes  no  space  at  all 
before  the  larger  sections.  It  frequently  agrees  with  the  Sama- 
ritan text  and  ancient  versions. 

3.  A  manuscript  of  the  Pentateuch  (No.  10.),  with  the  Tar- 
gum and  Megilloth.  It  is  written  in  the  German  character,  on 
vellum,  and  in  quarto,  towards  the  end  of  the  eleventh  or  in  the 
beginning  of  the  twelfth  century.  The  Masora  is  absent.  The 
character,  which  is  defaced  by  time,  is  rudely  formed,  and  the 
initial  letters  are  larger  than  the  rest.  Coeval  with  this  manu- 
script is, 

4.  A  manuscript  of  the  book  of  Job,  in  quarto,  also  on  vellum, 
and  in  the  German  character.  It  is  one  of  the  most  valuable 
manuscripts  of  that  book.  The  pages  are  divided  into  two  co- 
lumns, the  lines  being  of  unequal  length. 

5.  A  manuscript  of  the  Hagiographa  (No.  379.),  the  size, 
character,  and  date  of  which  correspond  with  the  preceding,  It 
begins  with  Psal.  xlix.  15.  and  ends  with  Neh.  xl.  4.  The  Ma- 
sora and  Keri  arc  absent ;  and  the  poetical  books  are  divided 
into  hemistichs. 

6.  A  manuscript  of  the  Pentateuch  (No.  611.),  on  vellum,  in 
octavo,  and  written  in  the  German  character,  approaching  some- 
what to  the  Spanish,  towards  the  close  of  the  eleventh,  or  in  the 
commencement  of  the  twelfth  century.  The  ink  is  frequently 
faded  by  age ;  there  are  no  traces  of  the  Masora ;  the  Keri  are 
very  rarely  to  be  seen,  and  the  initial  letters  arc  larger  than  the 
others.  There  are  frequent  omissions  in  the  text,  which  are 
supplied  in  the  margin. ' 

Dr.  Kennicott  states  that  almost  all  the  Hebrew  manu- 
scripts of  the  Old  Testament,  at  present  known  to  be  extant, 
were  written  between  the  years  1000  and  1457,  whence  he 
infers  that  all  the  manuscripts  written  before  the  years  700 
or  800  were  destroyed  by  some  decree  of  the  Jewish  senate, 
on  account  of  their  many  differences  from  the  copies  then 
declared  genuine.  This  circumstance  is  also  alleged  by 
Bishop  Walton,  as  the  reason  why  we  have  so  few  exem- 
plars of  the  age  of  GOO  years,  and  why  even  the  copies  of  700 
or  800  years  are  very  rare. 

VIII.  It  was  long  a  desideratum  with  biblical  scholars  to 
obtain  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  from  the  Jews  who  are  settled 
in  India  and  other  parts  of  the  east.  It  was  reasonably  sup- 
posed, that,  as  these  Jews  had  been  for  so  many  ages  sepa- 
rated from  their  brethren  in  the  west,  their  manuscripts  might 
contain  a  text  derived  from  the  autographs  of  the  sacred 
writers,  by  a  channel  independent  of  that  through  which  the 
text  of  our  printed  Bibles  lias  been  transmitted  to  us.  Dr. 
Kennicott  was  very  anxious  to  obtain  a  copy,  or  at  least  a 
collation  of  a  manuscript  from  India  or  China,  for  his  edition 
of  the  Hebrew  Bible,  in  the  expectation  that  it  would  exhibit 
important  variations  from  the  Masoretic  editions;  but  he  was 
unsuccessful  in  his  endeavours  to  procure  it,1  and  the  honour 
of  first  bringing  an  Indian  manuscript  of  the  Hebrew  Scrip- 
tun  s  into  Europe  waa  reserved  for  the  late  Rev.  Dr.  Buchanan. 

Among  the  biblical  manuscripts  brought  from  India  by 
this  learned  and  pious  divine,  and  which  are  now  deposited 
in  the  public  library  at  Cambridge,  there  is  a  roll  of  the 
Pentateuch,  which  he  procured  from  the  black  Jews  in  Ma- 
labar, ■■  who  (these  is  strong  reason  to  believe)  are  a  part  of 
the  remains  of  the  first  dispersion  of  that  nation  by  Nebu- 
chadnezzar. The  date  of  this  manuscript  cannot  now  be 
ascertained  ;  but  its  text  is  supposed  to  be  derived  from  those 
copies  which  their  ancestors  brought  with  them  into  India. 
Those  Jews,  cm  being  interrogated,  could  give  no  precise 
account  of  it:   some  replied,  that  it  came  originally  from 

3  De  Rossi,  Var.  Lect.  torn.  i.  Proleg.  pp.  cxvi.  cxh.  xevm.  cvn.  cvm. 

«  According  to  tbe  Information  collected  from  various  sources,  by  Pro- 
fessor Bauer,  it  does  not  appear  that  the  manuscripts  of  the  Chinese  Jews 
are  of  any  remote  antiquity,  or  are  calculated  to  afford  any  assistance  to 
biblical  critics.  Although  Jews  have  resided  in  China  for  many  centuries, 
yet  they  have  no  ancient  manuscripts,  those  now  in  u^  being  subsequent 
to  the  fifteenth  century.  Critica Sacra,  pp.  405—407.  See  an  account  of 
Hebraeo-Chinese  manuscripts  in  Koegler's  Notitia  S.  S.  Bibliorum  Judffl- 
orum  in  Imperio  Sinensi.  F.1K.  2.  8vo.  Halffi  ad  Salam,  1805.  Brotier,  in 
his  edition  of  Tacitus  (vol.  iii.  p.  567.  et  seq.),  has  given  the  best  account 
that  is  extant  of  the  Jews  in  China,  a  colony  of  whom  settled  in  that  coon 
try  in  tbe  first  century  of  the  Christian  sera.  The  reader  will  find  an 
abridgement  of  it  in  Dr.  Townley's  Illustrations  of  Biblical  Literature,  vol 
i.  pi.  ^3—89.  _ 

•  See  an  account  of  these  Jews  in  Dr.  Buchanan's  Cnnstian  Research 
e*,**  pp.  '£&.  et  scq.  4th  edit. 


220 


HEBREW  MANUSCRIPTS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 


[Paiit  I.  Chap.  HI 


Senna  in  Arabia;  others  of  them  said,  it  was  brought  from 
Cashmir  The  Cabul  Jews,  who  travel  annually  into  the 
interior  of  China,  remarked,  that  in  some  synagogues  the 
Law  is  still  found  written  on  a  roll  of  leather;  not  on  vel- 
lum, but  on  a  soft  flexible  leather,  made  of  goat-skins,  and 
dyed  red.  It  is  evident  that  the  Jews,  in  the  time  of  Moses, 
had  the  art  of  preparing  and  dyeing  skins ;  for  rams'  skins, 
dyed  red,  made  a  part  of  the  covering  for  the  tabernacle 
(Exod.  xxvi.  U.);  and  it  is  not  improbable,  that  the  very 
autograph  of  the  Law,  written  by  the  hand  of  Moses,  was 
written  on  skins  so  prepared.  The  ancient  rules  prescribed 
to  the  Jewish  scribes  direct,  that  the  Law  be  so  written, 
provided  it  be  done  on  the  skins  of  clean  animals,  such  as 
sheep,  goat,  or  calf-skins:  therefore  this  MS.,  and  many 
others  in  the  hands  of  the  Jews,  agree  in  the  same  as  an  an- 
cient practice.  The  Cabul  Jews,  above  noticed,  show  that 
copies  of  the  Law,  written  on  leather  skins,  are  to  be  found 


among  their  people  in  India  and  China;  and  !  ce  we  have 
no  doubt,  that  such  are  copies  of  very  ancient  MSS.'  The 
Cambridge  roll,  or  Indian  copy  of  the  Pentateuch,  which 
may  also  be  denominated  Mulaoaric,  is  written  on  a  roll  of 
goat-skins  dyed  reef,  and  was  discovered  by  Dr.  Buchanan  in 
the  record-chest  of  a  synagogue  of  the  black  Jews,  in  the 
interior  of  Malayala,  in  the  year  180G.  It  measures  forty- 
eight  feet  in  length,  and  in  breadth  about  twenty-two  incites, 
or  a  Jewish  cubit.     The  book  of  Leviticus  and  the  greater 

fiart  of  the  book  of  Deuteronomy  are  wanting.  It  appears, 
rom  calculation,  that  the  original  length  of  the  roll  was  not 
less  than  ninety  English  feet.  In  its  present  condition  it 
consists  of  thirty-seven  skins;  contains  one  hundred  and 
seventeen  columns  of  writing  perfectly  clear  and  legible;  and 
exhibits  (as  the  subjoined  fac-simiie  of  Deut.  iv.  1,  2.  will 
show)  a  noble  specimen  of  the  manner  and  form  of  the  most 
ancient  Hebrew  manuscripts  among  the  Jews 


Hie  columns  are  a  palm  of  four  inches  in  breadth,  and 
contain  from  forty  to  fifty  lines  each,  which  are  written  with- 
out vowel  points,  and  in  all  other  respects  according  to  the 
rules  prescribed  to  the  Jewish  scribes  or  copyists.  As  some 
of  the  skins  appear  more  decayed  than  others,  and  the  text  is 
evidently  not  all  written  by  the  same  hand,  Mr.  Yeates  (from 
whose  collation  of  this  MS.  the  present  account  is  abridged, 
and  to  whom  the  author  is  indebted  for  the  preceding  fac- 
simile) is  of  opinion,  that  the  roll  itself  comprises  the  frag- 
ments of  at  least  three  different  rolls,  of  one  common  material, 
viz.  dyed  goat-skin,  and  exhibits  three  different  specimens 
of  writing.  The  old  skins  have  been  strengthened  by  patches 
of  parchment  on  the  back ;  and  in  one  place  four  words  have 
been  renewed  by  the  same  supply.  The  text  is  -written  in  the 
square  character,  and  without  the  vowel  points  and  accents ; 
and  the  margin  of  the  columns  is  every  where  plain,  and  free 
from  writing  of  any  sort.  He  has  diligently  examined  and 
collated  this  manuscript  with  the  printed  text  of  Vander 
Hooght's  edition  of  the  Hebrew  Bible;  and  the  result  of  his 
investigation  is,  that  the  amount  of  variations  in  the  whole 
does  not  exceed  forty,  and  that  none  of  them  are  found  to 
differ  from  the  common  reading  as  to  the  sense  and  inter- 
pretation of  the  text,  but  are  merely  additions  or  omissions 
of  a  jod  or  vau  letter,  expressing  such  words  to  be  full  or 
deficient,  according  to  the  known  usage  of  the  Hebrew 
tongue.  But  even  this  small  number  of  readings  was  consi- 
derably reduced,  when  compared  with  the  text  or  Athias's 
edition,  printed  at  Amsterdam  in  1G61 ;  so  that  the  integrity 
of  the  Hebrew  text  is  confirmed  by  this  valuable  manuscript 
so  far  as  it  goes,  and  its  testimony  on  this  account  is  unques- 
tionably important.2 

"  With  respect  to  the  several  sorts  of  skins  and  handwrit- 
ing, the  answer  of  some  Indian  Jews,  when  interrogated 
concerning  this  MS.,  is  worthy  of  remark.    By  one  account, 

*  Dr.  Kennicott  quotes  from  Wolfius,  that  a  certain  Jew,  named  Moses 
Pereyra,  affirmed,  he  had  found  MS.  copies  of  the  Hebrew  text  in  Mala- 
bar; for  that  the  Jews,  having  escaped  from  Titus,  betook  themselves 
through  Persia  to  the  Malabar  coast,  and  arrived  there  safe  in  number 
about  eighty  persons.  Whence  Wolfius  concludes,  that  great  fidelity  is 
to  be  attached  to  the  Malabar  MSS.  The  Buchanan  MS.  may  fairly  be  de- 
nominated a  Malabar  copy,  as  having  been  brought  from  those  parts. 
"Refert  Moses  Pereyra,  se  inveniese  Manuscripta  Exemplaria  (Flebreei 
Textus)  Malabarica.  Tradit  Judaeos,  a  Tito  fuglentes,  per  Persiam  se  ad 
oras  Malabaricas  contulisse,  ibique  cum  octoginta  annuls  Bal< 

Unde  constat,  MStis  Malabaricis  multum  fidei  tribuendum  e:    e."    Wolf. 
4.  97.    See  Dr.  Kennicott's  Dissertation  the  Second,  p.  532.    Oxll 

•  See  Mr.  Yeates's  Collation  of  an  Indian  Copy  of  the  P 

a,  s.  e  7. 


it  was  brought  from  Senna  in  Arabia;  ana  by  another  ac- 
count, it  came  from  Cashmir :  which  two  accounts  are  clearec. 
up  on  an  examination  of  the  MS.,  since  part  of  it  being  com- 
posed of  brown  skins,  and  the  writing  very  similar  to  that 
seen  in  rolls  of  Arabian  and  African  extraction,  there  is  a 
possibility  that  such  part  is  the  fragment  of  an  Arabian  or 
African  MS.,  as  those  Jews  relate:  and  the  other  account, 
viz.  that  it  was  brought  from  Cashmir,  may  also  be  equally 
true ;  since  that  part  consisting  of  red  skins  so  well  corres- 
ponds with  their  own  description  of  copies  found  in  the 
synagogues  of  the  eastern  Jews.  The  consideration  of  thi ; 
point  attaches  still  greater  consequences  to  the  roll  itself, 
which,  as  it  is  found  to  consist  cf  fragments  of  copies  purely 
oriental,  and  seemingly  unconnected  with  the  W'estern  Jewish 
copies,  we  may  now  conclude  the  same  to  be  ample  speci- 
mens of  copies  in  those  parts  of  the  world.  It  is  true,  in- 
deed, that  a  great  part  of  the  text  is  wanting,  and  the  whole 
book  of  Leviticus ;  yet,  notwithstanding  the  large  deficiencies 
of  the  MS.,  it  ought  to  be  a  satisfaction  to  know,  that  herein 
are  ample  specimens  of  at  least  three  ancient  copies  of  the 
Pentateuch,  whose  testimony  is  found  to  unite  in  the  inte- 

frity  and  pure  conservation  of  the  sacred  text,  acknowledged 
y  Christians  and  Jews  in  these  parts  of  the  world."3 
The  following  testimony  of  Bishop  Marsh  to  the  value  of 
the  Codex  Malabaricus  is  too  valuable  to  be  omitted  : — "  A 
manuscript  roll  of  the  Hebrew  Pentateuch,  apparently  of 
some  antiquity,  and  found  among  the  black  Jews  in  the  in- 
terior of  India,  must  be  regarded  at  least  as  a  literary  curio- 
sity, deserving  the  attention  of  the  learned  in  general.  And 
as  this  manuscript  appears,  on  comparison,  to  have  no  im- 
portant deviation  from  our  common  printed  Hebrew  text,  ii 
is  of  still  greater  value  to  a  theologian,  as  it  affords  an  addi- 
tional argument  for  the  integrity  of  tbe  Pentateuch.  The 
Hebrew  manuscripts  of  the  Pentateuch,  preserved  in  the 
West  of  Europe,  though  equally  derived,  with  the  Hebrew 
manuscripts  preserved  in  India,  from  the  autograph  ot  Moses. 
must  have  descended  from  it  through  very  different  chan- 
nels; and  therefore  the  close  agreement  of  the  former  with 
the  latter  is  a  proof,  that  they  have  preserved  the  origin;.. 
text  in  great  purity,  since  the  circumstances,  under  which 
the  MS.  was  found,  forbid  the  explanation  of  that  agreement 
on  the  principle  of  any  immediate  com  ection.  It  is  true 
that,  as  this  manuscript  (or  rather  the  t!  ee  fragments  of 
which  this  manuscript  is  composed)  w»s  probably  written 

•  ^ee  Mr.  Yeates's  Collation  of  an  Indian  Copy  of  the  Pentateuch,  p.  8 


Sect.  II.] 


GENERAL  OBSERVATIONS  ON  GREEK  MANUSCRIPTS. 


221 


much  later  tnan  the  time  when  the  Masoretic  text  was  es- 
tablished by  the  learned  Jews  of  Tiberias,  it  may  have  been 
wholly  derived  from  the  Masoretic  text;  and  in  this  case  it 
would  afford  only  an  argument,  that  the  Masoretic  text  had 
preserved  its  integrity,  and  would  not  affect  the  question, 
whether  the  Masoretic  text  itself  were  an  accurate  represen- 
.ative  of  the  Mosaic  autograph.  Hut,  on  the  other  hand,  as 
the  very  peculiar  circumstances  onder  which  the  manuscript 
was  found  render  it  at  least  possible  that  the  influence  of 
the  Masora,  which  was  extended  to  the  African  and  Euro- 
pean Hebrew  manuscript  s  by  the  settlement  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished Oriental  .lews  in 'Africa  ami  Spain,  never  reached 
the  mountainous  district  in  the  south  of  India;  as  it  is  possi- 
ble that  the  text  of  the  manuscript  in  Question  was  derived 
from  manuscripts  anterior  to  the  establishment  of  the  Ma- 
sora, manuscripts  even  which  might  have  regulated  the 
learned  Jews  of  "Tiberias  in  the  formation  of  their  own  text, 
the  manuscript  appears  for  these  reasons  to  merit  particular 
attention."'  Professor  Lee,  however,  states  that  Bishop 
Marsh  is  mistaken  in  his  judgment  of  this  manuscript,  which 
Mr.  L.  pronounces  to  be  an  European  Masoretic  roll,  the 
errors  in  which  show  that  it  was  written  by  an  ignorant  scribe, 
so  that  its  text  is  of  little,  value.2 

IX.  Seventeen  manuscripts  of  the  Samaritan  Penta- 
teuch are  known  to  be  extant,  of  which  Dr.  Kennicott  has 
given  a  minute  description.  Six  of  these  manuscripts  are  in 
the  Bodleian  Library  at  Oxford,  and  one  in  the  Cotton  Li- 
brary in  the  British  Museum:  concerning  a  few  of  the  most 
valuable  of  these,  the  following  particulars  may  not  be  un- 
acceptable. They  are  numbered  according  to  Dr.  Kenni- 
oott's  notation. 

1.  Cod.  127.  is  preserved  in  the  British  Museum.  (Bibl. 
Cotton.  Claudius,  B.  8.)  It  is  one  of  the  six  MSS.  procured 
by  Archbishop  Usher,  by  whom  it  was  presented  to  Sir  Ro- 
bert Cotton.  This  very  valuable  manuscript  is  complete, 
and  was  transcribed  entirely  by  one  hand,  on  two  hundred 
and  fifty-four  pages  of  vellum.  It  is  in  an  excellent  state  of 
preservation,  a  leaf  of  fine  paper  having  been  carefully 
placed  between  every  two  leaves  of  the  vellum.  This  MS. 
was  written  a.  d.  1362. 

2.  Cod.  62.  is  preserved  in  the  Bodleian  Library  at  Ox- 
ford ;  and  was  also  purchased  by  Archbishop  Usher,  from 
whose  heirs  the  curators  of  that  library  bought  it,  with  many 
other  MSS.  This  manuscript  is  in  large  quarto,  and  contains 
an  Arabic  version  in  Samaritan  letters,  placed  in  a  column 
parallel  to  the  Samaritan  text.  Unhappily  there  are  many 
chasms  in  it.  Dr.  Kennicott  attributes  a  high  value  to  this 
manuscript,  which  was  written  about  the  middle  of  the  thir- 
teenth century. 

Cod.  197.  is  a  most  valuable  manuscript  in  the  Ambrosian 
Library  at  Milan,  which  was  collated  for  Dr.  Kennicott  by 
Dr.  Branca,  who  is  of  opinion  that  it  is  certainly  not  later 
than  the  tenth  century.  It  is  imperfect  in  many  places  ;  and 
is  very  beautifully  written  on  extremely  thin  vellum,  in  red 

Cod.  363.  (No.  1.  of  the  MSS.  in  the  Library  of  the  Ora- 
tory at  Paris)  is  the  celebrated  manuscript  bought  by  Pietro 
delta  Valle  of  the  Samaritans,  in  1616,  and  printed  by  Mori- 
nus  in  1631-33.  It  is  written  throughout  by  one  hand  ;  and 
though  no  date  is  assigned  to  it,  Dr.  Kennicott  thinks  it  was 
written  towards  the  close  of  the  eleventh  century.  It  was 
collated  for  Dr.  Kennicott  by  Dr.  Bruns,  in  some  select 
pasanges.3 


SECTION  n. 

ON  THE  MANUSCRIPTS  OF  THE  GREEK  SCRIPTURES. 
^    1.    GENERAL  OBSERVATION S   ON    GREEK   MANUSCRIPTS. 

1.   On    what  materiall    written. — II.  Form    of   letters. — III. 
Mbreviations. — IV.    Codices  Palimpsesti  or  Itescripti. 

1.  The  Greek  manuscripts,  which  have  descended  to  our 
time,  are  written  either  on  vellum  or  on  paper ;  and  their  ex- 

»  See  Mr.  Yeates's  Collation  of  an  Indian  Copy  of  the  Pentateuch,  pp. 
(0,  41. 

»  Prolegomena  in  Biblia  Polvglotta  Londinensia  Minora,  Prol.  i.  sect, 
xiv.p.  23. 

»  Kennicott,  Diss.  ii.  pp.  533—510.  Diss.  Gen.  pp.  81.  86.  88.  98.  In  the 
»8T«mh  and  following  volumes  of  the  Classical  Journal  there  is  a  cata- 
>c!rn«  of  the  biblical,  biblico-oriental,  and  classical  manuscripts  at  present 
;xi«ing  in  the  various  public  libraries  in  Great  Britain. 


ternal  form  and  condition  vary,  like  the  manuscripts  of  other 
ancient  authors.  The  vellum  is  either  purple-coloured  or  of 
its  natural  line,  and  is  either  thick  or  thin.  Manuscripts  on 
very  thin  vellum  were  always  held  in  the  highest  esteem. 
The  paper  also  is  either  made  of  cotton,  or  the  common  sort 
manufactured  from  linen,  and  is  either  glazed,  or  laid  (as  it 
is  technically  termed),  that  is,  of  the  ordinary  roughness. 
\ot  mure  than  siv.  manuscript  fragments  on  purple  vellum 
are  known  to  he  extant:  they  are  described  in  the  following 
sections  of"  this  chapter.  The  Codex  Claromontanus,  o? 
which  a  brief  notice  is  also  given  in  a  subsequent  page,  is 
written  on  very  thin  vellum.  All  manuscripts  on  paper  are 
of  a  much  later  date;  those  on  cotton  paper  being  posterior 
to  the  ninth  century,  and  those  on  linen  subsequent  to  the 
twelfth  century;  and  if  the  paper  be  of  a  very  ordinary 
quality,  Wetstein  pronounces  them  to  have  been  written  in 
Italy,  in  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries. 

II.  The  letters  are  either  capital  (which  in  the  time  of  Je- 
rome were  called  uncial,  i.e. initial) or eur«tee,  i.e. small;  the 
capital  letters,  again,  are  of  two  kinds,  either  unadorned  and 
simple,  and  made  with  straight  thin  strokes,  or  thicker,  un- 
even, and  angular.  Some  of  them  are  supported  >n  a  sort 
of  base,  while  others  are  decorated,  or  rather  burdened, 
with  various  tops.  As  letters  of  the  first  kind  are  generally 
seen  on  ancient  Greek  monuments,  while  those  of  the  last 
resemble  the  paintings  of  semi-barbarous  times,  manuscripts 
written  with  the  former  are  generally  supposed  to  be  as  old 
as  the  fifth  century,  and  those  written  with  the  latter  are  sup- 
posed to  be  posterior  to  the  ninth  century.  Greek  manuscripts 
were  usually  written  in  capital  letters  till  the  seventh  cen- 
tury, and  mostly  without  any  divisions  of  words  ;  and  capi- 
tals were  in  general  use  until  the  eighth  century,  and  some 
even  so  late  as  the  ninth  :  but  there  is  a  striking  difference 
in  the  forms  of  the  letters  after  the  seventh  century.  Great 
alterations  took  place  in  the  eighth,  ninth,  and  tenth  centu- 
ries: the  Greek  letters  in  the  manuscripts  copied  by  the 
Latins  in  the  ninth  century  are  by  no  means  regular ;  the  a, 
s,  and  y,  being  inflected  like  the  a,  e,  and  y,  of  the  Latin 
alphabet.  Towards  the  close  of  the  tenth  century,  small  or 
cursive  letters  were  generally  adopted  ;  and  Greek  manu- 
scripts written  in  and  since  the  eleventh  century  are  in  small 
letters,  and  greatly  resemble  each  other,  though  some  few 
exceptions  occur  to  the  contrary.  Flourished  letters  rarely 
occur  in  Greek  manuscripts  of  the  thirteenth,  fourteenth,  and 
fifteenth  centuries.4  The  fac-similes  of  the  Alexandrian  and 
other  manuscripts,  given  in  the  subsequent  pages  of  this 
work,  will  furnish  the  reader  with  a  tolerably  correct  idea 
of  the  various  styles  of  Greek  writing  which  obtained  at  dif- 
ferent periods  between  the  sixth  and  the  fourteenth  centuries. 

The  most  ancient  manuscripts  are  written  without  accents, 
spirits,  or  any  separation  of  the  wrords  ;  nor  was  it  until  after 
the  ninth  century  that  the  copyists  began  to  leave  spaces  be- 
tween the  words.  Michaehs,  after  W*rtstein,  ascribes  the 
insertion  of  accents  to  Euthalius,  bishop  of  Sulca  in  Egypt, 
a.  d.  458.5 

III.  Nearly  the  same  mode  of  spelling  obtains  in  ancient 
manuscripts  which  prevails  in  Greek  printed  books ;  but, 
even  in  the  earliest  manuscripts,  we  meet  with  some  words 
that  are  abbreviated  by  putting  the  first  and  last  letters,  and 
sometimes  also  the  middle  letter,  for  an  entire  word,  and 
drawing  a  line  over  the  top  :  thus  ec.  KC,  1C,  XC,  T2,  2HP, 
1HA,  or  1ZHA,  UNA,  11HP,  MHP,  OTN02,  AN02,  1AHM,  AAA, 
respectively  denote  Qu:  God,  Kvfut  Lord,  Ua-out  Jesus,  x.p:<rrot 
Christ,  r«  «  son,  Ian*?  Saviour,  \<rp.»\  Israel,  Uvjj^-j.  spirit, 
n*T»p  father,  M>n*p  mother,  Ov/wc;  heaven,  AvS-wtc?  man,  I^sy 
<rai>ji/u  Jerusalem,  &tvJ  David.6  At  the  beginning  of  a  new 
book,  which  always  commences  at  the  top  of  a  pao-e,  the 
first  three,  four,  or  five  lines  are  frequently  written  m  ver- 
milion ;  and,  with  the  exception  of  the  Alexandrian  and  Va- 
tican manuscripts,  all  the  most  ancient  codices  now  extant 
have  the  Eusebian  Kipxxxi*  and  rn>s.i,  of  which  we  have  given 
an  account  in  page  214.  supra. 

Very  few  manuscripts  contain  the  whole  either  of  the  Old 
or  of  the  New  Testament.  By  far  the  greater  part  have  only 
the  four  Gospels,  because  they  were  most  frequently  read  in 
the  churches  ;  others  comprise  only  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles 

«  Wetstein's  Prolegomena  to  his  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament,  vol.  i. 
pp.  1—3.  Astle  on  the  Origin  of  Writing,  pp.  60—76.  2d  edit.  Wetstein 
has  given  an  alphabet  from  various  Greek  manuscripts,  and  Astle  has  illus- 
trated his  observations  with  several  very  fine  engravings. 

»  Wetstein,  Proleg.  p.  73.     Michaehs,  vol.  ii.  pp.  519—524. 

•  Concerning  Greek  abbreviations,  see  Montfaucon's  Palteographia  Gr»- 
ca,  pp.  345—370.  Mr.  Astle  has  also  given  a  specimen  of  Greek  abbrevia- 
tions from  two  Psalters.— On  Writing,  p.  76.  plate  vi. 


222 


ACCOUNT  OF  THE  GREEK  MANUSCRIPTS, 


[Paht  I.  Chap.  Ill 


and  the  Catholic  Epistles;  others,  again,  have  the  Acts, 
and  St.  Paul's  Epistles ;  but  a  few  contain  the  Apocalypse  in 
connection  with  other  books,  and  fewer  still  contain  it  alone, 
as  this  book  was  seldom  read  in  the  churches.  Almost  all 
of  them,  especially  the  more  ancient  manuscripts,  are  imper- 
fect, either  from  the  injuries  of  time,  or  from  neglect.1  The 
honks  of  the  New  Testament  are  not  always  disposed  in  the 
same  order.  Thus,  in  some  of  the  few  manuscripts  which 
contain  the  whole  of  the  New  Testament,  we  find  the  seve- 
ral books  arranged  in  the  following  order  : — the  Gospels  of 
Matthew,  Mark,  Luke,  John,  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  the 
Catholic  Epistles,  Apocalypse,  and  the  Epistles  of  Paul.  In 
others,  however,  the  Gospel  of  John  is  placed  either  imme- 
diately after  that  of  Matthew,  and  is  followed  by  Luke  and 
Mark,  or  it  is  placed  first,  and  is  succeeded  by  Matthew, 
Mark,  and  Luke.  In  some,  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  are  fol- 
'owed  by  the  Pauline  Epistles,  the  Catholic  Epistles,  and 
the  Apocalypse.  The  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  for  the  most 
part  follows  the  Epistle  to  Philemon ;  but  in  many  manu- 
scripts it  precedes  the  Epistles  written  to  Timothy,  Titus, 
and  Philemon.2 

All  manuscripts,  the  most  ancient  not  excepted,  have  era- 
sures and  corrections;  which,  however,  were  not  always 
effected  so  dexterously,  but  that  the  original  writing  may 
sometimes  be  seen.  Where  these  alterations  have  been 
made  by  the  copyist  of  the  manuscript  (a  prima  manu,  as  it 
is  termed),  they  are  preferable  to  those  made  by  later  hands, 
or  a  secundd  manu.  These  erasures  were  sometimes  made 
by  drawing  a  line  through  the  word,  or,  what  is  tenfold 
worse,  by  the  penknife.  But,  besides  these  modes  of  obli- 
teration, the  copyist  frequently  blotted  out  the  old  writing 
with  a  sponge,  and  wrote  other  words  in  lieu  of  it :  nor  was 
this  practice  confined  to  a  single  letter  or  word,  as  may  be 
seen  in  the  Codex  Bezae.3  Authentic  instances  are  on  record, 
in  which  whole  books  have  been  thus  obliterated,  and  other 
writing  has  been  substituted  in  the  place  of  the  manuscript 
so  blotted  out ;  but  where  the  writing  was  already  faded 
through  age,  they  preserved  their  transcriptions  without  fur- 
ther erasure. 

IV.  These  manuscripts  are  termed  Codices  Palimpsesti  or 
Rescripti.  Before  the  invention  of  paper,  the  great  scarcity 
of  parchment  in  different  places  induced  many  persons  to 
obliterate  the  works  of  ancient  writers,  in  order  to  transcribe 
their  own,  or  those  of  some  other  favourite  author  in  their 
place  :  hence,  doubtless,  the  works  of  many  eminent  writers 
have  perished,  and  particularly  those  of  the  greatest  anti- 
quity ;  for  such,  as  were  comparatively  recent,  were  tran- 
scribed, to  satisfy  the  immediate  demand ;  while  those,  which 
were  already  dim  with  age,  were  erased.4  It  was  for  a  long 
time  thought,  that  this  destructive  practice  was  confined  to 
the  eleventh,  twelfth,  thirteenth,  and  fourteenth  centuries, 
and  that  it  chiefly  prevailed  among  the  Greeks  :  it  must,  in 
fact,  be  considered  as  the  consequence  of  the  barbarism  which 
overspread  those  dark  ages  of  ignorance  ;  but  this  destructive 
operation  was  likewise  practised  by  the  Latins,  and  is  also 
of  a  more  remote  date  than  has  usually  been  supposed. 

In  general,  a  Codex  Rescriptus  is  easily  known,  as  it 
rarely  happens  that  the  former  writing  is  so  completely 
erased,  as  not  to  exhibit  some  traces:  in  a  few  instances, 
both  writings  are  legible.  Many  such  manuscripts  are  pre- 
served in  the  library  of  the  British  Museum.  Montfaucon 
found  a  manuscript  in  the  Colbert  Library,  which  had  been 
written  about  the  eighth  century,  and  originally  contained  the 
works  ascribed  to  St.  Dionysius  :  new  matter  had  been  writ- 
ten over  it,  three  or  four  centuries  afterwards,  and  both  con- 
tinued  legible.5  Muratori  saw  in  the  Ambrosian  library  a 
manuscript  comprising  the  works  of  the  venerable  Bede,  the 
writing  of  which  was  from  eight  to  nine  hundred  years  old, 
and  which  had  been  substituted  for  another  upwards  of  a 
thousand  years  old.  Notwithstanding  the  efforts  which  had 
been  made  to  erase  the  latter,  some  phrases  could  be  deci- 

>  The  Codex  Cottonianus,  for  instance,  when  perfect,  contained  only  the 
Book  of  Genesis;  the  Codex  Cresareus  contains  only  part  of  the  same 
book,  together  with  a  fragment  of  the  Gospel  of  St.  I.uke  ;  the  Alexandrian 
manuscript  wants  the  first  twenty-four  chapters  of  St.  Matthew's  Gospel  • 
and  the  Codex  Hezae  contains  only  the  four  Gospels  and  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles. 

1  Schott,  Isagoge  Hist.  Crit.  in  Libros  Novi  Foederis,  pp.  591,  592. 

»  Wetstein's  Prolegomena,  pp.  3—8.  Criesbach  has  discovered  the 
handd  of  fivk  different  correctors  in  the  Codex  Claromontanus.  See  his 
Symbols  Criticae,  torn.  ii.  pp.  32—52. 

«  Peignot,  Essai  sur  l'Histoire  de  Parchemin,  pp.  83.  ct  seq. 

*  Palaeogr.  Grsc.  pp.  231.  233.  The  greater  part  of  the  manuscripts  on 
parchment  which  Montfaucon  had  seen,  he  affirms,  were  written  on  parch- 
ment, from  which  some  former  treatise  had  been  erased,  except  in  those 
M  a  very  ancient  date.    Mem.  de  l'Acad.  de  lnscript  torn.  ix.  p.  325. 


phered,  which  indicated  it  to  be  an  ancient  pontifical/  The 
indefatigable  researches  of  signor  Angelo  Mat  (for  some  time 
the  principal  keeper  of  the  Vatican  library  at  Rome)  have 
discovered  several  valuable  remains  of  biblical  and  classical 
literature  in  the  Ambrosian  library  at  Milan  ;  and  a  short 
account  of  some  of  the  principal  Codices  Rescripti  of  the 
New  Testament,  or  of  parts  thereof,  will  be  found  in  th. 
sequel  of  this  section. 

§  2.  ACCOUNT  OF  GREEK  MANUSCRIPTS,   CONTAINING  THE 
OLD    AND    NEW    TESTAMENTS. 

I.    The  Jllexa7idrian  Manuscript. — II.    The   Vatican  Jtfann 
script. 

Of  the  few  manuscripts  known  to  be  extant,  which  contain 
the  Greek  Scriptures  (that  is,  the  Old  Testament,  according 
to  the  Septuagint  version,  and  the  New  Testament),  there 
are  two  which  pre-eminently  demand  the  attention  of  the 
biblical  student  for  their  antiquity  and  intrinsic  value,  viz. 
The  Alexandrian  manuscript,  which  is  preserved  in  the 
British  Museum,  and  the  Vatican  manuscript,  deposited  in 
the  library  of  the  Vatican  Palace  at  Rome. 

I.  The  Codex  Alexandrinus,  or  Alexandrian  Manuscript, 
which  is  noted  by  the  letter  A.  in  Wetstein's,  Griesbach's, 
and  Scholz's  critical  editions  of  the  New  Testament,  consists 
of  four  folio  volumes  ;  the  three  first  contain  the  whole  of 
the  Old  Testament,  together  with  the  apocryphal  books,  and 
the  fourth  comprises  the  New  Testament,  the  first  epistle  of 
Clement  to  the  Corinthians,  and  the  apocryphal  Psalms 
ascribed  to  Solomon.  In  the  New  Testament  there  is  want- 
ing the  beginning  as  far  as  Matt.  xxv.  6.  o  vv/*i>io<;  (pxiruJ » 
likewise  from  John  vi.  50.  to  viii.  52.  and  from  2  Cor.  iv.  13. 
to  xii.  7.  The  Psalms  are  preceded  by  the  epistle  of  Athana- 
sius  to  Marcellinus,  and  followed  by  a  catalogue  containing 
those  which  are  to  he  used  in  prayer  for  each  hour,  both  of 
the  day  and  of  the  night ;  also  by  fourteen  hymns,  partly 
apocryphal,  partly  biblical,  the  eleventh  of  which  is  the  hymn 
of  the  Virgin  Mary,  usually  termed  the  Magnificat  (Luke  i. 
46 — 55.),  and  here  entitled  ?tcQ<tbjx»  M*^x;  t»j  ©sstckcu,  or,  the 
prayer  of  Mary  the  mother  of  God:  the  arguments  of  Eusebius 
are  annexed  to  the  Psalms,  and  his  cations  to  the  Gospels. 
This  manuscript  is  now  preserved  in  the  British  Museum, 
where  it  was  deposited  in  1753.  It  was  sent  as  a  present  to 
King  Charles  I.  from  Cyrillus  Lv.caris,  a  native  of  C  rete, 
and  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  by  Sir  Thomas  Rowe,  am- 
bassador from  England  to  the  Grand  Seignior,  in  the  year 
1628.  Cyrillus  brought  it  with  him  from  Alexandria,  where, 
probably,  it  was  written.  In  a  schedule  annexed  to  it,  he 
gives  this  account;  that  it  was  written,  according  to  tradition, 
by  Thecla,  a  noble  Egyptian  lady,  about  thirteen  hundred 
years  ago,  a  little  after  ttie  council  of  Nice.  He  adds,  that 
the  name  of  Thecla,  at  the  end  of  the  book,  was  erased  ;  but 
that  this  was  the  case  with  other  books  of  the  Christians, 
after  Christianity  was  extinguished  in  Egypt  by  the  Moham- 
medans :  and  that  recent  tradition  records  the  fact  of  the 
laceration  and  erasure  of  Thecla's  name.  The  proprietor  of 
this  manuscript,  before  it  came  into  the  hands  of  Cyrillus 
LuCaris,  had  written  an  Arabic  subscription,  expressing  that 
this  book  was  said  to  have  been  written  with  the  pen  of 
Thecla  the  Martyr. 

Various  disputes  have  arisen  with  regard  to  the  place 
whence  it  was  brought,  and  where  it  was  written,  to  its  anti- 
quity, and  of  course  to  its  real  value.  Some  critics  have 
bestowed  upon  it  the  highest  commendation,  whilst  it  has 
been' equally  depreciated  by  others.  Of  its  most  strenuous 
adversaries,  Wetstein  seems  to  have  been  the  principal.  The 
place  from  which  it  was  sent  to  England  was,  without  doubt, 
Alexandria,  and  hence  it  has  been  called  the  Codex  Alexan- 
drinus. As  to  the  place  where  it  was  written,  there  is  a 
considerable  difference  of  opinion.  Matthaeus  Muttis,  who 
was  a  contemporary,  friend,  and  deacon  of  Cyrillus,  and 
who  afterwards  instructed  in  the  Greek  language  John  Ru- 
dolph  Wetstein,  uncle  of  the  celebrated  editor  of  the  Greek 
Testament,  bears  testimony,  in  a  letter  written  to  Martin 
Bogdan,  a  physician  in  Berne,  dated  January  14,  1664,  that 
it  had  been  brought  from  one  of  the  twenty-two  monasteries 
in  Mount  Athos,  which  the  Turks  never  destroyed,  rut 
allowed  to  continue  upon  the  payment  of  tribute.  Dr.  "W  oide 
endeavours  to  weaken  the  evidence  of  Muttis,  and  to  rendc 
the  testimony  of  the  elder  Wetstein  suspicious  :  but  Spohn? 

•  Muratori.  Antiq.  I  tab  torn.  iii.  diss.  43.  col.  833 

'  Caroli  Godofredi  Woidii  Notitia  Codicis  Al  andrini,  cum  varus  ejua 
lectionibus  omnibus.  Recudendum  curavit,  notasque  adjecit  Gottlieb 
Lcbereeht  Spohn,  pp.  10—13.  (8va  Lipsise,  1790.) 


Baser. 'II.  §2.] 


CONTAINING  THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENTS. 


22B 


■hows  that  the  objections  of  Woule  are  ungrounded.  Allow- 1  Theclawas  the^  copyist,  since  there  were  not  only  monks  but 
ing  their  reality,  we  cannot  infer  that  Oyrillus  found  this 
manuscript  in  Alexandria.  Before  be  went  to  Alexandria  he 
spent  some  time  on  Mount  Athos,  the  repository  and  manu- 
factory of  manuscripts  of  the  New  Testament,  whence  a 
gTeat  number  have  been  brought  into  the  west  of  Europe,  and 
a  still  greater  number  lias  been  sent  to  Moscow.  It  is  there- 
fore probable,  independently  of  the  evidence  of  MuttlS,  thai 
Cyrilhis  procured  it  there  either  by  purchase  or  by  prest  at, 
took  it  with  him  to  Alexandria,  and  brought  it  then©  on  his 
return  to  Constantinople.  But  the  question  recurs,  where 
was  this  copy  written  !  The  Arabic  subscription  above  cit<  d 
dearly  proves,  that  it  had  been  in  Egypt  at  some  period  or 
other,  before  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  Cyrilhis.  This  sub- 
Bcription  shows  that  it  once  belonged  to  an  Egyptian,  or  that 
during  some  time  it  was  preserved  in  Egypt,  where  Arabic 
has  been  Bpoken  since  the  seventh  century.  Besides  it  is 
well  known  that  a  greet  number  of  manuscripts  of  the  (.'reek 
Bible  have  been  written  in  Egypt  Woide  has  also  pointed 
out  a  remarkable  coincidence  between  the  Codex  Alexandri- 
ans and  the  writings  of  the  Copts.  Michaelis  alleges  another 
circumstance  as  a  probable  argument  of  its  having  been 
written  in  Egypt  In  Ezekiel  xxvfi.  18.  both  in  the  Hebrew 
and  (ireek  text,  the  Tyrians  are  said  to  have  fetched  their 
wine  from  Chelbon,  or,  according  to  Bnchart,  Chalybon. 
lint  as  Chalybon,  though  celebrated  for  its  wine,  was  un- 
known to  the  writer  of  this  manuscript  he  has  altered  it  by 
a  fanciful  conjecture  too/voi>  u  Xf/fyan,  wine  from  Hebron.  This 
alteration  was  probably  made  hy  an  Egyptian  copvist,  he- 
cause  Egypt  was  formerly  supplied  with  wine  from  Hebron. 
The  subscription  before  mentioned  ascribes  the  writing  of  it 
to  Thecla,  an  Egyptian  lady  of  high  rank,  who  could  not 
have  been,  as  Michai  lis  supposes,  the  martyress  Thecla, 
placed  in  the  time  of  St.  Paul;  but  Woide  replies,  that 
a  distinction  must  be  made  between  Thecla  martyr,  and 
Thecla  proto-martyr.  With  regard  to  these  subscriptions 
we  may  observe,  with  Bishop  Marsh,  that  the  true  state 
of  the  case  appears  to  be  as  follows  : — "  Some  centuries 
after  the  Codex  Alexandrinus  had  been  written,  and  the 
Creek  subscriptions,  and  perhaps  those  other  parts  where 
it  is  more  defective,  already  lost,  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  a 
Christian  inhabitant  of  Egypt,  who,  not  finding  the  usual 
Greek  subscription  of  the  copyist,  added  in  Arabic,  his  native 
language,  the  tradition,  either  true  or  false,  which  had  been 

I (reserved  in  the  family  or  families  to  which  the  manuscript 
lad  belonged,  '  Memorant  nunc  codicem  scriptum  esse 
calamo  Theclae  martyris.'  In  the  17th  century,  when  oral 
tradition  respecting  this  manuscript  had  probably  ceased,  it 
became  the  property  of  Cyrillus  Lucaris  :  but  whether  in 
Alexandria,  or  Mount  Atnos,  is  of  no  importance  to  the 
present  inquiry.  On  examining  the  manuscript,  he  finds  that 
the  Greek  subscription  is  lost,  but  that  there  is  a  tradition 
recorded  in  Arabic  by  a  former  proprietor,  which  simply 
related  that  it  was  written  by  one  Thecla.  a  martyress.  which 
is  what  lie  means  by  '  memoria  et  traditio  recens.'  Taking 
therefore  upon  trust,  that  one  Thecla  a  martyress  was  really 
•the  copyist,  he  consults  the  annals  of  the  church  to  discover 
in  what  age  and  country  a  person  of  this  name  and  character 
existed  ;  finds  that  an  Egyptian  lady  of  rank,  called  Thecla, 
suffered  martyrdom  between  the  time  of  holding  the  council 
of  Mica±a  and  the  close  of  the  fourth  century  ;  and  concludes, 
without  further  ceremony,  that  she  was  the  very  identical 
copyist.  Not  satisfied  with  this  discovery,  he  attempts  to 
account  for  the  loss  of  the  Greek  subscription,  and  ascribes 
it  to  the  malice  of  the  Saracens  ;  being  weak  enough  to  be- 
lieve that  the  enemies  of  Christianity  would  exert  their 
*engeance  on  the  name  of  a  poor  transcriber,  and  leave  the 
four  folio  volumes  themselves  unhurt."  Dr.  Woide,  who 
transcribed  and  published  this  manuscript,  and  must  he  better 
acquainted  with  it  than  any  other  person, asserts,  that  it  was 
written  bv  two  different  copyists;  for  he  observed  adifferei  ce 
in  the  ink,  and,  which  is  of  greater  moment,  even  in  the 
strokes  of  the  letters.  The  conjecture  of  Oudin,  adopted  by 
Wetstein,  that  the  manuscript  was  written  by  an  Acoemet  is, 
in  the  judgment  of  Michaelia,  worthy  of  attention;'  and  he 
adds,  that  this  conjecture  does  not  contradict  the  account  that 

1  The  Acoemets  were  a  class  of  monks  in  the  ancient  church,  who  nou- 
rished, particularly  in  the  Bast,  during  the  fifth  century.  They  were  BO 
called,  because  they  had  divine  service  performed,  without  interruption, 
in  their  churches.  They  divided  themselves  into  three  bodies,  each  of 
which  officiated  in  turn,  and  relieved  the  others,  so  that  their  churches 
were  never  silent,  either  night  or  day.  Wetstein  adopts  the  opinion  of 
Ca»lmir  Oudin,  that  the  Codex  Alexandrinus  was  written  by  an  Acoemet, 
b«e*use  it  contains  a  catalogue  of  the  psalms  that  were  to  be  sung  at  every 
•but  both  of  the  day  and  night.    Proleg.  in  Nov.  Test  to),  i.  p.  10 


nuns  of  this  order."     Mr.  Baher,  in  the  prolegomena  to  his 
fac-eimile  edition  of  the  Old  Testament  from  this  manuscript,   - 
accedes  to  the  opinion  of  Wetstein,  that  it  was  written,  not 
for  an  individual,  but  for  some  church  or  monastery.2 

The  antiquity  of  this  manuscript  has  also  been  the  subject 
of  controversy.  Grabe  and  Schulse  think  that  it  might  have 
been  written  before  the  end  of  the  fourth  century,  which,  says 
Michaelia,  is  the  very  utmost  period  that  can  be  allowed, 
because  it  contains  the  epistles  01  Athaiiasins.  Oudin  places 
it  in  the  tenth  eentiirv.  Wetstein  refers  it  to  the  fifth,  and 
supposes  that  it  was  one  of  the  manuscripts  collected  at 
Alexandria  in  615,  for  the  Syriac  version.  Dr.  Semler  refers 
it  to  the  seventh  century.  Montfeucon1  is  of  opinion,  that 
neither  the  Codes  Alt  \andrinus,  nor  any  Greek  manuscript, 
can  be  said  with  great  probability  to  be  much  prior  to  the 
sixth  century,  michaelia  appn  bends,  that  this  manuscript 
was  written  after  Arabic  was  become  the  native  language  of 
the  Egyptians,  tint  is,  one  or  rather  two  centuries  after  Alex- 
andria was  taken  by  the  Saracens,  which  happened  in  the  year 
640,  because  the  transcriber  frequently  confounds  M  and  B, 
which  is  often  done  in  the  Arabic  ;  and  he  concludes,  that  it 
is  not  more  ancient  than  the  eighth  century.  Woide,  after  a 
great  display  of  learning,  with  which  he  examines  the  evi- 
dence for  the  antiquity  of  the  Codex  Alexandrinus,  concludes, 
that  it  was  written  between  the  middle  and  the  end  of  the 
fourth  century.  It  cannot  be  allowed  a  greater  antiquity, 
because  it  has  not  only  the  t/t>.c<  or  tupa&jua  majora,  but  the 
x«f«Aa/a  minora,  or  Ammonian  sections,  accompanied  with  the 
references  to  the  Canons  of  Eusehius.  Wnide's  arguments 
have  been  objected  to  by  Spohn.4  Some  of  the  principal  argu- 
ments advanced  by  those  who  refer  this  manuscript  to  the 
fourth  or  fifth  centuries,  are  the  following:  the  epistles  of 
Saint  Paul  are  not  divided  into  chapters  like  the  gospels, 
though  this  division  took  place  so  early  as  39G,  when  to  each 
chapter  was  prefixed  a  superscription.  The  Codex  Alexan- 
drinus has  the  epistles  of  Clement  of  Rome  ;  but  these  were 
forbidden  to  be  read  in  the  churches,  hy  the  council  of  Lao- 
dicea,  in  364,  and  that  of  Carthage,  in  419.  Hence  Schulze 
has  inferred,  that  it  was  written  before  the  year  364  ;  and  he 
produces  a  new  argument  for  its  antiquity,  deduced  from  the 
last  of  the  fourteen  hymns  found  in  it  after  the  psalms,  which 
is  superscribed  t/^tvee  «6/vcc,  and  is  called  the  grand  doxology; 
for  this  hymn  has  not  the  clause  ayioc  a  3-s;?,  *yic;  irrupt.*;,  aj^c 
ctdwxToc,  th.tna:ov  »,k*?,  which  was  used  between  the  years  434 
and  446  ;  and  therefore  the  manuscript  must  have  been  writ- 
ten before  this  time.  Wetstein  thinks  that  it  must  have  been 
written  before  the  time  of  Jerome,  hecause  the  Greek  text  of 
this  manuscript  was  altered  from  the  old  Italic.  He  adds, 
that  the  transcriber  was  ignorant  that  the  Arabs  were  called 
Hagarenes,  because  he  has  written  (1  Chron.  v.  20.)  nyipsuoi 
for  AyxjKtia.  Others  allege  that  aytfeuu  is  a  mere  erratum  : 
because  Ayapiioy  occurs  in  the  preceding  verse.  Ajjfmic  in 
1  Chron.  xxvii.  31.  and  Kyupwi  in  Psal.  lxxxii.  7.  These 
arguments,  says  Michaelis,  afford  no  certainty,  because  the 
Codex  Alexandrinus  must  have  been  copied  from  a  still  more 
ancient  manuscript:  and  if  thi>  were  faithfully  copied,  the 
arguments  apply  rather  to  this  than  to  the  Alexandrian  manu- 
script itself.  It  is  the  handwriting  alone,  or  the  formation 
of  the  letters,  with  the  want  of  accents,  which  can  lead  to 
any  probable  decision.  The  arguments  alleged  to  prove  that 
it  is  not  so  ancient  as  the  fourth  century,  are  the  following. 
Dr.  Sender  thinks,  that  the  epistle  of  Athanasius,  on  the  value 
and  excellency  of  the  Psalms,  would  hardly  have  been  pre- 
fixed to  them  during  his  life.  But  it  ought  to  be  recollected. 
that  Athanasius  had  many  warm  and  strenuous  advocates 
From  this  epistle  Oudin  has  attempted  to  deduce  an  argu 
ment,  that  the  manuscript  was  written  in  the  tenth  century 
This  epistle,  he  says,  is  spurious,  and  could  not  have  been 
forged  during  the  life  of  Athanasius,  and  the  tenth  century 
was  fertile  in  spurious  productions.  Again,  the  Virgin  Mary, 
in  the  superscription  of  the  Song  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  is 
styled  dwTuuc,  a  name  which  Wetstein  says  betrays  the  fifth 
century.  Further,  from  the  probable  conjecture,  that  this 
manuscript  was  written  hy  one  of  the  order  of  the  Accemetse, 
Oudin  concludes  against  its  antiquity;  but  Wetstein  contents 
himself  with  asserting,  that  it  could  not  have  been  written 
before  the  fifth  century,  because  Alexander,  who  fr.unded  this 
order,  lived  about  the  year  420.  From  this  statement,  pur 
sued  more  at  large,  Michaelis  deduces  a  reason  for  paying 
less  regard  to  the  Codex  Alexandrinus  than  many  emineu 

»  Vet.  Test.  Gnec.  a  Baber,  Prologom.  p.  xxv 

'  Palaeog.  Grrec.  p.  185.  „    ..  .    ., 

»  Pp  42—109  of  his  edition  of  Woite'i  Notitia  Codicis  Alexandria! 


224 


ACCOUNT  OF  GREEK  MANUSCRIPTS, 


[Part  I.  Chap.  Ill 


critics  have  done,  and  for  the  preference  that  is  due,  in  many 
respects,  to  ancient  versions,  before  any  single  manuscript, 
because  the  antiquity  of  the  former,  which  is  in  general 
greater  than  that  of  the  latter,  can  be  determined  with  more 
precision.  Dietelmaier,  who  has  more  recently  investigated 
this  question,  is  of  opinion  that  this  manuscript  was  written 
towards  the  close  of  the  fourth,  or  early  in  the  fifth  century:1 
and  this,  which  is  the  most  probable  opinion,  is  adopted  by 
Mr.  Baber.2 

The  value  of  the  Alexandrian  manuscript  has  been  dif- 
ferently appreciated  by  different  writers.  Wetstein  is  no 
great  admirer  of  it,  nor  does  Michaelis  estimate  it  highly, 
either  on  account  of  its  internal  excellence  or  the  value  of 
its  readings.  The  principal  charge  which  has  been  pro- 
duced against  the  Alexandrian  manuscript,  and  which 
has  been"  strongly  urged  by  Wetstein,  is  its  having  been 
altered  from  the  Latin  version.  It  is  incredible,  says 
Michaelis,  who  once  agreed  in  opinion  with  Wetstein,  but 
found  occasion  to  alter  his  sentiments,  that  a  transcriber  who 
lived  in  Egypt,  should  have  altered  the  Greek  text  from  a 
Latin  version,  Decause  Egypt  belonged  to  the  Greek  diocese, 
and  Latin  was  not  understood  there.  On  this  subject  Woide 
has  eminently  displayed  his  critical  abilities,  and  ably  de- 
fended the  Greek  manuscripts  in  general,  and  the  Codex 
Alexand  rinus  in  particular,  from  the  charge  of  having  been 
corrupted  from  the  Latin.  Griesbach  concurs  with  Woide,3 
and  both  have  contributed  to  confirm  Michaelis  in  his  new 
opinion.  If  this  manuscript  has  been  corrupted  from  a  ver- 
sion, it  is  more  reasonable  to  suspect  the  Coptic,  the  version 
of  the  country  in  which  it  was  written.  Between  this  manu- 
script and  both  the  Coptic  and  Syriac  versions,  there  is  a 


remarkable  coincidence.  Griesbach  has  observed,  that  this 
manuscript  follows  three  different  editions :  the  Byzantine 
in  the  Gospels,  the  Western  edition  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apos- 
tles, and  the  Catholic  epistles,  which  form  the  middle  di 
vision  of  this  manuscript,  and  the  Alexandrine  in  the  epistles 
of  Saint  Paul.  The  transcriber,  if  this  assertion  be  true, 
must  have  copied  the  three  parts  of  the  Greek  Testament 
from  three  different  manuscripts  of  three  different  editions. 
It  is  observable,  that  the  readings  of  the  Codex  Alexandri 
nus  coincide  very  frequently  not  only  with  the  Coptic  and 
the  old  Syriac,  but  with  the  new  Syriac  and  the  Ethiopic  ; 
and  this  circumstance  favours  the  hypothesis,  that  this  manu- 
script was  written  in  Egypt,  because  the  new  Syriac  version 
having  been  collated  with  Egyptian  manuscripts  of  the 
Greek  Testament,  and  the  Ethiopic  version  being  taken  im- 
mediately from  them,  have  necessarily  the  readings  of  the 
Alexandrine  edition. 

The  Alexandrian  manuscript  is  written  in  uncial  or  capital 
letters,  without  any  accents  or  marks  of  aspiration,  but  with 
a  few  abbreviations  nearly  similar  to  those  already  noticed,4 
and  also  with  some  others  which  are  described  by  Dr. 
Woide,5  who  has  likewise  explained  the  various  points  and 
spaces  occurring  in  this  manuscript. 

A  fac-simile  of  the  Codex  Alexand  rinus,  containing  the 
New  Testament,  was  published  at  London  in  1786,  in  folio, 
by  the  late  Dr.  Woide,  assistant  librarian  of  the  British 
Museum,  with  types  cast  for  the  purpose,  line  for  line,  with- 
out intervals  between  the  words,  precisely  as  in  the  original. 
The  following  specimen  will  convey  to  the  reader  an  idea  o*" 
this  most  precious  manuscript. 


I 

7 


r 

/ 


John  i.  1—7. 

VDNApXH  H  NOXOrOCKXIOXOroCH 
TTPOCTON6N  *  I  <XIOC  HNOXOrOC  * 
OYTOCHN6NX  pXHTTpOCTTOKieN 

TrANTx^ixYTOYereNeTO-  kxixcd 
peicxYTOYereNeTooYxeeN  • 
oreroNierNieMXYi  cd^odh  h  ki  ■    _ 

IOJHZCDH  H  MTOC^COCTCOMXMcoN 
KAITodXDCeMTHCKOTE^Cpxi 
Nei '  I  <XlHCKOT!XXYTOOYKXT6 

^xxBen-  ereMeTOAjvioc^TTs 

LrTXXMeNOCTTX  pXGYONOMMY 
TCOIOOXKJ  h4  HC'OYTOCHXeeN 
GJCMXPTYP  XNliMAMXfTYpH 
CHTTeP  ITOYXj>COTOC*  i'NXTTAlsI 
TeCTTlCTeYCODClN^lXYTOY 


For  this  stereotype  specimen  we  are  indebted  to  the  Rev. 
H.  H.  Baber,  one  of  the  librarians  of  the  British  Museum, 
who  kindly  favoured  us  with  the  use  of  the  Alexandrian 
types,  with  which  he  printed  a  fac-simile  edition  of  the  Old 
Testament  from  the  Codex  Alexandrinus  at  London,  1816— 
28,  in  four  volumes  folio.6  For  the  gratification  of  the 
English  reader,  the  following  extract  is  subjoined,  compris- 
ing the  first  seven  verses  of  Saint  John's  Gospel,  rendered 
rather  more  literally  than  the  idiom  of  our  language  will 

i  Dietelmaieri  Disscrtatio  Academica,  qua  antiquitas  Codicis  Alexan- 
dria vindicator.  §§  7,  8. 
»  Vet.  Test.  Grsec.  Prolegom.  p.  24. 

*  In  his  "  Symbols  Critics,"  vol.  i.  pp.  110—117. 
«  See  p.  221.  supra. 

*  In  the  Preface  to  his  fac-simile  of  the  Alexandrian  manuscript  of  the 
New  Testament,  §§27—34. 

*  The  reader  who  may  be  desirous  of  further  information  concerning 
the  Alexandrian  manuscript,  is  referred  to  Dr.  Grabe's  prolegomena  to  his 
edition  of  the  Greek  Septuagint,  and  also  to  the  prolegomena  of  Dr.  Woide 
and  of  Mr.  Baber,  already  cited,  and  to  those  of  Dr.  Mill  and  Wetstein, 
prefixed  to  their  editions  of  the  New  Testament.  See  also  Michaelis's 
Introduction  to  the  NewTestament,  vol.  ii.  part  i.  pp.  186—209.,  and  Bishop 
Marsh's  notes  in  part  ii.  pp.  648—660.,  and  Hug's  Introduction  to  the  New 
Test.  vol.  i.  pp.  268—273.  Dr.  Lardner  has  given  the  table  of  contents  of 
this  manuscript  in  his  Credibility  of  the  Gospel  History,  Dart  ii.  chap.  147. 
;Works,  Svo.  vol.  v.  pp.  253—256.  ;  4to.  vol.  iv.  pp.  44—46.) 


admit,  in  order  to  convey  an  exact  idea  of  the  original  Greed 
(above  given)  of  the  Alexandrian  manuscript. 

John  l.  1 — 7. 

Inthebeginningvvasthewordandthewordwas 

withgdandgdwastheword- 

hewasinthebeginningwithgd 
allweremadebyh1mandwith 
outhimwasmadenotoneth/m?- 
thatwasmadeinh1mlifewas- 

andthel1fewasthelightofmn 

andthelightindarknessshtn 

ethandthedarknessdidnotitcompre 

hend-  therewasamnse 

NtFROMGOD  WHOSEN  AME  WAS 

IOHNTHISP.EKSOACAME 
ASAWITNESSTHATHEMIGHTTESTI 
FYCONCERNINGTHELIGHTTHATA 
LLM1GHTBELIEVETHROUGHHIM- 

II.  The  Codex  Vaticanus,  No.  1209.,  contests  the  palm 
of  antiquity  with  the  Alexandrian  manuscript.  No  fac-simile 
of  it  has  ever  been  published.    The  Roman  edition  of  th* 


Sect.  II.  §  2.] 


CONTAINING  THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENTS. 


225 


Septuigint,  printed  in  1590,  profl  text  of 

this  manuscript;  and  in  the  preface  to  that  edition  it  is  stated 
to  have  been  written  before  the  jreai  387,  '•  '•  towards  the 
close  of  the  fourth  century  :  Montfaucon  and  Blanchini  refer 
u  to  the  fifth  or  sixth  century,  and  Dapin  to  the  seventh 
century.  Professor  Hug  has  endeavoured  to  show  that  it 
was  written  in  the  early ''part  of  the  fourth  century  ;  but  from 
the  omission  of  themusebian  k»p*kmh  and  wau,  Bishop 
M  irsh  concludes  with  great  probability  that  it  was  written 
before  the  close  of  the  fifth  century.-  The  Vatican  manu- 
script is  written  on  parchment  or  villuin,  iu  uncial  or  capital 
letters,  in  three  columns  on  each  page,  all  of  which  are  of 
the  Bame  Bize,  excepl  al  die  beginning  of  a  hook,  and  with- 
out any   divisions   of  chapters,   761*868,   or  words,   but  with 

its  and  spirits.  The  shape  of  the  letters,  and  colour  of 
the  ink,  prove  *(»;  it  was  written  throughout  by  one  and  the 

can  ful  copyist.  The  abbreviations  are  few,  beingcon- 
fined  chiefly  to  those  words  which  are  in  general  abbreviated, 
such  as  GC,  Kc",  IC,  xr,  for  Out,  Ki^w,  I»«w,  xpumc,  God, 
Lord,  Jesus,  Christ.      Originally  this  manuscript  contained 

itire  Greek  Bible,  including  both  the  Old  and  New 
T  intents;  in  which  respect  it  resembles  none  so  much  as 
the  Codex  Alexandrians,  though   no  two  manuscripts  vary 

in  their  readings.  The  Old  Testament  wants  the  first 
forty-six  chapters  of  Genesis,  and  thirty-two  psalms,  viz. 
from  l'sal.  cv.  to  exxxvii.  inclusive  ;  and  the  New  Testa- 
wants  the  latter  part  of  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
viz.  all  after  chapter  ix.  verse  11.,  and  also  Saint  Paul's 
Other  epistles  to  Timothy,  Titus,  and  Philemon,  and  the 
whole  nook  of  Revelation.  It  appears,  however,  that  this 
last  book,  as  well  as  the  latter  part  of  the  epistle  to  the  He- 
brews,  has  been  supplied  by  a  modern  hand  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  and,  it  is  said,  from  some  manuscript  that  had 
f. i  inerly  belonged  to  Cardinal  Bessarion.  In  many  places 
the  faded  letters  have  also  been  retouched  by  a  modern  but 
careful  hand  :  and  when  the  person  who  made  these  amend- 
ments (whom  Michaelis  pronounces  to  have  been  a  man  of 
learning)  found  various  readings  in  other  manuscripts,  he  has 
introduced  them  into  the  Codex  Vaticanus,  but  has  still  pre- 

1  the  original  text;  and  in  some  few  instances  he  has 

ventured  to  erase  with  a  penknife.     Various  defects,  both  in 

igraphy  and  language,  indicate  that  this  manuscript  was 

uted  by  an  Egyptian  copyist.     Instead  of  «/x\»4»,  &c. 

he  has  written  mkxtipfy,  \»(x-[ta-8s,  xnyefWrra/,  which  occurs  only 

ptic  or  Graeco-coptic  MSS.    He  has  also  written  uttm  for 

s  may  be  seen  in  the  celebrated  Rosetta  inscription; 
niSxt ,  iTti-'Jv,  uthkO-jlv,  avithzTc,  and  tuuxpmfvn ,  as  in  the  inscription 
of  the  Theban  Memnon;  and  s&>/>***v  and  ■)*),&&,  as  the 
A  candrians  wrote,  according  to  the  testimony  of  Sextus 
Bmpiricus.  These  peculiarities  show  that  the  Codex  Vati- 
canus exhibits  the  Egyptian  text,  subsequent  to  the  third 
century,  according  to  the  Alexandrine  Recension  of  Gries- 
bach,  though  it  exhibits  many  additions  (in  the  Gospel  of 
Saint  Matthew  for  instance)  which  are  i  ol  found  in  other 
manuscripts  of  this  recension. 

It  has  been  supposed  that  this  manuscript  was  collated  by 
the  editors  of  theComplutensianPolygloit,  and  even  that  this 
edition  was  almost  entirely  tak(  n  from  it ;  but  Bishop  Marsh 
has  shown  by  actual  comparison  that  this  was  net  the  case. 

Dr.  Scholz  made  use  of  the  collection  of  Julius  de  St. 
Anastasia,  which  was  executed  before  the  year  1669,  and 
which  is  now  preserved  in  the  royal  library  at  Paris.1 

The  Vatican  manuscript  has  been  repeatedly  collated  by 
various  eminent  critics,  from  whose  extracts  WetStein  cof- 

I  numerous  various  readings;  but  the  latest  and  best 
•ollation  is  that  by  Professor  Birch,  of  Copenhagen,  in  1781. 
Although  the  antiquity  of  the  Vatican  manuscript  is  indis- 

le,  it  is  by  no  means  easy  to  determine  between   its 

comparative  value  and  that  of  the  Alexandrian  manuscript ; 

IS  there  any  absolute  and  universal  standard  by  which 

several  excellencies  may  be  estimated.  With  regard 
to  the  Old  Testament,  if  any  Greek  manuscript  were  now 
extant,  containing  an  exact  copy  of  the  several  books  as  they 
were  originally  translated,  such  manuscript  would  be  perfect, 
and,  consequently,  the  most  valuable.  The  nearer  any  copy 
comes  to  this  perfection,  the  more  valuable  it  must  be,  and 

rsci.  In  its  present  state  the  Hebrew  text  cannot  de- 
termine fully  the  value  of  these  MSS.  in  their  relation  to 
one  another :  and  yet,  as  that  text  receives  great  assistance 
from  both,  it  proves  that  both  deserve  our  highest  regard. 
It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  neither  of  them  has  the  asterisks 
>f  Origen,  though  both  of  them  were  transcribed  in  the  fifth 


V  ot.  I. 


Scholz,  Nov.  Test.  vol. 

2  F 


Proleg.  p.  38 


century;  which,  Dr.  Kennicott  observes,12  is  ne  proof  that 
they  were  not  taken  either  mediately  or  immediately  from 
the  Eiexapla.  The  Vatican  and  Alexandrian  manuscripts 
differ  from  each  other  in  the  Old  Testament  chiefly  ifl  this; — 
that,  as  they  contain  books,  which  have  l>.  ted  by 

diffi  rent  persons,   upon   different  prii.  they 

differ  greatly  in  Borne  places  in  their  interpolation... — lotbey 
contain  many  words  which  were  either  derived  from  different 
Greek  versions,  or  els.-  were  translated   bv   one   01   both   of 

the  transcribers  themselves  from  the  Hebrew  text,  which 
was  consulted  by  them  al  the  time  of  transcribing. 

On  the  ground  of  Its  internal  excellence,  Michaelis  pre- 
ferred the  Vatican  manuscript  (for  the  New  Testament j  to 
the  Codex  Alexandrinua.  It,  however,  mat  manuscript  be 
most  respectable  which  comes  the  nearest  to  Origen's 
Hexaplar  copy  of  the  Septuagint,  the  Alexandrian  manu- 
script seems  to  claim  that  merit  in  preference  to  its  rival  : 
but  if  it  be  thought  a  matter  of  superior  honour  to  approach 
nearer  the  old  Greek  version,  uncorrected  by  Origen,  that 
merit  seems  to  be  due  to  the  Vatic 

The  annexed  engraving  exhibits  a  specimen  of  the  Vatican 
manuscript  from  a  fac-sirnile  traced  in  the  year  1701  for  Dr. 
Grabe,  editor  of  the  celebrated  edition  of  the  Septuagint, 
which  is  noticed  in  a  subsequent  part  of  this  work.  The 
author  has  reason  to  believe  that  it  is  the  must  faithful  fac- 
simile ever  executed  of  this  M.S.  It  was  made  by  Signor 
Zacagni,  at  that  time  principal  keeper  of  the  Vatican  Library, 
and  it  is  now  preserved  aiie.i.u  J)r.  (Jrabe's  manuscripts  lr 
the  Bodleian  Library  at  Oxford. 


*r  7 


I 


3 


KO  C  -Ttt>eT~€  »  T€  TAfTCO 
M  N  N  f  F  €  M  n  TN  TOTM  tin*"* 
KAl£rOOHMHNGNM€CCL/ 

TNC  A  (X.  MAAtt)  C  t  AC  €  n  !T'Y 
nOTAMOYTOYXOB^^ 
>fh/O»X0NCAVO;OYpAN°f 
KAI6»AONOfNCCfCerneu, 

MTvcroyMH^oc  TOYT» 

T06TOC  TO  n€M  HTONTmc 
AJXTMAXCO  C/AC  TOT5AC/ 

Aeu)Cf6rjXK€JM    KA/ere 
NeTOAO  to  cfcyn  po  c  I  € 
zeK/HXrioNBoyzeiTOff 

jepe^€NrHX*>AAlcdN£ 

n  iToy  rro  tam  OYT07* 

HNp    KAf€reN€TO€rTeMe 

"yeiPKYKAiiAONKAMAor 
n^e£MpoNHPX€TOAKo 

BOPfAKMNf<P€*HH€rAv 

;vH€MNfTu> 

This  fee-simile  has  been  most  carefully  and  accurately 
copied,  under  the  direction  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Bandincl,  the 
ki  eper  of  that  noble  repository  of  literature,  to  whom  the 
author  now  offers  his  acknowledgments  for  his  kind  assist- 
ance on  this  occasion.  The  passage  represented  in  our 
engraving  contains  the  first  three  verses  of  the  first  chapter 
of  the  prophet  Ezekiel,  of  which  the  following  is  a  litera. 
English  version: 

a  Diss.  ii.  pp.  413 — 415.  „  ..       M    ,rnt 

.  Signor  Zacagn.'s  Letter  to  Dr.  Grabe   dated    Rome,   Nov.  29.  17M, 

in  Dr.  Kennicot?s  Diss.  ii.  pp.  403-411.    Michaelis,  voL  u.  part  i  pp.  341- 

350.   Part  ii.  pp.  S10-S20.     Hug's  Introd.   to  the  New  Test.  vol.  i.  pp 

262-272. 


226 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS, 


[Part  1.  Chap.  Ill 


1EZEKIEL. 

+  + 


+ 


NNOWITCAMETOPASSINTHETHIR 
INTHE 
TIETHYEARFOURTH 
MONTHONTHEFIFTHOFTHEMONth 
WHENIWASINTHEMIDST 
OFTHECAPTIVESBYThE 
RIVERCHOBARAni> 

theheavenswereopened 

ANDISAWTHEVISIONSOFGDONTHEFi 
FTHOFTHE  MONTHTHIs 
WASTHEFIFTHYEAROFT.ik 
CAPTIVITYOFTHEKI 
NGJOACHIM     ANDCA 

METHEWORDOFTHELDTOE 

ZEKIELTHESONOFBUZITHE 

PRIESTINTHELANDOFTHECHALDEESB 

YTHERIVERCHo 

B  ARANDUPONME  WAS 

THEHANDOFTHELDANDILOOKEDANDLO  . 
AWHIRLWNDCAMEOUTOF 
THENORTHANDAGREATCLOUD 
WITHIT 

No  fac-simile  edition  (like  that  of  the  Alexandrian  manu- 
script of  the  New  Testament  edited  by  Dr.  Woide,  and  of 
the  Old  Testament  by  the  Rev.  H.  H.  Baber)  has  ever 
been  executed  of  the  precious  Vatican  manuscript.  During 
the  pontificate  of  Pius  VI.  the  Abate  Spoletti  contemplated 
the  publication  of  it,  for  which  purpose  he  delivered  a  memo- 
rial to  the  Pope.  No  public  permission  was  ever  given : 
and  though  the  Pontiff's  private  judgment  was  not  unfavour- 
able to  the  undertaking,  yet,  as  his  indulgence  would  have 
been  no  security  against  the  vengeance  of  the  inquisition, 
Spoletti  was  obliged  to  abandon  his  design.1  It  is,  however, 
but  just  to  add,  that  no  obstacles  were  thrown  in  the  way 
of  the  collation  of  manuscripts  in  the  Vatican  for  Dr. 
Holmes's  critical  edition  of  the  Septuagint  version,  of  which 
some  account  will  be  found  in  the  Bibliographical  Appen- 
dix to  the  second  volume. 


%  3.  ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS  (ENTIRE  OR  IN  PART) 
CONTAINING  THE  SEPTUAGINT  OR  GREEK  VERSION  OF  THE  OLD 
TESTAMENT. 

1.  The  Codex  Cottonianus. — II.  The  Codex  Sarravianus. — 
III.  The  Codex  Colbertinus. — IV.  The  Codex  Cxsareus, 
Argentetis,  or  Argenteo-Purpureus. — V.  The  Codex  Am- 
brosianus. — VI.  The  Codex  Coisliniamis. — VII.  The  Codex 
Basiliano-Vaticanus. — VIII.   The  Codex  Turicensis. 

It  is  not  precisely  known  what  number  of  manuscripts 
ot  the  Greek  version  of  the  Old  Testament  are  extant.  The 
highest  number  of  those  collated  by  the  late  Rev.  Dr.  Holmes, 
for  his  splendid  edition  of  this  version,  is  one  hundred  and 
thirty-five.  Nine  of  them  are  described,  as  being  written  in 
uncial  characters,  and  as  having  furnished  him  with  the  most 
important  of  the  various  readings,  with  which  his  first  volume 
is  enriched  :  besides  these  he  has  noticed  sixty-three  others, 
written  in  cursive  or  small  characters,  and  which  have  like- 
wise furnished  him  with  various  lections.  Of  these  manu- 
scripts the  following  are  more  particularly  worthy  of  notice, 
on  account  of  their  rarity  and  value.2 

1.  The  Codex  Cottonianus  is  not  only  the  most  ancient 
but  the  most  correct  manuscript  that  is  extant.  It  was 
originally  brought  from  Philippi  by  two  Greek  bishops,  who 
presented  it  to  king  Henry  VIII.  whom  they  informed  that 
tradition  reported  it  to  have  been  the  identical  copy  which 
had  belonged  to  the  celebrated  Origen,  who  lived  in  the 
former  half  of  the  third  century.  Queen  Elizabeth  o-ave  it 
to  Sir  John  Fortescue,  her  preceptor  in  Greek,  who,  desirous 
of  preserving  it  for  posterity,  placed  it  in  the  Cottonian 
library.    This  precious  manuscript  was  almost  destroyed  by 

•  Michaelis,  vol.  ii.  part  i.  p.  181.,  part  ii.  pp.644,  645. 

*  Our  descriptions  are  chiefly  abridged  from  Dr.  Holmes's  Prsefatio  ad 
Pentateuchum,  cap.  ii.  prefixed  to  the  first  volume  of  his  critical  edition 
if  the  Septuagint  version  published  at  Oxford,  in  1798,  folio. 


the  calamitous  fire  which  consumed  Cotton  House  at  West- 
minster, in  the  year  1731.  Eighteen  fragments  are  all  that 
now  remain,  and  of  these,  both  the  leaves,  and  consequently 
the  writing  in  a  just  proportion,  are^ contracted  into  a  less 
compass  ;  so  that  what  were  large  are  now  small  capitals. 
These  fragments  are  at  present  deposited  in  the  British 
Museum.3 

In  its  original  state,  the  Codex  (Cottonianus  contained  one 
hundred  ana  sixty-five  leaves,  in  the  quarto  size;  it  is  writ- 
ten on  vellum,  in  uncial  characters,  the  line  running  along 
the  whole  width  of  the  page,  and  each  line  consisting,  in 
general,  of  twenty-seven,  rarely  of  thirty  letters.  These 
letters  are  almost  every  where  of  the  same  length,  excepting 
that  at  the  end  of  a  line  they  are  occasionally  somewhat  less, 
and  in  some  instances  are  interlined  or  written  over  the  line. 
Like  all  other  very  ancient  manuscripts,  it  has  no  accents  or 
spirits,  nor  any  distinction  of  words,  verses,  or  chapters. 
The  words  are,  for  the  most  part,  written  at  full  length,  with 
the  exception  of  the  well  known  and  frequent  abbreviations 
cf  KC,  KN,  0C,  0N,  for  Kvpic;  and  Kvpur,  Lord,  and  Geo?,  ©«?, 
God.  Certain  consonants,  vowels,  and  diphthongs  are  also 
'interchanged.4  The  coherence  of  the  Greek  text  is  very 
close,  except  where  it  is  divided  by  the  interposition  of  the 
very  curious  paintings  or  illuminations  with  which  this 
manuscript  is  decorated.  These  pictures  were  two  hundred 
and  fifty  in  number,  and  consist  of  compositions  within 
square  frames,  of  one  or  of  several  figures,  in  general  not 
exceeding  two  inches  in  height ;  ana  these  frames,  which 
are  four  inches  square,  are  occasionally  divided  into  two 
compartments.  The  heads  are  perhaps  too  large,  but  the 
attitudes  and  draperies  have  considerable  merit:  and  they 
are  by  competent  judges  preferred  to  the  miniatures  that 
adorn  the  Vienna  manuscript,  which  is  noticed  in  pp.  227, 
228,-  infra.  Twenty-one  fragments  of  these  illuminations 
were  engraved  in  1744,  on  two  large  folio  plates,  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  society  of  Antiquaries  of  London.  More  frag- 
ments must  have  been  preserved  than  the  eighteen  which  at 
present  remain ;  because  none  of  those  engraved  are  now  to 
be  met  with.5  On  an  examination  of  the  Codex  Cotton- 
ianus, with  a  view  to  take  a  fac-simile  of  some  one  of  its 
fragments  for  this  work,  they  were  found  in  a  nearly  pulver- 
ized and  carbonized  state,  so  that  no  accurate  copy  could  be 
made.  The  annexed  engraving  therefore  is  copied  from  that 
of  the  Antiquarian  Society.6  The  subject  on  the  right  hand 
is  Jacob  delivering  his  son  Benjamin  to  his  brethren,  that 
they  may  go  a  second  time  into  Egypt,  and  buy  corn  for  him- 
self and  his  family.  The  passage  of  Genesis,  which  it  is 
intended  to  illustrate,  is  ch.  xliii.  13,  14.,  of  which  the  fol- 
lowing is  a  representation  in  ordinary  Greek  characters;  the 
words  preserved  being  in  capital  letters. 


KAlTONAAEAfcONTMnv  h*psm  km  clvh 
2TANTE2KATABHTEnPOS  tsv  ctv^pce 
nON-OAE02MOTAQH  v/jw  £*/>/v  ivxv 
TlONTOrAN0PnnOr-KAI  liawrtWutt  to» 
AAEA#ONrMflNTON  ha.  mu  rev  Bm 
AMEIN-ErnMENrAPKA©*;rsp  iiracvu 
MAlHTEKNflMAl. 


In  English,  thus: 

ALSOYOURBROTHER  take,  and  a 
RISEGOAGAINUNTOthe  ma 
N-ANDMAYGDGIVE  you  favour  be 
FORETHEMANTHAT  he  may  send  back 
YOURBROTHER  and  Benj 
AMIN-ASFORMEAS  I  have  been  be 
REAVEDOFCHILDRENIAM  bereaved. 

The  subject  on  the  left  hand  of  the  engraving  is  Joseph  s 
interview  with  his  brethren  in  his  own  house,  on  their  return 
into  Egypt.  It  illustrates  Genesis  xliii.  30,  31.,  and  is  aa 
follows : — 

a  Catalogs  Bibliothecs  Cottonianoe,  p.  365.  (folio,  1S02.)  Casley's  Cata 
loyue  of  MSS.  in  the  Kind's  library,  pp.  viii.  LX. 

«  These  permutations  were  a  fruitful  source  of  errors  in  manuscripts 
Some  instances  of  them  are  given  Sect.  VI.  §  1.  iii.  1.  iitfrn 

1  Catalosus  Bibliothecoe  CottonianjB,  p.  365. 

•  Vetusta  Monumenta,  qua;  ad  Rerum  Britanni'  irnru  Memoriam  Con 
servandam  Societas  Antiquarioruin  sumptu  sue  e  Jeilda  curavit.  Londini. 
1747,  folio,  torn.  i.  PI.  LXVII.  No.  VI.  et  VII. 


Sect.  II.  $  3.] 


CONTAINING  THE  SEPTUAGINT  VERSION. 


227 


TP€  ^6TO^PTA€NT£pA 
f  TOJ  A  A  €  A  ^  UO  AY  TOY-KX  lez  H 

■iC€AeujisiA£eiCToTAA*\e  I 

NGKei-KMNiYAMeNOCTO 

l^eAecDMeNeKPATeYcATo 


l<MTONAAeAyONVrJ0> 
iJ^t4TSc  '<  -nTabm  reiTFoc 

TTON-OAG  eCMOYAU)H 
TIONTOyA.N  ePcOTTOYj^^ 

MAi  HT6K  NUuMAl' 


AeeN  Ae  BXciAe  yccOAOMcon 


TPE'tETOrAPTAENTEPA  aurov 
TaAAEA*aATTOr-KAIEZHTa  tMurw 
V  .2EA0nNAEEI2TOTAMEHv  ixXMju- 
ENEKE1-KA1NI*-AMEN02T0  vpa-omiv 
fHEA0!iNENEKPATEr2ATO-x</  Xm 
rtatfxSxTS  aprtu;. 

In  English,  thus: 

And  Joseph  was  discomposed- 
FORhisBOWELSYEARNED 

TOWARDSHISBROTHERANDheSOUGht  where  to  weep- 
ANDENTERINGINTOHISCHAMBer,  he  we 
PTTHEREANDWHENHEHADWASHED  his  face,  and 
cOMEFORTHHERESTRAINED  himself-  and  said 
Set  on  bread. 

The  larger  Greek  characters  at  the  foot  of  our  fac-simile 
are  copied  from  the  third  plate  of  Mr.  Astle's  work  on  the 
Origin  of  Writing:  they  exhibit  the  tirst  four  words  of  (.'on. 
xiv.  17.  of  the  same  size  as  in  the  Codex  Cottonianus  Gene- 
se«s,  before  the  occurrence  of  the  calamitous  fin-  above 
noticed.  The  loss  of  the  consumed  parts  of  this  precious 
manuscript  would  have  been  irreparable,  had  not  extracts  of 
its  various  readings  been  made  by  different  learned  men, 
which  have  been  preserved  to  the  presenl  time.  Tims  the 
collations  of  it  by  Archbishop  Usher  and  Patrick  Young,  in 
the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  are  printed  in  the  sixth 
volume  of  Bishop  Walton's  Polyglott  Edition  of  the  Bible 
\rchbishop  Usher's  autograph  collation  is  deposited  in  the 
Bodleian  Library,  amongthe  other  MSS.  of  that  distinguished 
prelate.  The  principal  various  readings,  noted  by  Dr.  Gale, 
towards  the  close  of  the  same  century,  are  entered  ia  the 
margin  of  an  Aldine  edition  of  the  Greek  version,  which 
subsequently  belonged  to  the  late  Dr.  Kennicott.  But  the 
most  valuable  collation  is  that  made  in  the  year  1703,  by  Dr. 
Grabe,  who  was  deeply  skilled  in  palaeography,  and  be- 

Jueathed  by  him  to  the  Bodleian  Library,  whence  the  Rev. 
>r.  Owen  published  it  at  London,  in  1778,  in  an  octavo  vo- 
lume. Dr.  Holmes  has  chiefly  followed  Grabe's  extract  of 
various  leadings,  in  his  critical  edition  of  the  Septuagint,  but 


he  has  occasionally  availed  himself  of  Archbishop  UsheT's 
collation.1 

The  Codex  Cottonianus  is  the  most  ancient  manuscript  of 
any  part  of  the  Old  Testament  that  is  extant.  It  is  acknow- 
ledged to  have  been  written  towards  the  end  of  the  finirt //,  or 
in  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century;  and  it  seldom  agrees 
with  any  manuscript  or  printed  edition,  except  the  Codex 
Alexandrinus,  which  has  been  described  in  pp.222 — 221.  of 
the  present  volume.  There  are,  according  to  Dr.  Holmes,  nl 
least  twenty  instances  in  which  this  manuscript  expresses 
the  meaning  of  the  original  Hebrew  more  accurately  than 
any  other  exemplars. 

II.  III.  The  Codices  Sarhaviam  s  (now  in  the  Public 
Library  of  the  Academy  at  Leyden).  and  Coi.bkrtinus  (for- 
merly numbered  3084.  among  the'  Colin  it  MSS.,  but  at  pre- 
sent "deposited  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Paris),  are  distind 
parts  of  the  same  manuscript,  and  contain  the  Pentateuch, 
and  the  books  of  Joshua  and  Judges.  The  Codex  Sarravia- 
nus  is  detective  in  those  very  leaves,  viz.  seven  in  Exodus, 
thirteen  in  Leviticus,  and  two  in  Numbers,  which  are  found 
in  the  Colbertine  manuscript;  the  writing  of  which,  as  well 
as  the  texture  <<['  the  vellum,  and  other  peculiarities,  agree  so 
closely  with  th  >se  i  t'  the  Codex  Sarravianus,  as  to  demon, 
strate  their  perfect  identity.  These  manuscripts  are  neatly 
written  on  thin  vellum,  in  uncial  letters,  with  which  some 
round  characters  are  intermixed.  The  contractions  or  ab- 
breviations,  permutations  of  letters,  &c.  are  the  same  which 
are  found  in  the  Codex  Cottonianus.  These  two  Codices,  a? 
th-  y  are  ti  rmed,  may  be  referred  to  the  fifth  or  sixth  century. 
To  some  paragraphs  of  the  book  of  Leviticus  titles  or  heads 
have  been  prefixed,  evidently  by  a  later  hand. 

IV.  The  Codex  Cjksarbus  (which  is  also  frequently  called 
the  Codex  Vbgentkus,  and  Codex  Argenteo-Purpireus, 
because  it  i-  written  in  silv  r  letters  on  purple  vellum)  is  pre- 
served in  the  Imperial  Library  at  Vienna.  The  letters  are 
beautiful  but  thick,  partly  round  and  partly  square.  In  size, 
it  approximates  to  the  quarto  form :  it  consists  of  twenty-six 
'  Another  collation  was  made  by  the  eminent  critic.  Crueius,  who  highly 
commended  the  Codex  Cottonianus  in  two  dissertations  published  by  him 
atGottingen  in  174!  and  1745.  Crusius's  collation  subsequently  fell  into 
the  hands  of  Breitinger,  the  editor  of  the  beautiful  edition  of  the  Septua 
gint  published  at  Zurich  in  1730—1733.  It  is  not  at  present  known  -what 
has  become  of  this  collation. 


228 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS, 


[Part  I.  Chap.  Ill 


leaves  only,  the  first  twenty-four  of  which  contain  a  frag- 
ment of  the  book  of  Genesis,  viz.  from  chapter  iii.  4.  to  chap, 
viii.  24. ;  the  two  last  contain  a  fragment  of  St.  Luke's  Gos- 
pel,  viz.  chapter  xxiv.  verses  21 — 49.  In  Wetstein's  critical 
u  of  the  Greek  New  Testament,  these  two  leaves  are 


S  Z 

z  >-x 

h3 


W  5 


z 


8 


92 
o 

o 


o 

aa 


™  *"  w 

Z  nJ  — 

G  &  « 

S  H  "v 

O  W  £ 

*  ^ « 

<    [H    * 

z<oi 
w  Z  *  H 

E  K  H  < 


o 

Eh 
CO 

O 

w 
H 

E- 
5^ 


bo 


fen  W  K 

o22ow 

1^  Ch  «  &H 

W£WO 


^E 


O 


23 


3o>- 

z  zo  , 

wZPo 


e 


g 
I 


.2  c3 


denoted  by  the  letter  N.  The  first  twenty-fouT  leaves  are 
ornamented  with  forty-eight  curious  miniature  paintings 
which  Lambecius  refers  to  the  age  of  Constantine  ;  but,  from 
the  shape  of  the  letters,  this  manuscript  is  rather  to  be  as 
signed  to  the  end  of  the  fifth  or  the  beginning  of  the  sixth 
century.  In  these  picture?.,  the  divine  prescience*  and  provi 
dence  are  represented  by  a  hand  proceeding  out  of  a  cloud: 
and  they  exhibit  interesting  specimens  of  the  habits,  customs, 
and  amusements  of  those  early  times.1  From  the  occurrence 
of  the  words  wraivac  (sittmas)  instead  of  xncr**s  {caildruu\ 
and  A@ifAc.kix.  (Jibimehz)  instead  of  a@i/uiai£  {JM>imeleca\  Dr. 
Holmes  is  of  opinion  that  this  manuscript  was  written  by 
dictation.  Vowels,  consonants,  &c.  are  interchanged  in  the 
same  manner  as  in  the  Codex  Cottonianus,  and  similar  abbre- 
viations are  likewise  found  in  it.  In  some  of  its  readings 
the  Codex  Cspsareus  resembles  the  Alexandrian  manuscript. 
In  his  letter  to  the  Bishop  of  Durham,  published  in  1795, 
and  containing  a  specimen  of  his  proposed  new  edition  of  the 
Septuagint  version  with  various  lections,2  Dr.  Holmes  printed 
the  entire  irxl  of  this  MS.  which  had  been  collated  and  re- 
vised for  him  by  Professor  Alter,  of  Vienna ;  and  he  also 
gave  an  engraved  fac-simile  of  the  whole  of  its  seventh 
page.    From  this  fac-simile  the  foregoing  specimen  is  copied. 

V.  The  Codex  Ambrosianus  derives  its  name  from  the  Am- 
brosian  Library  at  Milan,  where  it  is  preserved  :  it  is  pro- 
bably as  old  as  the  seventh  century.  This  manuscript  is  a 
large  square  quarto  (by  Montfaucon  erroneously  termed  a 
folio),  written  in  three  columns  in  a  round  uncial  character. 
The  accents  and  spirits,  however,  have  evidently  been  added 
by  a  later  hand. 

VI.  The  Codex  Coislinianus  originally  belonged  to  M. 
Seguier,  Chancellor  of  France  in  tbe  middle  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  a  munificent  collector  of  biblical  manuscripts, 
from  whom  it  passed,  by  hereditary  succession,  to  the  Due 
de  Coislin.  From  his  library  it  was  transferred  into  that  of 
the  monastery  of  Saint  Germain-Des-Prez,  and  thence  into 
the  Royal  Library  at  Paris,  where  it  now  is.  According  to 
Montfaucon,  by  whom  it  is  particularly  described,3  it  is  in 
quarto,  and  was  written  in  a  beautiful  round  uncial  character, 
in  the  sixth,  or  at  the  latest  in  the  seventh  century.  But  the 
accents  and  spirits  have  been  added  by  a  comparatively  recent 
hand.  It  consists  of  two  hundred  and  twenty-six  leaves  of 
vellum,  and  formerly  contained  the  octateuch  (that  is  the  five 
books  of  Moses,  and  those  of  Joshua,  Judges,  and  Ruth),  the 
two  books  of  Samuel  and  the  two  books  of  Kings  ;  but  it  is 
now  considerably  mutilated  by  the  injuries  ol  time.  The 
copyist  was  totally  ignorant  of  Hebrew,  as  is  evident  from 
the  following  inscription,  which  he  has  placed  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  book  of  Genesis ; — Ba^o-tS-  7ra^.  Effouctt,  «r£g  erw 
tp/ntvwufjimv,  \cyoi  hjuipuv, — that  is,  Kapttrid-  in  Hebrew,  which 
being  interpreted  is  (or  means)  the  Words  of  Days,  or  the 
history  of  the  days,  i.  e.  the  history  of  the  six  days'  work  of 
creation.  This  word  B*p»<reS-  (Bareseth)  is  no  other  than  the 
Hebrew  word  nWQ  (bcreshith)  in  the  beginning,  which  is 
the  first  word  in  the  book  of  Genesis.  Montfaucon  further 
observed  that  this  manuscript  contained  readings  very  similar 
to  those  of  the  Codex  Alexandrinus  ;  and  his  remark  is  con- 
firmed by  Dr.  Holmes,  so  far  as  respects  the  Pentateuch. 

•VII.  *rhe  Codex  Basiliano-Vaticanus  is  the  last  of  the 
MSS.  in  uncial  characters  collated  by  Dr.  H.  It  formerly 
belonged  to  a  monastery  in  Calabria,  whence  it  was  trans- 
ferred by  Pietro  Mernniti,  superior  of  the  monks  of  the  order 
of  Saint  Basil  at  Rome,  into  trie  library  of  his  monastery ;  and 
thence  it  passed  into  the  papal  library  of  the  Vatican,  where 
it  is  now  numbered  2,106.  It  is  written  on  vellum,  in  ob- 
long leaning  uncial  characters ;  and  according  to  Montfaucon 

»  The  whole  forty-eight  embellishments  are  engraven  in  the  third 
volume  of  Lambecius's  Commentarionmi  de  augustissima.  Bibliotheca 
Ceesarea-Vindobonensi,  libri  viii.  (Vindobona?,  lGGo — lli?9,  folio,  8  vols.) 
They  are  also  republished  in  Nesselius's  Breviarum  et  Supplementuin 
Commentaiiorum  Bibliothecoe  Ceesari  x-Vindohonensis  (Vindobonae,  0 
parts,  in  2  vols,  folio),  vol.  i.  pp.  6&— 102.  ;  and  again  in  the  third  book  or 
volume  of  Kollarius's  second  edition  of  Lambecius's  Commentarii  (Vin- 
dobonae, 1766—1782,  8  vols,  folio).  Monlfaucon's  fac-simile  of  the  charac- 
ters (Paleeographia  Grseca,  p.  104.)  has  been  made  familiar  to  English 
readers,  by  a  portion  of  it  which  has  been  copied  by  Mr.  Astle  (on  the 
Origin  of  Writing,  plate  iii.  p.  70.) ;  but  his  engraver  is  said  by  Dr.  Dibdin 
(Bibliographical  Decameron,  vol.  i.  p.  xliv.)  to  have  deviated  from  the 
original,  and  to  have  executed  the  fac-simile  in  too  heavy  a  manner.  Dr. 
D.  has  himself  given  a  most  beautiful  fac-simile  of  one  of  the  pictures  of 
this  MS.  in  the  third  volume  of  his  Bibliographical  and  Antiquarian  Tour 
in  France  and  Germany.  . 

»  Honorabili  et  arimodum  Reverendo,  Shute  Barrington,  LL.D.  Episcopo 
Dunelmensi,  Epistola,  Complexa  Genesin  ex  Oodice  Purpureo-Argenteo 
Caesareo-Vindobonensi  expressam,  etTestaroenti  Veteris  Grasci,  Versionis 
Septuaginta-viralis  cum  Variis  Lectionibu3  denuo  edendi,  ^ecimen. 
Dedit  Robertus  Holmes,  S.  T.  P.  e.  Collegio  novo,  et  nuprrnme  Publicu* 
in  AcademiaOxoniensi  Poetices  Prsslector.     Oxonii.  MDCCXCV.  folio. 

»  Bibliotheca  Coisliniana,  olim  Seguieriana,  folio,  Paris,  17"'?. 


Kect.  IT.  §  4.] 


WRITTEN  IN  UNCIAL  OR  CAPITAL  LETTERS. 


229 


was  executed  in  the  ninth  century.    Dr.  Holmi  b  c  insiders  it 
to  I).*  ;i  manuscripl  of  considerable  rolue  and  impo 
which,  though  in  many  respects  it  corresponds  with  the  other 
Mss.  collated  by  him,  yet  contains  some  valuable  l<  i 

\'.  hich  are  nowhere  else  to  be  found.    <  >u  this  ai unl  it  is  to 

be  regretted  that  the  Codex  Basiliano-Vaticanus  is  imperfect 
both  a1  the  beginning  and  end. 

VI 11.  The  <  'odbx  Turicbnsis  is  numbered  262  in  Dr.  Par- 
son's catalogue  of  Mss.  collated  for  the  li<>ok  of  Psalms,  in 
his  continuation  of  the  magnificent  edition  <>t'  the  Septu 
commenced  by  the  late  Rev.  Dr.  Holmes.  I  is  a  quarto 
manuscripl  of  the  book  of  Psalms,  the  writing  of  which 
proves  ii  to  have  been  executed  at  least  in  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury, if  m>i  much  earlier;  and  consists  of  two  hundred  and 
twenty-two  leaves  of  extremely  thin  purple  vellum;  and  the 
silver  characters  and  golden  initial  letters  are  in  many  parts 
so  decayed  by  the  consuming  hand  of  time,  as  to  be  with 
difficulty  legible.  The  portions  of  the  Psalms  wanting  in 
this  .MS.  are  Psal.  i.— x\v. ;  w\.  I. — xxxvi.  -JO.;  xli.  ... — 
xliii.  -2. ;  Iviii.  13. — lix.  1.;  Ixiv.  11.  lxxi.-l.;  xcii.  .'<. — xciii. 
7.;  and  xcvi.  L2. — xcvii.  8.      Several  of  the  ancient    ervlesi- 

astical  hymns,  which  form  part  of  this  Ms.,  are  also  muti- 
lated. It  is, however,  consolatory  to  know  that  those  portions 
of  the  Psalms  which  arc  deficienl  in  the  Codices  Alexandri- 
nus  and  Vaticanus  may  be  supplied  from   the  Codex  Turi- 

censis  :'  and  this  circumstance,  it  should  seem,  occasioned 
the  generally  accurate  traveller.  Mr.  Coxe  (whose  error  has 
been  implicitly  copied  by  succeeding  writers)  to  state  that  the 
MS.  here  described  once  formed  part  of  the  Codex  Vati- 
canus.- 

$  4.  ACCOUNT  OK  THE  PRINCIPAL  MANUSCRIPTS  CONTAINING  THE 
NEW  TESTAMENT,  ENTIRE  OR  IN  PART,  WHICH  HAVE  BEEN 
USED  IN  CRITICAL  EDITIONS  OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 

The  autographs,  or  manuscripts  of  the  New  Testament, 
which  were  written  either  by  the  apostles  themselves,  or  by 
amanuenses  under  their  immediate  inspection,3  have  long 
since  perished ;  and  we  have  no  information  whatever  con- 
cerning their  history.  The  pretended  autograph  of  St. 
Mark's  Gospel  at  Venice  is  now  known  to  be  nothing  more 
than  a  copy  of  the  Latin  version,4  and  no  existing  manu- 
scripts of  the  New  Testament  can  be  traced  highej  than  the. 
fourth  century  ;  and  most  of  them  are  of  still  later  date. 
Some  contain  the  whole  of  the  New  Testament ;  others  com- 
prise particular  books  or  fragments  of  books  ;  and  there  are 
several  which  contain,  not  whole  books  arranged  according 
to  their  usual  order,  but  detached  portions  or  lessons  (av*- 
jvaxac),  appointed  to  be  read  on  certain  days  in  the  public  ser- 
vice of  the  Christian  church  ;  from  which  again  whole  books 
have  been  put  together.  These  are  called  Lectionaria,  and 
are  of  two  sorts  :  1.  Evangelisteria,  containing  lessons  from 
the  four  Gospels  ;  and,  2.  Jipostubs,  comprising  lessons  from 
the  Acts  and  Epistles,  and  sometimes  only  the  Epistles 
themselves.  When  a  manuscript  cortains  both  parts,  Mi- 
chaelis  says  that  it  is  called  Jlpostuh  EvangeUon.  Forty-six 
Evangelisteria  were  collated  by  Griesbach  for  the  four  Gos- 
pels of  bis  edition  of  the  New  Testament ;  and  seven  Lec- 
tionaria  or  Apostoli,  for  the  Act  sand  Ep  Some  manu- 

scripts, again,  have  not  or.iy  the  Greek  text,  but  are 
accompanied  with  a  version;  which  is  either  interlined,  or  in 
a  parallel  column ;  these  are  called  Codices  Bilingats,  The 
greatest  number  is  in  Greek  and  Latin  ;  and  the  Latin  version 
is,  in  general,  one  of  those  which  existed  before  the  time  of 
Jerome.  As  there  are  extant  Syriao-Asabic  and  Gothic-Latin 
manuscripts,  Michaelis  thinks  it  probable  that  there  formerly 
existed  Greek-Syriac,  Greek-Gothic,  and  other  manuscripts 

i  The  preceding  description  of  the  Codex  Tu  ed  from 

Professor  BreitingerJs  scarce  tract,  addi  I       linal  Quirini, 

titled,  '•  Ue  antiquiaslmo  Turicensis  Bibliothec.  moram Libro, 

Epistola.    Turici.  w48." 

4  Se  avels  iii  Switzerland,  in   Pinkerlon's  Collection  of 

Voyages  and  Travels,  vol.  vi.  p.  Gi'i.  4lo. 

»  Saint  Paul  i  of  his  epistle  to  amanue.  prevent 

the  circulation  of  spurious  letters,  be  wrote  the  concluding 
with  his  own  hand.    Compare  Rom.  xvi.  '£?.  Gal.  vi.  11.  and  ZThess.  iii.  17, 
18.  with  l(,'or.  xvf  21, 

«  See  vol.  ii.  p.  306,  and  note  9. 

»  Griesbach,  Proles  ad  Nov  Tost.  torn.  i.  pp.  cxix— exxii.  In  the  second 
volume  of  his  Symbols  Critical  (pp.  3—30.)  Dr.  G.  has  descrioed  eleven 
important  Evangelistena,  which  bad  cither  been  not  collated  before,  or 
were  newly  examined  and  collated  by  himself.  Michaelis,  vol.  ii.  parti, 
pp.  161-  163.  pan  ii.  639,  610.  The  Rev.  Dr.  Dibdin  has  described  a  superb 
Evangelisteriuni,  and  has  given  facsimiles  of  its  ornaments,  in  the  first 
volume  of  his  Bibliographical  Decameron,  pp.  xcii— xciv.  This  precious 
manuscript  is  supposed  to  have  been  written  at  the  close  of  the  eleventh, 
M  early  in  the  t'.=  1-teenth  century.  The  illuminations  are  executed  with 
singular  beauty  and  delicacv. 


of  that  kind,  in  which  the  original  and  some  version  were 
written  together.  Where  a  transcriber,  instead  of  copying 
from  one  and  the  same  ancient  manuscript,  selects  from  seve- 
ral those  readings  which  appear  to  him  to  be  the  best,  the 
manuscript  so  transcribed  is  termed  a  Codex  Criticus. 

i.  ManuMcripti  -written  in  Uncialor  Capital  Letters.7 

I. — A.*  'I'he  CoDXX  Aj.KXWimiNts.  See  a  description  j: 
it  among  the  manuscri]  ing  the  Old  and  New  Tes- 

taments  in  Greek,  pp.  232 — 234.  tupra.  Except  in  the  four 
Gospels  (tin'  copyist  of  which  followed  a  manuscript  of  the 
( lonstantinopotitan  R*  c*  at  ion),  this  manuscript  is  considered 
the  standard  MS.  of  the  Alexandrine  Recension. 

II. —  I!.  The  Codex  Vatican  -.  Ii  is  described  in  pp.  224 
— 336.     Or.  Scholz  refers  il  'rine  Recension, 

excep  pel  of  St.  Matthew,  in  which  there  are  many 

net  not  found  in  other  manuscripts  of  this  family. 

111. — ('.  The  Codzx  Bphbemi,  or  Codex  Rboius,  1905, 
(at  present  9.)  is  an  invaluable  Codex  Rescriptus,  written  on 
vellum,  and  is  of  very  high  antiquity.    The  first  part  of  this 

Cripl    contains  several    Greek    works   of  Lphrem   the 
.  writtt  d  to  wards  the  me  twelfth,  or  perhaps 

thirteenth  century,  ov  more  ancient  writings 

which  had  h  I,  though  thi  trades  are  still  visibli 

in  mo-:  gible.    Thi  ancient  writings  a 

to  have  contained  the  Septuagint  version  of  the  Old  'I 
ment  (considerable  fragments  of  which  are  still  extant),  and 
the  entire  New  Test  intent  Both  were  originally  writteti 
continuously ;  but  they  were  so  completely  intermingled. 
inverted,  or  transposed,  by  the  unknown  later  copyists  of 
Ephrem's  treatises,  as  to  render  these  venerable  remains  of 
Scripture  almost  useless.8  The  chasms  in  the  New  T 
ment  are  very  numerous.  They  are  specified  by  W  et 
from  whom  they  have  been  copied  by  Michaelis  and  Crie?- 
bach.  The  text  is  not  divided  into  columns;  the  uncial 
characters  are  larger  than  those  of  the  Codex  Alexandrinus, 
without  accents,  and  the  words  are  not  divided.  There  are 
large  initial  letters  at  the  beginning  of  each  section;  and  the 
text  is  sometimes  divided  into  articli  s,  not  much  larger  than 
our  verses.  A  small  cross  indicates  the  end  of  a  division;  a 
fu]l  jjgintbelow.a  letter  is,  equivalent  to  a  comma,  and  in  the 
middle  to  a  semicolon.  The  Gospels  follow  the  divisions  of 
Ammonius,  and  also  have  the  tjt&m,  a  primd  manu  ,■  die  sec- 
tions of  the  epistles  someti i  with  the  amejwwwc  or 
lessons  occurring  in  the  MSS.  which  are  known  to  have  been 
written  in  Egypt.  The  titles  and  subscriptions  to  the  seve- 
ral books  are  very  brief,  without  any  of  the  additions  which 
are  sometimes  found  in  the  Codex  Alexandrinus.  The  Codex 
Ephremi  exhibits  tin-  text  of  the  Alexandrine  Recension  in 
its  greatest  purity,  and  numerous  other  indications  of  its 
Egyptian  origin.  In  this  manuscript  the  disputed  verse, 
John  v.  4.,  is  written,  not  in  the  text,  out  as  a  marginal  scho- 
lion.  Wetstein  conjectured,  that  this  was  one  of  the  manu- 
scripts that  were  collated  at  Alexandria  in  61(5  with  the  new 
Syriac  version  ;  but  of  this  there  is  no  evidence.  From  a 
marginal  at  ite  to  Ileb.  viii.  7.  the  same  critic  also  argued,  that 
it  was  written  before  the  institution  of  the  feast  of  the  Virgin 
Mary;  that  is,  before  the  year  543.  But his  arguments  are 
not  considered  as  wholly  decisive  by  Michaelis,  who  only 
asserts  its  great  antiquity  in  general  terms.  Bishop  Marsh 
pronounces  it  to  be  at  least  as  ancient  as  the  seventh  century; 
Professor  Hug  considers  it  to  be  even  older  than  the  Codex 
Alexandrinus";  and  Dr.  Scholz  refers  it,  with  much  probabi- 
lity, to  the  sixth  century.  The  readings  of  the  Codex  Ephre- 
mi, like  those  of  all  other  very  ancient  manuscripts,  are  in 
favour  of  the  Latin;  but  there  is  no  satisfactory  evidence  that 

•  Introduction  to  the  New  Test,  vol  ii.  part  i.  p.  164. 

'  In  the  following  catalogue  of  Manuscript  Letters  of  the  Alphabet,  A.  to 
U.  andX.  denote  the  references  nude  by  Wetstein,  r.'riesbach,  and  Scholz, 
in  their  respective  critical  .ment,  to  the  manu- 

script.- The  letters  V.  \V.  V.  Z.  r.  and  A.  de- 

note [hi  -    riolz  alone.     Where  no  authorities  arr 

particular  manuscripts,  in  order  to  avoid  the  unnecessary 
multiplication  of  references,  it  is  state  that  this  catalogue  of 

manuscripts  I  <m  up  from  a  careful  examination  of  the  rro- 

Dr.  Mill,  Wetstein,  Qriesbacb,  and  Scl   ilz,  from  Griesbach  s 
.1,1  Hug's  Introduction  to  the  New  Testament,  and 
from  Mi  'ave  "ee,n  us--  m 

ek  Testament/'  with  Bishop  Marsh's   supplementary 
.vhich    collectively   ,  ,rt  ol   tlle  sec™a 

volume  of  MichaeliB's  introduction  to  the  New  Testament.  a«o 

•  Catalogs  Codicum  Man  :)'r''^  y^JlJ'Z. 
In  pp.  3-5.,  the  compiler  ,  :  haf  *S* 
index  of  the  several  passages  of  the  o,  ™SJb2-hl£ 
their  proper  order,  with  r.  f.  .,  '  :  *«  ;'a,l"fJ  f«h£e 
they  are  actually  to  be  fonn  ffiSfiSSMFiS? 
214  )  has  given  a  facsimile  of  this  manuscript,  which  Professor  Hug  say 
is  not  equal  in  point  of  elegance  to  the  original  manuscript. 


/.so 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS, 


[Part  I    Cha*.  IH 


It  has  been  corrupted  from  the  Latin  version.  It  has  been 
altered  by  a  critical  collator,  who,  according  to  Gnesbach, 
must  have  lived  many  years  after  the  time  when  the  manu- 
script was  written,  and  who  probably  erased  many  of  the 
ancient  readings.  Kuster  was  the  first  who  procured  extracts 
from  this  manuscript  for  his  edition  of  Dr.  Mill  s  Greek  les- 
tament.  Wetstein  has  collated  it  with  very  great  accuracy  ; 
and  the  numerous  readings  he  has  quoted  from  it  greatly 
enhance  the  value  of  his  edition. 


IV. — D.  The  Codex Bezje, also  called  the  Cod\x  Canta 
brigiensis,  is  a  Greek  and  Latin  manuscript,  containing  the 
four  Gospels  and  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  It  is  deposited 
in  the  public  library  of  the  University  of  Cambridge,  to  which 
it  was  presented  by  the  celebrated  1  heodore  Beza,  in  the  year 
1581.  Of  this  manuscript,  which  is  written  on  vellum,  in 
quarto,  without  accents  or  marks  of  aspiration,  or  spaces 
between  the  words,  the  following  fac-simile  will  convey  ao 
idea. 


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i  (^presents  the  first  three  verses  of  the  fifth  chapter  of 
.Saint  Matthew's  Gospel,  which  are  copied  from  Dr.  Kipling's 
fac-simile  edition  of  the  Codex  Bezae,  published  at  Cam- 
bridge in  1793,  of  which  an  account  is  given  in  the  Bibliogra- 
phical Appendix  to  the  second  volume.  We  have  placed  the 
Latin  under  the  Greek,  in  order  to  bring  the  whole  within  the 
compass  of  an  octavo  page.  The  following  is  a  literal  Eng- 
ish  version  of  this  fac-simile : — 


Matt.  V.  1—3.  „.ilI,x,_.w 

ANDSEEINGTHEMULTITUDESHEWENTUPINT0.4MOUJN1AIR 
ANDWHENHEWASSETDOWN-CAMETOHIM 
HISDISCIPLESANDOPENINGHISMOUTH 
HETAUGHTTHEMSAYING 

BLESSEDARETHEP00RINSPT7F0RTHEIRSIS 
THEKINGDOMOFHEAVEN. 

t  Contracted  for  SpnuT.    The  Greek  is  um,  rr  StMAT-'i ;  and  the  Uttc 
Spu,  for  spirits 


Sect.  II.  §  •!.] 


WRITTEN  IN  UNCIAL  OR  CAPITAL  LETTERS. 


231 


Sixty-six  leaves  of  this  manuscript  are  much  torn  and  muti- 
lated, and  ten  of  them  have  been  supplied  by  a  later  transcriber. 

The  Codex  Beza?  is  noted  with  the  letter  I),  by  Wetstein, 
Griesbach,  and  Scbolz.  In  the  Greek  it  is  defective,  from  tin' 
beginning  to  Matt.  1.20.,  ami  in  the  Latin  to  .Man.  i.  12.  in 
the  Latin  it  has  likewise  the  following  chasms,  viz.  Matt.  vi. 
•20. — ix.  2.;  Matt,  xxvii.  1 — 12.;  John  i.  1(1.— ii.  26.  ;  Acts 
viii.  2!). — x.  11.;  xxii.  ID — 20.;  and  from  xxii.  29.  to  the 
end.    The  Gospels  are  arranged  in  the  usual  order  of  the 

Latin    manuscripts,    Matthew,  John,    Lake,  Mark.      It    has  a 

considerable  Dumber  of  corrections,  some  of  which  have  hem 
noticed  l»v  Dr.  Griesbach  ;  and  some  of  the  pages,  containing 
Matt.  iii.  8 — 16.  John  ivlii.  13.— xx.  13.  and  Mark  xv.  to 

the  end,  are  written  by  a  later  hand,  which  Welsh  in  refers  to 

the  tenth  century,  but  Griesbach  to  the  twelfth.    The  Latin 

Version  is  that  which  was  in  086  before  the  time  of  .),  rome, 
and    is   usually   called   the   Old    Italic   or   Anle-1  lieronymian 

ii.     In  the  margin  of  the  Greek  part  of  the  manuscript 

there  are  inserted  the  Ammonian  sections,  evidently  by  a  later 
hand;  and  the  words  -jpx>i,  TSAic,  km  Atyt,  teSt<rl>iKi,  are  occasion- 
ally interspersed,  indicating  the  beginning  and  end  of  the 

Aviyvav/AUTt,  or  lessons  read  in  the  church.  The  Subjects  dis- 
eased in  the  Gospels  are  sometimes  written  in  the  margin, 
gom<  limes  at  the  top  of  the  page.  But  all  these  notations  are 
manifestly  the  work  of  several  persons  and  of  different  ages. 
The  date  .if  this  manuscript  has  been  much  contested. 
Those  critics  who  give  it  the  least  antiquity,  assign  it  to  the 
sixth  or  seventh  century.  Wetstein  supposed  it  to  be  of  the 
fifth  century.  Michaelis  was  of  opinion,  that  of  all the  manu- 
scripts now  extant,  this  is  the  most  ancient.  Dr.  Kipling,  the 
editor  of  the  t  !ambridge  facsimile,  thought  it  much  older  than 
the  \le\andrian  manuscript,  and  that  it  must  have  been  writ- 
ten in  the  second  century.  On  comparing  it  with  Greek  in- 
scriptions of  different  a<res,  Bishop  Marsh  is  of  opinion  that 
it  cannot  have  been  written  later  than  the  sixth  century,  and 
that  it.  may  have  been  written  even  two  or  three  centuries 
earlier;  and  he  finally  considers  it  prior  to  all  the  manuscripts 
extant,  except  the  Codex  Vaticanus,  and  refers  it  to  the  fifth 
century,  which,  perhaps,  is  the  true  date,  if  an  opinion  may 
be  hazarded  where  so  much  uncertainty  prevails. 

Wetstein  was  of  opinion,  from  eleven  coincidences  which 
he  thought  he  had  discovered,  that  this  was  the  identical 
manuscript  collated  at  Alexandria  in  GIG,  for  the  Philoxenian 
or  later  Syriac  version  of  the  New  Testament ;  but  this  is  a 
groundless  supposition.  It  is,  however,  worthy  of  remark, 
that  many  of  the  readings  by  which  the  Codex  Bezae  is  dis- 
tinguished are  found  in  the  Syriac,  Coptic,  Sahidic,  and  in 
the  margin  of  the  Philoxenian-Syriac  version.  As  the  read- 
ings of  this  manuscript  frequently  agree  with  the  Latin  ver- 
sions before  the  time  of  St.  Jerome,  and  with  the  Vulgate  or 
present  Latin  translation,  Wetstein  was  of  opinion  that  the 
Greek  text  was  altered  from  the  Latin  version,  or,  in  other 
words,  that  the  writer  of  the  Codex  Bezae  departed  from  the 
lections  of  the  Greek  manuscript  or  manuscripts  whence  he 
copied,  and  introduced  in  their  stead,  from  some  Latin  ver- 
sion, readings  which  were  warranted  by  no  Greek  manuscript. 
This  charge  Semler,  Michaelis,  Griesbach,  and  Bishop  Marsh 
have  endeavoured  to  refute ;  and  their  verdict  has  been  gene- 
rally received.  Matthaei,  however,  revived  the  charge  of 
Wetstein,  and  considered  the  text  as  extremely  corrupt,  ami 
suspected  that  some  Latin  monk,  who  was  hut  indifferently 
skilled  in  Greek,  wrote  in  the  margin  of  his  New  Testament 
various  passages  from  the  Greek  and  Latin  fathers,  which 
seemed  to  refer  to  particular  passages.  He  further  thought 
that  this  monk  haa  noted  the  differences  occurring  in  some 
Greek  and  Latin  manuscripts  of  the  New  Testament,  and 
added  parallel  passages  of  Scripture;  and  that  from  this  far- 
rago either  the  monk  himself,  or  Borne  other  person,  manufac- 
tured his  text  (whether  foolishly  or  fraudulently  is  uncertain), 
of  which  the  Codex  Bezae  is  a  copy.  But  this  suspicion  of 
Matthaei  has  been  little  regarded  in  Germany,  where  he  in- 
curred the  antipathy  of  the  most  eminent  biblical  critics,  by 
vilifying  the  sources  of  various  readings  from  which  he  had 
it  not  in  his  power  to  draw,  when  he  began  to  publish  his 
edition  of  the  New  Testament;  giving  to  the  Codex  Bezae, 
the  Codex  Claromontar.us  (noticed  in  pp.  231,  '232.  infra), 
and  other  manuscripts  of  unquestionable  antiquity,  the  appel- 
lation of  Editio  Scurrilis.1  Bishop  Middleton  considers  the 
judgment  of  Michaelis  as  approximating  very  near  to  the 
truth,  and  has  given  a  collation  of  numerous  passages  of  the 
received  text  with  the  Codex  Bezae;  and  the  result  of  his 

»  Bishop  Marsh's  Lectures,  part  ii  pp  30  31 


examination,  which  does  not  admit  of  abridgment,  if,  that  the 
Codex  Bezae,  though  a  most  venerable  remain  of  antiquity^ 
is  not  to  be  considered,  in  a  critical  view,  as  of  much  autho- 
rity, lie  accounts  for  the  goodness  of  its  readings,  consi- 
dered with  re^r;ir(]  to  the  S0M£,  by  the  natural  supposition  of 
the  great  antiquity  of  the  manuscript,  which  was  the  basis 
of  the  Codes  Bezae;  but  while  its  Latinizing  is  admitted,  he 
contends  that  we  have  no  reason  to  infer  that  its  readings,  con- 
sidered in  the  same  light,  are  therefore  faulty.  The  learned 
prelate  concludes  with  subscribing  to  the  opinion  of  Matthaei 
somewhat  modified.  He  believi  s  that  no  fraud  was  intended; 
hut  only  that  the  critical  possessor  of  the  basis  filled  its  mar- 
gin with  glossi  a  ami  readings  chiefly  from  the  Latin,  being  a 
Christian  of  the  \\  estem  '  Inurch  ;  and  that  the  whole  collec- 
tion of  Latin  passages  was  translated  into  Greek,  and  substi- 
tuted in  the  texl  by  some  one  who  had  a  high  opinion  of  their 
value,  and  who  was  better  skilled  in  caligraphy  than  in  the 
Greek  ami  Latin  languages.1     The  arguments  and  evidences 

adduced    by  Bishop  Middleton,  we   believe,  are   by  many,  at 

least  in  England,  consid<  red  so  conclusive,  that,  though  the 
antiquity  of  the  manuscripl  is  fully  admitted,  yet  it  must  be 
deemed  a  Latinizing  manuscript,  and,  consequently,  is  of  com- 
paratively little  critical  value. 

At  the  time  Beza  presented  this  manuscript  to  the  univer- 
sity of  Cambridge,  it  bad  been  in  his  possession  about  nine- 
teen years ;  and  in  his  letter  to  that  learned  body,  he  says, 
that  it  was  found  in  the  monastery  of  Saint  [rehaeus  at  Lyons, 
where  it  had  lain  concealed  for  a  long  time.  But  how  it 
came  there,  and  in  what  place  it  was  written,  are  questions 
concerning  which  nothing  certain  is  known.  The  most 
generally  received  opinion  is,  that  it  was  written  in  the  west 
of  Europe. 

The  Cambridge  manuscript  has  been  repeatedly  collated 
by  critical  editors  of  the  New  Testament.  Robert  Stephens 
made  extracts  from  it,  though  with  no  great  accuracy,  under 
the  title  of  Codex  0,  for  his  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament, 
of  1550;  as  Beza  also  did  for  his  own  edition  published  in 
1582.  Since  it  was  sent  to  the  university  of  Cambridge,  it 
has  been  more  accurately  collated  by  Junius,  whose  extract- 
were  used  by  Curcellaeus  and  Father  Morin.  A  fourth  and 
more  accurate  collation  of  it  was  made,  at  the  suggestion  of 
Archbishop  Usher,  and  the  extracts  were  inserted  in  the 
sixth  volume  of  the  London  Polyglott,  edited  by  Bishop 
Walton.  Dr.  Mill  collated  it  a  fifth  and  sixth  time ;  but  tha 
his  extracts  are  frequently  defective,  and  sometimes  erroneous, 
appears  from  comparing  them  with  Wetstein's  New  Testa- 
ment, and  from  a  new  collation  which  was  made,  about  the 
year  1733,  by  Mr.  Dickenson  of  Saint  John's  College,  which 
is  now  preserved  in  the  library  of  Jesus'  College,  where  u 
is  marked  0, 0,  2.  Wetstein's  extracts  are  also  very  incorrect, 
as  appears  from  comparing  them  with  the  manuscript  itself. 

A  splendid  fac-simile  of  the  Codex  Beza?  was  published 
by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Kipling  at  Cambridge,  under  the  patronage 
and  at  the  expense  of  the  university,  in  1  ?!•:!.  in  2  \ols.  atlas 
folio.  Dr.  Harwood  regulated  the  text  of  the  Gospels  and 
Acts,  in  his  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament,  chiefly  accord 
ingto  the  readings  of  the  Codex  Bezae;  which  was  so  highly 
valued  by  the  learned  but  eccentric  divine,  Winston,  that  in 
his  "Primitive  New  Testament  in  English"  (8vo.  Stam- 
ford and  London,  1715),  he  has  translated  the  four  Gospels 
and  Acts  literally  from  this  manuscript.  Dr.  A.  Clarke,  in 
his  Commentary  on  the  New  Testament,  has  paid  very  par- 
ticular attention  to  the  readings  of  the  Codex  Beza?. 

V.  The  Codex  Claromontanus,  or  Regius  2245.,  is  a 
Creek-Latin  manuscript  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles  found  in  the 
monastery  of  Clermont,  in  the  diocese  of  Beauvais.  ?.nd 
used  by  Beza,  together  with  the  Codex  Cantabrigiensis,  in 
preparing  his  edition  of  the  New  Testament.  It  is  noted 
I),  by  Wetstein  and  Griesbach  in  the  second  volumes  of  their 
respective  editions  of  the  Greek  Testament.  Sabatier  sup- 
poses it  to  have  been  written  in  the  sixth  century ;  Montfau- 
con  places  it  in  the  seventh  century;  Griesbach  thinks  it  was 
written  in  the  sixth  *»/•  seventh  century,  and  Hug,  in  the 
eighth  century.  This  manuscript  is  written  on  vellum  in 
uncial  characters,  and  with  accents  and  marks  of  aspiration 
added  by  anpther  hand,  but  of  great  antiquity.  As  it  con- 
tains the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  which  has  been  added  by 
a  later  hand,  it  is  supposed  to  have  been  written  in  the  west 
of  Europe.  Dr.  Mill  contended  that  the  Codex  Claromon- 
tanus was  the  second  part  of  the  Codex  Beza? ;  but  this 
opinion  has  been  confuted  by  Wetstein,  who  has  shown  that 

»  Bishop  Middleton  on  ttie  Greek  An  "    -W9-i  ■»«  edition 


232 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS, 


[Paiit  I.  Chap.  Ill 


the  former  is  by  no  means  connected  with  the  latter,  as  ap- 
pears from  the  difference  of  their  form,  their  orthography, 
and  the  nature  of  the  vellum  on  which  they  are  written. 
Bishop  Marsh  adds,  on  the  authority  of  a  gentleman  who  had 
examined  both  manuscripts,  that  the  Codex  Claromontanus 
contains  only  twenty-one  lines  in  each  page,  while  the  Cam- 
bridge manuscript  contains  thirty-three  lines  in  a  page  ;^ the 
abbreviations  in  the  two  manuscripts  are  also  different.  The 
Codex  Claromontanus,  like  other  Greek-Latin  manuscripts, 
has  been  accused  of  having  a  Greek  text,  that  has  been 
altered  from  the  Latin ;  but  this  charge  has  been  satisfacto- 
rily refuted  by  Dr.  Semler.  The  migrations  of  this  manu- 
script are  somewhat  remarkable.  From  the  hands  of  Beza 
it  went  into  the  Putean  library,  which  derived  its  name  from 
the  family  of  De  Puy.  Jacques  De  Puy,  who  was  librarian 
to  the  king  of  France,  and  died  in  1656,  bequeathed  it,  to- 

? ether  with  his  other  manuscripts,  to  the  Royal  Library  at 
'aris,  where  it  is  now  preserved,  and  at  present  is  marked 
107.  According  to  the  accounts  of  Wetstein  and  Sabatier, 
thirty-six  leaves  were  cut  out  of  it  at  the  beginning  of  the 
last  century  (it  is  supposed  by  John  Aymon,  a  notorious  lite- 
rary thief  of  that  time),  and  were  sold  in  England  ;  hut  they 
were  sent  back  by  the  earl  of  Oxford  in  1729.  The  manu- 
script, therefore,  is  once  more  complete,  as  the  covering  only 
is  wanting  in  which  the  stolen  sheets  had  been  enclosed, 
which  is  Kept  in  the  British  Museum,  and  filled  with  the 
letters  that  passed  on  the  occasion,  as  a  monument  of  this 
infamous  theft. 

VI. — E.  The  Codex  Basileensis,  B.  VI.  21.  (noted  by 
Dr.  Mill,  B.  l.,and  by  Bengel  Bas  a),  is  a  manuscript  of  the 
four  Gospels,  written  in  uncial  letters,  in  the  eighth  or  (more 
probably)  ninth  century.  It  is  mutilated  in  Luke  i.  69. — ii. 
4.,  iii.  4— 15.,<ii.  58.— xiii.  12.,  xv.  8—20. ;  and  xxiv.  47. 
to  the  end  of  the  Gospels ;  but  the  chasms  in  Luke  i.  69. — 
ii.  !.,  ?;ii.  58. — xiii.  '2.,  and  >:v.  8 — -20.  have  been  filled  up 
hyalati  r  hand.     This  manuscript  w;  s  nol  used  hy  Erasmus; 


but  it  was  collated  by  Samuel  Battier  for  Dr.  Mill,  who 
highly  valued  it;  by  lselin,  for  Bengel's  edition  of  the  New 
Testament ;  and  by  Wetstein,  who  has  given  its  readings  in 
his  edition,  whence  they  have  been  adopted  by  Griesbach  and 
Seholz. 

VII.  The  Codex  Laudianus  3.,  as  it  is  cited  by  Dr.  Mill, 
but  noted  by  the  letter  E.  by  Wetstein  and  *  E.  by  Gries- 
bach in  their  catalogues  of  manuscripts  of  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  derives  its  appellation  from  Archbishop  Laud,  who 
gave  this  among  many  other  precious  manuscripts  to  the 
university  of  Oxford,  in  whose  noble  library  it  is  now  pre- 
served. It  is  a  Greek-Latin  manuscript  of  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  in  which  the  Latin  text  is  one  of  those  versions 
which  differ  from  Jerome's  edition,  having  been  altered  from 
the  particular  Greek  text  of  this  manuscript.  It  is  defective 
from  chap.  xxvi.  29.  to  xxviii.  36. 

This  manuscript  is  erroneously  supposed  to  have  been  the 
identical  book  used  by  the  venerable  Bede  in  the  seventh  cen- 
tury, because  it  has  all  those  irregular  readings  which,  in  his 
Commentaries  on  the  Acts,  he  says  were  in  Ms  book;  and  no 
other  manuscript  is  now  found  to  have  them.  There  is  an 
extraordinary  coincidence  between  it  and  the  old  Syriac  ver- 
sion of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  Wetstein  conjectures,  from 
an  edict  of  a  Sardinian  prince,  Flavius  Pancratms,  written  at 
the  end  of  this  manuscript,  and  from  several  other  circum- 
stances, that  it  was  written  in  Sardinia  in  the  seventh  cen- 
tury. To  this  conjecture  Michaelis  is  disposed  to  accede, 
though  Dr.  Woide  supposed  it  to  have  been  written  in  the 
East,  because  its  orthography  has  several  properties  observa- 
ble in  the  Codex  Alexandrinus.  But  as  these  peculiarities 
are  also  found  in  other  very  ancient  manuscripts,  Bishop 
Marsh  considers  them  as  insufficient  to  warrant  the  inference, 
especially  when  we  reflect  on  the  great  improbability  that  a 
Greek  manuscript  written  in  the  East  should  be  accompanied 
with  a  Latin  translation.  It  will  be  seen  from  the  annexed 
fac-simile, 


Willi 

6eus 

Q\0%\X& 

U1SUS  fcSTu 

NO  SIT  RX> 


Qj^e  ecf>H 

Xhi£$&G 
aA6A.cJ>Ol 

RAin^Tepec 
xteoycxTG 

oec 

THGXO^HC 
IDcJ)©  H 

HTvICDM 

xvyxxw 


which  represents  the  chief  part  of  Acts  vii.  2.,  that  this 
Latin  translation,  contrary  to  the  usual  arrangement  of  the 
Greek-Latin  manuscripts,  occupies  the  first  column  of  the 
page.  Only  one  word  (or  at  the  utmost,  two  or  three  words, 
and  that  but  seldom)  is  written  in  a  line,  and  in  uncial  or 
capital  letters;  and  they  are  so  written  that  each  Latin  word 
is  always  opposite  to  the  correspondent  Greek  word.  Hence 
it  is  evident,  that  the  manuscript  was  written  for  the  use  of  a 


person  who  was  not  well  skilled  in  both  languages ,  and  as 
the  Latin  occupies  the  first  column,  this  circumstance  is  an 
additional  evidence  that  it  was  written  in  the  West  of  Eu- 
rope, where  Latin  only  was  spoken.  For  the  satisfaction  of 
the  English  reader,  the  verse  in  question  is  subjoined  in  com- 
mon Roman  and  Greek  capitals,  with  the  c<  .osponding  lite- 
ral English  in  a  third  column: — 


Skct.  II.  §  4.] 


WRITTEN  IN  UNCIAL  OR  CAPITAL  LETTERS. 


233 


Ad  ili.e  ait 

DIM 

FRATRE8 

ET  PATRES 

AUDITE 

DEUS 

GLORIA 

i  l-l  s    EST 

PATRI 

NOSTRO 

ABRAHAE. 


Oae  e*h 

ANAPK2 

AAEA*01 

KA1  IIATEPE2 

AKOT2ATE 

O   02 

THS  AOHH2 

!:at>)l 

Taijpi 

HMJ'N 
AliPAAM. 


And  he  said 

MKN 
BMETHBBM 

AND    FATHERS 
IIKAKKEN 
THE    GD 
OK    (Jl.oltV 
APPEARED 
INTO    THi:     fTI 

ok   i;s 
ABRAHAM. 


With  regard  to  the  date  of  this  manuscript; — Mr.  Aetle 
refers  it  to  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century;  Griesbach  i" 
the  seventh  or  eighth ;  and  Mr.  Hearne  to  the  eighth  cen- 
tury. But  from  the  shape  of  the  letters  and  other  circum- 
stances, Bishop  Marsh  pronounces  it  to  be  Less  ancient  than 
the  Codex  Brass,  which  was  written  in  the  fifth  ewtury. 
Probably  the  end  of  the  sixth  or  the  former  part  of  the  seventh 
century  may  be  assigned  as  the  date  of  the  I  !odex  Laudianus  .'i. 
This  manuscript  is  of  great  value  :  Michaelis  pronounces  it  to 
he  indispensable  to  every  man  who  would  examine  the  impor- 
tant question,  whether  the  Codicrs  Graco-Latini  have  been 

corrupted  from  the  Latin,  ami  adds,  that  it,  was  this  manuscript 
which  convinced  him  that  ruis  charge  is  without  foundation.1 

VIII. —  •  i;.,  in  Grieshach's  catalogue  of  manuscripts  of 
Saint  Paul's  Fpistlos,  and  B.  2.  in  the  second  volume  of 
Wetstein's  edition  of  the  New  Testament,  is  the  Codex  San 
Germanensis,  a  Greek-Latin  manuscript  of  Saint  Paul's 
Epistles,  written  in  the  seventh  century,  in  uncial  letters,  and 
with  accents  and  marks  of  aspiration,  d  prima  manu,  It  has 
been  generally  supposed  to  be  a  mere  copy  of  the  Codex 
Claromontanus  (described  in  pp.  231,  23-2.) ;  hut  this  opinion 
is  questioned  by  Dr.  Semler,  in  his  critical  examination  of 
this  manuscript,  who  has  produced  many  examples,  from 
which  it  appears  that  if  the  transcriber  of  it  actually  had  the 
Clermont  MS.  before  him,  he  must  at  least  have  selected 
various  readings  from  other  manuscripts.  Bishop  Marsh, 
therefore,  considers  the  San-Germanensis  as  a  kind  of  Codex 
Eekcticus,  in  writing  which  the  Clermont  MS.  was  principally 
but  not  at  all  times  consulted.  The  manuscript  now  under 
consideration  takes  its  name  from  the  monastery  of  St.  Ger- 
main-des-Prcz,  in  Paris,  in  whose  library  it  was  formerly  pre- 
served. Dr.'  Mill  first  procured  extracts  from  it,  for  his  edi- 
tion of  the  New  Testament,  where  it  is  noted  by  the  abbre- 
viation Ger.  for  Germanensis. 

According  to  Montfaucon,  there  is  also  extant  another  more 
ancient  Codex  San-Germanensis  of  Saint  Paul's  Epistles, 
which  has  never  been  collated.  It  is  a  fragment,  containing 
only  thirteen  leaves;  and  is  supposed  to  be  as  ancient  as  the 
fifth  century.2 

IX. — P.,  in  Wetstein's,  Grieshach's,  and  Scholz's  notations 
of  manuscripts,  is  the  Codex  Boreeu,  so  called  from  its 
former  possessor,  John  Boreel,  who  was  ambassador  at  the 
court  of  London,  in  the  reign  of  James  I.  Shortly  after  the 
death  of  Boreel  in  1629,  an   unknown   scholar  collated  the 

fospels  of  Matthew  and  Mark,  and  the  first  ten  chapters  of 
dike's  Gospel;  which  collation  was  communicated  to  Wet- 
stein  by  Isaac  Verburgius.  It  follows  the  Constanttnopoli- 
tan  recension.  After  it  had  been  lost  for  a  century,  this 
manuscript  was  exhibited  by  Professor  Heringa  at  a  meeting 
of  the  associates  of  the  third  class  of  the  Royal  Belgian  In- 
stitute, on  the  26th  of  April,  1830.3 

X. — F.,  in  Wetstein's  and  Grieshach's  notation  of  Manu- 
scripts of  Saint  Paul's  Epistles,  is  the  Codkx  Algiensis.  a 
Greek-Latin  manuscript  of  the  Pauline  Kpistles.  It  derives 
its  name  from  the  monastery  of  Augia  major,  at  Rheinau,  to 
which  it  belonged  in  the  fifteenth  century.  After  passing 
through  various  hands,  it  was  purchased  hy  the  celebrated 
critic,' Dr.  Richard  Bentley,  in  1718;  and  in  1787,  on  the 
death  of  the  younger  Bentley,  it  was  deposited  in  the  library 
of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge.     This  manuscript  is  defec- 

»  Griesbach.  Symb. Crtt  torn.  ii.  pp.  l~i  183  Micbai  lis,  vol  ii.  part  i. 
pp.  269— 274.  part  ii.  pp.  747,  74&     Dr  I  ad  Cod  Alexandr. 

pp.  x.wi  — xxviii.  §§?t;— M.  Astle  on  the  Origin  of  Writing,  p.  7<i.  2d  edtt. 
(.From  this  work  our  lac-simile  is  copied.)   T>  Latin  text  ofythe 

Codex  Laudianua  was  printed  at  Oxford  in  ^vo.  in  171">,  by  the  ce: 
antiquary,  Tliomas  Hearne. 

*  Montfaucon's  Bioliotheea  nibliothecarurn,  torn.  ii.  p.  1011.  In  his  Palse- 
ojraphia  Grwca,  he  has  given  a  fac-simile  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  charac- 
ters of  the  Codex  San-Germanensis,  Another  fac-simile  "f  tbem  is  given 
by  Rlanchiui,  in  his  Fvanseliarium  Quadruples,  vol.  i.  in  the  last  of  the 
plates  annexed  to  p.  533. 

»  Dr.  Lotze's  edition  of  Wetstein's  Prolegomena,  p.  51  note  (a)  Rot- 
terdam, 1831. 


tive  from  the  beginning  to  Rom.  jii.  8.,  and  the  epistle  to  the 
Hebrews  is  found  only  in  the  Latin  version.  Hug  assigns 
it  to  the  hitter  half  of  the  ninth,  or  to  the  tenth  century,  and 
Michaelis  to  the  ninth  century,  which  (Bishop  Marsh  re- 
mark-) is  the  utmost  that  can  be  allowed  to  its  antiquity. 
The  Greek  texl  is  written  in  uncial  letters  without  accents, 
and  the  Latin  in  Anglo-Saxon  characters :  it  has  been  collated 
by  Wetstein.  In  many  respects  it  coincides  with  the  Codex 
Boemerianus,  and  belongs  to  the  Alexandrine  Recension. 
The  words  Xamvc  (CAmi),  and  hnut  (Jesua),  are  not  abbre- 

I  by  XC  and  10,  as  intht  common  manuscripts,  but  by 
\\'</  ,i  IHC,asin  the  Codes  Bezc. 
XI. — <;.,  in  Grioebach's  notation  of  manuscripts  of  Saint 
Epistles,  is  the  Com  \  Boernerlutos,  which  derives 
its  name  from  Dr.  C.  F.  Boerner,  to  whom  it  formerly  be- 
longed;  it  is  now  deposited  in  the  royal  library  at  Dn 
It  contains  St.  Paul's  R  pis  ties,  with  the  exception  of  dial  to 
the  Hebrews,  which  was  formerly  rejected  bj  tin- church  of 
Rome ;  and  it  is  written  in  Greek  and  Latin,  the  Latin  or  old 
Ante-Hieronymian  version    being    interlined    between   the 

Greek,  and  written  over  tin    t   \t,  of  which  it  is  a  translation 

Srinler  supposed  that  the  Latin  was  written  sii the  Greek, 

hut  Profe880r  Matthcei,  who  published  a  copy  of  this  manu 
script,  suggests  that  the  uniformity  of  the  handwriting, 
similarity  in  the  colour  of  the  ink,  evince  that  both  th<  <  I 
and  Latin  texts  proceeded  from  the  same  transcriber.  It 
frequently  agrees  with  the  Codex  Claromontanus.  The  time 
when  this  manuscript  was  written  has  not  been  determined 
with  precision.  That  it  is  ancient,  appears  (says  Michaelis) 
from  the  form  of  the  characters,  and  the  absence  of  accents 
and  marks  of  aspiration.  It  seems  to  have  been  written  in 
an  age  when  the  transition  was  making  from  uncial  to  small 
characters ;  and  from  the  correspondence  of  the  letters  r,  s, 
and  t,  in  the  Latin  version  to  that  form  which  is  found  in  the 
Anglo-Saxon  alphabet,  Bishop  Marsh  infers,  that  this  manu- 
script was  written  in  the  west  of  Europe,  and  probably 
between  the  eighth  and  tenth  centuries.  Kuster,  who  first 
collated  this  manuscript,  supposed  it  to  be  British ;  Doeder- 
lein,  Irish.  The  learned  reviewer  of  Matthaei's  editi  n  of 
this  manuscript,  in  the  Jena  Literary  Gazette,  decides  that  it 
could  only  be  written  in  Germany  or  France ;  because  in  the 
margin  many  passages  are  noted  contra  yJJi<rx.i\ic,v,  apparently 
because  they  are  contradictory  to  the  opinion  of  Gottschalk, 
a  celebrated  monk,  who  disputed  concerning  predestination 
in  the  ninth  century,  but  whose  tenets  excited  little  attention 
except  in  those  two  countries.  The  writer  in  question  thinks 
it  probable  that  this  manuscript  was  written  by  Johannes 
Scotus,  who  lived  at  the  court  of  Charles  the  Bald,  king  of 
France,  and  was  the  most  celebrated  opponent  of  Gottschalk. 
The  manuscript,  however,  could  not  have  been  written  later 
than  the  ninth  century;  for  in  the  beginning  of  the  tenth, 
Gottschalk's  dispute  had  lost  all  its  importance.  Griesbach 
and  Hug  accordingly  refer  the  Codex  Boemerianus  to  the 
ninth  or  tenth  century.  There  is  a  transcript  of  this  MS.  in 
the  library  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  among  the  bo.  ks 
and  manuscripts  that  were  left  by  Dr.  Bentley,  who  probably 
procured  it  for  his  intended  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament. 
Professor  Matthei  published  a  copy  of  this  manuscript  at 
Meissen  in  Saxony,  in  1791,  in  quarto,  which  was  reprinted 
at  the  same  place  in  1818,  also  in  quarto.4 

Xil. — *G.  of  Grieshach's  notation,  and  G.  according  to 
Wetstein's  and  Dr.  Scbols's  notations,  is  the  Codex  Har- 
leianls  5*94.,  in  the  British  Museum,  formerly  cited  as 
Codex  Wolfii  A.  Its  first  possessor  was  Erasmus  Seidel 
who  brought  this  and  the  following  manuscript  from  the 
East.  After  his  death  both  manuscripts  were  purchased  by 
La  Croze ;  by  whom  they  were  presented  to  J.  C.  Wolff,  of 
Hamburgh.  The  latter  collated  them,  and  published  his 
collations  in  the  third  volume  of  his  Anecdota  Graeca,  p.  48. 
Michaelis  refers  the  Codex  Harleianus  5684.  to  the 
eighth  century.  !>ut  Scholz  dates  it  in  the  eleventh  century. 
Griesbach  think-  it  scarcely  more  ancient  than  the  twelfth 
century.  It  is  written  on  vellum,  in  quarto,  with  accents 
and  spirits,  and  has  the  following  chasms,  viz.  Matt.  i.  1.  to 
vi.  6.,  vii.  25.  t  i  viii.  9..  viii.  23.  to  ix.  -2..  xxviii.  IS.  to  Mark 
i.  13.,  Mark  i.  32.  to  ii.  i.  and  xiv.  19—25.  Luke  i.  1—13. 
v.  4.  to  vii.  3.,  viii.  46.  to  ix.  5.,  xi.  27 — 11.  and  xxiv.  41.  to 
the  end  of  Saint  Luke's  Gospel ;  John  xvii.  5—19.,  and  xix. 

*  Kuster's  preface  to  his  edition  of  Mill's  Greek  Testament,  sub  fine m 
Michaelis,  vol.  ii.  part.  i.  pp.  225— 227.  part  ii.  pp.  672—677.  Jena  Algencms 
Literatur  Zemme,  as  abridged  in  the  Analytical  Review  fcr  1793,  vol  xvii. 
p.  231.    Hug's  Introduction,  vol.  i.  pp.  283—296. 


OL.  I. 


3G 


234 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS, 


[Past  I.  Chap.  IIL 


4 27.     The  text  agrees  with  that  of  the  Constantinopolitan 

recension,  though  it  has  some  readings  which  are  common  to 
the  Alexandrine  recension. 

XIII. H.  The  Codex  Wolfii  B.  was  also  brought  from 

the  East  by  Seidel ;  it  is  written  on  vellum,  in  quarto,  and  is 
of  the  eleventh  century.  It  contains  the  four  Gospels,  which, 
however,  are  mutilated  in  the  following  passages,  viz.  Matt, 
i.  1 .  to  xv.  30.,  xxv.  3.  to  xxvi.  3.  Mark  xv.  44.  to  xvi.  14., 
Luke  v.  18—33.,  vi.  8—23.,  x.  2—19.,  John  ix.  30.  to  x.  25., 

xviii.  2 25.  and  xx.  12 — 25.     It  follows  the  Constantinopo- 

litan  family,  but  it  has  many  readings  in  common  with  the 
Alexandrine  recension. 

XIV. *H.,  in  Griesbach's  notation  of  manuscripts  of 

Saint  Paul's  Epistles,  is  the  Codex  Coislinianus,  a  very 
beautiful  manuscript  of  the  fifth  or  sixth  century,  according 
to  Montfaucon ;  but  Griesbach  assigns  it  to  the  seventh  cen- 
tury. It  contains  fragments  of  Saint  Paul's  Epistles,  written 
in  uncial  characters,  with  accents ;  and  was  formerly  kept  at 
mount  Athos,  where  it  was  applied,  as  old  parchment,  to  the 


binding  of  other  books,  in  the  year  1218  ;  as  appears  in  a  note 
of  the  book  to  the  binding  of  which  it  was  applied.1 

XV. — I.  The  Codex  Cottonianus  (Titus  C.  XV.),  pre- 
served in  the  Cottonian  Library  in  the  British  Museum,  is  a 
most  precious  fragment  of  the  four  Gospels,  written  in  silver 
letters  on  a  faded  purple  ground.  It  is  one  of  the  oldest  (if 
not  the  most  ancient)  manuscripts  of  any  part  of  the  New 
Testament  that  is  extant ;  and  contains, 

(1.)  Part  of  Saint  Matthew's  Gospel,  beginning  at  Chapter 
XXVI.  v.  57.  and  ending  with  v.  65.  of  the  same  Chapter. 

(2.)  Part  of  the  same  Gospel,  beginning  at  Chapter  XXVII 
v.  26.  and  ending  with  v.  34.  of  the  same  Chapter. 

(3.)  Part  of  Saint  John's  Gospel,  beginning  at  Chapter  XIV 
v.  2.  and  ending  with  v.  10.  of  the  same  Chapter. 

(4.)  Part  of  the  same  Gospel,  beginning  at  Chapter  XV.  v. 
15.  and  ending  with  v.  22.  of  the  same  Chapter. 

The  subjoined  engraving  is  a  fac-simile  of  the  Greek  Text 
of  John  xiv.  6. 


AereiAyrcDorc 
ercueiMeiHo 

ajockxihaxh 
ej\KxrH^cuH 

OVA.lCGPX6T\» 
TT  P  O  CTO  NTfpt\ 

6lMHX)6MOr 


from  this  manuscript,  of  which  the  following  is  a  representa- 
tion in  ordinary  Greek  characters,  with  the  corresponding 
literal  English  version. 


AErEIATTfiOls 

EmEIMElHO 

A02KA1HAAH 

eiAKAIHZQH 

OTAI2EPXETai 

nPOSTONnfPA 

RIMHAlEMOr 


SAITHUNTOHIMJs 

IAMTHEW 

AYANDTHETRU 

THANDTHELIFE 

NQMANCOMEth 

UNTOTHEFTHr 

BUTBYMe 


The  words  1H20T2  {Jesus),  eEC-2  {God),  KTPI02  {Lord), 
1102  {Son),  and  2QTHP  {Saviour),  are  written  in  letters  of 
gold ;  the  first  three  with  contractions  similar  to  those  in  the 
Codex  Alexandrinus,  and  Codex  Bezae.  This  precious  fra<r- 
ment  is  generally  acknowledged  to  have  been  executed  at  the 
end  of  the  fourth,  or  at  the  latest  in  the  beginning  of  the  fifth 
century.  Dr.  Scholz,  however,  refers  it  to  the  seventh  or 
eighth  century. 

XVI. — K.,  in  the  first  volume  of  Wetstein's,  Griesbach's, 
and  Scholz's  critical  editions  of  the  New  Testament,  is  the 
Codex  Ctprius  (Regius  63.,  formerly  2243.,  and  Colbertinus 


5149.),  a  manuscript  of  the  four  Gospels,  brought  from  the 
Island  of  Cyprus  in  the  year  1637;  and  now  deposited  in  the 
Royal  Library  at  Paris,  where  it  is  at  present  numbered  33. 
This  manuscript  was  first  collated  by  Father  Simon,2  whose 
extracts  of  various  readings  were  inserted  by  Dr.  Mill  in  his 
critical  edition  of  the  New  Testament.3  Wetstein  charged 
this  manuscript  with  Latinizing,  but  without  sufficient  evi- 
dence. Michaelis  deemed  it  to  be  of  great  value,  and 
expressed  a  wish  for  a  more  accurate  collation  of  it.  That 
wish  was  not  realized  until  the  year  1819,  when  Dr.  J.  M. 
A.  Scholz,  of  Heidelberg,  being  at  Paris,  subjected  this  ma 
nuscript  to  a  very  rigorous  critical  examination ;  the  results 
of  which  he  communicated  to  the  public  in  his  Curse  Critical 
in  Historiam  Textus  Evangeliorum  (4to.  Heidelbergae,  1820) 
from  this  work  the  following  particulars  are  abridged. 

This  manuscript  is  written  on  vellum,  in  an  oblong  quarto 
size,  and  in  excellent  preservation.  The  uncial  characters 
are  not  round,  as  in  most  ancient  manuscripts,  but  leaning; 
they  exhibit  evident  marks  of  haste,  and  sometimes  of  care- 
lessness, in  the  transcriber,  and  they  present  the  same 
abbreviations  as  occur  in  the  Alexandrine,  Vatican,  and  other 
manuscripts.  In  a  few  instances,  accents  are  absent,  bu* 
frequently  they  are  incorrectly  placed ;  flu  spirits  (asper  and 

>  Hug's  Introduction,  vol.  i.  p.  288. 

»  Hist.  Critique  du  Texte  du  Nouveau  Testament,  chap.  x.  p.  101 

»  Nov.  Test.  Millii  et  Kusteri  Prolegom.,  p.  162. 


Sect.  II.  §  4.J 


WRITTEN  IN  UNCIAL  OR  CAPITAL  LETTERS. 


tenia)  are  often  interchanged  ;  and  the  permutations  of  vowels 
and  consonants  are  very  numerous.  Tims  we  meet  with 
KMiKpufA/xtva  for  Ktx.pup/uttu>  ( Matt.  xiii.  44.);  «/<>•"  for  *>.%»  (Mark 
iv.  22.);  »»#?«  for  p*P0t  (Matt,  xxiii.  7.,  xxvi.  25.  49,  &c); 
ckoSc/u.k't'j  for  &n'Jc/u>m  (Luke  iv.  29.);  T-urce  for  tcuto  (Luke 
viii.  !).) ;  &*&t*m  for  Gsufcfjucv ;  ot<t<twJ;v  for  Katdwfo  (  Matt  XXV. 
r>.);  n<-/^  for  N«£«fwr  (Mark  i.  9.),  &c  From  the  con- 
fused and  irregular  manneT  in  which  the  accents  and  spirits 
are  placed,  Or.  Scholz  conjectures  that  the  Codex  Cypriue 

was    transcribed    from    a   more   ancient  cony  that  was    nearly 

destitute  of  those  distinctions.  Some  of  me  permutations  are 
unquestionably  errors  of  the  transcriber;  bul  the  greater  part 
of  them,  he  is  of  opinion,  must  be  referred  to  the  orthography 
and  pronunciation  which  (it  is  m  II  known)  wen-  peculiar  to 
the  Alexandrians.  To  this  manuscript  are  prefixed  a  Synax- 
srtum,>  or  epitome  of  the  lives  of  tin-  Saints  who  arc  vene- 
rated by  the  Greek  church,  and  a  Mepologion,1  or  martvrology, 
together  with  the  canons  of  Eusebius:  to  each  of  the  three 
'"',__  last  Cospels  is  also  prefixed  an  index 

|^—  of  the  H.te?'jLh*.ix  or  larger  chapters.     The 

*<<,  numbers  of  the  Ammonian  sections  and 

,— •*  larger   chapters,2  are   marked   in    the 

,-^  '    .     inner  margin  ;  and  the  numbers  of  the 

^?  <  J— »  other  chapters,  together  with  the  titles, 
are  placed  either  at  the  top  or  at  the 
bottom  of  the  page.  The  Gospel 
of  St.  Matthew  comprises  359  Ammo- 
nian sections,  and  G8  chapters;  that  of 
St.  Mark,  '2 1 1  sections,  and  48  chapters ; 
that  of  St.  Luke,  3 12  sections,  and  83 
*--  ^T     chapters;  and  the  Gospel  of  St.  John, 

i^^  Y^-  232  sections,  and  19  chapters.  The 
celebrated  passage  in  John  viii.  1 — 11., 
concerning  the  woman  who  had  been 
taken  in  adultery,  constitutes  a  distinct 
chapter.  From  the  occasional  notation 
of  certain   days,  on  which   particular 

fiortions  were  to  be  read,  as  well  as 
rom  the  prefixing  of  the   synaxarion 
\J  ^~*      and  menologian,  Dr.  Scholz  considers 

this  manuscript  as  having  originally 
.been  written,  and  constantly  used,  for 
ecclesiastical  purposes.  In  very  many 
instances  it  agrees  with  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan  and  Alexandrine  recensions; 
in  others,  with  the  Alexandrine  alone, 
and  in  a  few  instances  with  neither. 

A  considerable  difference  of  opinion 
prevails,  respecting  the  age  of  the 
Codex  Cyprius.  Montfaucon  assigned 
it  to  the  eighth  century ;  Scholz  and 
Hug,  to  the  ninth  century;  and  Simon, 
to  the  tenth  century.  Specimens  of  its 
characters  have  been  given  by  Mont- 
faucon,5 Blanchini,-"  and  Dr.  Scholz  ;5 
the  annexed  fac-simile  is  copied  from 
that  of  Dr.  S. :  it  contains  part  of  the 
first  verse  of  the  twenty-eignth  chapter 
of  St.  Matthew's  Gospel,  in  English 
thus: 


<^ 


S 


<s 


< 


I 


l.NTllIiENnoFTHESABBATHASITBEOANTODAWNTOWAR 
DSrHEFIRST/XjroFTHKVVEEK  CA.MEMARYMAGDALENE. 

This  manuscript  is  of  considerable 
importance  in  a  critical  point  of  view, 
particularly  as  it  affords  great  weight 
to  the  readings  of  the  best  and  most 
ancient  MSS.,  ancient  versions,  and  the 
fathers.6 


'  According  to  Suicer,  Synuxurion  is  the  name  of  an  ecclesiastical  book 
m  use  among  the  members  of  the  Greek  church  ;  it  contains  a  very  brief 
notice  of  their  saints,  and  also  a  concise  explanation  of  the  subject  of  each 
festival  which  is  celebrated.  A.  Mcnulogian  is  the  Mine  among  the  Greeks, 
as  a  innrtyrology  or  calendar  of  rcpuled  saints  with  the  Latin  or  Romish 
church,  which  contains  an  indication  (for  it  can  scarcely  be  termed  a 
biographical  notice)  of  the  saints  for  every  day  of  the  month  throughout 
the  year;  and  also  a  commemoration  of  those  saints,  of  whom  no  lives  are 
extant,  and  for  whom  no  special  office  is  appointed.  Thesaurus  Ecclesias- 
ticus,  torn,  ii   pp.  363  1108. 

*  See  a  notice  of  these  divisions  in  p.  211  ol  this  volume. 
3  Pala?ographia  Graeca,  p.  232. 

*  Evanseliarium  Quadruplex,  part  i   p.  492.  plate  3.  from  that  p?^e. 

'  At  the  end  of  his  Curse  Criticse  in  Historian!  Te.xtus  Kvangeliorum. 

*  Or.  Scholz  (Cur.  Crit.  pp.  63—65.)  has  given  several  instances  of  such 
readings,  one  only  of  which  we  have  room  to  notice.     In  John  vii.  8.  the 


230 

XVII.— L.  The  Codex  Regius  62.  f formerly  2861, 
Stephani ».)  is  a  quarto  manuscript  on  vellum,  containing 
the  four  Gospels,  and  written  in  uncial  letters,  of  an  oblono 
form,  according  to  Wetstein  in  the  beginning  of  the  seventl 
century,  but  in  the  opinion  of  Dr.  Scholz,  in  the  eighth 
century.  Grieebach  refers  it  to  the  eighth  or  ninth  century. 
Tin  accents  are  frequently  wanting,  and  are  often  wrongly 
!,  even  when  they  are  inserted;  from  which  circumstance 
Griesbach  and  Scholz  think  that  this  manuscript  was  transcrib- 
ed from  another  very  ancient  one,  which  had  noaccents.  Each 
page  is  divided  into  two  columns,  and  the  words  follow,  for 
the  most  part,  without  any  intervals  between  them.  The  iota 
subscription,  and  postcriptum,  are  uniformly  wanting:  the 
usual  abbreviations  occur,  and  the  letters  at  and  or  are  some- 
times written  with  contractions,  as  in  the  Codex  Coislinia- 
nus  1.  (a  manuscript  of  the  eighth  century) ;  and  not  seldom 
a  letter  is  dropped  in  the  middle  of  a  word  : — Thus,  we  read 
in  it  TriftktM  for  irtfa/ktoi,  tujncmu  for  K>ji§Tt?frr*i,  x.*rf*»juac.(  foi 
utmtfa/ttnt,  &c.  &c.  Errors  in  orthography  appear  in  every 
page,  and  also  permutations  of  vowels  and  consonants.  This 
manuscript  contains  the  four  Gospels,  with  the  following 
chasms,  viz.  Matt.  iv.  21. — v.  14  and  xxviii.  17.  to  the  end 
of  the  Gospel;  Mark  x.  17 — 30.  and  xv.  10 — 20.;  and  John 
xxi.  15.  to  the  end.  The  tit/.'.i  and  the  Ammonian  sections 
with  reference  to  the  canons  of  Eusebius  are  written  in  the 
Codex  Regius  a  prima  manu.  This  manuscript  harmonizes 
with  the  Alexandrine  or  Western  Recension.  It  was  collated 
by  Robert  Stephens, and  by  Wetstein,  but  more  accurately  by 
Griesbach,  with  the  exception  of  Matt.  viii. — xviii. ;  which 
chapters  he  states  that  he  examined  in  a  cursory  manner. 
The  parts  omitted  by  Griesbach  were  carefully  collated  by 
Dr.  Scholz. 

XVIII.— M.  The  Codex  Regius  48.  (formerly  2213.)  is  a 
manuscript  of  the  four  Gospels,  presented  to  Louis  XIV.  by 
the  Abbe  Francois  des  Camps,  Jan.  1,  1706.  It  is  written 
on  vellum,  of  the  tenth  century,  and  has  the  Eusebian  canons, 
together  with  synaxaria,  summaries  of  chapters,  accents, 
musical  notes,  the  usual  abbreviations  and  permutations  of 
words  similar  in  sound.  The  text  for  the  most  part  agrees 
with  the  Alexandrine  Recension,  but  sometimes  with  the 
Constantinopolitan,  and  it  has  a  few  readings  which  are 
peculiar  to  K.  or  the  Codex  Cyprius.  Dr.  Scholz  has 
described  it  in  his  Biblico-Critical  Travels,  and  collated  it 
throughout. 

XIX. — N.  The  Codex  Vindobonensis,  Lambecii  2.,  in  the 
Imperial  Library  at  Vienna,  contains  a  fragment  of  Saint 
Luke's  Gospel,  viz.  ch.  xxiv.  21 — 40.  It  has  already  been 
described  in  §  IV.  pp.  227,  228.  of  this  volume.  Scholz. 
after  Fleischer,  refers  it  to  the  seventh  century  ;  but  it  should 
rather  seem  to  be  of  the  fifth  or  sixth  century. 

XX. — O.  is  a  fragment,  torn  out  of  some  larger  manu- 
script, containing  the  narrative  of  the  Pharisee  and  the  Pub« 
lican,  in  Luke  xviii. :  it  was  presented  by  Anselm  Banduri 
to  Montfaucon.  Only  one  reading  has  been  quoted  from  it 
by  Wetstein,  Griesbach,  and  Scholz,  viz.  S  y*$  mint,  which 
has  been  received  into  the  text  by  the  two  last-mentioned 
editors,  as  well  as  by  Schott,  Vater,  Naebe,  Goeschen,  and 
Tittmann. 

XXI. — P.  The  Codex  Guelpherbytanus  A.  contains 
fragments  of  the  four  Gospels,  written  on  vellum  in  the  sixth 
century,  which  were  (rased  in  the  eighth  or  ninth  century,  in 
order  to  write  several  works  of  Isidore  of  Seville. 

XXH. — Q.  The  Codex  Guelpherbytanus  B.  is  also  a 
palimpsest  manuscript  of  the  sixth  century,  containing  frag« 
meets  of  the  Gospels  of  Luke  and  John,  which  were  erased, 
in  order  to  make  room  for  some  treatises  of  Isidore  of  Seville. 
XXIII. — R.  The  Codex  Tubingensis  is  a  single  leaf  of 
thick  vellum  in  quarto,  written  on  both  sides,  in  the  seventh 
century.     It  contains  John  i.  33 — 50. 

XXIV. — S.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  354.  contains  the  four 
Gospels  with  the  canons  of  Eusebius.  It  is  written  on 
vellum,  in  folio,  by  one  Michael,  a  monk,  in  the  year  949. 
It  almost  uniformly  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  re- 
cension. 

XXV.— T.  The  Codex  Borgianus  1.  is  a  fragment  of  a 

Codex  Cvprius  reads  c^x  ■»ti/g«ira>  which  in  later  manuscripts  is  altered  to 
Ht>  BvaSaivv,  because  the  celebrated  antagonist  of  Christianity,  Por- 
phyry, had  used  it  a?  a  ground  of  objection.  With  the  Codex  Cvprius 
agree  the  Cambridge  Manuscript,  the  Codices  Regii.  14.  (33.  of  Griesbach  a 
notation),  and  55.  (17.  of  Griesbach),  several  of  the  Moscow  manuscripts 
cited  by  Matthaei,  the  Memphitic  and  Ethiopic  versions,  together  with 
several  of  the  Ante. Hieronymian  versions,  and  among  the  fathers,  Jerome, 
Augustine,  Cyril,  Chrysostom,  and  Epiphanius.  This  reading  alone  provei 
that  the  Codex  Cyprius  has  not  been  altered  from  Ihe  Latin,  as  Wctstem 
asserted  without  any  authority 


236 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS, 


[Part  1.  Chai.  Ill 


Greek-Sahidic  manuscript  of  the  fifth  century,  in  quarto,  con- 
taining John  vi.  28—67.  and  vii.  6— 8..31.  Itwas  published 
by  Georgi,  at  Rome,  in  1789,  with  the  Sahidic  version.  Its 
text  follows  that  of  the  Alexandrine  recension. 

XXVI. U.  The  Codex  Nanianus  1.,  in  the  library  of 

St.  Mark,  at  Venice,  contains  the  four  Gospels  with  the 
Eusebian  canons.  It  is  nearly  entire,  and  for  the  most  part 
ao-rees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  Dr.  Birch, 
by  whom  it  was  first  collated,  refers  it  to  the  tenth  or  eleventh 
century ;  Dr.  Scholz,  to  the  tenth  century. 

XXVII. — V.  is  a  manuscript  in  the  library  of  the  Holy 
Synod  at  Moscow,  thus  noted  by  Matthaei  in  his  edition  of 
the  Greek  Testament.  It  is  written  on  vellum,  in  octavo,  and 
contains  the  four  Gospels.  From  Matt.  i.  to  John  vii.  38.  is 
in  uncial  letters,  of  the  eighth  century ;  from  John  vii.  39.  to 
the  end,  is  the  writing  of  trie  thirteenth  or  fourteenth  century  ; 
it  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

XXVIII. — W.  is  a  fragment  annexed  to  the  Codex  Regius 
Parisiensis  314.,  containing  Luke  ix.  3G — 47.,  and  x.  12 — 22. 
It  is  written  on  vellum,  in  quarto,  in  the  eighth  century,  and 
agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  family.  It  was  first  collated  by 
Dr.  Scholz. 

XXIX. — X.  The  Codex  Landshutensis,  formerly  Ingol- 
stadiensis,  is  a  neatly  written  manuscript  of  the  tenth  century, 
containing  the  four  Gospels,  the  text  of  which  almost  uni- 
formly agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  recension.  Dobrowski, 
who  communicated  some  readings-  from  this  manuscript, 
referred  it  to  the  eleventh  century  :  it  was,  for  the  first  time, 
collated  throughout  by  Dr.  Scholz.     To  the  text  of  the  Gos- 


pels of  Matthew  and  John  are  added  commentaries  taken 
From  Chrysostom,  on  John  xix.  16.  ef  teg.  from  Origen  and 
Hesyehius  of  Jerusalem,  and  on  Luke  from  Titus  ofBostra. 
Many  leaves  are  misplaced  by  the  ctrelessnt  SB  of  the  binder, 
and  there  are  numerous  chasms,  which  are  specified  by  Dr. 
Scholz. 

XXX. — Y.  The  Codex  Bibliothece  BARBERiMANiE  225 
is  a  fragment  in  folio,  of  the  ninth  century,  written  on  vellum. 
It  contains  John  xvi.  4.  to  xix.  28.,  and  agrees  with  the 
Alexandrine  family. 

XXXI. — Z.  is  the  Codex  Rescriptus  of  St.  Matthew's 
Gospel,  in  the  library  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin.  Itwas 
discovered  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Barrett,  senior  fellow  of  that  col- 
lege. While  he  was  examining  different  books  in  its  library, 
he  met  with  a  very  ancient  Greek  manuscript,  on  certain 
leaves  of  which  he  observed  a  two-fold  writing,  one  ancient 
and  the  other  comparatively  recent,  transcribed  over  the 
former.  The  original  writing  on  these  leaves  had  been 
greatly  defaced,  either  by  the  injuries  of  time,  or  by  art:  on 
close  examination,  he  found,  that  this  ancient  writing  con- 
sisted of  the  three  following  fragments  : — The  Prophet  fsaiah, 
the  Evangelist  Saint  Matthew,  and  certain  orations  of  Gre- 
gory Nazianzen.  The  fragment,  containing  Saint  Matthew's 
Gospel,  Dr.  Barrett  carefully  transcribed  ;  and  the  whole  has 
been  accurately  engraved  in  fac-simile  by  the  order  and  at 
the  expense  of  the  University,  thus  presenting  to  the  reader  a 
perfect  resemblance  of  the  original.1  The  accompanying  en- 
graving is  copied  from  Dr.  B.  s  first  plate. 


T'oT-Ae  irxTHreNecicor 
TCOCHN-UNHCTeTGei 
CH  CTHCilHTPOUTTO 
1_L  Af  I A  C  TXT)  I  CO  C  H  CD  TTpi  K 

ct  i\i  eAeei  NATnronrc  er 
peeHGNriCTp  le^coTC^ 
-  -eKTrNCirioT- 

I  COCHCp  AeOiNHfiTTHC 
'  2± I  Ki  r O  C COM  K1IUH0 6 A 
i.TTH  NA6!  rillTe  I  Ci  \ 
eBOTAHeHAJON  iTTOAT 
CiUTHTHN' 


t  represents  the  18th  and  19th  verses  of  the  first  chapter  of 
Saint  Matthew's  Gospel.  We  have  subjoined  the  same 
verses  in  ordinary  Greek  types,  with  a  literal  version  in 
parallel  columns. 


V.  18.  ToTAElTXTHTENEXlSOT 
•m2HN-MNHi;TEYQEI 
SmjTHSMHTPOHATTO. . . 

MAPIAETi'U'SHCpIiriN 
ETNEAeEINATTOTiET 
PHeHENTAXTPIEXOTiA- 

EKrTFFsArioT- 

V   19    Ir>rH$AEOANHPATTH£ 
'   AIKAIOiP-NKAIMHWEA... 
ATTHNAEirMATEI>;AI 
EBOTAH0HAA0PAAIIOAT 
EAIATTHN. 


v.  is.  nowtheeirthofjschtth 
uswasbeingespou 
sedhismother 
marytojosePHbefore 
tiieycametogethershewas 
foundwithchild 
bytheholyspt' 

V.  19.  josePIIthenherhusband 

BEINGAJUSTMANANDNOTWILL  . 
TOM  AKEHERAPUBLICEX  AMPLE 
WASMINDEDPRIVILYTOPUT 
HERAWAY. 


Of  the  original  writing  of  this  manuscript,  which  Dr.  Bar- 
rett calls  the  Codex  Vetus,  only  sixty-four  leaves  remain,  in  a 
veTy  mutilated  state :  each  page  contains  one  column  ;  and 


the  columns  in  general  consist  of  twenty-one  lines,  and  somo 
times  (though  rarely)  of  twenty-two  or  twenty-three  ;  the 
lines  are  nearly  of  equal  lengths,  and  consist,  ordinarily,  of 
eighteen  or  twenty  square  letters,  written  on  vellum,  origi 
nally  of  a  purple  colour,  but  without  any  accents.  From 
these  two  circumstances,  as  well  as  from  the  division  of  the 
text,  the  orthography,  mode  of  pointing,  abbreviations,  and 
from  some  other  considerations,  Dr.  Barrett,  with  great  pro- 
bability, fixes  its  age  to  the  sixth  century.  This  manuscript 
follows  the  Alexandrian  Recension.  Ihe  Codex  Becenx,  or 
later  writing  (which  contains  several  tracts  of  some  Greek 
fathers),  hfiWributcs  to  a  scribe  of  the  thirteenth  century  ; 
about  which  time  it  became  a  general  practice  to  erase 
ancient  writings,  and  insert  others  in  their  place.2 

»  The  title  of  this  interesting  (and  comparatively  little  known)  publication 
is  as  follows:  "Evangel'mm  Secundum  Matthae  ■  Rescnptoia 

Bibli  i  •■>  Collegii  SSoe.  Trinitatis  juxta  Dublin:  Pescriptum  Opera  e 

Studio  Johannis  Barrett,  S.  T.  P.  MDCOCI."  4to 

»  Dr.  Barrett's  Prolegomena,  pp.  2—9. 


Sect.  II.  §  4.] 


WRITTEN  IN  UNCIAL  OR  CAPITAL  LETTERS. 


23V 


XXXII. — The  Codkx  Harleianus,  No.  5598.,  is  a  most 
splendid  Evangehstarium,  or  collection  of  lessons  from  the 
four  Gospels,  written  on  vellum  in  uncial  Greek  letters. 
which  are  gilt  on  the  first  leaf,  and  coloured  and  ornamented 
•iroughout  the  rest  of  the  book.  Itcon  en  hundred 

and  forty-eight  pages :  and,  according  to  an  inscription  on  the 
last  page,  was  written  by  one  Constantine,  a  presbyter,  a.  p. 
995.  To  several  of  the  longer  sections,  titles  arc  prefixed  in 
Urger  characters.    The  passages  of  the  Gospels  are  noted  in 


rgin,  ae  they  occur,  by  a  later  hand,  and  between  pages 
736.  and  729.  there  are  inserted  ten  leaves  of  paper,  contain- 
ing the  series  of  Lessons  or  Extracts  from  the  Gospels, 
which  are  supposed  to  have  been  written  by  Dr.  Covell,  who 
was  chaplain  to  the  British  embassy  at  Constantinople,  a.  n. 
1070 — 1677,  and  was  a  diligent  collector  of  MSS.  The  an- 
nexed foe-simile,  from  the  third  page  of  this  preci 
script,  represents  ill.  eighteenth  verse  of  the  first 
Saint  John's  Gospel. 


y 


N'oyAeiceo) 
iw^Hm  catch 


In  ordinary  Greek  types,  with  a  literal  English  version  in 
parallel  columns,  it  is  as  follows : — 


eNOTAEISEfl 

PAKEnnnoTE-_ 
OMONorENHrr^ 

O.QNEI2TONKOA 

noNToriTpiEKEi 

N02E3HrH2AT0- 


GDNOMANHATHSE 
ENATANYTIME- 

THEONLYBEGOTTENSN 
WHOISINTHEBO 

SOMOFTHEFHRH 
EHATHMADEHIMKNOWN- 


The  lines  of  this  venerable  MS.  are  not  all  of  equal  length, 
some  containing  ten,  others  ten  or  more  letters,  in  each  line. 
The  same  contractions  of  02  for  0k?  (God),  Tip  for  Tlumf 
(Father),  ri  for  ttot  (a  son),  &c.  which  occur  in  all  the  most 
ancient  Greek  manuscripts,  are  also  to  be  seen  in  this  Evan- 
gelistarium.  This  manuscript,  which  was  unknown  to 
Griesbach,  was  collated  by  Dr.  Scholz,  for  his  edition  of  the 
Greek  Testament.  He  numbers  it  153,  in  his  catalogue  of 
Evangelisteria. 

XXXIII. — The  Codex  Ukfenbachianus  2.  ( 1 .  of  Bengel's 
notation,  and  No.  53.  of  Wetstein's  and  Griesbach's  cata- 
logues of  manuscripts  of  Saint  Paul's  Epistles),  is  a  frag- 
ment of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  consisting  of  two  leaves : 
it  is  at  present  preserved  in  the  public  library  at  Hamburgh. 
Having  been  very  imperfectly  described  by  Mains,  Wetstein, 
and  Bengel,  Dr.  H.  P.  C.  Henke  rendered  an  important  ser- 
vice to  biblical  literature  by  subjecting  it  to  a  minute  critical 
examination,  the  result  of  which  he  published  at  Helmstadt, 
in  1800,  in  a  quarto  tract,  with  a  fac-simile  of  the  writing.1 
According  to  this  writer,  the  Codex  Uffenbachiamis  originally 
consisted  of  one  ternion,  or  six  leaves,  of  which  the  four 
middle  ones  are  lost.  It  is  wholly  written  in  red  uncial  cha- 
racters, slightly  differing  from  the  square  form  observable  in 
the  most  ancient  manuscripts.  The  accents  and  notes  of  aspi- 
ration are  carefully  markeo,  but  the  iota  subscriptum  nowhere 
occurs  :  nor  are  any  stops  or  minor  marks  of  distinction  to  be 
seen,  except  the  full  stop,  which  is  promiscuously  placed  at 
the  bottom,  in  the  middle,  or  at  the  top  of  a  page,  to  serve  as 

1  Dr.  Henlce's  publication  and  fac-simile  are  reprinted  by  Pott  and  Kw- 
perti,  in  their  Sylloge  Commentationum  Theologicarum,  vol.  ii.  pp.  1— :j  > 
Helmstadt,  1801 ;  from  which  our  account  of  the  Codex  Uffenbacliianua  ii 

abridged. 


a  comma,  a  colon,  or  a  full  point.  The  note  of  interrogation 
occurs  only  once,  viz.  in  Her>.  iii.  17.  after  the  word  pnf/.ce  ;  but 
there  are  scarcely  any  abbreviations  besides  those  which  we 
have  already  noticed  as  existing  in  the  Alexandrian  and  other 
ancient  manuscripts  :  the  annexed  fac-simile  exhibits  the  first 
four  verses  and  part  of  the  fifth  verse  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews. 

4HiTffltEBfaiftrctTri  ciuAH 

n(fc\v<ia  j  vy  rKaAiroxYTP  ott\x>  t  ttiS 
7\\\  oft  AiTvHC  ax*T$\t -ranr/a  NtH 

MUiP  UJMTuYTlUME^a^H  KNHJLiT 

EHYror-oVie'Owicci^HPOMO^uoiniui 

v  TUJ  N»2J  0TK<U  €7T0 1 H  f£To  TflUXU  N*V 
f  AxlH^TrtC'TTl^CCiLCCaiciTTuTr  fy{ 

9  \u  NTETOTXtna-fu/ v  hjuTTth  (  &r 

N  iu  tW  C  W  CAY  TOT  IWL&2L9  UllON 

TvvNAU^Ttu»H'rr^Mt<UtENH'  t<£ 
M  tf  N  £  N>JE^UTHC\ltTX^\UCYNHt 
IN'T'J'H'KtiU:  TDtPY-nblCjfVTTQNir 
fTDJJUNO  CTU/NdLTTE^UiN.OCrP^I^V 

tu/TEfQ  N-na.pa.'r-TO  ulke  ic-^Hp  o  NO  uh 
Ki  H  Q  H 0UUr  ft N 1  TUf ei ITWrro  T6 


2JS 


ACCOUNT  OP  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS, 


Paiit  I.  Chap.  Ill 


In  English  thus  : — 


theepistxetothehebrews 

betforthlikeroyalletterspatent.1 

1nsundrypartsanddjversmannersan 

cientlygodwuospak-etotiiefathersby 

theprophetsinthelastof 

thesedayshathspokenuntou 

sby///sson-whom1iehathco.vstitutedheirofa 

fclthinos.bywhomalsohemadetheworlds* 

Whobeingthebrightnessofotsgloryandtheex 

press.  mageofhisperson-andup 

hoi.plngallthingsbythewordofpow 

ett  wiienbyhimselfpurification 

ofsinshehadmade-sat 

dow.vo.vtherighthandofthemajesty 

oniiigh-somuchbetterbeingma 

dethantheangels.asamoreex 

cellentnamethanthey 

JIEHATHOBTAINED-FORUNTOWHICH[oftheangels]HATHHESAIDATANY 
TIME 

ii.  Manuscripts  containing  the  JVeiv  Testament  or  the  Four 
Gospels,  -written  in  cursive  or  ordinary  Greek  characters, 
•which  have  been  collated  and  cited  by  editors  of  the  Greek 
Testament  (arid  especially  by  Wetstein  and  Griesbach), 
•who  preceded  Dr.  Scholz,  by  whom  their  notation  has  been 
retained,  -with  the  exception  of  Numbers,  12.  87.  98.  100. 
107.  Ill,  112.  122.  and  172. 

1.  The  Codex  Basileensis,  B.  VI.  27.  (noted  by  Bengel 
Bas,  y.)  contains  the  whole  of  the  New  Testament,  except 
the  Revelation,  and  is  written  on  vellum  with  accents.  On 
account  of  the  subscriptions  and  pictures  which  are  found  in 
it  (one  of  which  appears  to  be  a  portrait  of  the  emperor  Leo, 
surnamed  the  Wise,  and  his  son  Constantine  Porphyrogen- 
netus),  Wetstein  conjectures  that  it  was  written  in  their  time, 
that  is,  in  the  tenth  century.  Michaelis  and  Griesbach  have 
acceded  to  this  opinion.  Erasmus,  who  made  use  of  it  for 
his  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament,  supposed  it  to  be  a  Latin- 
ising manuscript,  and  his  supposition  was  subsequently 
adopted  by  Wetstein  ;  but  Michaelis  has  vindicated  it  from 
this  charge,  and  asserts  that  it  is  entitled  to  very  great 
esteem.  According  to  Hug,  the  text  of  the  Gospels  is  very 
different  from  the  text  of  the  other  parts  of  the  book.  In  the 
Acts  and  Epistles,  according  to  Dr.  Scholz,  it  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  Recension  ;  and  in  the  Gospels,  with  the 
Alexandrine  Recension. 

2.  The  Codex  Basileensis  B.  VI.  25.  (noted  by  Bengel 
Bas,  /3.)  is  a  manuscript  of  the  fifteenth  century,  containing 
the  four  Gospels.  Its  text  harmonizes  with  that  of  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan Recension.  It  was  used  by  Erasmus  for  his 
edition  of  the  New  Testament. 

3.  The  Codex  Cosendoncensis  formerly  belonged  to  a 
monastery  of  Canons  Regular  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  at  Cor- 
sendonck  near  Turnhout.  It  is  a  manuscript  of  the  twelfth 
century,  containing  the  whole  of  the  New  Testament,  except 
the  Apocalypse.  It  was  used  by  Erasmus  for  his  second  edi- 
tion.   Wetstein  charges  it  with  being  altered  from  the  Latin. 

4.  The  Codex  Regius  84.,  formerly  2867.  (Stephani,  y.), 
is  a  manuscript  of  the  four  Gospels,  written  on  vellum  in  the 
twelfth  century.  It  was  partially  collated  by  Robert  Ste- 
phens and  subsequent  editors,  and  for  the  first  time  through- 
out by  Dr.  Scholz,  who  states  that  its  text  is  composed  from 
the  Alexandrine  and  Constantinopolitan  Recensions,  but  more 
frequently  agrees  with  the  last. 

5.  The  Codex  Regius  106.,  formerly  2871  (Stephani,  S.), 
contains  the  Acts,  Catholic  and  Pauline  Epistles,  and  the 
Gospels  with  Prologues  ;  it  is  written  on  vellum  in  the 
twelfth  century,  and  exhibits  a  mixed  text.  It  was  collated 
throughout  by  Dr.  Scholz.  Extracts  from  it  were  given  by 
Dr.  Mill,  Wetstein,  and  Griesbach. 

6.  The  Codex  Regius  112.,  formerly  3425,  and  then  2205. 
(Stephani,  «.),  is  a  manuscript  of  the  eleventh  century,  writ- 
ten on  vellum  in  12mo.  It  contains  the  Gospel,  Acts,  and 
Epistles,  with  synaxaria,2  and  the  liturgy  of  Chrysostom. 
To  the  .Gospels  of  St.  Mark,  St.  Luke,  and  St.  John,  and  to 
the  Epistle  of  St.  James  and  the  first  Epistle  of  St.  Peter,  are 
prefixed  an  argument  and  index  of  chapters ;  to  the  remain- 
ing Catholic  Epistles  and  to  those  of  St.  Paul,  only  an  argu- 

1  Such,  Dr.  Hcnke  has  shown,  is  the  proper  rendering  of  the  inscrip- 
tion, most  probably  from  the  circumstance  of  its  being  written  with  ver- 
milion, after  the  pattern  of  the  ancient  imperial  letters  patent,  which  were 
usually  written  in  red,  purple,  or  golden  characters.  Codicis  Uffenbach- 
iani  Recensus  Criticus,  pp.  5—7.  of  vol.  ii.  of  Pott's  and  Ruperti's  Sylloge 
Commentationum  Theologicarum. 

»  On  the  import  of  this  word  see  note  1.  p.  235.  tupra. 


ment.  This  manuscript  is  pronounced  by  Michaelis  to  be.  of 
very  great  importance  :  it  has  the  following  chasms,  which 
were  first  discovered  by  Griesbach,  viz.  Matt.  i.  1. — ii.  21. ; 
xxvi.  33 — 53. ;  xxvii.  26. — xxviii.  10. ;  Mark  i.  2.  to  the  end 
of  the  chapter ;  and  John  xxi.  2.  to  the  end  of  the  Gospel. 
The  various  readings  from  this  manuscript  rjiven  by  Kustei 
and  Wetstein  are  very  inaccurate.  Matt.  xiii.  xiv.  and  xv. 
were  the  only  three  chapters  actually  collated  by  Griesbach. 
It  was  collated  by  Dr.  Scholz,  in  the  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew, 
in  Mark  i. — iv.  and  John  vii.  viii.     The  text  is  a  mixed  one. 

7.  The  Codex  Regius  71.,  formerly  2866.  (Stephani,  e.)i 
is  a  manuscript  of  the  eleventh  century,  written  on  vellum, 
and  containing  the  four  Gospels,  with  prologues,  synaxaria. 
the  Eusebian  canons,  and  figures.  The  text  for  the  most 
part  agrees  with  that  of  the  Constantinopolitan  Recension, 
though  there  also  are  very  many  Alexandrine  readings.  Dr. 
Scholz  collated  it  in  Mark  i. — vi.  and  John  iii.  8. 

8.  The  Codex  Regius  49.,  formerly  2242.  (Stephani,  fA. 
is  a  manuscript  on  vellum,  of  the  eleventh  century.  It  is  cor- 
rectly written,  in  folio,  and  contains  the  Gospels,  with  the 
Eusebian  canons,  and  synaxaria  :  it  follows  the  Alexandrine 
Recension.  Michaelis's  account  of  this  manuscript  is  very 
perplexed  :  in  this  notice  we  have  adopted  the  numeration  of 
Dr.  Scholz,  who  not  only  saw  it,  but  collated  it  expressly  for 
the  Gospel  of  St.  John. 

9.  The  Codex  Regius  83.,  formerly  2862.  (Stephani,  /£.), 
is  a  manuscript  of  the  four  Gospels,  written,  according  to  the 
subscription,  in  the  year  1168,  while  Manuel  Porphyrogenne- 
tus  reigned  at  Constantinople,  Amaury  at  Jerusalem,  and 
William  II.  in  Sicily.  It  contains  the  four  Gospels,  with  the 
Eusebian  canons,  and  synaxaria.  The  text  for  the  most  part 
agrees  with  that  of  the  Constantinopolitan  Recension.  Kus- 
ter printed  extracts  from  this  manuscript,  which  were  retained 
in  Wetstein's  and  Griesbach's  editions  :  it  was  collated  by 
Dr.  Scholz  in  Matt.  i. — viii.,  Mark  i. — iv.,  and  Johniv. — viii. 

10.  The  Codex  Regius  91.,  formerly  2865.  and  2247. 
(Kuster,  Paris,  1),  is  a  manuscript  of  the  four  Gospels,  of  the 
thirteenth  or  fourteenth  century,  according  to  Griesbach,  and 
of  the  thirteenth  century  according  to  Scholz.  This  manu- 
script came  from  Greece :  for  the  subscription  states  that  it 
was  given  in  1439  to  the  library  of  the  Canons  Regular  at 
Verona,  by  Dorotheus,  a  Greek  by  nation,  and  archbishop  of 
Mitylene,  who  was  present  at  the  synod  convened  at  Florence 
[in  1438]  for  the  purpose  of  uniting  the  Greek  and  Latin 
churches.  It  contains  the  four  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian 
canons,  and  synaxaria.  Kuster's  collation  is  by  no  means 
accurate :  and  many  remarkable  readings  were  omitted  by 
Wetstein,  according  to  Griesbach,  who  expresses  a  wish  for 
its  more  accurate  examination.  Dr.  Scholz  collated  it  foi 
Mark  i. — iv.  and  John  iv. — viii.  The  text  of  this  manuscript, 
for  the  most  part,  agrees  with  that  of  the  Constantinopolitan 
Recension. 

11.  The  Codex  Regius  121.  and  122.,  formerly  3424. 
a.  and  3.^  js  a  smd\\  octavo  manuscript  in  two  volumes,  of  the 
twelfth  century,  according  to  Dr.  Scholz,  but  of  the  tenth 
century  in  the  judgment  of  Montfaucon.  It  is  neatly  exe- 
cuted, and  contains  the  four  Gospels  with  the  Eusebian 
canons.  Kuster  has  printed  some  readings  from  this  manu- 
script, which  was  collated  anew  by  Scholz ;  who  states  that 
its  readings,  for  the  most  part,  follow  those  of  the  Constan- 
tinopolitan Recension,  though  there  are  many  readings  pecu- 
liar to  the  Alexandrine  manuscripts. 

12.  The  Codex  Regius  230.  is  a  quarto  manuscript  on 
vellum,  of  the  eleventh  century,  containing  the  Gospels,  with 
synaxaria,  the  Eusebian  canons,  prologues,  figure?,  and  com 
mentaries.  A  very  few  instances  excepted,  it  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  Recension.  It  was  collated  for  <be  Gos- 
pels of  Mark,  Luke,  and  John,  by  Dr.  Sehui/.,  .vhc  Ins  sub- 
stituted this  manuscript  for  No.  12.  of  Wetstein's  n<  union 
(*  12  of  Griesbach),  in  the  place  of  three  manuscripts  in  the 
royal  library  at  Paris,  viz.  185."  (No.  120.  infra),  85.  (No. 
119.  infra),  and  another  manuscript,  at  present  unknown,  the 
readings  of  which  and  this  number  had  been  confounded 
together  by  Wetstein. 

13.  The  Codex  Regius  50..  formerly  2214."  (Kuster,  Pa- 
ris, 6.),  is  a  quarto  manuscript  on  vellum,  of  the  twelfth 
century,  according  to  Scholz,  of  the  thirteenth  century  ac- 
cording to  Michaelis,  and  of  the  twelfth  or  thirteenth  century 
according  to  Griesbach.  It  contains  the  four  Gospels,  with 
synaxaria,  and  follows  the  Alexandrine  Kecension.  It  has 
the  following  chasms,  viz.  Matt.  i.  1  — ii.  21.  xxvi.  33—53. 
xxvii.  26. — xxviii.  10.,  Mark  i.21— 45.,  and  John  xxi.  2—25. 
It  was  negligently  collated  by  Kuster  and  Wetstein,  and 


Sect.  II.  §  4.] 


WRITTEN  IN  ORDINARY  GREEK  CHARACTERS. 


■cW 


more  diligently  by  Griesbach  ;  wbo,  in  those  parts  which  he 
collated,  discovered  not  fewer  than  si\  hundred  various  read- 
ings which  had  been  omitted  by  Kuster.  It  was  foliated 
anew  by  M.  Begtrup,  a  Danish  divine,  in  1707;  from  whose 
labours  Dr.  Birch1  and  Dr.  Schulz2  severally  obtained  nume- 
rous additional  various  readings. 

14.  The  Code*  Regius  70.,  formerly  3434.  and  8396., 
(Kuster,  Paris,  7.),  is  a  manuscript  on  vellum,  very  neatly 
and  correctly  written  in  the  year  964,  as  appears  from  the 
subscription.  It  contains  the  four  Gospels,  with  the  Knse- 
bian  canons,  figures,  and  the  paschal  canon;  and  follows  the 
Constantinopolitan  text.  It  was  collated  by  Scholz  in  Matt. 
vii. — xxi.,  Mark  i. — vi.,  Luke  iii.  iv.  ix.  xi.,  and  John  iii. 
— ix. 

15.  The  Codex  Regius  64.,  formerly 2868.,  and  afterwards 
2232.  (Kuster,  l'aris,  H.),  is  a  very  neat  copy  of  the  four 
Gospels,  of  the  tenth  century,  with  the  Eusebian  canons, 
pictures,  and  synaxaria.  Extracts  from  it  were  given  by 
Kuster;  and  Dr.  Scholz  collated  the  chief  parts  of  the  Gos- 
pels of  Matthew,  Mark,  ami  John. 

16.  The  Codes  Regius  64.,  formerly  1881.,  is  a  neatly 
written  Greek-Latin  manuscript  of  the  four  Gospels,  of  the 
fourteenth  century.  It  was  collated  by  Wetstein ;  and  Dr. 
Scholz  collated  the  Gospel  of  Mark,  and  select  passages 
from  the  other  Gospels.  The  text  of  this  manuscript  rarely 
departs  from  the  received  text;  but  it  has  some  Alexandrine 
readings. 

17.  The  Codex  Regius  55.,  formerly  2083.,  and  after- 
wards 2344.,  is  a  folio  manuscript  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
containing  the  four  Gospels  with  a  Latin  version.  Accord- 
ing to  wetstein  and  Scholz,  it  was  written  in  France,  by 
George  Hermonymua  of  Sparta,  who  was  Greek  professor  at 
Paris,  and  the  preceptor  of  Budseus  and  Rcuchlin.  Wet- 
stein examined  this  manuscript,  but  only  in  a  very  cursory 
manner,  according  to  Griesbach,  who  has  given  more  ex- 
tracts from  it.  The  Gospel  of  Mark,  and  select  passages  of 
the  other  Gospels,  were  collated  by  Scholz,  who  states  that 
this  manuscript  very  rarely  departs  from  the  received  text. 

18.  The  Codex  Regius  47.,  formerly  2211.,  was  written 
in  the  year  1364;  it  contains  the  New  Testament,  with  pro- 
logues, synaxaria,  psalms,  and  hymns.  The  Gospels  and 
Acts  were  collated  by  Scholz,  who  examined  the  remaining 
books  of  the  New  Testament  cursorily.  Its  text  closely 
follows  that  of  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

19.  The  Codex  Regius  189.,  formerly  437.,  also  numbered 
1880.,  is  the  same  manuscript  which  Wetstein  cites  as  the 
Codex  Regius  1869.  It  was  written  on  vellum  in  the  twelfth 
century,  and  contains  the  four  Gospels,  with  a  catena  on  John, 
and  scholia  on  the  other  Gospels.  The  text  is  that  of  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension,  though  there  are  some  changes 
which  have  Wen  introduced  from  an  Alexandrine  copy.  Tins 
manuscript  was  collated  throughout  by  Dr.  Scholz. 

20.  The  Codex  Regius  188.,  formerly  1883.,  was  brought 
from  the  East  in  1660.  It  was  written  in  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury, and  contains  the  Gospels,  with  a  catena  on  Matthew, 
and  the  commentaries  of  Victor,  a  presbyter  of  Antioch,  or 
of  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  on  Mark ;  of  Titus  of  Rostra,  and 
other  fathers,  on  Luke;  and  of  John  Chrysostom  and  other 
fathers  on  John.  Further,  there  are  scholia  written  in  the 
outer  wiargin ;  and  at  the  end  of  each  Gospel  are  disserta- 
tions on  various  topics  by  Eusebius  Pamphilus,  Isidorus 
Hippolytus  of  Thebes,  Sophronius,  archbishop  of  Jerusalem, 
ana  others.  A  later  copyist  has  supplied  some  omissions  in 
the  text,  as  in  Mark  ix.  5.  37.  At  the  end  of  the  Gospel  of 
Mark,  it  is  stattd  that  this  Gospel  was  transcribed  from  accu- 
rate manuscripts,  and  collated;  and  nearly  the  same  assertion 
is  made  at  the  close  of  the  Gospels  of  Luke  and  John.  The 
text,  for  the  most  part,  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  re- 
cension; but  it  has  many  Alexandrine  readings,  chiefly  in 
those  passages  which  have  been  altered  by  a  later  hand.  Dr. 
Scholz  collated  the  greater  part  of  this  manuscript. 

21.  The  Codex  Regius  tis.,  formerly  2860.  and  1007., 
contains  the  four  Gospels,  which  were  written  in  the  tenth 
Jentury  on  vellum,  together  with  synaxaria,  written  on  paper 
by  a  later  hand.  Wetstein  cited  this  manuscript  only  on 
John  viii.  It  was  collated  by  Scholz  on  Matt  i. — xi.,  the 
Gospel  of  Mark,  and  John  iv.  v.  vii.  viii.  It  belongs  to  the 
Constantinopolitan  family. 

22.  The  Codex  Regius  72.,  formerly  22<**-  (incorrectly  cited 
by  Wetstein  on  John  viii.  as  No.  2242.),  Colbertinus  2467,  is 

1  In  nis  Variae  I.ectiones  ad  Textual  iv.  Evangeliorum.     Haunis,  1801. 
•In  his  third  edition  of  Griesbach's  Greek  Testament,  vol.  i.  BerolinL 
\K0.  Evo. 


a  manuscript  on  vellum,  correctly  written  in  the  eleventh 
century.  It  contains  the  four  Gospels,  which  are  mutilated 
in  M  .ft.  j. — jj.  2.  and  John  xiv.  22.  to  xvi.  27.  Some  leaves 
are  transposed  by  the  carelessness  of  the  bookbinder.  Its 
orthography  and  text  coincide  with  those  of  the  Alexandrine 
ion.  This  manuscript  was  collated  by  Wetstein,  and 
also  by  Scholz,  who  states  that  there  are  traces  of  readings 
which  were  added  in  the  sixteenth  century. 

23.  The  Codex  Regius  77.,  formerly2™1  and  3947,  Col- 
bertinus 3017,  contains  the  four  Gospels  written  on  vellum 
in  the  eleventh  century,  with  a  Latin  verson  of  Matthew, 
Mark,  and  Luke  i.  1. — iv.  18.,  which  very  rarely  differs  from 
the  Vulgate.  It  is  mutilated  in  Matt.  i.  1. — xvii.  Luke  xxiv. 
16.  to  John  ii.  20.,  and  in  xx.  xxi.  24,  25.  It  follows  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension.  The  chief  part  of  this  manu- 
script was  collated  by  Scholz. 

24.  The  Codex  Regius  178.,  formerly  2244,  Colbertinu- 
4112,  on  vellum,  of  the  eleventh  century,  contains  the  Gos- 
pels with  a  commentary,  and  with  synaxaria  which  appear 
to  have  been  added  by  a  later  hand.  It  is  mutilated  from 
Matt,  xxvii.  20.  to  Mark  iv.  22.  This  manuscript  follows 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension  ;  nearly  the  whole  of  it  was 
collated  by  Scholz. 

25.  The  Codex  Regius  191.,  formerly  1880,  Colbertinus 
2259,  is  a  folio  manuscript  on  vellum  of  the  tenth  century, 
containing  the  Gospel  with  scholia.  The  text  is  composed 
from  Constantinopolitan  and  Alexandrine  copies.  It  has  the 
following  chasms,  viz.  Matt,  xxiii.  1. — xxv.  42.  Mark  i.  1. 
—vii.  36.  Luke  viii.  31—41.  ix.  44—54.  x.  39.— xi.  4.  and 
John  xiii.  from  the  middle  to  the  end  of  that  Gospel.  Many 
leaves  have  been  transposed  by  the  error  or  carelessness  of 
the  bookbinder;  the  whole  of  this  manuscript  was  collated 
by  Scholz. 

26.  The  Codex  Regius  78.;  formerly  2244.  5.,  Colbertinus 
4078,  is  a  manuscript  on  vellum  of  the  eleventh  century, 
neatly  and  correctly  written  by  one  Paul,  a  presbyter,  and 
containing  the  Gospels,  with  a  commentary  and  the  Eusebian 
canons.  Its  text  almost  always  agrees  with  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan recension  ;  though  there  are  many  Alexandrine  read- 
ings.    It  was  collated  by  Wetstein  and  Scholz. 

27.  The  Codex  Regius  115.,  formerly28^,  Colbertinus 
6043,  in  Dr.  Mill's  notation  Colb.  1.,  is  a  manuscript  of  the 
eleventh  century,  neatly  and  correctly  written,  and  containing 
the  Gospels  with  synaxaria  and  pictures.  John  xviii.  3.  to 
the  end  of  that  gospel  is  written  on  cotton  paper,  in  the  four- 
teenth century.  Though  this  manuscript  has  not  a  few  pe- 
culiar readings,  and  such  as  are  common  to  the  Alexandrine 
recension,  yet  it  for  the  most  part  follows  the  Constantino- 
politan text.  It  was  collated  again  both  by  Wetstein,  and 
by  Scholz.  Michaelis  states  that  in  this  manuscript  many 
readings  have  been  erased,  and  others  substituted  in  their 
stead. 

28.  The  Codex  Regius  379.,  formerly  30J2>  Colbertinus 
4075,  (Mill,  Colb.  l.J  is  a  manuscript  of  the  the  tenth  cen- 
tury, not  very  correctly  written  :  it  chiefly  follows  the  Alex- 
andrine recension,  though  it  has  many  readings  which  are 
peculiar  to  the  received  text  and  to  itself.  It  contains  the 
Gospels  with  synaxaria,  and  it  has  the  following  chasms, 
Matt.  vii.  17.— ix.  12.  xiv.  33.— xvi.  10.  xxvi.  70. — xxvii. 
48.  Luke  xx.  19. — xxii.  46.  John  xii.  40. — xiii.  1.,  xv.  24. 
— xvi.  12.  xviii.  16 — 28.  xx.  20. — xxi.  5.  18 — 25.  It  was 
collated  anew  and  described  by  Scholz. 

29.  The  Codex  Rkgius  89.,  formerly  2860,  Colbertinus 
4705  (in  Mill,  Colb.  3.),  a  manuscript  on  vellum  of  the  twelfth 
century,  contains  the  Gospels  with  scholia,  and  fragments  of 
the  Eusebian  canons.  Some  lost  leaves  in  the  Gospels  of 
Mark,  Luke,  and  John,  have  been  added  in  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury. Though  it  chiefly  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension,  it  has  numerous  Alexandrine  readings  which  have 
been  added  by  some  corrector.  This  manuscript  was  col- 
lated by  Schotz  in  Matt.  i. — v.,  and  John  v. — viii. 

30.  The  Codex  Recius  100.,  tormerly  28^0,  Colbertinus 
1 1 11  (in  Mill,  Colb.  4.),  is  a  manuscript  written  on  paper  in 
the  sixteenth  century,  by  George  Hermonymus  of  Sparta;  it 
contains  the  Gospels,  and  not  the  first  sixteen  chapters  only 
of  Matthew,  as  Mill  and  after  him  Wetstein  and  Griesbach 
have  asserted.  Its  text  varies  little  from  that  of  No.  17,  a nd 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  Dr.  Scholz 
collated  it  for  select  passages  of  the  Gospels. 

31.  The  Codex  Regius  94.,  formerly  2865,  Colbertinus 


240 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS, 


[Paht  I.  Chap.  III. 


6083,  is  a  manuscript  on  vellum,  of  the  thirteenth  century. 
It  contains  the  Gospels,  with  prayers.  Many  parts  of  this 
manus-ript,  which  were  ill  written,  have  been  erased.  The 
text  is  that  of  the  Constantinopolitan  family:  it  was  collated 
by  Schv.lz  in  select  passages. 

3-2.  The  Codex  Regius  116.,  formerly  28^°i  Colbertinus 
6511,  contains  the  Gospels,  written  on  vellum,  in  the  thir- 
teenth century;  but  Matt.  i.  1. — x.  22.  xxiv.  15 — 30.  Luke 
xxii.  35. — John  iv.  20.  are  wanting.  This  manuscript  was 
evidently  used  for  ecclesiastical  purposes ;  its  text  is  mixed, 
but  for  the  most  part  it  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recen- 
sion.    It  was  collated  by  Scholz  in  select  passages. 

33.  The  Codex  Regius  14.,  formerly  1871,  Colbertinus 
2844  (in  Mill,  Colb.  8.  for  the  Gospels,  Colb.6.  for  the  Acts, 
and  Colb.  7.  for  the  Epistles),  is  a  manuscript  of  the  eleventh 
century  according  to  Scholz,  and  of  the  eleventh  or  twelfth 
according  to  Griesbach.  It  contains  part  of  the  prophets, 
and  the  whole  of  the  New  Testament ;  the  extremities  of 
almost  all  the  leaves  are  torn,  and  many  leaves  are  transposed 
by  the  book  binder.  It  agrees  throughout  with  the  Alexan- 
drine recension.  This  manuscript  was  collated  by  Wetstein, 
Griesbach  (in  Matt.  i. — xviii.),  Begtrup,  and  again  through- 
out by  Scholz. 

34.  The  Codex  Coislinianus1  195.,  is  a  manuscript  ele- 
gantly written  on  vellum,  on  Mount  Athos,  in  the  eleventh 
century.  It  contains  the  Gospels  with  a  catena,  prologues,  and 
figures.  The  text  closely  agrees  with  that  of  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan recension.  It  was  cursorily  collated  by  Wetstein 
and  by  Scholz. 

35.  Codex  Coislinianus  199.,  contains  the  New  Testa- 
ment, written  on  vellum  in  the  eleventh  century  :  it  has  been 
corrected  in  many  places.  The  text  very  rarely  differs  from 
the  textus  receptus :  it  was  cursorily  collated  both  by  Wetstein 
and  by  Scholz. 

36.  The  Codex  Coislinianus  20.,  is  a  manuscript  of  the 
eleventh  century  on  vellum,  brought  from  Mount  Athos  :  it 
contains  the  four  Gospels  with  the  Eusebian  canons,  prefaces, 
and  commentaries.  The  text  agrees  with  that  of  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan family ;  it  was  cursorily  collated  by  Wetstein 
and  by  Scholz. 

37.  The  Codex  Coislinianus  21.,  of  the  twelfth  century, 
contains  the  Gospels  with  scholia,  the  Eusebian  canons, 
synaxaria,  and  figures.  Its  text  agrees  with  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan recension,  and  was  cursorily  collated  by  Wetstein 
and  Scholz. 

38.  The  Codex  Coislinianus  200.,  (Stephani  d-.)  is  a  ma- 
nuscript of  the  fourteenth  century,  according  to  Scholz,  but 
of  the  thirteenth  century  according  to  Griesbach.  It  contains 
the  New  Testament,  except  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  with 

figures,  and  is  mutilated  in  Matt.  xiv.  15 xv.  30.  xx.  14. 

— xxi.  27.  and  Mark  xii.  3. — xiii.  It  follows  the  Constan- 
tinopolitan recension ;  and  was  cursorily  collated  by  Wetstein 
and  Scholz. 

39.  The  Codex  Coislinianus  23.,  formerly  315.,  was 
written  in  the  eleventh  century  :  according  to  the  subscrip- 
tion it  was  presented  to  the  monastery  of  St.  Athanasius  on 
Mount  Athos  in  the  year  1218.  It  contains  the  four  Gospels 
with  commentaries,  and  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recen- 
sion ;  it  was  cursorily  collated  by  Wetstein  and  Scholz. 
This  manuscript  was  presented  to  Louis  IX.  king  of  France, 
by  the^Greek  emperor  Michael  Palteologus. 

40.  The  Codex  Coislinianus  22.,  formerly  375.,  a  manu- 
script of  the  eleventh  century,  brought  from  Mount  Athos, 
contains  the  four  Gospels,  with  commentaries  and  the  Euse- 
bian canons.  It  is  defective  from  John  xx.  25.  to  the  end. 
It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and  was  cursorily 
collated  by  Wetstein  and  Scholz. 

41.  The  Codex  Coislinianus  24.,  formerly  141.,  contains 
the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  Mark  with  commentaries,  and 
was  written  on  vellum  in  the  eleventh  century.  It  was  col- 
lated by  Wetstein,  and  again  cursorily  by  Scholz. 

42.  The  Codex  Medic^sus  Pithoei  is  a  manuscript  of  the 
four  Gospels,  the  readings  of  which  were  extracted  by  Peter 
Pithou,  and  written  in  the  margin  of  his  copy  of  Stephens's 
edition  of  1550.  These  readings  were  communicated  to  Dr. 
Mill  by  Mr.  Bernard,  the  purchaser  of  that  copy ;  and  from 
Mill  they  have  been  copied    by  Wetstein,  Griesbach,  and 

1  The  Codices  Coisliniani  derive  their  name  from  Coislin,  Bishop  of 
Metz,  to  whom  they  were  bequcathed^by  the  celebrated  Chancellor  Br- 
emer, who  died  in  1672.  They  are  described  by  Montfaucon  in  the  "&ib- 
liotheca  Coisliniana,  olim  Seguieiiana."  Paris,  1715,  folio.  (March's 
Mieuaelia,  vol.  ii.  nart  ii.  p.  728.) 


Scholz.  Amelotte,  who  professes  to  have  used  this  manu- 
script, states  that  it  was  preserved  in  the  collect  at  Troves 
in  his  time  (the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century).  Dr. 
Scholz  sought  for  it  in  vain  in  the  different  libraries  of  France, 
and  says  that  it  could  not  be  found  in  the  city  of  Troyes.  The 
readings  of  this  manuscript  coincide  with  those  of  the  Alex 
andrine  recension. 

43.  The  Codex  Grjecus  4.,  in  the  Library  of  the  Arsenal 
at  Paris,  formerly  called  the  Codex  San-Maglorianus,  is  a 
manuscript  of  the  eleventh  or  twelfth  century,  in  two  volumes 
4to. :  the  first  contains  the  Gospels  with  the  Eusebian  canons ; 
the  second,  the  Acts  and  Epistles.  It  agrees  with  the  Con 
stantinopolitan  recension ;  Amelotte  and  Simon  both  used  this 
manuscript;  which,  from  the  subscription  to  the  second  Epis- 
tle to  Timothy,  appears  to  have  been  written  at  Ephesus. 
It  was  collated  for  select  chapters  by  Scholz. 

44.  The  Codex  Missyanus,  now  in  the  British  Museum 
(No.  4949  of  the  additional  manuscripts),  is  a  manuscript  of 
the  four  Gospels,  of  the  eleventh  century,  which  Caesar  de 
Missy  procured  from  Mount  Athos,  and  collated  for  Wetstein, 
to  whom  he  communicated  its  readings.  Like  all  other 
manuscripts  brought  from  that  mountain,  it  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension. 

45.  The  Codex  Baroccianus  31.,  now  in  the  Bodleian 
library  at  Oxford  (in  Mill,  Bodl.  1.)  is  a  manuscript  of  the 
four  Gospels  on  vellum,  of  the  fourteenth  century,  with  the 
Eusebian  canons  and  figures.  It  agrees  with  the  Constan 
tinopolitan  recension.  It  was  collated  by  Dr.  Mill,  and  after 
wards  in  select  passages  by  Griesbach. 

46.  The  Codex  Baroccianus  29.,  (in  Mill,  Bodl.  2.)  was 
written  in  the  fifteenth  century.  It  contains  the  four  Gos- 
pels, with  synaxaria,  the  Eusebian  canons,  and  figures.  It 
was  collated  by  Dr.  Mill,  and  was  afterwards  examined  by 
Griesbach  for  readings  on  Mark  xii.  which,  he  asserts,  had 
been  neglected  by  Dr.  Mill. 

47.  The  Codex  Bodleianus  (in  Mill,  Bodl.  6.)  is  a  manu- 
script of  the  fifteenth  century,  containing  the  four  Gospels. 
Archbishop  Usher  was  the  first  who  procured  extracts  from 
this  manuscript,  which  were  inserted  in  the  sixth  volume  of 
Bishop  Walton's  Polyglott,  whence  they  were  taken  by  Mill 
and  by  subsequent  editors  of  the  Greek  Testament.  It  fol- 
lows the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

48.  The  Codex  Bodleianus  (in  Mill,  Bodl.  7.)  is  a  manu- 
script of  the  thirteenth  century,  containing  the  Gospels  with 
scholia,  and  the  Eusebian  canons.  It  folloVs  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan recension,  and  was  collated  by  Mill. 

49.  The  Codex  Bodleianus,  Roe.  1.  contains  the  four 
Gospels  with  the  Eusebian  canons,  which  were  collated  by 
Mill.     It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

50.  The  Codex  Bodleianus,  Laudianus,  D.  122.  (in  Mill, 
Laud.  1.),  contains  the  Gospels  with  commentaries:  it  was 
written  in  the  eleventh  century,  and  follows  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan recension.  It  was  collated  by  Dr.  Mill,  and  more 
accurately  by  Griesbach  on  Mark  iv. — vii.  and  Luke  viii.  ix. 
This  manuscript  is  defective  from  Matt.  i.  1.  to  ix.  36.  xii. 
3—24.  and  xxv.  20—31.  and  John  v.  18.  to  the  end.  Mark 
xiv.  40.  to  the  end  has  been  added  by  a  later  hand. 

51.  The  Codex  Bodleianus,  Laudianus,  C.  715.,  63  (in 
Mill,  Laud.  2.),  of  the  thirteenth  century,  contains  the  Acts, 
Epistles,  and  Gospels,  with  synaxaria  and  prologues.  It  has 
many  readings  in  common  with  the  Complutensian  Polyglott, 
and  for  the  most  part  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension.     It  was  collated  by  Mill  and  Griesbach. 

52.  The  Codex  Bodleianus,  Laudianus,  C.  28.  (in  Mill, 
Laud.  5.)  was  written  in  the  year  128(J,  and  contains  the 
Gospels.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and 
was  collated  first  by  Mill,  and  afterwards  more  accurately 
by  Griesbach,  on  Mark  iii.  Luke  iv.  v.  vi.  and  John  v.  1 — 5. 
vii.  53. — viii.  19. 

53.  The  Codex2  Seldeni  1.,  written  in  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospels  :  it  follows  the  Constantinopoli- 
tan recension,  and  was  collated  by  Mill. 

54.  The  Codex  Seldeni  2.,  written  in  1338,  contains  the 
Gospels  with  synaxaria,  and  follows  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension.     It  was  collated  by  Mill. 

55.  The  Codex  Seldeni  3.,  written  in  the  fifteenth  een- 
tury,  also  contains  the  Gospels  with  synaxaria.  It  was  col- 
lated by  Mill,  and  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

56.  The  Codex  Lincolniensis  1.,  belonging  to  Lincoln 
college,  Oxford,  was  written  in  1502.     it  contains  the  Gos- 

a  The  Seidell  Manuscripts  are  preserved  in  the  Bodleian  Library  at 
Oxford 


8sct.  II.  $  4,] 


WRITTEN  IIS   ORDINARY  GREEK  CHARACTERS 


241 


and  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recensiov.     It  was 
collated  hy  Bishop  Walton  and  Dr.  Mill. 

57.  The  Codex  Magdalensis  1.,  belonging  to  Magda- 
len College,  Oxford,  contains  the  Gospels,  Acts,  Epistles, 
Psalms,  and  Hymns.  [|  was  written  in  the  eleventh  century, 
is  defective  in  Mark  i.  1 — 11.,  tin-  Epistles  to  the  Ro- 
ma is,  and  1  and  2  Corinthians.  It  was  collated  by  Bishop 
Walton,  Hammond,  and  Mill,  and  follows  the  Constantino- 


politan family. 
58.  The  Codex  N 


ov.  Coll.  1.,  in  the  library  of  New  Col- 
( Ixford,  is  of  the  fifteenth  or  sixteenth  century,  and  con- 
tains the  Gospels,  Acts,  and  Epistles.     It  was  collated  by 

Walton,  and  Mill.      Dr.  Scholz  lias  not  indicated  with  what 

recension  this  and  the  two  following  manuscripts  agree. 

59.  The  Codex  Gohtilli  vt  Caii  is  a  manuscripl  of  the 
four  Gospels  belonging  to  Cains  College,  Cambridge.     It 


was  collated  l>y  Walton,  carefully  examined  by  Mill,  and 
inspected  by  Wetstein. 

60.  The    Codex  Cantabrioiensis,   Dd.  !>.  09.    formerly 
Mori  L.,  contains  the  Gospels  very  neatly  written  on  paper, 

in  L297,  and  the  Apocalypse  in  a  more lern  hand.    It  has 

the  Ammonian  sections,  withoul  reference  to  the  Eusebian 

canons;  and  was  collated  hv  Dr.  Mill. 

61.  The  Codex  MqirrrosTiANUS  or  Montfortii,  also  caller 
Doblinensis,  is  a  manuscript  containing  the  whole  of  the 
New  Testament,  preserved  in  the  library  of  Trinity  Col 
Dublin,  to  which  it  was  pn  sented  by  Archbishop  Usher.  It 
derives  its  name  of  Montfortianus  from  baring  belonged  to 
Dr.  Montfort,  previously  to  coming  into  Ushers  possession. 
It  has  acquired  much  celebrity  as  being  supposed  to  be  the 
only  manuscript  thai  has  the  much-contested  clause  in  1  John 

f  which  the  following  is  a  fac-eimile* 


pouvr  iv  71"  Oou,U/,  TZiApj  AojOfj  KcvcTlyct  <x)coV> 
K^l  otroc  ot&Sj  eV  fa".  \<aJ,  <rf£  fa* ov  /tap?)' 

Mdfli'p'w  T^v  ofruty  \ax*fiarop.£v,  k  xiapfc'pia.  r&> 
(h///c[\tVV  ISiVj  olo  clow  £SlV H,/Mtpu/pia,  7VyQtov,ol*' 
*L<ijuap%vpVlY$.7Vipl  fou  <*bu  cus/ov. 


In  English,  literally  thus, 

for  there  arc  three  that  hear 
«vitn[ess]  in  heaven,  father,  word,  and  holy  spirit,  And  these 
three  are  one*  and  there  arc  three  that  hear  witn[ess]  on  earth, 
spirit,  water,  and  blood'  if  we  receive  the  witness  of  men,  the 
witness  of  God  is  greater,  fortius  is  the  witness  of  God,  which 
he  hath  testified  of  his  son. 

The  Codex  Montfortianus  is  the  same  manuscript  which 
»va.s  cited  by  Erasmus  under  the  title  of  Codex  Britannicus, 
who  inserted  the  disputed  passage  in  the  third  edition  of  his 
•  ire;  k  Testament  on  its  authority.  It  is  written  in  small 
Grreek  characters  on  thick  glazeoi  paper,  in  duodecimo,  and 
without  folios.  Dr.  A.  Clarke  (to  whom  we  are  indebted 
for  the  preceding  fac-simile)1  is  of  opinion  that  it  was  most 
probably  written  in  the  thirteenth  century,  from  the  similarity 
of  its  writing  to  that  of  other  manuscripts  of  the  same  time. 
He  has  no  doubt  but  that  it  existed  before  the  invention  of 
printing,  and  is  inclined  to  think  it  the  work  of  an  unknown 
hold  critic,  who  formed  a  text  from  one  or  more  manuscripts 
in  conjunction  with  the  Latin  Vulgate,  and  who  was  by  no 
means  sparing  of  his  own  conjectural  emendations,  as  it 
possesses  various  readings  which  exist  in  no  manuscript  yet 
discovered.  But  how  far  the  writer  has  in  any  place  faith- 
fully copied  the  text  of  any  particular  ancient  manuscript, 
is  more  than  can  be  determined.  In  the  early  part  of  the 
century,  Mr.  Martin  claimed  for  this  manuscript  so  early 
a  date  as  the  eleventh  century.  But  Bishop  Marsh,  after 
Griesbach,  contends  that  it  is  at  least  as  modern  as  the  fif- 
th  or  sixteenth  century.  The  Codex  Montfortianus,  he 
rves,  "made  its  appearance  about  the  year  1  "j20  :  and 
that  the  manuscript  had  just  been  written,  when  it  first  ap- 
peared, is  highly  probable,  because  rt  appeared  at  a  critical 
are,  and  its  appearance  answered  a  particular  purpose.2 

•  Our  engravingia  copied  (by  permission)  from  the  fac-simile  prefixed 
to  the  Rev.  Dr.  A.  Clarke's  Concise  View  of  the  Succession  of  Sacred  Litera- 

!mo.  London,  1307.  This  fac-simile  was  traced  b\  the  accurate  band 

Of  the  tale  Rev.  Dr.  Barrett,  senior  fellow  of  Trinity  College  ;  by  whom  Dr. 
s  engraving  was  collated  with  the  original  u  o  as  to 

represent  il  with  the  utmost  fidelity. 

*  ■  Erasmus  had  published  two  editions  of  th  .  one  in 
1516,  the  other  in  1519,  both  of  which  were  withoul  the  words  that  begin 
with  i»  r  >■  :vjxi ■..-,  and  end  with  -•►  1 1,  >  i,  in  the  disputed  clause  in  1  John  \. 
.",  -v  This  omission,  as  it  was  called  by  those  who  [nii.l  more  deference  to 
tiv  Latin  translation  than  to  the  Greek  original,  exposed  Erasmus  to  much 
censure,  though,  in  fact,  the  complaint  was  for  non- addition.    Erasmus, 

fore,  very  properly  answered,  '  Addendi  de  meo,  quod  G 
provinciam  non  susceperam.'  He  promised,  however,  thai  though  he  could 

lert  in  a  Greek  edition  what  he  had  never  found  in  a  Greek  manu- 
script, he  would  insert  the  passage  in  his  next  edition,  it  in  the  mean  time 
1  Greek  MS.  could  be  discovered  which  had  the  passage.  In  less  than  a 
year  after  that  declaration,  Erasmus  was  informed  that  there  was  a  Greek 
MS  in  England  which  contained  the  passage.  At  the  same  time  a  copy  of 
as  contained  in  that  MS.,  was  communicated  to  Erasmus  :  and 
1. 1  .smus.  as  "no  liarl  promise  i,  inserted  that  copy  i"1  his  next  edition,  which 
was  published  in  1522  » 

Vol.  I.  2  H 


But,  whether  written  for  the  occasion  or  not,  it  could  not 
have  been  written  very  long  before  the  fifteenth  century; 
for  this  manuscript  has  the  Latin  chapters,  though  the  **?*>.»(* 
of  Eusebius  are  likewise  noted.  Now  the  Latin  chapters 
were  foreign  to  the  usage  of  the  Greek  Church,  before  the 
introduction  of  printed  editions,  in  which  the  Latin  chapters 
were  adopted,  as  well  for  the  Greek  as  for  the  Latin  Testa- 
ment. Whatever  Greek  manuscripts  therefore  were  written 
with  Latin  chapters,  were  written  in  the  West  of  Europe, 
where  the  Latin  chapters  were  in  use.  They  were  written 
by  the  Greeks,  or  by  the  descendants  of  those  Greeks,  who 
fled  into  the  West  of  Europe,  after  the  taking  of  Constanti- 
nople, and  who  then  be^an  to  divide  their  manuscripts  ac- 
cording to  the  usage  ofthc  country,  in  which  they  fixed 
their  abode.3  The  Dublin  manuscript,  therefore,  if  not  writ- 
tin  lor  the  purpose  to  which  it  was  applied  in  the  third 
edition  of  Erasmus, A  could  hardly  have  been  written  more 
than  fifty  years  before.  And  how  widely  those  critics  have 
erred  in  their  conjectures,  who  have  supposed  that  it  was 
written  so  early  as  the  twelfth  century,  appears  from  the  fact 
that  the  Latin  chapters  were  not  invented  till  the  13th  cen- 
tury.5 But  the  influence  of  the  f'hurch  of  Rome  in  the 
composition  of  the  Dublin  manuscript,  is  most  conspicuous 
in  the  text  of  that  manuscript,  which  is  a  servile  imitation  of 
the  Latin  Vulgate.  It  will  be  sufficient  to  mention  how  it 
follows  the  Vulgate  at  the  place  in  question.  It  not  only 
agrees  writh  the  Vulgate,  in  the  insertion  of  the  seventh 
verse:  it  follows  the  Vulgate  also  at  the  end  of  the  sixth 
verse,  having  ^//ttic,  where  all  other  Greek  manuscripts 
have  Tv*(«it :  and  in  the  eighth  verse  it  omits  the  final  clause 
which  had  nner  been  omitted  in  the  Greek  manuscripts,  and 
was  not  omitted  even  in  the  Latin  manuscripts  before  the 
thirteenth  century.6  Such  is  the  character  of  that  solitary 
manuscript,  which  is  opposed  to  the  united  evidence  of  all 
former  manuscripts,  including  the  Codex  Vaticanus,  and  the 
Codex  Alexandnnus."'"  Upon  the  w  hole,  it  does  not  appear 
that  the  date  of  the  Codex  Montfortianus  can  be  earlier  than 
the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century.  The  uncollated  parts  of 
this  manuscript  were  collated  by  the  late  Rev.  Dr.  Barrett, 

»  "There  are  three  Greek  manuscripts  with  the  Latin  chapters  in  the 
University  Library  at  Cambridge,  marked  Hh.  6. 12.  Kk.  5.  33.  and  LI.  2. 13. 
That  which  is  marked  LI.  2.  13.,  and  is  evidently  the  oldest  of  the  three,  was 
written  at  Paris  by  Jerom  of  Sparta,  for  the  use  and  at  the  expense  of  a 
a  irson  called  Bodet,  as  appears  from  the  subscription  to  it.  Now  Jerom  of 
Sparta  died  at  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century." 

«  "  The  third  edition  of  Erasmus  has  1  John  v.  7.  precisely  in  the  words 
of  the  Dublin  MS." 

•  See  p.  213.  supra. 

*  "  Here  there  is  an  additional  proof,  respecting  the  age  of  the  Dublin 
MS." 

'  Bishop  Marsh's  Lectures,  part  vi.  pp.  23—26.  See  also  his  letters  to 
Mr.  Archdeacon  Travis.  (Leipzig,  17Po,  Bvo.)  Pref.  pp.  xvu.  xvm.  xxni.  in  lht 
notes.  Michaelis,  vol.  ii.  part  i.  pp.  2S1— 257.  part  ri  rP.  756  -7m  tit.  ft 
Clarke's  Succession  of  &icred  Literature,  pp  HO-  92. 


242 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS, 


[Part  I.  Chap.  Ill 


of  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  with  Wetstein's  edition  of  the 
Greek  Testament;  beginning  with  Rom.  ii.  and  ending  with 
the  Apocalypse,  including  also  a  collation  of  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  from  chap.  xxii.  27.  to  chap,  xxviii.  2.  This  col- 
lation, comprising  thirty-five  pages,  forms  the  third  part  of 
his  fac-simile  edition  of  the  Codex  Rescriptus  of  St.  Mat- 
thew's Gospel. 

62.  The  Codex  Cantabrigiensis  K.  k.  5.  35.,  formerly 
belonging  to  Henry  Googe,  is  a  manuscript  of  the  Gospels, 
written  on  paper  in  the  fifteenth  century.  Its  readings  were 
first  printed  in  the  London  Polyglott,  whence  they  were 
copied  by  Mill,  Wetstein,  Giiesbach,  and  Scholz.     It  fol- 

ows  the  Constantinopolitm  recension. 

63.  The  Codex  Usseiui  1.,  now  in  Trinity  College,  Dub- 
lin, where  it  is  marked  D.  20.,  is  a  folio  manuscript  on  vel- 
lum, containing  the  four  Gospels  with  commentaries.  It 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  Some  ex- 
tracts from  this  manuscript  were  given  in  Bishop  Fell's  edi- 
tion of  the  New  Testament,  in  the  Gospels  of  Luke  and 
John.  It  was  collated  for  Dr.  Mill  on  all  the  Gospels  by 
Richard  Bulkley.  Wetstein  suspected  that  this  manuscript 
is  the  same  as  the  preceding,  which  Griesbach  remarks  is 
scarcely  probable. 

64.  The  Codex  Usserii  2.,  also  in  Trinity  College,  Dub- 
lin (F.  1.),  formerly  belonged  to  a  Dr.  Goad.  It  is  a  manu- 
script on  vellum,  in  8vo.  containing  the  Gospels,  and  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  Mill  and  Wetstein 
conjectured  that  this  is  the  same  manuscript  which  Bishop 
Walton  quotes  in  the  sixth  volume  of  the  London  Polyglott 
by  the  abbreviation  Em.  as  belonging  either  to  Emanuel 
College,  Cambridge,  or  perhaps  to  some  fellow  of  that  Col- 
lege. This,  however,  is  far  from  being  certain.  Wetstein, 
Griesbach,  and  Scholz,  have  severally  omitted  the  readings 
of  the  manuscript  Em.  Henry  Dodwell  gave  extracts  from 
this  manuscript  to  Bishop  Fell;  and  Richard  Bulkley,  to 
Dr.  Mill. 

65.  The  Codex  Harleianus  5776.,  formerly  cited  as  Co- 
vellianus  1.,  is  one  of  five  manuscripts,  brought  from  the 
East  by  Dr.  John  Covell :  it  contains  the  Gospels,  with  the 
Eusebian  canons  and  prologues,  and  was  collated  by  Dr. 
Mill.  Griesbach  merely  says  that  it  is  not  very  ancient. 
Scholz  refers  it  to  the  thirteenth  century. 

66.  The  Codex  Thomle  Gale,  contains  the  Gospels  with 
synaxaria,  part  of  the  Eusebian  canons  and  scholia.  It 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  col- 
lated by  Mill.     No  age  has  been  assigned  to  this  manuscript. 

67.  The  Codex  Huntingtonianus  2.,  now  in  the  Bod- 
leian Library,  is  a  manuscript  of  the  eleventh  century,  which 
was  brought  from  the  East  by  Dr.  Robert  Huntington.  It 
contains  the  Gospels,  and  is  imperfect  from  John  vi.  64.  to 
the  end.     This  manuscript  was  collated  by  Dr.  Mill. 

68.  The  Codex  Wheleri  1.,  now  belonging  to  Lincoln 
College,  Oxford,  was  brought  from  the  East  by  Sir  George 
Wheler.  It  contains  the  Gospels  with  the  Eusebian  canons, 
and  was  collated  by  Dr.  Mill.  Michaelis  states  that  it  was 
written  in  the  year  1502. 

69.  The  Codex  Leicestrensis  derives  its  name  from  be- 
ing the  property  of  the  Corporation  of  Leicester:1  it  is  a 
manuscript  of  the  whole  New  Testament,  written  by  a  mo- 
dern hand,  partly  on  paper,  and  partly  on  vellum,  chiefly  the 
former,  and  is  referred  by  Wetstein  and  Griesbach  to  the 
fourteenth  century.  It  is  noted  by  Dr.  Mill  by  the  letter  L., 
in  the  first  part  of  Wetstein's  New  Testament,  Codex  69. ; 
in  the  second,  37. ;  in  the  third,  31. ;  and  in  the  fourth,  14. ; 
and  by  Griesbach,  69.  The  book  of  Acts  is  inserted  between 
the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  and  that  of  Saint  James.  This 
manuscript  is  defective  from  the  beginning  as  far  as  Matt. 
xviii.  15.,  and  has  also  the  following  chasms,  viz.  Acts  x. 
45. — xiv.  7.  Jude  7.  to  the  end  of  that  Epistle,  and  it  con- 
cludes with  part  of  Rev.  xix.  It  has  many  peculiar  readings ; 
and  in  those  which  are  not  confined  to  it,  this  manuscript 
chiefly  agrees  with  D.  or  the  Codex  Cantabrigiensis  :  it  also 
harmonizes  in  a  very  eminent  manner  with  the  old  Syriac 

«  In  a  critique  on  the  second  edition  oftliis  work,  in  the  Eclectic  Review 
for  Jimiary,  lS22(vcl.  xvii  N  S.  p  &.),  it  is  stated,  that,  whin  the  writer 
of  that  article  made  inquiry  respecting  the  Codex  Leicestrensis,  it  was  no 
onger  to  be  found  in  the  Library  of  the  Town  Hall  at  Leicester.  Anxious, 
for  the  interest  of  sacred  literature,  to  ascertain  the  real  fact,  the  author 
of  the  present  work  requested  Mr.  Combe  (an  eminent  bookseller  at  that 
»lace,  to  whom  he  thus  gladly  makes  his  acknowledgments),  to  make  the 
requisite  investigation.  The  result  of  Mr.  Combe's  critical  researches  is, 
that  the  Codex  Leicestrensis  is  alill  carefully  preserved.  Mr.  C.  further 
collated  the  author's  account  of  it  (which  had  been  drawn  up  from  the 
notices  of  Wetstein  and  Michaelis)  with  the  manuscript  itself,  and  this  col- 
lation has  enabled  him  to  make  the  description  above  given  more  complete 
ta  well  as  more  correct.     Note  to  the  third  edition.^ 


version;  and,  what  further  proves  .ta  value,  several  readings, 
which  Dr.  Mill  found  in  it  alone,  have  been  confirmed  by 
other  manuscripts  that  belong  to  totally  different  countries". 
The  Codex  Leicestrensis  was  first  collated  by  him,  and  after 
wards  more  accurately  by  Mr.  Jackson,  the  learned  editor  oi 
Novation's  works,  whose  extracts  were  used  by  Wetstein 
There  is  another  and  still  more  accurate  transcript  of  Mr.  J.'s 
collation  in  his  copy  of  Mill's  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament, 
which  is  nowpreserved  in  the  library  of  Jesus  College,  Cam- 
bridge, where  it  is  marked  o,  e,  1.- 

70.  The  Codex  Cantabrigiensis  LL.  2.  13.,  now  in  the 
library  of  the  University  of  Cambridge,  formerly  belonged  to 
a  Mr.  Bunckle,  and  afterwards  to  Bishop  More.  It  contains 
the  Gospels,  and  was  written  in  the  fifteenth  century,  at 
Paris,  by  George  Hermonymus,  of  Sparta,  from  whom  we 
have  a  few  other  manuscripts  of  the  Greek  Testament.  It 
was  collated  by  Mill,  and  perhaps  by  Wetstein. 

71.  The  Codex  Ephesius  (so  called  because  it  had  former!-, 
belonged  to  a  bishop  of  Ephesus)  is  now  in  the  archiepisco- 
pal  library  at  Lambeth,  to  which  it  was  presented  by  Thomas 
Traherne,  together  with  a  collection  of  its  various  readings2 
which  were  printed  by  Mill.  It  was  written  in  1166,  and 
contains  the  Gospels  with  scholia.  For  the  most  part  it 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

72.  The  Codex  Harleianus  5647.,  formerly  cited  as 
Johnsonii  (from  T.  Johnson,  a  bookseller,  who  lent  it  to 
Wetstein  for  collation  before  it  was  sent  into  England),  is  a 
very  elegantly  written  manuscript  on  vellum,  of  the  eleventh 
century,  which  contains  the  four  Gospels,  with  a  catena  on 
Matthew,  and  various  readings  on  Matthew  and  Luke.  It 
frequently  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  recension. 

73.  The  Codex  Wakii  1.,  which  formerly  belonged  to  Dr, 
Wake,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  is  now  in  the  libriry  of 
Christ's  College,  Oxford.  It  contains  the  Gospels,  written 
in  the  eleventh  century,  with  the  Eusebian  canons. 

74.  The  Codex  Wakii  2.,  also  belonging  to  Christ's  Col- 
lege, Oxford,  is  a  manuscript,  containing  the  Gospels,  written 
on  Mount  Athos,  in  the  thirteenth  century.  It  is  imperfect 
in  Matt.  i.  1 — 14.  v.  30. — vi.  1.  Both  this  and  the  preceding 
manuscript  were  collated  by  the  Rev.  John  Walker,  for  Wet- 
stein. 

75.  The  Codex  Genevensis  19.,  written  in  the  eleventh 
century,  contains  the  Gospels  with  prologues,  the  Eusebian 
canons,  and  figures.  The  text  agrees  with  the  Constantino- 
politan family:  it  has  a  few  readings  in  common  with  other 
manuscripts,  especially  No.  6.  (see  p.  238.  supra.)  Wetstein 
says  that  he  saw  it  in  the  year  1714.  Scholz  collated  it  in 
some  select  passages;  and  Professor  Cellerier,  of  Geneva, 
also  specially  collated  Matt.^i. — xviii.,  and  Mark  i. — v.  for 
his  critical  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament. 

76.  The  Codex  Cesareus  Vindobonensis  (in  Lambecius's 
catalogue  28.)  contains  the  Gospels,  Acts,  and  Epistles,  with 
prologues,  synaxaria,  and  figures.  It  was  written  in  the 
eleventh  century,  and  was  collated  by  Gerard  Von  Maes- 
tricht,  and  most  accurately  by  Alter. 

77.  The  Codex  Cjesareus  Vindobonensis  (in  Lambecius 
29.,  and  in  Nessel's  catalogue  114.),  is  a  manuscript  of  the 
eleventh  century,  very  neatly  and  correctly  written,  contain- 
ing the  Gospels,  with  commentaries,  the  Eusebian  canons, 
prologues,  figures,  paintings,  and  synaxaria,  which  last  have 
been  added  by  a  more  recent  hand.     It  was  collated  by  Alter. 

78.  The  Codex  Carpzovianus  was  formerly  in  the  pos- 
session of  John  Gottlob  Carpzov,  of  Leipzig,  on  the  death  of 
whose  grandson,  at  Helmstadt,  it  was  purchased  by  Nicholas 
signior  Jancovich,  of  Vadass,  in  Hungary,  whither  it  was 
taken.  It  contains  the  Gospels,  written  in  the  twelfth  century 
according  to  Griesbach ;  and  almost  always  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension.  Dr.  Boerner  collated  it  for 
Kuster's  edition  of  Mill's  Greek  Testament ;  and  Scholz  col- 
lated it  in  select  passages  for  his  edition. 

79.  The  Codex  Georgii  Douz.e  (by  whom  it  was  brought 
from  Constantinople)  was  seen  by  Gomer  at  Leyden,  on  the 
eighth  chapter  of  Saint  John's  Gospel.     Scholz  conjectures 

»  Michaelis,  vol.  ii.  parti,  pp.  356— 357.  part  ii.  pp  749,  750.  Bishop  Marsh 
adds,  "This  copy  of  Mill's  Greek  Testament,  with  .Jackson's  marginal  read- 
inns,  is  a  Treasure  of  sacred  criticism,  which  deserves  to  he  communicated 
to"the  public.  1:  contains  the  result,  of  all  his  labours  in  that  branch  of 
literature;  it  supplies  many  of  the  defects  of  Mill,  and  corrects  many  of  his 
errors:  and.  besides  quotations  from  manuscripts  and  ancient  versions,  it 

contains  a  copious  collection  of  readings  Irom  i y  "f  the  lathers,  which 

have  hitherto  been  very  imperfectly  co-lated,  or  wholly  neglected.''  Ibid 
p.  750. 

»  Traherne's  or  Traheron's  Manusc.'ipt  Collection  of  Various  Readings, 
from  the  Codex  Ephesius,  is  now  in  the  British  Museum,  among  the  Burn** 
MSS.  No.  21 


Skct.  II.   §    .] 


WRITTEN  IN  ORDINARY  GREEK  CHARACTERS. 


243 


that  it  is  the  Codex  Lugdunensis  Batavorum  74.     It  contains 
the  Gospels  with  a  Latin  version,  and  is  imperfect. 

80.  'I  he  Codex  Gha;vii  formerly  belonged  to  tin  celebrafc  il 
sritic  John  George  Grevius,  and  afterwards  to  the  Rev.  John 
Van  der  Hagen.  It  contains  the  Gospels,  written  in  the 
twelfth  century.  According  to  Wetstein,  who  saw  it,  this 
manuscript  was  collated  by  Byname  in  1691. 

81.  Certain  Greek  manuscripts,  which  axe  mentioned  in  a 
revision  of  the  Latin  Bible,  written  in  the  thirteenth  century. 

82.  Certain  Greek  manuscripts  cited  by  Laurentius  Valla 
in  his  remarks  on  the  Latin  New  Testament.  As  he  has 
given  no  description  of  tht  in,  and  has  not  distinguished  the 
readings  of  one  manuscript  from  those  of  another,  it  is  impos- 
sible at  present  to  ascertain  them:  Bishop  Marsh,  who  is 
followed  by  Dr.  Lotze  in  his  edition  of  Wetstein's  Prolego- 
mena, supposes  that  they  are  still  preserved  in  some  of  the 
ibraries  oi  Italy.    The  various  readings  extracted  by  Valla 

are  such  as  are  generally  found   in   manuscripts  of  tin 

antiquity  and  the  least  value. 

83.  'The  Codex  .MoN,\.ei:Nsis  518.  (Augustanus  1.  of  Ben- 
gel's,  Wetstein's,  and  Griesbach's  notation),  is  a  neatly  and 
accurately  written  manuscript,  of  the  eleventh  century,  con- 
taining the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria.  It  follows  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan  recension,  'ihis  manuscript  is  described  by 
Ignatius  Hardt  in  his  catalogue  of  Greek  MSS.  at  Munich: 
it  was  collated  in  select  passages  by  Scholz. 

84.  The  Codex  MoNACENBIS  568.  (Augustanus  2.  in  Bengel, 
Wetstein,  and  Griesbach),  is  a  manuscript  of  the  twelfth 
century,  also  described  by  Hardt,  and  collated  in  select  pas- 
sages by  Scholz.  It  contains  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and 
Mark,  and  is  imperfect  in  Matt.  i.  1 — 18.  xiii.  10 — 27.  xiii. 
42. — xiv.  3.  xviii.  25. — xix. '.».  xxi.  33. — xxii.  1.,  and  in  Mark 
vii.  13.  to  the  end.     It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  text. 

85.  The  Codex  MoNACENSIS  569.  (Augustanus.'!.)  contains 
only  some  loose  leaves  of  the  four  Gospels,  on  vellum,  writ- 
ten in  the  thirteenth  century  ;  it  follows  the  Constuntinopo- 
liUui  recension,  and  is  described  by  Hardt.  Dr.  Scholz 
collated  it  anew  for  his  edition. 

8G.  The  Codex  Posoniensis,  also  called  Byzantinus,  be- 
cause it  formerly  belonged  to  the  Emperor  Alexius  Comne- 
nus,  was  written  at  least  before  the  year  1183.  It  contains 
the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons  and  prologues,  and 
was  collated  by  Bengel. 

87.  The  Codex  Trevirensis  formerly  belonged  to  Cardi- 
nal Cusa;  it  contains  the  Gospel  of  St.  John  with  a  catena, 
written  in  the  twelfth  century.  Cordier  (or  Corderius) 
printed  it  in  his  catena  of  Greek  Fathers  on  that  Gospel.  It 
follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated 
by  Scholz,  who  has  numbered  it  87.,  in  the  place  of  the 
Codex  Mosquensis  (Matthau  v.)  which  he  has  numbered 
250.,  infra. 

88.  The  Manuscript  cited  by  Joachim  Camerarius,  in  his 
Annotations  un  the  New  Testament,  as  being  ancient.  It 
contains  the  Gospels.  Wetstein  says  that  it  is  like  those 
which  he  has  described  under  the  numbers  03.,  72.,  and  HO. 


(See  pp.  342,  2  13.  supra.) 
89.  The  Coot 


/ODEX  Gottingensis,  formerly  called  Gehliantis. 
from  its  possessor,  A.  G.  Gehle,  was  written  in  1106,  and 
contains  the  Gospels,  the  text  of  which  agrees  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension.  It  was  collated  by  Gehle  in  172!>, 
and  again  by  Matthaei,  who  numbers  it  20. 

HO.  The  Codex  Joannis  Kauri,  Daventriensis,  was  written 
by  John  Faber,  a  Dominican  monk,  of  Deventer,  who  in  the 
sixteenth  century  copied  it  from  a  manuscript  written  in  the 
year  l-J'.»3.  It  contains  the  four  Gospels,  Pauline  Epistles, 
Acts,  and  Catholic  Epistles.  The  Epistle  of  .hide,  is  written 
twice,  and  from  two  different  copies.  Faber  collated  this 
manuscript  with  a  very  ancient  copy  which  had  belonged  to 
John  Wessel  of  Gromngen,  to  whom  it  had  been  pies,  a  ed 
■  <\  Pope  Sixtus  IV.  tuber's  manuscript  was  collated  by 
Griesbach. 

91.  The  Codex  Perromanus,  which  formerly  belonged  to 
Cardinal  Perron,  contains  the  four  Gospels,  which  Monlfau- 
con  refers  to  the  tenth  century.  He  communicated  the  ex- 
tracts which  were  inserted  by  Dr.  Mill. 

92.  The  Codex  Andrew  Faeschu  1.  derives  its  name 
from  Andrew  Faesch,  secretary  of  the  republic  of  Basle,  its 
proprietor.  It  contains  the  Gospel  of  Mark  with  the  com- 
mentary of  Victor,  and  a  commentary  on  the  Catholic  Epis- 
tles. It  was  collated  by  Wetstein,  who  has  not  specified 
its  age. 

93.  The  Codex  Gravii  contains  the  Gospels.  It  is  cited 
t»y  Vossius  on  the  genealogy  of  Christ,  recorded  in  Luke  iii. 


94.  The  Codes  Andbjub  Faeschu  2.  contains  the  Gospels 
of  Mark  and  Luke,  with  a  commentary.     It  was  collated  by 

Wt  tsteill. 

95.  The  Com  >.  Lotcolmensis  2.  is  a  manuscript  of  the 

t.  nth  i  r  <  leventh  century,  containing  Luke  xi.  2. — xxiv.  j3., 
and  the  Gospel  of  John  (with  the  exception  of  three  leaves), 
with  a  commentary  extracted  from  the  writings  of  the  fathers. 
It  follows  th<  Constantinopolitan  recension.  This  manu- 
script was  (dilated  by  Dr.  Mill,  and  on  John  v. — vii.  by  the 
late  learned  Professor  Nicoll  for  Scholz. 

96.  The  Codex  1! eianus,  A.  ::.  :;7..  was  written  by 

John  Trithemius,  abbot  of  Spanheim,  in  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tal-,.    I;  contains  the  Gospel  of  John,  the  text  of  which  ap- 

to  coincide  with  that  of  the  Alexandrine  recension,     li 
was  collated  by  Walton  and  Mill,  and  again,  on  John  iii.  and 

iv.,  by  Griesbach. 

97.  The  Codex  Hirsaugibnsis,  a  manuscriptof  St.  John'* 
Gospel,  written  in  1600  by  one  .Nicholas,  a  monk  ofHirsau, 
who  seems  to  have  copied  it  from  Trithemius's  manuscript 
(No.  96.),  with  which  it  agrees.  Scholz  asserts  thai  ni- 
chaelis  and  Griesbach  (who  followed  him)  are  in  error,  when 
they  designate  this  manuscript  as  the  Codex  Gi< 
Ullenbachianus,  because  it  never  belonged  to  the  libr 

the  university  at  Giesseii,  or  to  I'll'eiibach's  library.  Dr.  S., 
however,  appears  himself  to  be  mistaken.  Bengel,  who  made 
use  of  this  manuscript,  expressly  says  that  it  was  cominuni 
cated  to  him  by  '/..  C.  von  Uffenbacn;  and  a  manuscript  has 
been  discovered  by  Professor  Schulze,  in  the  university  library 
at  (.iessen,  which  had  formerly  belonged  to  Uffenbach,  and 
had  been  collated  by  Mains,  whose  extracts  are  likewis. 
served  in  that  library.  The  identity,  therefore,  of  the  two 
manuscripts  seems  to  be  sufficiently  ascertained.  Bishop 
Marsh,  likewise,  compared  the  extracts  from  the  Codex 
•  nsis  with  Wetstein's  quotations  from  the  Codex  llir- 
saugiensis,  and  found  that  their  readings  are  not  contradictory 
to  each  other.1 

98.  The  Codex  BiBLiOTHECSC  BoDLEIANJC,  E.  D.  Clarkii 
4.,  is  a  manuscript  brought  from  the  East  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  E. 
D.  Clarke :  it  contains  the  four  Gospels,  with  figures,  and 
seldom  departs  from  the  received  text.  Scholz,  who  collated 
it  in  Matt.  vi.  ix.  x.,  and  Luke  iv.  v.  vi.,  has  numbered  this 
manuscript  98.,  in  place  of  the  Tubingen  fragment  which 
Griesbach  has  noted  with  the  letter  R. 

99.  The  Codex  Lipsiensis,  in  the  library  of  St.  Paul  (No. 
18.  of  Matthaei'a  notation),  is  a  manuscript  of  the  81X1 
century  collated  by  Matthaei,  and  containing  Matt.  iv.  8. — 
v.  27.  vi.  2. — xv.  30.  and  Luke  i.  1 — 13.,  with  fragmi 
synaxaria.  Scholz  has  substituted  this  manuscript  in  place 
of  the  Codex  Rutgersii,  used  bv  Daniel  Heinstus  in  his 
Exercilal  onus  Sucrae,  which  is  noticed  infra,  under  No.  155. 

100.  The  Codex  Ecbeswaldiani  s  is  a  manuscript  which 
formerly  belonged  to  Baron  Paul,  of  Bubeswald.  It  was 
used  by  Wagenseil ;  a  reading  has  been  tak<  n  from  it  in  John 
viii.  (i.  Scholz  is  of  opinion  that  it  is.  most  probably,  the 
same  manuscript  <!ii  vellum  which  is  now  preserved  in  the 
university  library,  at  Pesth  in  Hungary.  He  describes  it  as 
containing  the  Gospels,  written  in  the  tenth  century,  with 
index  of  chapters,  the  Eusebian  canons,  synaxaria,  and 
scholia,  added  by  a  later  hand  on  paper.  The  text  follows 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  Some  later  hand  has  also 
added  numerous  corrections. 

101.  Tin  ( 'oin:\  I  kke.nhachianus  3.  contains  the  Gospel 
of  St.  John,  written  in  the  sixteenth  century.  Its  text  agree* 
with  that  id"  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  alrnosf 
uniformly  with  thai  of  the  printed  editions.  Bengel  though! 
that  it  was  transcribed  from  some  Basle  edition  oi  the  New 
Testament. 

li)J.  Tic   ('oi)EX  Medicjsus  is  an  unknown  maims 
lrom  which  some  unknown  person  wrote  extracts  in  tin   tu  ir- 
gin  of  Plantia's  edition  of  1591.     These  extracts  were  printed 
by  \\  etsti  in.    This  manuscript  contains  fragments  from  M  rtt 
xxiv.  to  Mark  viii.  1. 

103.  The  Codex  Regius  193,  is  a  folio  manuscript  of  the 
eleventh  century,  which  formerly  belonged  to  Cardinal  Ma- 
zarine. Scholz  is  of  opinion  that  this  is  the  same  manuscript 
from  which  Eineric  Bigot  communicated  a  few  extracts  to 
Courcelles  or  Curcellams.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension,  and  was  cursorily  collated  by  Scholz. 

104.  The  Codex  Vignerii  is  a  manuscript  of  the  tenth 
century,  containing  the  four  Gospels.  It  was  collated  by 
bigot,  whose  extracts  were  printed  by  Wetstein. 

>  Bengelii  Apparatus  Criticus,  p.  &    Marsh'B Micliae'.is.  vol  ii.  part  u 
p  7iG. 


!  J  1 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS, 


[Pa  tit  I.  Chap.  II! 


7"luo  »""«  v.u"  o™»w»i  01  i^uremoerg,  irom  written  A.  M.  6999,  corresponding  with  the  v 
whom  its  appellation  is  derived  :  it  is  now  the  property  of  the  computation  bv  one  Ioa«Jih  »  «?n7  V  •  . 
University  of  Oxford,  and  is  deposited  amon«r  the  oth'er  pre-  I  SuBtaWr  silver  Av  «'  f„  a "W^  The  book  is 
cious  manuscripts  preserved  in  the  Bodleian  library  The  I  deemer  of^Krrl JT«  ^  '  ♦  t.he.centre  of  which  the  Re- 
I  >odex  Ebnerianus  contains  425  leaves  of  vel  .  a  d  was  '  fhTac  of  oro^o«nc in  repTrnted  "*»  on  •*«■■.  and  in 
written  in  the  twelfth  century.  The  whole  r-f  the  1C  ffi  folIow^iSJSon^n  -,  Th-L^  ^  £  IT'  ^ 
toment  is  comprised  in  this  volume,  excepting  the  Book  of  :  in  which fthe  capitals  .rpKrn-    T'  S     W  S,y!e 

Revelation:  each  page  contains  27 lines,  at  equal  distances  V-- 1!  ?J'     "'  »ntten>^»w  a**,*™  ™  *uXs, 

excepting  those  in  which   the  different booksTom  me nee   S    SehSTrf  WSJtE^fc  W  ^  nT",  "Lord'b^ 


cu6«tnij  o  f-o-^y  p  9\»  Jorr,  hjj  bya-Ofy^H.  -rrp/?a— 
T9  p0p©  -ccrztjTTco  <^\fajurTo(7  3 '~]/^V  ^C°  <^><CO  P'C 
(XjuToJ  <^/rjJ  Cp>6u  £^  ep  >  prVrDpcp  9&ycujx 
£a3 «  «'ji    J<ax.  ij  ^cd«  iJp,    S<J>CD<-  cJj'jJ  a.  p  ^o"^x<^ 

Ti'cu  eurro  ^~Uxrr6^\pJ  E &p  fe  <^Jjy  Q-o^fioc 
-are  tpci/  n^  oc  -ro-a.pct  0  (j  ,  oyo  xx-aj  atrra>  i'cju 
^<lJPHCr  ©  OuTooH\0cpE!Cxt_a-pTv^pio4J,  [p  K- 


io  (j®   up  Ocpcoc  O«y»0iKop  ,  o   Cpcoii  \34 

CO    |<_  O  TT7JU3D  H/l  ,  J<CU.  O  «-0    C^—    J]  CUJ  /  0  «J    t7 

"l/6-p  €p>,  Lectio  [tJo/(T}Ji^>o-  cu>~xx>i*  </)<^<(/\J  CD* 


This  facsimile  comprises  the  first  ten  verses  of  the  first 
chapter  of  Saint  Johifs  Gosnel  •  ti,o  -,ki       ■  *•  ,        , 

ver£  numerous,  being  uniformly  Uie  S1n  i  7'  'T  •'  th°Ugh 
any  material  iifnculty  to  the  easv  ncrusTrf  ?hP0t  lnterp-°Se 
Western,  though  he/has  alugdKto  ^SSTSL 
made  use  of  1  only  in  the  eighteenth  chapter  of  Sain?  Jow! 
Gospel ;  Scholz,  who  has  brfefly  noticed  his  manuscript  did 
not  examine  it.  Michaelis  has  classed  it  among  the  ^col- 
lated manuscripts  of  the  New  Testament.  >     It  is  to  be  hoped 

>  Wetstein,  N.  T.  Proleg.  p.  58.    Bo.  Marsh's  Michaelis,  vol.  ii  part  i  d 
858.    De  Murr's  Memorabilia  Bibli«&tc<r  Norimbergensis,  part  if  pp.  i& 


that  some  learned  member  of  the  University  a  Oxfon.  will 
publish  a  collation  of  all  the  various  readings  which  may  be 
found  in  this  manuscript. 

106.  The  Codex  Winchelseanus  derives  its  name  from 
its  owner,  an  Earl  of  Winchelsea.  This  manuscript  contains 
the  four  Gospels,  and  was  written  in  the  tenth  century ;  its 
text  for  the  most  part  agrees  with  that  of  the  Alexandrine 
recension.     It  was  collated  by  J.  Jackson,  whose  extracts 

~131-i  where  the  Codex  Ebnerianus  is  minut-  ■<  scribed  and  illustrated 
with  thirteen  plates  of  illuminations,  &c,  winch  arc  very  curious  in  an 
antiquarian  point  of  view.     Our  lac-simile  is  copied  from  one  of  t)e  Murr'g 


Sect.  II.  §  4.] 


WRITTEN  IN  ORDINARY  GREEK  CHARACTERS. 


245 


Caesar  de  Missy  communicated  to  Wetstein,  by  whom  they 
w<  re  printed. 

107.  The  Codkx  Bibliotheos  i Join.!  i  \ n  i ..  E.  I».  Clarkii 
i;.,  contains  the  Gospels,  which  arc  written  by  different 
hands:  it  rarely  departs  from  the  received  or  Constantino- 
politan text,  it  was  collated  by  Scholz,  in  Matt.  vi.  ix.  x., 
M  ark  v.  vi.,  Luke  iv.  v.  vi.,  and  John  v.  vi.  Dr.  S.  has 
substituted  this  manuscript  for  Mo.  107.  of  Wetstein's  and 
Griesbach's  notation,  il  being  the  same  which  they  have 
numbered  201. 

108.  The  Codex  Parrhash  formerly  belonged  to  Aulus 
Janus  Parrhasius:  it  is  now  in  the  imperial  library  at  Vienne. 
It  is  in  two  volumes,  folio,  written  in  the  eleventh  century, 
and  (in  Scholz's  opinion)  at  Constantinople.  This  manu- 
script contains  the  Gospels  with  a  commentary,  the  Eusebian 
canons  and  figures,  and  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recen- 
8io"      li  lias  been  collated  by  Alter.  Birch,  and  Scholz. 

109.  The  Codex  5116.  in  the  British  Museum,  formerly 
cited  as  Meadii  1.  and  Askewii,  is  a  manuscript  in  three 
volumes:  of  which  5116  contains  the  Gospels;  5115,  the 

Acts,  and  <  latholic  Epistles  ;  and  51  17,  the  LpUtles  of  Saint 

Paul.     Scholz  says  that  this  manuscript  was  written  in  1326. 

lio.  The  Codex  Raviawus,  now  in  the  royal  library  at 
Berlin,  formerly  belonged  to  John  Rave  of  Upsal.  It  con- 
tains the  New  Testament  in  two  volumes,  written  in  the  six- 
teenth century  ;  the  principal  part  of  which  is  copied  from 
the  Complutensian  edition,  and  the  remainder  from  Robert 
Stephens  a  third  edition.  It  was  collated  and  minutely  de- 
scribed by  Wetstein,  Griesbach,  and  Pappelbaum. 

ill.  The  Codex  Bibliothecje  Bodleian*,  E.  D.  Clarkii 
7.,  contains  the  four  Gospels.  It  is  imperfect  from  John  xx. 
25.  to  the  end  ;  and  was  collated  by  .Scholz  on  Matt.  vi.  ix. 
\.,  Mark  v.  vi.,  Luke  iv.  v.  vi.,  ana  John  V.  vi.  Dr.  S.  has 
substituted  this  manuscript  for  the  collection  of  Velesian 
readings  (of  which  an  account  is  given  below),1  which  Wet- 
stein and  Griesbach  had  severally  numbered  111. 

112.  The  Codex  BlBLIOTHECAE  BodleiaNjE,  E.  D.  Clarkii 
10.,  contains  the  Gospels  with  the  Eusebian  canons:  it  fol- 
lows the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  though  there  are  some 
Alexandrine  readings,  and  many  errors.  This  manuscript 
was  collated  on  Matt.  v.  ix.  x.,  Mark  v.  vi.,  Luke  iv.  v.,  and 
John  v.  vi.,  by  Dr.  Scholz,  who  has  substituted  it  under  this 
number  for  the  Barberini  Readings,  or  collation  of  twenty-two 
Roman  manuscripts,  ten  of  which  contained  the  Gospels, 
made  by  John  Matthew  Caryophilus,  which  was  published 
by  Pierre  Poussines  (PetruS  Possinus)  at  the  end  of  a  Greek 
catena  on  St.  Mark,  printed  in  li>73.  Dr.  Mill  inserted  these 
extracts  among  his  various  readings;  but  as  it  was  not  known 
for  a  long  time  what  had  become  of  the  Barberini  manu- 
scripts, and  as  the  readings  of  the  Barberini  collation  are  for 
the  most  part  in  favour  of  the  Latin  Vulgate  version,  Wet- 
stein, Sender,  and  other  Protestant  divines,  accused  Poussines 
of  a  literary  fraud.  Of  this,  however,  he  was  acquitted  by 
Isaac  Vossius,  who  found  the  manuscript  of  Caryophilus  in 
he  Barberini  library;  and  the  imputation  against  tne  veracity 
jf  that  eminent  Greek  scholar  has  been  completely  di  stroyed 
3y  M.  Birch,  a  learned  Danish  divine,  who  recognised  in  the 
Vatican  library  six  of  the  manuscripts  from  which  Caryophi- 
lus had  made  extracts.     These  six  manuscripts  will  be  found 

1  John  Louise  de  la  Cerda  inserted  in  hla  Advt  rsaria  Sacra,  which  ap- 
peared at  Lyons  in  1696,  a  collation  of  sixteen  manuscripts,  which  had  been 
made  by  Pedro  Faxardo,  Marquis  of  Veless.  Prom  ihi  Be  manuscripts  t  lie 
marquis  inserted  various  readings  in  his  copy  of  the  Greek  Testament,  but 
without  specifying  what  manuscripts  in  particular,  or  even  bow  many,  in 

'  were  in  favour  of  each  quoted  reading.    The  remartcabli 

merit  between  the  Velesian  Readings  an  I  thoi  ited  the 

suspicions  of  Mariana  (who  communicated  them  to  De  la  Cerda)  that  Velez 

had  made  use  only  of  interpolated  manuscripts,  thai  had  been  corrected 

bly  to  the  Latin  Vulgate,  subsequently  to  the  council  of  Florence. 

However  ihi-:  may  he,  the  collation  of  velez  will  ni  »er  1 f  any  utility  in 

the  criticism  of  the  New  Testament)  unless  the  identical  manuscripts, 
which  he  made  use  of,  should  hereafter  he  discovered  in  any  Spanish 
library.    But  this  discovery  must  be  considered  as  h 
rious  ami  careful  researches  made  by  B 

linn  of  Velez,   who  (As  hi  <Vu\  nop  eol 

single  Greek  or  Latin  manuscript  but  took  his  \  arious  lecliona  froi  i 
Stephens's  edition  of  the  Latin  Vulgate,  published  at  Pans  in  1610:  thai 
the  object  which  the  marquis  had  in  view,  in  framing  ihis  collection  of 
readings,  was  to  support,  not  the  Vulgate  in  general,  Bui  the  text  of  this 
edition  in  particular,  wherever  it  varied  from  the  lext  of  Stephen  ' 
Testament  printed  in  1530;  and  that  with  this  view  he  translated  in 
the  readings  of  the  former,  which  varied  from  the  latter,  except  where 
Siephens's  Greek  margin  supplied  him  with  the  readings  which  he  wanted, 
where  he  had  only  to  transcribe,  and  not  to  translate.     Micha.lis.  vol  j], 
part  i.  pp.  351 — 354.  part  ii.  pp.  824,  825.    Mr.  (now  Bishop)  Marsh's  Letters 
to  Archdeacon  Travis,  p.  67.  and  the  Appendix  to  that  work  (pp.  253—344.), 
in  which  a  minute  detail  of  lire  Velesian  Headings  is  given,  as  also  in  Chris- 
tian   Benedict  Michaelis's  Tractatio  Critiea  de  Variis  Lectionibus  Novi 
Testamenti,  §§87— 59.  (pp.  96— 101.)  4to.  Halae  Magdeburgicse,  1749. 


in  this  catalogue,  under  the  letters  J3.  (pp.  2-24 — 226.)  and  S. 
(p.  3350  •  ■  •  '""I  under  the  numbers  127.  129.  141.  and 
ill.  The  remainder.  Scholz  thinks,  may  be  found  among 
the  Vatican  manuscripts,  numbered  159 — 168.  infra. 

113.  The  Codex  iIaui.kiani's,  1810.,  a  manuscript  of  the 
eleventh  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  prologues,  Eu- 
sebian  canons,  figures,  pictures,  and  synaxaria,  added  by  a 
later  hand.  It  was  collated  by  (griesbach  in  select  passages, 
and  follows  the  Alexandrine  recension. 

Ml.  The  <  '"i.i  \  1 1  Mil  a  i  uros  55  H).  contains  the  four  Gos- 
riiten  in  the  twelfth  century,  with  marginal  notes  of  a 
later  date,  many  of  which  have  nearly  disappeared.    It  fol 
ii  Ah  tandrine  r<  ,  and  was  c  Hated  by  Gries- 

bach in 

115.  The  Codex   Harlei  enpt  of  the 

tw<  Ifth  century,  contains  the  Gospels  :  it  is  defective  in  Matt 
i.  l.— viii.  10.  Mark  v.  33—36.  Lake  i.  78.— it  10.  r 
1 — 15.  and  John  xi.  3. — \\i.  -j:>.  It  has  a  mixed  text,  ac- 
cording to  Dr.  Scholz;  but  Griesbach,  by  whom  it  was  collated 
in  Matt.  viii. — xi.,  considers  its  numerous  peculiar  reai 
as  nothing  more  than  bold  coi 

I  it;.  'The  Codex  Harleianus  5567.,  a  manuscript  of  the 
twelfth  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian 
canons,  and  synaxaria,  and   for  the  most  part  follows  the 
Alexandrine   recension,   according  to  Scholz.     Gries 
howevi  s  but  litth  it.     lie  collated  the 

whole,  except  the  last  chapters  of  St.  John's  Gospel. 

117.  The  Codex  Harleianus  5731.  was  formerly  the  pro- 
perty of  the  celebrated  critic  Dr.  Bentley:  it  was  written  m 
the  tourtt  enth  century  by  an  illiterate  transcriber,  and  it  con- 
tains the  Gospels,  with  fragments  of  a  lectionary,  tl  Euse- 
bian canons,  and  synaxaria.  Griesbach,  who  coll  ted  it  in 
some  s.leet  passages,  states  that  it  has  many  readii  gs  pecu- 
liar to  itself. 

lis.  The  Codkx  BoDLEtANUS,  Marshii  21.  (which  for- 
merly belonged  to  Archbishop  Marsh,  of  Armagh),  i 
rescriptus  of  the  thirti  enth  century,  containing  the  four  G  • 
pels  ;  but  the  original  writing  can  no  longer  be  traced,  so  as 
i  what  treatise  the  Gospels  were  written. 
It  is  defective  in  Matt.  i.  1. — vi.  3.  Luke  xiii.  35. — xiv.  20. 
xviii.  8. — xix.  9.  and  John  xvi.  25. — xxi.  25.  These  chasms 
have  been  supplied  by  a  later  hand.  Griesbach,  who  col- 
lated it  in  select  passages,  considered  it  as  having  ai.  pclectic 
text,  but  Scholz  states  dial  it  tor  the  most  part  agrees  with 
the  Alexandrine  recension. 

119.  The  Codex  Regius,  85.  (frmerly  2865b.)  contains 
the  four  Gospels,  which  were  written  about  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury:  its  readings  are  intermingled  by  Wetstein  with  those 
of  the  manuscript.  No.  12.  (p.  233.  supra.)  It  seldom  varies 
from  the  received  text.  It  was  partially  collated  by  Gries- 
bach. 

120.  The  Codex  Regius  158".  («f.  of  Robert  Stephens's 
notation)  is  a  manuscript  of  the  thirteenth  century,  which 
originally  contained  the  Gospels :  its  readings  are  also  inter- 
mingled by  Wetstein  with  those  of  the  manuscript  No.  12. 
It  rarely  departs  from  the  received  text.  The  Gospel  of  St. 
Mark  is  lost,  and  there  are  other  chasms. 

121.  The  Codex  Genovefensis,  which  formerly  belonged 
to  the  library  of  St.  Genevieve  at  Paris,  contains  the  four 
Gospels,  with  synaxaria,  written  in  the  year  1284.  It  is 
defective  in  Man.  v.  21. — viii.  24.,  and  "follows  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recensi  n.  Scholz  states  that  it  is  not  known 
where  this  manuscript  is  now  preserved  :  he  could  not  find 
it  either  in  the  library  of  Su  Genevieve  or  in  the  Royal 
Library  at  Paris. 

122.  The  Codes  Meermakmanus  lb'-,  derives  its  name 
from  its  former  pi  .  M.  Meerman,al  the  sale  of  whose 
library  it  was  purchased  by  a  private  individual,  but  has 
since  been  deposited   in  the  Library  ,f  the  University  of 

n.  It  was  written  towards  the  close  of  the  twelfth 
centu  tains  the  four  Gospels,  Acts,  and  all  the 

Epistles  :  but  it  is  defi  ctive  in  Acts  i.  l — 14.  xxi.  11. — xxii. 

■in.  i. — vii.  13.  1  Ji  hn  iv.  30.  to  the  end;  the  second 
and  thirti  Episth  ,  and  the  Epistle  of  Jude.    This 

manuscript  was  ted  by  Dr.  -Dermout,  in  his  Col- 

in Novum  Testamentum ;  and  the  various 
readings  discovered  by  him  are  incorporated  by  Dr.  Schulz 
in  his  third  edition  of  I  lume  <  f  Griesbach's  Greek 

Testament,  where  it  is  numbered  246.2  As  the  manuscript 
which  Griesbach  had  numbered  V2-2.  is  the  same  which  he 
had  previously  numbered  97.  (p.  243.  supra),  Dr.  Scholz 
has  substituted  the  "  ermannianus  in  its  place. 

»  Dermout,  Colli  clam  .1  trilica  in  N.  T.  pars  i.  p.  14. 


216 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS, 


[PartI.Chai  m 


123.  The  Code..c  Cjesareus  Vindobonensis  (Lambecii 
3C),  of  the  eleventh  century,  contains  the  four  Gospels, 
with  prologues,  the  Eusebian  canons  and  figures.  Some 
emendations  have  been  inserted  by  another  hand.  It  was 
collated  by  Alter  ami  Birch,  and  frequently  agrees  with  the 
Alexandrine  recension. 

124  The  Codex  Cjesareus  Vindobonensis  (Lambecii 
31.)  is  a  manuscript  of  the  four  Gospels,  written  in  the 
eleventh  or  twelfth  century:  it  has  been  collated  by  Tres- 
chow,  Birch,  and  Alter.  It  is  of  very  great  importance,  and 
s  with  the  Godex  Cantabrigiensis  in  not  less  than 
eighty  unusual  readings;  with  the  Codex  Ephremi  in  up- 
wards of  thirty-five;  with  the  Codex  Regius  2861.  or  Ste- 
phanie, in  fifty ;  with  the  Codex  Basileensis  in  more  than 
ufty,  and  has  several  which  are  found  in  that  manuscript 
alone;  with  the  Codex  Regius  2244-.  in  sixty  unusual  read- 
ings; and  with  the  Codex  Colbertinus  2844.  in  twenty-two. 
T*  chiefly  follows  the  Alexandrine  recension. 

125.  The  Codex  CjESareus  (Kollarii  6.),  in  the  imperial 
library  at  Vienna,  is  a  manuscript  of  the  tenth  century,  con- 
taining the  Gospels.  Its  text  frequently  coincides  with  that 
of  the  Alexandrine  recension  :  it  was  collated  by  Treschow, 
Birch,  and  Alter. 

126.  The  Codex  Guelpherbytanus  XVI.  1G.  is  a  manu- 
script of  the  four  Gospels,  of  the  eleventh  century,  with  the 
Eusebian  canons,  jcjp^sw,  prologues,  and  portraits  of  each 
evangelist.  Heusingcr,  by  whom  its  existence  was  first  an- 
nounced to  the  learned,  supposed  it  to  have  been  written  in 
the  tenth  century.  But  Michaelis,  Griesbach,  and  Sholz, 
after  Knittel  (by  whom  it  has  been  copiously  described),' 
refer  it  to  the  eleventh  century.  Knittel  states  that  a  modern 
hand,  later  than  Erasmus's  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament, 
has  officiously  corrected  the  text  in  several  places.  He  fur- 
ther adds,  that  the  text  seems  occasionally  Latinized,  and 
that  the  copyist  has  frequently  omitted  part  of  the  text, 
which  omissions  are  specified  by  Knittel ;  but  at  other  times 
he  has  repeated  those  almost  immediately  preceding,  and 
has  sometimes  committed  manifest  mistakes  in  writing. 
This  manuscript  also  has  many  remarkable  readings ;  and 
occasionally  there  is  an  uncial  letter  in  the  midst  of  a  word, 
for  instance  in  Matt.  xv.  1.  ;r/>.so-Ep>oi"T*/,  and  22.  yw»  x<*v*- 
Nx/st.  This  occurrence  of  an  uncial  letter  Knittel  considers 
as  a  proof  that  the  original  of  this  manuscript  must  have 
been  an  ancient  codex.  The  liturgical  notices  which  are 
interspersed,  together  with  a  summary  of  the  ecclesiastical 
calendar  with  which  the  manuscript  terminates,  are  written 
in  a  hand  evidently  different  from  that  which  wrote  the  pre- 
faces and  Gospels.  The  conclusion  of  the  Gospel  of  Saint 
Matthew,  xxviii.  18 — 20.,  is  written  in  a  cruciform  manner, 
thus : — 

7tpO<Tl- 

x.um<rttv 

UVTOti' 

CI    Si    E- 

StVTCLOrdLV. 

KM  7Tfrj- 

traxSaiv  0  Iyitcv;,  £K-j.xwtsi  uvtoi;, 
i.tyosv'  Etfo9»  /-to;  Tr-Jiv*.  i^um-jt,  iv 
(jypxvai  KM  ert  ym.     n^suSsmc  /u 

6)|TfU- 

•ra  £vn, 

T&  OVOJU'J.  tcu  IIstTpoc 
Kit    TCU    Tku    KM    T'.U 

uyt'M  rivsu/tJtToc  iVswxov- 

ts;    aureus    r»ptiv    7rxvT4. 

0T*  (ViTUAt/LAHV  C/MV    K'JU    t- 

Scv,  ryat  /utB'  uy.r»v  v[ai  Tr-JLTiQ 
tu;    huspM,    ta>:     tus    PvvTtKV 


'  Knittel,  Neue  Kritiken  iiber  1  Joh.  v.  7.  p.  3G5.  et  seq.  or  pp.  231 — 234. 
in  the  Rev.  W.  A.  Evanson's  translation  of  this  work,  entided  "New  Cri- 
ticisms on  the  celebrated  Text  1  John  v.  7."  London,  1829.  8vo.  Knittel 
announced  his  intention  of  printing  all  the  readings  of  this  manuscript,  but 
idoea  not  appear  that  they  were  ever  published. 


In  English,  thus: — 

they  wor- 
shipped 

him: 
but  some 
doubted. 
And  Jesus 
corning  spake        unto         them, 

saying,  All  power  is  given  unto  me  in 
heaven  and  in  earth.     Go  ye,  make 
disci- 
ples of 

all 
nations, 
baptiz- 
ing them  in 
the  name  of  the  Father, 
and  of  the  Son  and  of  the 
Holy  Ghost;  teach- 
ing them  to  observe  all  things 
whatsoever  I  have  commanded  you  ;  and  1 
o,  I  am  with  you  al- 
way,  even  unto  the  end 
of  the  world.     Amen,  f  f  f  | 

Knittel  conjectures  that  this  cruciform  mode  of  writing  may 
have  been  a  prolific  source  of  various  readings,  on  account 
of  the  frequent  disruption  of  the  words.  Dr.  Scholz  states 
that  this  manuscript  follows  the  Alexandrine  recension. 

127.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  349.,  of  the  twelfth  century, 
contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons:  there  are 
emendations  by  a  later  hand.  The  whole  of  this  manuscript 
was  collated  by  Birch;  its  text  frequently  agrees  with  that 
of  the  Alexandrine  recension.2 

128.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  356.,  of  the  eleventh  century, 
contains  the  Gospels,  with  prologues.  It  was  inspected  by 
Birch  ;  and  its  text  appears  to  harmonize  with  that  of  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension. 

129.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  358.,  which  formerly  belonged 
to  Cardinal  Nicholas  de  Cusa,  contains  the  four  Gospels, 
with  scholia,  written  in  the  twelfth  century.  It  appears  to 
coincide  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

130.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  359.  contains  the  four  Gos- 

E els,  with  the  Latin  version,  written  in  the  thirteenth  century, 
y  a  Latin  copyist.  It  frequently  agrees  with  the  Constan- 
tinopolitan recension,  but  for  the  most  part  it  follows  the 
Alexandrine  family. 

131.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  360.  formerly  belonged  to 
Aldus  Manutius,  the  son  of  Paul :  it  contains  the  Gospels, 
Acts,  and  Epistles,  with  the  Eusebian  canons,  written  in  the 
eleventh  century.  Aldus  appears  to  have  consulted  it  for 
his  edition  of  the  New  Testament,  as  it  frequently  agrees  in 
its  peculiar  readings  with  this  manuscript,  which  for  the 
most  part  harmonizes  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension, 
though  it  has  numerous  readings  peculiar  to  itself. 

132.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  361.,  of  the  eleventh  century, 
contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons  and  figures. 

133.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  363.  of  the  eleventh  century, 
contains  the  Gospels,  Acts,  and  Epistles,  with  synaxaria. 

134.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  364.,  also  of  the  eleventh 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons 
and  figures. 

135.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  365.  contains  the  Gospels, 
with  figures,  written  on  vellum,  in  the  eleventh  century. 
The  first  twenty-six  leaves  have  been  supplied  by  a  later 
hand,  on  paper. 

136.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  665.,  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  Mark,  with  the 
commentary  of  Euthymius. 

137.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  756.,  of  the  eleventh  century, 
contains  the  Gospels,  with  a  commentary. 

138.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  757.,  of  the  twelfth  century, 
contains  the  Gospels,  with  a  commentary :  it  was  collated 
in  selectpassages  by  Birch  and  Scholz. 

139.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  758.,  of  H,r  twelfth  century, 

»  The  Codices  Vatican!  Nos.  127—137   were  wholly  or  partially  collatad 
by  Birch. 


rtKii.  II.  §  4.j 


WRITTEN  L\  ORDINAKY  GREEK  CHARACTERS. 


247 


contains  the  Gospels  of  Luke  and  John,  with  a  commentary. 
It  was  collated  in  select  passages  hy  Birch  and  Scholz. 

140.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1158.  contains  the  foui  Gos- 
pels,  splendidly  written  oil  vellum  in  llie  twelfth  century, 
with  the  Eusebian  canons  and  figures.  It  follows  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  partially  collali  d  by 
Scholz. 

141.  The  Codkx  Vaticanus  1100.,  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, contains  the  New  Testament,  with  Bynaxaria  :  it,  follows 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated  in  select 
passages  hy  Scholz. 

142.  The  Codkx  Vaticanus  1210.  contains  thi 

Acts,  Epistles,  and  Psalms.  Numerous  readings  are  written 
on  the  margin:  in  the  Gospels  it  for  the  most  part  follows 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension.     This  and   the   following 

manuscripts, Nos.  143,  Ml.  146—157.  150—162.  164—171. 

173—17.").  177— ISO.  and  1  s-J — 199.  were  collated  wholly 
or  in  part  hy  Drs.  Birch  and  Scholz. 

143.  The  Codes  Vaticanus  1229.,  of  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospels,  with  a  commentary.  It  follows 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

Ml.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1254.,  of  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Luscbian  canons.  It 
appears  to  follow  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

1  15.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  15  is.,  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
turv,  contains  the  Gospels  of  Luke  and  John:  it  is  defective 
in  Luke  iv.  15. — v.  ."hi.,  and  in  John  i.  1 — 26.  The  seven- 
teenth chapter  of  Luke,  to  the  twenty-first,  inclusive,  has 
been  added  hy  another  hand.  Numerous  emendations  occur 
in  the  text,  and  various  readings  in  the  margin. 

1  hi.  The  Codex  Palatino-V aticanus  '  5.,  of  the  twelfth 
century,  contains  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  Mark,  with  a 
commentary.     It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

117.  The  Codex  Palatino-V  aticanus  89.,  of  the  eleventh 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria.  It  follows 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

148.  The  Codex  Palatino-Vaticanus  136.,  of  the  thir- 
teenth century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  scholia  on  the 
beginning  of  St.  Matthew.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan 
family,  but  it  has  some  Alexandrine  readings. 

149.  The  Codex  Palatino-Vaticanus  171.,  of  the  four- 
teenth century,  contains  the  New  Testament  adapted  to  eccle- 
siastical use:  it  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

150.  The  Codex  Palatino-Vaticanus  189.,  of  the  eleventh 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons, 
and  synaxaria :  it  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

151.  The  Codex  Palatino-Vaticanus  220.,  of  the  eleventh 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons, 
and  scholia  :  it  has  a  mixed  text. 

152.  The  Codex  Palatino-Vaticanus  227.,  of  the  thir- 
teenth century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  figures,  and  pro- 

ogues.     It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

153.  The  Codex  Palatino-Vaticanus  229.,  of  the  thir- 
teenth century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  prologues,  and 
synaxaria:  it  has  a  mixed  text,  but  chiefly  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension. 

154.  The  Codex  Alexandrino-V aticanus2  28.  was  writ- 
ten in  1442,  and,  according  to  the  opinion  of  Scholz,  in  Italy. 
It  contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  commentary  of  Theophy- 
lact,  and  follows  the  Alexandrine  recension. 

155.  The  Codex  Alexandrino-V  aticanus  79.,  of  the  four- 
teenth century,  contains  the  Gospels,  to  which  are  prefixed 
some  readings  from  Saint  Paul's  Epistles.  It  follows  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension.  Scholz  is  of  opinion  that  this 
was  the  manuscript  which  Wetstein  lead  formerly  numbered 
99.,  and  which  was  also  consulted  by  Daniel  Eieinsius  for 
his  Exerciiationea  Sacrae. 

156.  The  Codex  Alexandrino-Vaticamus  189.,  of  the 
twelfth  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  the  text  of  which  fol- 
lows the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

157.  The  Codex  Urbino-Vaticanus3  2.  appears  to  have 
been  written  for  the  use  of  John  II.  emperor  oi  the  East,  who 
succeeded  Alexius  in  the  empire  in  1118.     It  contains  the 

1  The  Codices  Palalino-Vatioano  are  so  called,  because  they  were  pre- 
sented to  the  Vatican  Library,  during  the  pontificate  of  Urban  VIII.,  by 
Maximilian,  Elector  of  Bavaria:  liny  formerly  belonged  to  the  Electors- 
Palatine. 

*  The  Codices  Alexandrino-Vaticani  formerly  belonged  to  Alexandria 
Christina,  Queen  of  Sweden,  who  abdicated  her  throne,  and  went  to  reside 
at  Rome,  where  she  embraced  the  Romish  faith.  Pope  Alexander  XII. 
presented  them  to  the  Vatican  Library. 

•  The  Urbino-Vatican  Library  at  Rome  is  a  collection  of  books,  removed 
from  Urbino  to  Rcme,  by  Popo  Clement  VII.,  who  added  them  to  the  Vati- 
can Library. 


Gospels,  with  the  Bust  bian  canons,  figun  a,  pi  :iures,  a  chro- 
nicle of  the  life  of  <  Ihrist,  the  '  'hronii  le  of  Hippolytus,  and 
a  preface  from  Chrysostom.  Scholz  states  that  it  was  tran- 
scribed from,  and  collati  d  with,  80m<3  very  ancient  Jerusalem 
cripts,  preserved  in  a  monasn  ry  of  the  Holy  Mountain 
[Athos].    It  sometimes  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 

n  ci  usioii,  but  it  has  very  numerous  Alexandrine  readings. 

158.  The  Codex  Pii  II.  Vaticanus  53.  contains  the  Gos- 
.'.  ritti  in   in    the  eleventh  century,  with   the  Eusebian 

canons.     Tin  n   an-  various  readings  inserted  in  the  margin. 

159.  The  <  loDEX  BABBEHlXIAirU8°  8.  contains  the  four  Gos- 
rritten  in  the  eleventh  century:  its  text  follows  the 

Constantinopolitan  r<  cension. 

160.  The  Codkx  J5ahhkiu.ma.ncs  !>.,  written  in  the  year 
1123,  contains  the  four  Gospels,  with  synaxaria:  it  agrec6 
w  ith  the  Constantinopolitan  text 

161.  Tin    CODEX  liAi;iii:iti.M\.\es  1(1.,  of  the  tenth  century, 

contains  the  Gospels :  it  is  imperfect  in  John  xvL  1. — xxi.  25. 

162.  The  Codex  Barberinianus  11.,  written  in  the  year 
1163,  contains  the  Gi  pels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons,  and 
figures. 

163.  The  Codex  Barberinianus  12.,  written  in  Syria  in 
the  eleventh  century,  contains  only  the  secti 

fels  usually  read  in  churches,  together  with  fragments  of  the* 
lusebian  canons.    It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  n 
sion. 

16  1.  The  Codex  Barberinianus  13.,  writti  n  in  1010,  con- 
tains the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons  and  synaxaria. 
It  chiefly  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension;  but  it 
has  many  Alexandrine  readings. 

165.  The  Codex  Barberinianus  14.  formerly  belonged  to 
Eugenia,  the  daughter  of  John  Pontanus,  by  whom  it 
presented  to  the  Barberini   Library.      It  was  written  by  a 
Roman  monk  in  the  year  1197,  with  the  Latin  version,  Euse- 
bian canons,  and  synaxaria.     It  follows  the  Constantie 
litan  family. 

166.  The  Codex  Barberinianus  115.,  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  contains  Luke  ix.  33. — xxiv.  24.,  and  John.  Itmostl) 
agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  recension,  but  frequently,  also. 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

167.  The  Codex  Barberinianus  208.,  of  the  fourteenth 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  which  follow  the  Constan- 
tinopolitan text. 

168.  The  Codex  Barberinianus  211.,  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  contains  the  four  Gospels,  with  the  commentary  of 
Theophylact.     It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

169.  Hie  Codex  Vallicellianus  13.  133.  belongs  to  the 
library  of  Santa  Maria  in  Vallicella,  a  library  at  Home  he- 
longing  to  the  fathers  of  the  oratory  of  San  Fllippo  Neri :  it 
contains  the  Gospels,  written  in  the  eleventh  century,  with 
prologues,  figures,  and  synaxaria. 

170.  The  Codex  Vallicellianus  C.  61.,  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria.  The  last 
chapters  of  Saint  Luke,  and  many  chapters  of  Saint  John, 
have  been  written  by  a  later  hand.  It  follows  the  Constan- 
tinopolitan family. 

171.  The  Codex  Vallicellianus  C.  73.  contains  the  Gos- 
pels, written  in  the  fourteenth  century.  Its  text  follows  the 
Alexandrine  recension. 

172.  The  Codex  Vallicellianus  F.  90.,  of  the  twelfth 
century,  according  to  Birch  and  Griesbach,  contains  the 
Gospels;  but  Scholz  states  that  it  now  contains  only  the 
Pentateuch,  with  which  the  Gospels  were  formerly  bound. 
It  is  not  know  ,i  where  the  Gospels  are  now  to  be  found. 

173.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1983.  (formerly  S.  Basiln 
22.),  written,  according  to  Scholz,  in  the  thirteenth  century 
for  the  use  of  some  church  in  Asia  .Minor,  contains  the  Gos- 
pels, with  Bynaxaria,  and  the  Eusebian  canons.  It  is  defec- 
tive in  John  xiii.  1 . — xvi.  25.,  and  almost  every  where  agr.i  - 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

171.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  2002.  (formerly  S.  Basil.  41.) 
was  written  in  the  year  1063,  and  contains  the  Gospels.  It 
is  defective  in  Matt.  i.  1. — ii.  1.  and  John  i.  1 — 27.  and  viii. 
47. — xxi.  25. 

175.  The  CodexVaticanus  2020.  (formerly  S.Basil.  119.). 
of  the  twelfth  century,  contains  the  New  Testament,  with 
scholia  on  the  Acts.  It  is  defective  in  Matt.  i.  1. — iv.  17. 
Some  vanous  readings  have  been  added  in  the  margin.  It 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  but  it  frequent!  > 
has  Alexandrine  readings. 

«  The  Codices  Barberiniani  derive  their  name  from  the  library- founded 
in  the  Barberini  Palace  at  Rome,  by  the  ordinal  Francis  Bartenn.  in 
the  seventeenth  century. 


248 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS, 


[Part  I.  Chap.  Ill, 


176.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  2113.  (formerly  S.  Basil. 
152.),  of  the  thirteenth  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  accom- 
modated to  ecclesiastical  use.  It  is  imperfect  in  Matt.  i.  10. 
—x.  IS.  and  John  i.  1—29. 

177.  The  Codex  Vaticanus,  formerly  Basil.  163.,  con- 
tains the  Gospels,  written  in  the  eleventh  century.  It  is 
imperfect  in  John  i.  1 — 29. 

178.  The  Codex  Angelicus  A.  1.  5.,  in  the  library  of  the 
monastery  of  the  Augustinians  at  Rome,  contains  the  Gospels 
with  the  Eusebian  canons,  written  in  the  twelfth  century  :  it 
follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  is  imperfect  in 
John  xxi.  17.  to  the  end. 

179.  The  Codex  Angelicus  A.  4. 11.  contains  the  Gospels, 
with  the  Eusebian  canons,  written  on  vellum,  in  the  twelfth 
century.  Some  leaves  have  been  added,  by  a  later  hand,  on 
paper,  in  which  the  chasms  occurring  [n  it  have  been  sup- 
plied. This  manuscript  is  accommodated  to  ecclesiastical 
use,  and  mostly  follows  the  Alexandrine  recension. 

180.  The  manuscript  in  the  library  of  the  College  of  the 
Propaganda  at  Rome,  formerly  Borgia;  2.,  contains  the  Gos- 
pels, written  in  the  eleventh  century,  to  which  are  added  the 
Acts,   Epistles,  Apocalypse,  and   some   apocryphal   books 

9  which  bear  the  date  of  the  year  1284.     It  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension. 

181.  The  manuscript  belonging  to  Francis  Cardinal  de 
Zelada  contains  the  Gospels,  with  scholia,  written  in  the 
eleventh  century.  Its  text  follows  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension. 

182.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  11.,  of  the  twelfth 
century,  contains  the  Gospels.  The  Constantinopolitan  re- 
cension is  folloAved  by  all  the  Codices  Laurentiani,  No. 
182—198. 

183.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  14.,  of  the  twelfth 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  figures,  Eusebian  canons, 
and  synaxaria. 

184.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  15.,  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  prologues. 

185.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  16.,  written  by  one 
Basilius  in  the  twelfth  century,  contains  the  Gospels  with 
prologues  and  synaxaria. 

186.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  18.,  written  in  the 
twelfth  century  by  Leontius  a  caliigrapher,  contains  the  Gos- 
pels, with  the  Eusebian  canons,  prologues,  and  commen- 
taries. 

187.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  23.,  of  the  twelfth 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  figures  and  paintings. 

188.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  25.,  of  the  eleventh 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria. 

189.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  27.,  of  the  twelfth 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  Acts,  and  Epistles,  with  pro- 
logues and  synaxaria. 

190.  The  "Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  28.,  written  in  the 
month  of  July,  1385,  contains  the  Gospels. 

191.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  29.,  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  prologues. 

192.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  30.,  also  of  the  thir- 
teenth century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  prologues. 

193.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  32.,  written  in  the 
eleventh  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian 
canons  and  figures.     It  has  been  adapted  to  ecclesiastical  use. 

194.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  33.,  of  the  eleventh 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  a  figure  of  St.  John  the 
apostle,  and  with  commentaries. 

195.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  34.,  of  the  eleventh 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  prologues,  commentaries, 
and  synaxaria. 

196.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VIII.  12.,  of  the  twelfth 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  written  in  red  letters,  with  a 
catena  and  figures. 

197.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VIII.  14.,  of  the  eleventh 
century,  contains  the  Epistles  of  St.  James,  and  fragments 
of  the  Gospels  of  St.  Matthew  and  St.  Mark,  with  commen- 
taries. 

198.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  256.,  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons. 

199.  The  Codex  5.,  formerly  belonging  to  the  monks  of 
the  Benedictine  order  of  Santa  Maria,  contains  the  Gos- 
pels, written  in  the  twelfth  century,  with  figures,  Eusebian 
canons,  scholia,  and  iambic  verses.  It  agrees  with  the  ma- 
nuscripts of  the  Constantinopolitan  family.  Dr.  Birch  col- 
lated this  manuscript,  and  also  those  numbered  200 — 202. 
204—208.  211—214. 

200    The  Cc  dex  6.,  fori  \erly  belonging  to  the  same  monks, 


of  the  tenth  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian 
canons,  prologues,  fragments  of  an  oration  against  the  Arians 
by  Gregory  the  Theologian,  and  synaxaria.  It  agrees  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

201.  The  Codex  701.,  formerly  belonging  to  the  friars- 
preachers  of  Saint  Mark,  was  written  in  the°year  1359.  It 
contains  the  New  Testament,  and,  according  to  Dr.  Scholz, 
it  is  undoubtedly  the  same  manuscript  from  which  Wetstein 
quoted  some  various  readings  out  of  Lnmy's  treatise  Be  Eru- 
dilionc  Jipostoloniui,  and  which  he  numbered  107.,  referring 
it  to  the  fourteenth  century. 

202.  The  Codex  705.,  formerly  belonging  to  the  friars- 
preachers  of  Saint  Mark,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  synaxa 
ria,  written  in  the  twelfth  century. 

203.  The  Codex  707.,  formerly  belonging  to  the  friars- 
preachers  of  Saint  Mark,  of  the  fifteen  century,  contains  the 
New  Testament  written  in  modern  Greek.  Dr.  Scholz  state? 
that  lie  does  not  know  where  the  MSS.  Nos.  199 — 203.  are 
at  present  to  be  found. 

204.  The  Codex  Bononiensis  6 10.,  belonging  to  the  canons 
regular,  contains  the  Gospels,  Acts,  and  Epistles,  written  in 
the  eleventh  century. 

205.  The  Codex  Venetus  5.  (in  the  library  of  Saint  Marl- 
at  Venice)  formerly  belonged  to  Cardinal  Bessarion.  It  con- 
tains the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  written  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  and  it  is  allied  to  the  manuscripts  of  the  Alexandrine 
family. 

206.  The  Codex  Venetus  6.,  written  partly  on  vellum  and 
partly  on  paper,  contains  the  whole  of  the  New  Testament, 
written  in  the  fifteenth  century. 

207.  The  Codex  Venetus  8.,  of  the  tenth  century,  con- 
tains the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria.  It  is  imperfect  in  the 
beginning  of  Saint  Matthew. 

208.  The  Codex  Venetianus  9.,  of  the  tenth  century, 
contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons.  Its  text  is 
allied  to  that  of  the  MSS.  of  the  Alexandrine  recension. 

209.  The  Codex  Venetianus  10.,  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
contains  the  New  Testament,  in  the  following  order,  viz.  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles,  Catholic  Epistles,  the  Epistles  of  Saint 
Paul,  Gospels,  and  Apocalypse,  with  prolegomena.  In  the 
Gospels,  the  text  follows  the  Alexandrine  recension ;  and  in 
the  Acts  and  Epistles  it  chiefly  agrees  with  the  Constantino- 
politan family.  This  manuscript  was  collated  throughout  by 
Birch  and  Engelbreth  :  its  readings  will  be  found  in  Dr. 
Schwlz's  third  edition  of  Griesbach  a  Revision  of  the  Greek 
Testament,  and  also  in  Dr.  Scholz's  critical  edition. 

210.  The  Codex  Venetianus  27.,  of  the  tenth  century, 
contains  the  Gospels,  with  a  catena. 

211.  The  Codex  Venetianus  539.,  of  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospels,  with  an  Arabic  version.  There 
are  chasms  in  the  beginning  of  Saint  Matthew  and  Saint  John. 

212.  213.  The  Codices  Venetiani  540.  and  542.,  of  the 
eleventh  century,  contain  the  Gospels. 

214.  The  Codex  Venetianus  543.,  of  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria.  It  appears  to 
agree  with  the  text  of  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

215.  The  Codex  Venetianus  544.,  of  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospels,  with  commentaries  from  the  writ- 
ings of  the  fathers,  to  which  are  prefixed  the  canons  of  Euse- 
bius  and  his  epistle  to  Carpianus.  It  was  collated  on  Matt. 
xxiv.,  Mark  iv.,  Luke  iv.,  and  John  v.  Its  text  for  the  most 
part  agrees  with  that  of  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

216.  The  Codex  Canonici,  brought  from  Corcyra  into  the 
library  of  Saint  Mark  at  Venice,  contains  the  Gospels.  Its 
date  is  not  specified  by  Scholz. 

217.  The  Codex  III.  in  Class  I.  of  Saint  Mark's  library, 
written  in  the  twelfth  or  thirteenth  century,  contains  the  Gos- 
pels, with  the  Eusebian  canons  and  synaxaria.  It  was  col- 
lated for  the  same  portions  of  the  Gospels  as  No.  215.  Its 
text  agrees  partly  with  the  Alexandrine  and  partly  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension. 

218.  The  Codex  CjESAreo-Vindobonensis  23.  (Lambecii 
1.)  was  brought  by  Busbeck  from  Constantinople.  It  was 
written  in  the  thirteenth  century,  and  contains  the  Old  and 
New  Testament.  Birch  examined  this  manuscript  only  in 
those  places  where  manuscripts  usually  depart  from  the  re- 
ceived text.  It  is  imperfect  in  Rev.  xii.  5. — xiv.  8.  XV.  7. — 
xvii.  2.  xviii.  10.— xix.  15.  and  xx.  8.  to  the  end.  Dr.  rI  res- 
chow,  by  whom  this  manuscript  has  been  minutely  described, 
states  that  it  was  written  by  four  different  bands.  From  this 
manuscript  Prof.  x\lter  printed  his  edition  of  the  Greek  Tes 
tament,  which  appeared  at  Vienna  in  1~.5ti-87,  in  two  vols 
8vo.     He  has  deviated  from  it  only  where  the  copyist  hao 


Sect.  II.  $  4.] 


WRITTEN  IN  ORDINARV  GREEK  CHARACTERS. 


committed  manifest  errata,  which  1 1 ^-  lias  corrected  from  Ro- 
bert Stephens's  edition  of  1546.  Tin-  text  of  this  manuscript 
frequently  agrees  with  the  MSS.  of  the  Alexandrine  family, 
but  for  the  most  part  with  those  of  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension. 

219.  The  Codex  CT-sAitKo-ViNnoiifiMN-is  331.  (Lambecii 
32.),  of  the  thirteenth  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with 
prologues.  It  chiefly  agrees  with  the  ('  politan 
recension,  and  was  collated  by  Alter. 

220.  The  CoDEX  CjESABE0-VlND0B0NEN8I6  337.  (Lambecii 

contains  the  <-  ispels,  \\ ritten  in  very  small  characters  i'i 
tin-  fourteenth  century.  Its  text  fur  the  most  pari  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recen  lion.  It  was  also  collated 
by  Alter. 

231.  The  Codex  Cksarko-Vindobonensis  CXVJf. 
(Lambecii  38.)  contains  the  four  Gospels,  written  in  the 
eleventh  century,  with  Chrysostom's  commenmriec  mo  St. 
Matthew  and  St.  John,  with  the  commentary  of  Victor  on  St. 

Mark,  and  of  Titus  of  Nostra  on  St.  Luke.      It  is  defective  in 

Matt.  i.  l — 11.  As  the  transcriber  of  this  manuscript  seems 
rather  to  have  designed  the  writing  of  a  commentary  than  a 
iorreel  text,  it  is  difficult  to  refer  it  to  any  recension,  from  the 
liberty  he  has  taken  of  making  arbitrary  additions  to  or  omis- 

sioilS  in  the  text. 

.  The  Codex  Cjbsaiu^Vindobonensis  (Nessel.  180. 
Lambec.  39.),  of  the  fourteenth  century,  contains  sections  of 
the  Gospels,  with  commentaries.    It  is  imperfect both at tho 

beginning  and  end  ;  and  for  the  most  part  agrees  with  the 
i  mtinopolitan  recension. 

223.  The  Codex  CffiSAREO-VlMDOBONENBlS  301   (Lambec. 

40.),  of  the  fourteenth  century,  contains  fragments  of  the 

Gospels  of  St.  Matthew,  Nt.  Luke,  and  St.  John,  with  a 

catena.     Scholz  states  it  to  be  of  little  value  in  a  critical 

f  view  :  it  was  collated  by  Alter. 

334.  The  Codex  Cjssareus  8.  in  Kollarins's  (  atalogue, 
and  .'50.  in  Forlosia's  Auctarium,  came  from  Naples  to  Vienna. 
It  contains  the  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew,  the  text  of  which 
chiefly  agrees  with  that  of  the  Constantinopolitan  recension  : 
it.  was  collated  by  Alter. 

235.  The  Codex  Cjesareus  9.  of  Kollarius  and  31.  of  For- 
tosia,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria.  It  exhibits  a 
mixed  text,  agreeing  partly  with  the  Constantinopolitan  re- 
cension, and  partly  with  the  Alexandrine  recension.  It  was 
collated  by  Alter,  and  was  written  in  the  year  1192. 

236.  The  Codex  Escurialensis  £  IV.  17.,  of  the  eleventh 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and 
Epistles,  with  figures  :  it  exhibits  a  mixed  text,  and  has  been 
corrected  by  some  one  after  a  copy  of  later  date.  This  and 
the  seven  following  manuscripts"  (227 — 233.)  were  collated 
in  select  passages  by  Dr.  Moldenhawer. 

337.  The  Codex  Escurialensis  £  III.  15.,  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  figures:  some  of  its 
leaves  have  been  misplaced  by  the  bookbinder.  It  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

>.  The  Codex  Escurialensis  %  IV.  12.  contains  the 
Gospels,  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  the  Epistles,  with  the 
Eusebian  canons,  written  in  the  fourteenth  century. 

229.  The  Codex  Escurialensis  ^  IV.  21.,  written  in  the 
year  1110  by  Basilius  ArgyTOpylus,  a  notary:  it  contains  the 
Gospels,  with  a  figure  of  Saint  Mark,  and  is  imperfect  in 
Mark  xvi.  15 — 20.  and  John  i.  1  — 11.  Many  alterations  of 
the  ancient  writing  (which  are  evidently  of  the  fourteenth 
century)  are  written  partly  in  the  text  and  partly  in  the  mar- 
gin; but  nearly  half  the  readings  and  notes  in  tin'  margin 
have  perished  through  the  carelessness  of  the  bookbinder. 
Its  text  agrees  partly  with  the  Alexandrine  and  partly  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

230.  The  Codex  Escorial ensis  o  III.  ">.,  written  in  101  I. 
contains  the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria.  groos  partly 
with  the  Alexandrine  and  partlv  with  the  Constantinopolitan 

ision. 

231.  The  Codex  Escurialensis  <?  III.  6.,  of  the  twelfth 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  scholia,  figures,  and 
synaxaria.    It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

232.  The  Codex  Escurialensis  «  III.  7..  of  the  thirteenth 
centurv,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria.  It  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

233.  The  Codex  Escurialxhsis  «  II.  8.  contains  the  Gos- 
pels, with  a  catena,  written  in  the  twelfth  century.  It  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

234.  The  Codex  Hayniensis  1.  in  the  Royal  library  at 
Copenhagen  was  written  in  1278,  and  contains  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles,  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  the  catholic  Epistles, 

Vol.  I.  2  I 


and  the'  Gospels,  with   synaxaria. 
for  the  most   part  agrees  with   the 
sion. 
235.  The  Codex  Havniensis  2. 


249 

The  text  of  the  Gospels 
Constantinopolitan  recen- 

was  written  in  1314,  and 


contains  the  Gospels  adapted  to  ecclesiastical  use.     It  ap- 
p<  are  elm  fly  t<>  agree  witn  the  Alexandrine  recension. 
23fi.  The  readin 


the 


ngs  of  a  manuscript  which  are  written  in 
margin  of  l>i.  Mill's  edition  of  the  New  TeSl 
uritti  n  partly  by  himself  and  partly  by  Ilearne,  the  editor 
of  the  <  !odex  Laudianus.  It  is  not  known  faun  what  manu- 
Icript  these  readings  were  derived.  Grieshach  has  given  a 
copious  extract  of  their  various  readings  in  bis  Symbolae 
.  vol.  i.  pp.  -J  17 — 301. 

237.  The  (  out  -.  S.  S\M,m  ;  1.  iii  the  library  "f  the  Holy 
Svnoi>  at  Moscow  (d.  of  Matthaei's  notation),  contains  the 
Gospel*  with  scholia  and  figures,  written  in  the  tenth  cen- 
tury. It  agrees  for  tin-  nest  part  h  ith  the  <  Constantinopolitan 
recension. 

238.  The  Codex  S.  Sthodi  48.  (e.  of  Matthaei),  of  the 
eleventh  century,  contains  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  Mark. 
w  ith  commentaries  and  a  catena.  It  agrees  for  the  most  part 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

239.  The  Codex  S.  Synodi  17.  (g.  of  Matthaei)  contains 
Mark  xvi.  2 — 8.,  Luke,  and  John  i.  1. —  <;<i.  -J.'i.,  with  com- 
mentaries.  It  agrees  almost  always  with  the  Constantino- 
politan recension. 

240.  The  Codex  S.  Synodi  49.,  of  the  twelfth  century, 
contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  commentary  of  Euthymius 
Zigabenus.  It  is  defective  in  Mark  viii.  12 — 34.  xiw  17 — 
54.,  and  Luke  xv.  32. — xvi.  8.  It  follows  the  Constantino- 
politan family. 

241.  The  "Codex  Dresdensis  formerly  belonged  to  Mat- 
thaei, who  has  noted  it  by  the  letter  k  in  his  edition  of  the 
New  Testament.  It  is  very  beautifully  and  carefully  written 
in  the  eleventh  century,  and  contains  the  New  Testament, 
with  synaxaria.  It  chiefly  agrees  with  the  Constantinopoli- 
tan recension. 

212.  The  Codex  S.  Synodi  380.  (1.  of  Matthaei),  of  the 
twelfth  century,  contains  the  New  Testament,  with  figures, 
the  Eusebian  canons,  paintings,  and  prologues,  besides 
psalms  and  odes.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recen- 
sion. 

213.  The  Codex  IJibliothecjE  Typograph.  Synodi  13. 
(m.  of  Matthaei),  written  in  the  fourteenth  century,  contains 
the  Gospels  of  St.  Matthew  and  St.  Luke,  with  the  com- 
mentary of  Tbeophylact.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension. 

211.  The  Codex  Bibliothec^e  Typograph.  Synodi  1. 
(n.  of  Matthaei),  contains  the  Gospels,  with  figures,  and  the 
commentaries  of  Euthymius  Zigabenus.  It  follows  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension. 

245.  The  Codex  Synod.  2G5.  (o.  of  Matthaei),  written  in 
1199,  contains  the  Gospels,  and  follows  the  Constantinopo- 
litan recension. 

24G.  The  Codex  Synod.  261.  (p.  of  Matthaei),  of  the 
fourteenth  century,  contains  the  Gospels.  It  is  defective  in 
Matt.  xii.  41. — xiii.  55.,  and  in  John  xyii.  24. — xviii.  20. 
It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  has  some 
various  readings  in  the  margin. 

•J  17.  The  Codex  Synod.  373.  (q.  of  Matthaei),  of  the 
twelfth  centurv.  contains  the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria.  It 
follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

248.  The  Codex  Synod.  264.  (r.  of  Matthaei),  written  in 
127").  contains  the  Gospels,  and  for  the  most  part  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

219.  The  Codex  Synod.  94.  (s.  of  Matthaei),  written  in 
the  eleventh  century,  contains  the  Gospel  of  St.  John,  with 
a  catena.     It  agr<  es  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

250.  The  Codex  Synod,  (not  numbered),  preserved  in  a 
small  wooden  box  (v.  of  Matthaei),  contains  John  vii.  39.  to 
the  end  of  that  Gospel,  written  in  cursive  Greek  characters 
in  the  thirteenth  century. 

251.  The  Codex  BibliotheCjE  Tabularii  Moscuensis 
(x.  of  Matthaei).  of  the  eleventh  century,  contains  the  Gos- 
pels with  the  Eusebian  canons  and  figures:  it  contains  a 
mixed  text,  from  hoth  families  of  manuscripts. 

252.  The  Codex  Dresdensis  formerly  belonged  to  Mat- 
thaei, who  has  noted  it  with  the  letter  z.  :"it  is  ofthe  eleventh 
century,  and  contains  the  Gospels.  This  manuscript  has 
corrections  and  double  readings,  which  have  been  added  by 
the  same  hand  from  another  manuscript.  Its  text,  for  the 
most  part,  agrees  with  that  of  the  Constantinopolitan  recen 
sion. 


250 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS, 


[Paiit  I.  Chap.  Ill 


253.  The  Codex  of  Nicephorus,  Archbishop  of  Cherson 
(10.  of  Matthaei),  of  the  eleventh  century,  contains  the  Gos- 
pels, with  scholia.  It  has  many  readings  in  common  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  family,  but  more  which  agree  with 
the  Alexandrine  recension. 

254.  The  Codex  Matthaeii  of  the  eleventh  century  (11. 
of  Matthaei),  contains  the  Gospels  of  Saint  Luke  and  Saint 
John  with  figures  and  scholia.  Its  text  for  the  most  part 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

255.  The  Codex  Synod.  139.  (12.  of  Matthaei),  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  contains  commentaries  extracted  from 
Chrysostom  and  others  on  the  Gospels,  with  fragments  of 
the  sacred  text,  which  for  the  most  part  follows  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan family. 

256.  The  Codex  Bibliothec^e  Typograph.  3.  (14.  of 
Matthaei\  of  the  ninth  century,  contains  scholia  on  Mark 
and  Luke,  together  with  fragments  of  the  sacred  text,  which 
for  the  most  part  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recen- 
sion. »•»•■,.» 

257.  The  Codex  Biblioth.  Synod.  120.  (15.  of  Matthaei) 
contains  fragments  of  John  i.  and  xx.,  written  in  capital 
letters  in  the  eighth  century,  with  scholia.  Its  text  mostly 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

°258.  The  Codex  Dresdensis  (17.  of  Matthaei),  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  contains  the  Gospels  incorrectly  written 
by  an  illiterate  scribe,  together  with  figures.  It  agrees  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

259.  The  Codex  S.  Synodi  45.  (a.  of  Matthaei)  contains 
the  Gospels  written  in  the  eleventh  century,  with  synaxaria, 
the  Eusebian  canons,  and  commentaries.  Its  text  for  the 
most  part  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  family. 

The  preceding  manuscripts,  Nos.  236—259.,  were  collated 
and  described  by  Matthaei.  Dr.  Scholz,  however,  has  omit- 
ted those  which  he  has  marked  a,  0,  y,  #,  i,  £  i,  9-',  *.',  p!, 
*■',  g',  p',  1.  2.  3.  4.  5.  6.  7.  8.  and  9.,  because  they  appear  to 
contain  only  some  works  of  Chrysostom. 

iii.  Manuscripts  containing  the  JVew  Testament  and  the 
Gospels,  -which,  for  the  first  time,  were  collated  by  Dr. 
Scholz. 

260.  The  Codex  Regius  51.  formerly  2243.  (in  the  royal 
library  at  Paris),1  contains  the  four  Gospels,  with  figures, 
correctly  written  in  the  twelfth  century.  It  follows  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension.  The  greater  part  of  this 
manuscript  was  collated. 

261.  The  Codex  Regius  52.  is  written  on  vellum  in  the 
twelfth  century;  but  the  beginning,  comprising  Matt.  i.  1 — . 
11.,  has  been  supplied  on  paper  by  some  one  in  the  four- 
teenth century.  It  contains  the  Gospels  adapted  to  ecclesi- 
astical use.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family, 
and  is  imperfect  from  Luke  xxiv.  39.  to  the  end  of  that 
Gospel.  It  was  collated  by  Scholz  on  Matt.  xi. — xiii., 
Mark  v. — vii.,  Luke  i. — v.,  and  John  v. — viii. 

262.  The  Codex  Regius  53.,  of  the  tenth  century,  con- 
tains the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria  and  the  Eusebian  canons. 
It  chiefly  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and 
was  collated  throughout. 

263.  The  Codex  Regius  61.,  formerly  2251.  and  also 
2864  ,  was  written  in  the  twelfth  century,  and  probably  in 
Asia  Minor.  It  contains  the  Gospels,  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
and  the  Epistles,  with  figures.  It  has  only  the  beginning 
of  the  Eusebian  canons,  but  the  numbers  of  the  Ammonian 
sections  are  written  in  the  margin.  In  the  Gospels  this 
manuscript  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  It 
was  collated  on  Matt.  viii. — xiv.,  Mark  i. — iv.,  and  John 
ii. — v. 

264.  The  Codex  Regius  65.  (formerly  2862.)  was  written 
in  the  thirteenth  century,  and  (it  should  seem  from  the  form 
of  the  letters)  in  Egypt.  It  contains  the  Gospels,  and  was 
collated  by  Scholz  on  Matt,  xviii. — xxiv.  Mark  iii. — v.  and 
John  iv. — viii. ;  in  other  passages  he  only  cursorily  examined 
this  manuscript,  the  text  of  which  is  mixed. 

265.  The  Codex  Regius  66.  (formerly  2858.),  of  the  tenth 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  the  text  of  which  is  composed 
of  the  Constantinopolitan  and  Alexandrine  families.  The 
following  portions  were  collated  ;  viz.  the  whole  Gospel  of 
St.  Matthew,  Mark  i. — v.,  Luke  xxii. — xxiv.,  and  John  v. 
viii.     The  remainder  was  cursorily  examined. 

266.  The  Codex  Regius  67.  (formerly  877.  and  2863.), 
of  the  tenth  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria ; 

>  The  Codices  Regii,  in  the  royal  library  at  Talis,  are  copiously  de- 
scribed by  Scholz  in  his  Biblische  Kritische  Reese,  pp.  1— 13. 


it  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  It  was  collated 
on  Matt.  i. — xi.,  Mark  ii. — v.,  and  John  v. — ix.  The  re- 
mainder was  cursorily  examined. 

267.  The  Codex  Regius  69.  (formerly  3012.,  Colbertinus 
4631.)  contains  the  Gospels,  written  in  the  tenth  century, 
and  adapted  to  ecclesiastical  use.  It  is  imperfect  in  Matt, 
i.  1 — 8.,  Mark  i.  1 — 7.,  Luke  i.  1 — 8.  xxiv.  50.,  and  John 
i.  12.  .  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and  was 
collated  on  Matt.  ii. — x.  and  John  vii.  viii.  The  remainder 
was  cursorily  examined. 

268.  The  Codex  Regius  73.  (formerly  53 la.,  afterwards 
2859.),  of  the  twelfth  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with 
the  Eusebian  canons,  synaxaria,  and  figures.  It  was  collated 
on  Matt,  xxvi.,  Mark  i. — iv.,  and  John  iv. — viii.,  and  it  fol 
lows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

269.  The  Codex  Regius  74.  (formerly  171.,  and  after- 
wards 1042.  and  2858.),  of  the  eleventh  century,  contains 
the  Gospels,  with  pictures.  The  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew 
was  collated,  and  also  Mark  i. — iv.  It  follows  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension. 

270.  The  Codex  Regius  75.  (formerly  2868.),  of  the 
eleventh  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria.  It 
chiefly  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  but  it  also 
has  many  Egyptian  readings.  Most  of  this  manuscript  was 
collated  by  Scholz. 

271.  The  Codex  Regius  75\,  of  the  twelfth  century,  con- 
tains the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons  and  figures. 
In  Matthew,  Luke,  and  John,  it  almost  entirely  follows  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension ;  but  in  Mark  it  has  a  mixed 
text.     The  chief  part  of  this  manuscript  was  collated. 

272.  The  Codex  Regius  76.  (formerly  2865.)  contains 
the  Gospels,  written  in  the  eleventh  century.  It  follows  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated  on  Matt.  vi. 
— xi.,  Mark  i. — iii.,  John  v. — viii.  The  remainder  was 
cursorily  examined. 

273.  The  Codex  Regius  79.  (formerly  4480.,  Colbertinus 
3012.)  was  written,  partly  on  vellum  in  the  twelfth,  and 
partly  on  cotton  paper  in  the  fourteenth  century.  It  contains 
the  Gospels,  with  an  epitome  of  the  evangelical  annals,  a 
scholium  on  Luke  vi.,  the  Eusebian  canons,  the  commenta- 
ries of  Severianus  on  Luke  vii.  37.,  a  table  of  the  parables 
contained  in  the  Gospels,  and  a  fragment  of  a  synaxarion. 
The  text  chiefly  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension, 
but  it  has  some  Alexandrine  readings.  This  manuscipt  was 
collated  in  select  passages. 

274.  The  Codex  Regius  79a.,  very  elegantly  and  correctly 
written  on  vellum  in  the  tenth  century,  contains  the  Gospels, 
with  figures,  synaxaria,  and  the  Eusebian  canons.  It  is 
imperfect  in  Mark  i.  1—17.,  John  i.  1^20.,  Mark  vi.  21—54. 
and  John  iii.  18.— iv.  1.,  vii.  23—42.,  ix.  10—27.,  and 
xviii.  12 — 29.,  which  passages  have  been  supplied  on  paper 
by  a  later  hand.  It  mostly  agrees  with  the  Constantinopo- 
litan family. 

275.  The  Codex  Regius  80.  (formerly  538,  and  22423.) 
contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons,  prologues, 
and  a  portion  of  a  synaxarion,  written  in  the  eleventh  century. 
Scholz  collated  it  for  the  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew,  and  on  Mark 
i.  ii.  and  John  iii. — viii.  The  remainder  was  cursorily  ex- 
amined: it  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

276.  The  Codex  Regius  81.,  of  the  eleventh  century, 
contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons  and  figures, 
and  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family.  It  was  col- 
lated for  the  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew,  and  on  Mark  i.— vi., 
Luke  iv.  and  xxii.,  and  John  v.  and  viii. 

277.  The  Codex  Regius  81.  A.,  of  the  eleventh  century, 
contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons  and  figures. 
Some  passages,  which  had  been  omitted,  have  been  supplied 
by  a  later  hand.  Its  text  mostly  follows  the  Constantino- 
politan recension.  The  chief  part  of  this  manuscript  was 
collated  by  Scholz. 

278.  The  Codex  Regius  82.  (formerly  3012.)  contains 
the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons,  figures,  and  synax 
aria,  written  in  the  twelfth  century.  From  some  Armenian 
inscriptions,  Dr.  Scholz  conjectures  that  it  was  original) y 
executed  in  Asia  Minor,  whence  it  migrated  to  an  Armenian 
monastery.  Matt.  xiii.  43.— xvii.  5.  have  been  supplied  by 
a  later  hand.  Its  text  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  fami 
ly:  it  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

279.  The  Codex  Regius  86.  (formerly  2860.,  Colbertinus 
6051.)  was  presented  to  Louis  XIV.  in  the  year  1686,  by 
Joseph  Georgirene,  Archbishop  of  Samos.  It  was  written  in 
the  twelfth  century,  and  contains  the  H^pels,  with  the  Eu 
sebian  canons,  synaxaria,  and  figures.     It  follows  the  Con 


8w!T.  II.  §  4. 


WRITTEN  IN  ORDINARY  GREEK  CHARACTERS 


252 


stantinopolitnn  recension,  and  was  collated  in  select  pas- 
sages. 

280.  The  Codex  Regius  87.,  of  the  twelfth  century,  con- 
tains the  Gospels,  with  a  portion  of  a  synaxarion,  and  pro- 
.ogues.  It  is  imperfect  in  Mark  viii.  3. — xv.  36.;  and  was 
collated  on  Matt.  vi. — xii..  Mark  i. — v.,  Luke  iv.  v.,  and 
John  iv. — viii.     It  follows  1 1n-  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

281.  The  Codex  Regius  88.  (formerly  2860.,  Colbertinua 
47660  contains  the  Gospels,  written  in  the  twelfth  century, 

with  figures  and  the  Kusehian  eanons.      It    follov 

stantinopolitan  family.  This  manuscript  is  imperfeel  in 
.Matt,  xxviii.  LI.  to  the  end,  and  Luke  i.  I. — ix.  It  was  col- 
lated on  Matt.  vii. — \.,  Mark  i. — v.,  and  John  vi. — viii. 

282.  Tim  Codex  Regius  90.  (formerly 2860. »,  ColbertiDun 
60450,  written  in  the  year  1 176,  contains  the  Gospels,  which 
forthemosl  part  agree  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 
It  was  collated  in  si  led  passages. 

3.  The  Codex  Regius  98.  (formerly  p01^-'  Colbertinus 
■171 1.),  of  the  fourteenth  centory,  contains  the  Gospels.  Tin; 
text  follows  the  <  Constantinopolitan  family.     This  manuscript 

was  collated  in  select  passa 

284.  Tin-  (  Iodex  Regius  93.  (formerly  9869*0,  of  the  thir- 
teenth century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebiain 
canons,  figures,  and  synaxaria.  The  chief  part  of  this  manu- 
script  was  collated.     Itfollows  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

985.  The  Codex  Regius95.  (formerly  2835 3.),  written  in 
the  fourteenth  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  figures, 
and  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  family.  The  greater 
part  of  it  was  collated. 

986.  The  Codex  Regius  96.  (formerly  3011  ■■  b-,  Colberti- 
nus 155b.),  written  in  the  year  1432,  contains  the  Gospel:?, 
with  the  paschal  canon  from  1432  to  1502.  It  follows  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated  in  select  pau- 

287.  The  Codex  Regius  98.  (formerly  2 ®61.,  Colbertinus 
1-916.),  contains  the  Gospels,  written  in  the  fifteenth  century. 
It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and  was  col- 

I  in  select  passages. 

288.  The  Codex  Regius  99.  (formerly  2861  3 .,  Colbertinus 
4885.)  contains  Saint  Luke's  Gospel,  written  in  the  sixteenth 
century.     It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and 

ollated  in  select  passages. 

989.  The  Codex  Regius  100.  A.,  dated  February  15, 1625, 
by  one  Luke,  who  calls  himself  a^Surnv,  a  chief  priest, 
[archbishop  11,  contains  the  Gospels,  which  agree  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  family.  It  was  collated  in  select  pas- 
s  ages. 

990.  The  Codex  Regius  108a,  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
contains  the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria.  It  was  collated  in 
select  passages,  and  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

991.  The  Codex  Regius  113.  (formerly  28G8».,  Colberti- 
nns  0162.),  of  the  twelfth  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with 
synaxaria.     It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and 

ollated  in  select  passages. 

992.  The  Codex  Regius  114.,  of  the  eleventh  century, 
ins  the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria  and  figures.     It  is  im- 
perfect in  Matt.  l.  1. — vii.  14.,  and  in  John  xix.  11.  to  the 
end.     It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was 
collated  in  select  passages. 

993.  The  Codex  Regius  117.,  written  in  November,  1373, 
contains  the  Gospels,  with   figures  and   synaxaria;    and   fol- 

the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  It  was  collated  on 
Matt.  v. — x.,  Mark  ii. — vi.,  Luke  ii.,  and  John  v. — viii. 

99  1.  The  Codex  Regius  118.  (formerly  Colbertinus  6609.), 
of  tin-  thirteenth  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  figures. 
It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  is  imperfect 
in  Matt.  i.  18.  to  xii.  25.  This  manuscript  was  presented  to 
Louis  XIV.  by  Joseph  Georgirene,  Archbishop  of  Samoa. 
It  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

995.  The  Codex  Regius  190.  (formerly  3426.),  of  the  thir- 
t  -.  i  nth  century,  contains  the  Gospels:  it  agrees  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension,  and  is  imperfect  in  Matt.  i.  1. — xi. 
It  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

296.  The  Codex  Regius  123.,  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
contains  the  Gospels.  It  agrees  with  the  Constant.nopolitan 
recension,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

2!'7.  The  Codex  Regius  140.  a.,  of  the  twelfth  century, 
contains  the  Gospels,  with  figures  and  synaxaria.  It  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and  was  collated  in 
select  passages. 

298.  The  Codex  Regius  175=*.,  formerly  belonged  to  the 
public  library  of  the  Jesuits  at  Lyons.  It  was  written  in  the 
twelfth  century,  and  contains  the  Gosoels,  with  figure  and 


synaxaria.  It  agrees  with  the  Consta,  tinopolitan  recension, 
and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

999.  The  Codex  Regius  177.  (formerly  22 12.)  was  written 
in  the  eleventh  century,  and  Dr.  Scholz  conjectures,  from 
some  scholia,  by  a  follower  of  Theodore  of  Mopsueste.  It 
contains  the  Cospels,  with  prologues,  the  Eusebian  canons, 
and  fragments  of  various  writers,  concerning 
some  particular  pa  The  text  for  the  most  part  agrees 

with  the  Constantinopolitan  family;  but  in  the  Gospels  of 
Saint   Mark  and  Saint   Luke  there  are  many  peculiar  read- 
is  well  as  readings  which  commonly  occur  in  manu- 
scripts of  the   Alexandrine  recension.     The  whole  of  this 

-i-ri|)t  was  collated. 

300.  The  CODEX  Regius  186.  (formerly  750.,  also  1882.), 
of  the  eleventh  century,  contains  the  Cospels  of  Matthew, 
Mark,  and  I. uke,  collated  with  ancient  copies  from  Jerusalem, 
deposited  on  tin-  holy  mountain  [Athoy  !]  ;  together  with  the 
Busebian   canons,    synaxaria,   a  eaten-.,  additional   observa 

tions  on  some  select  passages,  and  Theophylact's  commenta- 
ries written  in  the  outer  margin  by  a  later  hand.  The  text 
follows  both  the  Alexandrine  and  the  Constantinopolitan  re- 
censions. It  has  a  few  peculiar  readings.  The  whole  of 
this  manuscript  was  collated. 

301.  The  Codex  Regius  187.  (formerly  537.  also  I879.)i 
of  the  eleventh  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  a  catena 
from  the  writings  of  the  fathers.  It  for  the  most  pari  follows 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  but  it  also  has  not  a  few 
readings  peculiar  to  the  Alexandrine  family.  This  manu- 
script was  collated  throughout. 

302.  The  Codex  Regius  193.  (formerly  1893.),  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  contains  a  fragment  of  Saint  Matthew  and 
Saint  Luke,  with  a  commentary.  It  follows  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan recension,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

303.  The  Codex  Regius  194.  A.  contains  John  i. — iv., 
of  the  eleventh  century,  with  Theophylact's  commentary  on 
the  Gospels,  and  iambic  verses  on  Matthew  and  Mark,  writ- 
ten on  cotton  paper  in  1255.  The  text  follows  the  Constan- 
tinopolitan recension.  Select  passages  of  this  manuscript 
were  collated. 

{of  the  thirteenth  century, 
contain  the  Gospels  of 
Matthew  and  Mark  with 
a  catena.  Uoth  follow 
the  Constantinopolitan  re- 
cension,  and  were  collated! 
in  select  passages. 

306.  The  Codex  Regius  197.,  of  the  tenth  century,  eon- 
tains  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  John,  with  the  commen- 
taries of  Theophylact.  The  text  is  allied  to  that  of  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension. 

307.  The  Codex  Regius  199.,  of  the  eleventh  century, 
contains  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  John,  with  a  com- 
mentary. It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and 
was  collated  in  select  passages. 

308.  The  Codex  Regius  200.,  of  the  twelfth  century, 
contains  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  John,  with  a  com- 
mentary. It  is  imperfect,  follows  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

309.  The  Codex  Regius  201.,  of  the  twelfth  century, 
contains  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  John,  with  the  com- 
mentary of  Chrysostom;  of  Luke,  with  that  of  Titus  of 
Bostra;  and  of  Mark,  with  that  of  Victor.  It  follows  the 
Constantinopolitan  family,  and  was  collated  in  select  pas- 
sages. 

310.  The  Codex  Regius  202.,  of  the  eleventh  century, 
contains  Matthew,  with  a  catena:  it  agrees  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages, 

311.  The  Codex  Regius  203.,  of  the  twelfth  century, 
also  contains  Matthew,  with  a  catena;  it  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated  in  select 
passages. 

319.  The  Codex  Regius  206.,  written  in  1308,  contains 
Mark,  with  the  commentary  of  Victor.  It  belongs  to  the 
Constantinopolitan  family,  and  was  collated  in  select  pas- 
sages. 

313.  The  Codex  Regius  203.  (formerly  2440.),  of  the 
fourteenth  century,  contains  Luke,  with  a  catena,  which  is 
different  from  that  published  by  Corderius.  It  is  imperfect; 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  col- 
lated in  select  passages. 

314.  The  Codex  Regius  209.  (formerly  247.  and  2441.). 
of  the  twelfth  century,  contains  the  Gospel  of  John,  with 
a  commentary.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  fa 
mily,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 


252 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS, 


fPAirr  I.  Chap.  IH 


315.  The  Codex  Regius  210.  (formerly  '2442s.,  Colberti- 
nus  608.),  of  the  thirteenth  century,  contains  the  Gospel  of 
St.  John,  with  a  commentary  by  an  unknown  author.  It  is 
imperfect  in  xiv.  25. — xv.  16.  xxi.  22 — 25.;  agrees  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and  was  collated  in  select 
passages. 

316.  The  Codex  Regius  211.,  which  was  brought  from 
Constantinople,  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recen- 
sion. It  was  written  in  the  twelfth  century,  and  contains 
the  Gospels  of  Luke,  and  John,  with  commentaries.  This 
manuscript  is  imperfect,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

317.  The  Codex  Regius  (formerly  Medicaeus  1887.),  of 
the  twelfth  century,  contains  John  x.  9. — xxi.  25.,  with  a 
catena  differing  from  that  published  by  Corderius.  It  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated  in 
select  passages. 

318.  The  Codex  Regius  213.,  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
contains  John  vii.  1. — xxi.  25.,  with  a  commentary.  It  fol- 
lows the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated  in 
select  passages. 

319.  The  Codex  Regius  231.,  of  the  twelfth  century, 
contains  the  Gospels,  with  a  commentary.  It  is  imperfect, 
and  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  This 
manuscript  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

320.  The  Codex  Regius  232.,  of  the  eleventh  century, 
contains  the  Gospel  of  Luke,  with  a  commentary.  It  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated  in 
select  passages. 

321.  The  Codex  Regius  303.,  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
contains  the  Gospels.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

322.  The  Codex  Regius  315.,  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
contains  the  Gospels.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan 
family,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

323.  The  Codex  Regius  118a.,  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
contains  Matt.  vi.  vii.  and  also  the  tales  of  Ralila  and  Dimna 
translated  from  the  Arabic  into  Greek.  The  text  of  St. 
Matthew  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

324.  The  Codex  Regius  376.  (formerly  Mazarinianus), 
of  the  thirteenth  century,  on  vellum,  contains  readings  from 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  and  the  Pauline  Epistles,  sections 
from  the  Gospels  narrating  the  passion  of  our  Lord  ;  and 
the  Eusebian  canons,  Gospels,  synaxaria  (on  cotton  paper), 
#nd  a  catalogue  of  emperors  from  Constantine  to  Manuel 
Torphyrogennetus.  In  the  Gospels  the-4ext  almost  always 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  The  chief 
part  of  this  manuscript  was  collated. 

325.  The  Codex  Regius  377.  (formerly  3011.),  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  contains  the  Gospels.  The  text  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  It  was  collated  in 
select  passages. 

326.  The  Codex  Regius  378.,  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
contains  an  exposition,  in  the  form  of  homilies,  on  one  or 
more  verses  or  some  sections  of  the  Gospels.  The  text 
almost  every  where  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  re- 
cension.    It  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

327.  The  Codex  Regius  380.,  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
contains  the  Gospels.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
family,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

328.  The  Codex  Regius  381.,  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
contains  the  Gospels,  with  a  commentary.  It  agrees  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated  in  select 
passages. 

329.  The  Codex  Coislinianus  19.  (formerly  46.),  con- 
tains the  Gospels,  with  a  commentary.  It  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated  in  select 
passages. 

330.  The  Codex  Coislinianus  196.,  of  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospels,  Acts,  and  Epistles,  with  the 
Eusebian  canons  and  prologues.  It  agrees  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan family,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

331.  The  Codex  Coislinianus  331.  (formerly  41.)  o?  the 
tenth  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria.  It 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  col- 
lated in  select  passages. 

332.  The  Codex  Taurinensis  XX.  b.  IV.  20.,  of  the 
eleventh  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  a  commentary, 
figures,  and  prologues.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopoli- 
tan family,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

333.  The  Codex  Taurinensis  IV.  h.  4.,1  formerly  be- 


i  The  manuscripts  in  the  royal  library  at  Turin  (Nos.  332—3-12.)  are  ilt-scri-        a  The  manuscripts  in  the  Ambrosian  library  «#fl  described  at  length  bj 
bedat  length  by  Joseph  Pasini,  inhis  Catalogus  Bibliotheca.  Tauruu  nsia.    Dr.  Scholz  in  bis  Bihlisch-Kritische  Reise,  p(..  /U-01. 


longed  to  Arsenius,  archbishop  of  Monembasia.  and  after- 
wards to  Gabriel,  metropolitan  of  Philadelphia.  It  was 
written  in  the  thirteenth  century,  and  contains  Matthew  and 
John,  with  the  same  catena  of  Nici  tas,  \  hich  vvas  published 
by  Cordier  and  Poussines.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantino- 
politan family,  and  was  collated  in  select  p; 

334.  The  Codex  Taurinensis  13.  b.  A'.  23."of  the  four- 
teenth century,  contains  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  Mark, 
with  prologues,  and  a  commentary.  It  follow  sthe  <  'onstan- 
tinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated  in  si  jes. 

335.  The  Codex  Taurinensis  11.  b.  V.  24.,  of  the  six- 
teenth century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  prologues.  It 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and  was  col 
lated  in  select  passages. 

336.  The  Codex  Taurinensis  101.  c.  IV.  17.,  of  the  six 
teenth  century,  contains  Luke,  Avith  a  catena.  It  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and  was  collated  in 
select  passages. 

337.  The  Codex  Taurinensis  52,  b.  V.  32.,  of  the  twelfth 
century,  contains  portions  of  St.  Matthew's  Gospel,  with  a 
commentary.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family, 
and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

338.  The  Codex  Taurinensis  335.  b.  I.  3.,  of  the  twelfth 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons 
and  figures.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  but 
has  some  Alexandrine  readings.  It  was  collated  in  select 
passages. 

339.  The  Codex  Taurinensis  302.  c.  II.  5.,  of  the  thir- 
teenth century,  contains  the  Gospels,  Acts,  and  Epistle6, 
with  prologues,  the  Eusebian  canons,  synaxaria,  ana  other 
pieces.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and 
was  collated  in  select  passages. 

340.  The  Codex  Taurinensis  344.  b.  I.  13.,  of  the 
eleventh  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  many  passages  of 
which  have  been  corrected  by  a  later  hand.  This  manu- 
script agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and 
was  collated  in  select  passages. 

341.  The  Codex  Taurinensis  350.  b.  I.  21.  was  written 
in  the  year  1296,  and  contains  the  Gospels',  with  a  synaxa- 
rium.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and  was 
collated  in  select  passages. 

342.  The  Codex  Taurinensis  149.  b.  II.  3.,  of  the  thir- 
teenth century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian 
canons;  it  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and 
was  collated  in  select-  passages. 

343.  The  Codex  Ambrosianus  13.  (in  the  Ambrosian 
library  at  Milan,)2  of  the  twelfth  century,  contains  the  Gos- 
pels, with  the  Eusebian  canons  and  figures,  adapted  to 
ecclesiastical  use.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
family,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

344.  The  Codex  Ambrosianus  16.  contains  the  Gospels, 
with  synaxaria  on  vellum,  written  in  the  twelfth  century. 
Luke  xiii.  21.— xvi.  23.  xxii.  12—23.  xxi.  12.  and  xxiii.  45 
— 50.  have  been  written  on  paper,  in  the  fourteenth  century. 
It  is  imperfect  in  John  xxi.  12.  to  the  end.  This  manuscript 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension  ;  the  latter  part, 
in  particular,  with  the  textus  receptus.  It  was  collated  in 
select  passages. 

345.  The  Codex  Ambrosianus  17.,  of  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria.  It  is  imperfect 
in  Matt.  i.  1 — 11.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

346.  The  Codex  Ambrosianus  23.,  an  incorrectly  written 
manuscript  of  the  twelfth  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  the 
text  of  which  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  family.  It  is 
imperfect  in  John  iii.  6. — vii.  52.  The  entire  manuscript 
was  collated. 

347.  The  Codex  Ambrosianus  35.,  of  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury, correctly  written  by  Constantinus  Chrysographus, 
contains  the  Gospels,  with  prologues,  fitted  to  ecclesiastical 
use.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and 
was  collated  in  select  passages. 

348.  The  Codex  Ambrosianus  B.  56.,  written  in  1023, 
contains  the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria,  and  the  Eusebian 
canons.  It  agrees  very  often  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

349.  The  Codex  Ambrosianus  61.,  written  in  1322,  con- 
tains the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria,  and  the  Eusebian  canons 
It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated 
in  select  passages. 


8tcr.  II.  4  4.] 


WRITTEN  IN  ORDINARY  GREEK  CHARACTERS. 


253 


350.  The  Codex  Ambrosianus  B.  62.  contains  the  Gos- 
pels, with  figures  and  synaxaria,  written  on  vellum  in  the 
eleventh  century.  The  first  four  leaves  are  written  on  paper 
in  the  sixteenth  century.  It  is  imperfect  in  John  xxi.  9. 
to  the  end.  It  follows  the  Alexandrine  recension,  hut  often 
agrees  with  the  Constaiitinopolitau  family.  It  was  collated 
in  select  passages. 

851.  Ihe  Codex  Ambbosiutus  7').  is  of  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury, Latin  words,  written  in  the  fifteenth  century,  are 
occasionally  interspersed  among  the  Greek  text.    It  mostly 

agrees  with  the  received  text,  but  it  also  lias  many  peculiar 
readings.     It  was  collated  in  select 

352.  The  Codex  AjraaosiAinis  15.  93.,  brought  from 
Calabria  in  1607,  contains  the  Gospels,  written  in  the  twelfth 
century.  It  is  imperfect  in  Matt,  i.  I — 17.  Mark  i.  1 — 15. 
xvi.  13.  to  the  end,  Luke  i.  1—7.  xxiv.  43.  to  the  end,  and 
John  i.  1 — 10.  and  xxi.  3.  to  the  end.  The  faded  letters 
have  been  restored  by  a  later  hand.  Indices  of  lessons, 
written  in  the  fourteenth  century,  have  been  added  in  the 
margin.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension, 
ind  has  been  collated  in  select  passages. 

353.  The  Codex  Ambrosianus  M.  93.  of  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  same  commentary  as 
No.  181.  It  is  imperfect  in  John  xxi.  24,  25.,  and  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  The  greater  part  of 
this  manuscript  was  collated. 

351.  The  Codex  Venetus  29.  contains  the  Gospel  of 
Matthew  with  Thcophylact's  Commentary,  written  in  the 
eleventh  century.  It  was  collated  on  Matthew  xxiv.,  and 
for  the  most  part  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  codices. 

355.  The  Codex  Venetus  541.,  of  the  eleventh  century, 
contains  the  Gospels,  preceded  by  the  Eusebian  canons  and 
the  Epistle  to  Carpianus.  It  was  collated  for  Matt,  xxiv., 
Mark  iv.,  Luke  iv.,  and  John  v.  It  almost  always  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

356.  The  Codex  Venetus  545.  contains  a  catena  on  St. 
Luke's  Gospel,  written  in  the  sixteenth  century,  ascribed  to 
Titus  of  Bostra  ;  but  the  text  of  Luke  is  rarely  cited. 

357.  The  Codex  Venetus  28.  contains  Luke  and  John, 
with  a  catena,  written  in  the  eleventh  century.  Dr.  Scholz 
has  given  readings  from  it  on  Luke  i.  and  John  v.  Its  text 
agrees  with  that  of  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

358.  The  Codex  Mutinensis  9.  (II.  A.  9.),  of  the  four- 
teenth century,  contains  the  Gospels.  It  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  family,  and  was  collated  in  Matt,  vi., 
Mark  iv.  v.  x.,  Luke  v.,  and  John  v.  vii.  viii. 

359.  The  Codex  Mutinensis  242.  (MS.  III.  B.  16.),  of 
the  fourteenth  century,  contains  the  Gospels.  It  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and  was  collated  on  the 
same  chapters  as  No.  358. 

360.  The  Codex  Parmensis  (formerly  De  Rossi  1.),  in 
the  library  of  the  Duke  of  Parma,  contains  the  Gospels, 
written  in  the  eleventh  century.  It  agrees  chiefly  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  family,  but  it  has  numerous  Alexandrine 
readings.  This  and  the  following  manuscript  were  collated 
by  De  Rossi  and  Scholz. 

361.  The  Codex  Parmensis  (formerly  De  Rossi  2.),  of 
the  thirteenth  century,  contains  the  Gospels.  It  agrees  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  family,  but  it  has  numerous  Alex- 
andrine readings. 

362.  The  Codex  Florentinus,  in  the  library  of  Santa 
Maria  at  Florence,  contains  the  Gospel  of  Saint  Luke,  with 
a  catena,  of  the  thirteenth  century.  This  manuscript  is  cited 
by  Lamy,  in  his  treatise  Be  Eruditions  Jfpostolorum.  p.  239. 
Dr.  Scholz  does  not  know  where  it  now  is  deposited. 

363.  The  Codex  Florentinus  Laurentiams  VI.  13. 
contains  the  Gospels,  Acts,  and  Epistles,  written  in  the 
thirteenth  century.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  family, 
and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

364.  The  Codex  Laurentiams  VI.  •_' I..  Dr.  Scholz  con- 
lectures,  from  the  form  of  the  letters,  was  written  in  Scla- 
vonia  in  the  thirteenth  century.  A  few  leaves  have  been 
added  at  the  beginning  and  end,  which  were  written  in  the 
fourteenth  century.  It  contains  the  Gospels,  and  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  family.  This  manuscript  was 
collated  in  select  passages. 

365.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  36.,  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  Acts,  Epistles,  and  Psalms. 
It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and  was  col- 
lated in  select  passages. 

366.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  2607.  (formerly  belong- 
ing to  the  library  of  Santa  Maria)  contains  the  Gospel  of 
Saint  Matthew,  with  a  catena.     It  is  imperfect  in  the  begin- 


ning: occasionally,  annotations  are  written  in  the   margin 
by  a  later  hand. 

367.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  2708.  (also  formerly  be- 
longing to  the  same  monastery),  written  in  1332,  contains 
tin'  New  Testament,  with  prologues  and  synaxaria.  It  fol- 
lows the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated  in 
select  passages. 

368.  The  Codex  Richabdunus  81.,  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospel  of  Saint  John,  the  Apocalypse, 
and  Epistles,  together  with  Plato's  Epistle  to  Dionysius 
incorrectly  written.  The  text  of  St.  John's  Gospel  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  MSS.  It  was  collated  in  select 
passages. 

369.  The  Codex  Richardianus  90.,  of  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury, contains  Mark  vi.  25. — ix.  1">.  x.  17.  xvi.  9.,  and  a 
grammar  of  the  Greek  language,  togetb  r  with  the  Fables 
of  Phaedrus.  The  text  of  these  fragments  for  the  most  part 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  cur- 
sorily collated. 

370.  The  Codex  Richardianus  (K.  I.  11.).  of  the  four- 
teenth century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  I'heophylact's 
commentary.  It  is  imperfect  at  the  beginning  and  end. 
This  manuscript  is  stated  by  Scholz  to  have  been  described 
by  Lamy  In  his  treatise  Be  Eruditiont  Apoetolorum,  p.  232. 
et  aeq.     It  is  not  known  where  it  is  now  deposited. 

371.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1159.,  of  the  tenth  century, 
contains  the  Gospels  with  the  Eusebian  canons  and  figures. 
It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and  was  collated 
in  selcctpassages. 

372.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1161.,  very  beautifully  writ- 
ten in  the  fifteenth  century,  contains  the  Gospels.  It  is 
imperfect  from  John  iii.  1.  to  the  end.  It  agrees  with  the 
Alexandrine  family,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

373.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1423.  formerly  belonged  to 
Cardinal  Sirlet.  It  was  written  in  the  fifteenth  century,  and 
contains  the  Gospels,  with  a  catena.  The  end  of  John  is 
wanting.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and 
was  collated  in  select  passages. 

374.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1445.,  written  in  the  twelfth 
century,  contains  the  Gospels  with  the  commentary  of  Peter 
of  Laodicrea.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family, 
and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

375.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1533.,  of  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons.  It 
follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated 
in  selectpassages. 

376.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1539.,  of  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospels  collated  with  ancient  copies  at 
Jerusalem.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and 
was  also  collated  in  select  passages. 

377.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1618.,  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, contains  Matthew,  with  a  catena,  Mark,  Luke,  and 
John,  with  questions  and  answers.  It  agrees  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan family,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

378.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1658.,  of  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury, contains  fragments  of  Saint  Matthew's  Gospel,  with  the 
homilies  of  Chrysostom,  and  numerous  passages  from  the 
prophets.  The  text  seldom  departs  from  the  received  text. 
It  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

379.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  17t'>9.,  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospels,  with  a  perpetual  commentary.  It 
follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated 
in  selectpassages. 

380.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  2139.,  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons.  It  fol- 
lows the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated  in 
select  passages. 

381.  The  Codex  Palatino-Vaticanus  20.,  of  the  four- 
teenth century,  contains  the  Gospel  of  Saint  Luke,  with  a 
catena.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and 
was  collated  in  select  passages. 

382.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  2070.  (formerly  Basil.  109.), 
correctly  written  in  the  thirteenth  century,  contains  fragments 
of  the  Gospels,  the  leaves  of  which  have  been  greatly  mis- 
placed by  the  carelessness  of  the  bookbinder.  Its  text 
agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  family.  The  greater  part  of 
this  manuscript  was  collated  by  Dr.  Scholz. 

fare  three  manuscripts  belonging  to  the  College  at 

383.  Rome,  written  in  the  sixteenth  century.     I  ley  se- 

384.  J  verally  contain  the  Gospels  with  a  commentary ; 
385.,  j  follow  the  Constantinopolitan  recension;  and  were 

^collated  in  select  passages. 
386.  The  Codex  Vaticano-Ottobomanus  66.,  of  the  ftf 


254 

teenth  century,  contains  the  New  Testament  with  synaxaria. 
It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  This  and 
the  Following  manuscripts,  Nos.  387.  to  397.  inclusive,  were 
collated  by  Dr.  Scholz  in  select  passages. 

387.  The   Codex  Vaticano-Ottobonianus  204.,  of  the 
welfth  century,  cortains  the  Gospels,  and  agrees  with  the 

Constantinopolitan  recension. 

388.  The  Codex  Vaticano-Ottobonianus  212.,  of  the 
twelfth  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  figures.  It  ex- 
hibits a  mixed  text,  which  often  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine 
recension. 

389.  The  Codex  Vaticano-Ottobonianus  297.,  of  the 
eleventh  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  and  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension. 

390.  The  Codex  Vaticano-Ottobonianus  381.  was  writ- 
ten in  1252,  and  contains  the  Acts,  Epistles,  Gospels,  and 
\pocalypse,  with  scholia,  synaxaria,  and  the  Eusebian 
canons.     It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  text. 

391.  The  Codex  Vaticano-Ottobonianus  432.,  written  in 
the  eleventh  century,  was  presented  by  the  abbot  Abachus 
Andriani,  of  mount  Athos,  to  Pope  Benedict  XIII.,  who 
commanded  it  to  be  deposited  in  the  Vatican  Library.  It 
contains  the  Gospels,  with  prologues  and  commentaries.  It 
is  imperfect  in  Matt.  i.  1 — 8.  Luke  i.  1 — 80.  and  John  vii. 
53. — viii.  11.,  which  passages  were  added  in  another  hand- 
writing in  the  fifteenth  century.  It  follows  the  Constantino- 
politan recension. 

392.  The  Codex  Barberinianus  225.,  of  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  commentary  of  Theophy- 
lact,  to  which  is  prefixed  the  fragment  of  St.  John's  Gospel, 
noticed  in  page  118.  §  XXX.  under  the  letter  Y.  This  ma- 
nuscript agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

393.  The  Codex  Vallicellianus  E.  22.,  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  contains  the  Catholic  and  Pauline  epistles,  together 
with  the  Gospels.     It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

394.  The  Codex  Vallicellianus  F.  17.,  written  by  one 
Michael,  a  monk,  and  dated  July  14,  1330,  contains  the  Gos- 
pels, Acts,  and  Epistles.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopo- 
litan family. 

395.  The  Codex  Casanatensis  A.  R.  V.  33.,  of  the  twelfth 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  figures.  Corrections 
and  readings  are  written  in  the  margin.  It  follows  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension,  but  has  some  Alexandrine  readings. 

396.  The  Codex  Ghigianus  R.  IV.  6.,  of  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospels.  It  is  imperfect  in  Matt.  i.  1. — 
xxiii.  27.,  and  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

397.  The  Codex  Vallicellianus  C.  4.,  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  contains  the  Gospel  of  St.  John,  with  a  catena.  It 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

398.  The  Codex  Taurinensis  92.  c.  IV.  6.,  of  the  thir- 
teenth century,  contains  select  passages  of  the  Gospels,  with 
a  catena.  It  was  cursorily  collated,  and  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  family. 

399.  The  Codex  Taurinensis  109.  c.  IV.  29.,  of  the  fif- 
teenth century,  contains  a  commentary  on  the  Gospels,  but 
the  text  is  not  always  given.  It  was  cursorily  collated,  and 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

400.  The  Codex  Berolinensis  Bibliothecjg  (formerly 
Diezii  10.),  of  the  fifteenth  century,  contains  Matt.  xii.  29. — 
xiii.  2.,  the  Acts,  and  Epistles.  It  is  mutilated,  and  has 
been  damaged  both  by  fire  and  water.  It  was  described  by 
Aurisillius  in  1802 ;  and  was  again  described  and  collated  by 
G.  T.  Pappelbaum  in  1815. 

401.  The  Codex  Neapolitanus  1.  C.  24.,  of  the  eleventh 
century,  contains  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  Luke,  Mark 
vi.  1.— xvi.  to  the  end,  and  John  i.  1.— xii.  1.  It  follows 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  This  and  the  nine  follow- 
ing manuscripts,  to  No.  417.  inclusive,  were  collated  in  se- 
lect passages. 

402.  The  Codex  Neapolitanus  1.  C.  28.,  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  prologues  and  figures. 
It  agrees  witli  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

403.  The  Codex  Neapolitanus  1.  C.  29.,  of  the  twelfth 
century,  contains  Matt.  xii.  23. — xix.  12.  xxviii.,  Mark  com- 
plete, Luke  i.  1 — 5.  xxi.  36.  to  the  end,  and  John  i.  1 

xviii.  36.,  with  synaxaria.     It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan 
family. 

404.  A  manuscript  belonging  to  the  abate  Scotti,  of  Na- 
ples, contains  the  Gospels,  with  prologues.  It  was  written 
tn  the  eleventh  -century,  and  agrees  with  the  Constantinopo- 
litan family. 

405.  The  Codex  Venetians  BibliothecjE,  Class  i.  No. 
i0.  (formerly  Nanianus  3.),  of  the  eleventh  century,  contains 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS, 


[Part  I.  Cha*.  Hi. 


the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons.  The  leaves  have 
been  so  misplaced  by  the  bookbinder  that  scarcely  two  o\ 
four  consecutive  pages  of  the  same  Gospel  are  to  be  found. 
The  text  of  this  manuscript  for  the  most  part  agrees  with  the 
Alexandrine  recension,  but  it  contains  some  Alexandrine 
readings.1 

406.  The  Codex  Venetianus,  Class  I.  No.  11.  (formerly 
Nanianus  4.),  of  the  eleventh  century,  contains  the  Gospels. 

It  is  imperfect  in  Mark  iv.  41. — v.  14.  ami  Luke  iii.  16. 

iv.  4. ;  and  for  the  most  part  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  re- 
cension. 

407.  The  Codex  Venetianus,  Class  I.  No.  12.  (formerly 
Nanianus  5.),  of  the  eleventh  century,  contains  Luke  v.  30. 
to  the  end,  and  John  i.  1. — ix.  It  chiefly  follows  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension,  but  has  some  readings  which  differ 
from  it. 

408.  The  Codex  Venetianus  S.  Marci  Bibliotheca 
Class  I.  No.  14.,  Nanianus  7.,  formerly  belonged  to  the  mo- 
nastery of  Saint  John,  near  the  Jordan.  It  is'of  the  twelfth 
century,  and  contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons. 
It  has  some  peculiar  readings,  but  for  the  most  part  agree* 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

409.  The  Codex  Venetianus  S.  Marci,  Class  I.  No.  15. 
(formerly  Nanianus  8.),  of  the  twelfth  century,  contains  the 
Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons  and  synaxaria.  It  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  but  has  some  peculiar 
readings. 

410.  In  the  Codex  Venetianus  S.  Marci,  Class  I.  No.  17. 
(formerly  Nanianus  10.),  which  is  written  on  cotton  paper, 
of  the  fourteenth  century,  the  early  pages  (which  are  on  vel- 
lum), with  the  Eusebian  canons,  are  copied  from  another 
more  ancient  manuscript  of  the  twelfth  century.  The  rest  of 
the  manuscript  was  written  by  one  Joasaph,  a  monk,  in  the 
thirteenth  century.  It  contains  the  Gospels,  and  agrees  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

411.  The  Codex  Venetianus  Bibliothece  Nanian.e  11., 
of  the  fourteenth  century,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  the 
Eusebian  canons,  and  synaxaria. 

412.  The  Codex  Venetianus  S.  Marci,  Class  I.  No.  19. 
(formerly  Nanianus  12.),  written  in  1301  by  Theodore  Ha- 
giopetritus,  a  calligrapher,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  the 
Eusebian  canons  and  synaxaria.  It  agrees  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan family. 

413.  The  Codex  Venetianus  S.  Marci,  Class  I.  No.  20. 
(formerly  Nanianus  13.),  at  one  time  belonging  to  the  mo- 
nastery of  Saint  Catherine  on  Mount  Sinai.  It  was  elegantly 
written  in  1302  by  one  Theodore,  and  contains  the  Gospels, 
with  the  Eusebian  canons,  figures,  and  synaxaria.  It  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

414.  The  Codex  Venetianus  S.  Marci,  Class  I.  No.  21. 
(formerly  Nanianus  14.),  written  in  the  fourteenth  century, 
by  one  Philip,  a  monk,  contains  the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria. 
It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

415.  The  Codex  Venetianus  S.  Marci,  Class  I.  No.  22. 
(formerly  Nanianus  15.),  written  in  January,  1356,  contains 
the  Gospels,  with  synaxaria  and  figures.  It  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  family. 

416.  The  Codex  Venetianus  S.  Marci,  Class  I.  No.  24. 
(formerly  Nanianus  17.),  written  in  the  fourteenth  century, 
contains  the  Gospels.  It  is  imperfect  in  Matt.  i.  1. — xxv. 
35.,  and  John  xviii.  7.  to  the  end.  It  agrees  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension. 

417.  The  Codex  Venetianus  S.  Marci,  Class  I.  No.  25. 
(formerly  Nanianus  18.),  of  the  fourteenth  century,  contains 
the  Gospels  of  Matthew,  Mark,  and  Luke.  It  is"  imperfect 
in  the  beginning  and  end.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantino- 
politan family. 

418.  The  Codex  Venetianus  Bibliothece  Nanians  21 
contains  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  Mark.     It  is  imperfect 
at  the  end. 

419.  A  manuscript  formerly  belonging  to  the  monastery 
of  Saint  Michael  at  Venice,  of  the  twelfth  century,  contains 
the  Gospels.     It  is  imperfect  in  John  xxi.  7.  to  the  end. 

420.  The  Codex  Messanensis  I.  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
was  written  by  different  copyists.  It  contains  the  Gospels, 
with  critical  notes  selected  from  other  manuscripts.  It  was 
inspected  by  Dr.  Miinter.  This  manuscript  is  noted  237.  in 
Dr.  Schulz*s  third  edition  of  Griesbach's  Greek  Testament. 

421.  The  Codex  Syracusanus  in  the  Landolini  library,  of 
the  twelfth  century,  contains  the  Gospels  and  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  with  the  Eusebian  canons  and  prolegomena.     It 


•  Select  chapters  of  the  MSS.  Nos.  405— 4H 
Doctors  Wiedoiann  and  J.  G.  J.  IJraun 


wire  collated  for  Scholz  vy 


Sect.  II.  §  4.] 


WRITTEN  IN  ORDINARY  GREEK  CHARACTERS. 


255 


has  a  mixed  text,  and  was  also  inspected  by  Dr.  Miinter. 
Schulz  has  noted  it  238.  in  his  edition  of  Griesbftch's  Greet 
Testament. 

422.  The  Codex  Regius  MoWi  10.  (in  the  royal 
library  at  Munich")  was  written  tor  ecclesiastical  use  in  the 
eleventh  century  by  one  Joseph,  a  monk.  It  contains  file 
Gospels,  with  prolegomena  and  synaxaria;  but  the  Gospel 
of  John  appears  to  have  been  written  by  another  and  later 
hand.  It  follows  the  <  !onstantinopolitan  text,  but  the  copyist 
has  transferred  into  the  text  a  few  scholia  which  were  written 
in  the  margin  ;  for  instance,  in  Mark  i.  10.  rcu  3»u  after  mtu/uct. 
Tbis  manuscript  was  collated  in  select  passages  by  Dr. 
Scholz. 

423.  The  Codes  Monaceitbib  3G.,  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
contains  the  Gospel  of  Matthew,  with  the  catena  of  Nicetas. 
It  agrees  with  the  <  lonstantinopolitan  family,  and  was  collated 

«1  select  passages. 

134.  'I  he  CoDEX  MONACENSIS  83.,  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
besides  other  works,  contains  the  ( rOSpel  of  Saint  Luke,  with 

the  commentary  of  Titus  of  Bostra,  and  of  other  writers 
cited  by  him.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and 
was  collated  in  select  passages. 

495.  The  Codex  Monacensis  37.,  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
contains  the  Gospel  of  John,  with  the  most  copious  of  all  the 
catenae  of  Nicetas  which  Dr.  Scholz  has  met  with.  It  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated  in 
select  passages. 

436.  The  Codex  Monacensis  473.,  of  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury, contains  Luke  vi.  17. — xi.  20.,  with  the  catena  of 
Nicetas.     It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

427.  The  Codex  Monacensis  465.,  of  toe  twelfth  or  thir- 
teenth century,  contains  the  Gospels  of  Luke  and  Mark,  with 
the  commentary  of  Theophylact.  It  seldom  deviates  from 
the  received  text,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

138.  Tin-  Codex  Monacensis  381.,  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospels,  with  commentaries  and  figures. 
From  the  subscription  it  appears  that  the  Gospel  of  St.  Mat- 
*1h  w  was  collated  with  some  ancient  manuscripts  of  Jerusa- 
lem preserved  on  the  Holy  Mountain  (Athos?).  From 
actual  collation,  Dr.  Scholz  ascertained  that  this  manuscript 
is  cither  a  transcript  of  No.  300.  (Codex  Regius  186.),  or  of 
the  copy  whence  that  was  transcribed.  Its  readings  coincide 
for  the  most  part  with  those  of  No.  300.  The  chief  part  of 
it  was  collated  by  Scholz. 

429.  The  Codex  Monacensis  208.,  of  the  tenth  century, 
contains  questions  with  their  solutions,  taken  from  various 
interpreters,  on  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  John,  with  the 
text,  which  was  written  in  979.  It  further  contains  Luke  i. 
1. — ii.  30.,  with  a  catena.  This  manuscript  seldom  departs 
from  the  received  text.     It  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

430.  The  Codex  Monacensis  437.,  of  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospel  of  John,  with  the  catena  of 
Nicetas.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and 
was  collated  in  select  passages. 

431  The  Codex  Molshemiensis  formerly  belonged  to 
the  College  of  Jesuits  at  Molsheiin,  in  Alsace.  It  was 
written  in  the  twelfth  century,  and  contains  the  Gospels, 
Acts,  and  Epistles,  with  prologues  and  the  Eusebian  canons. 
Goldhagen  inserted  fifty-two  various  readings  from  it  in  his 
edition  of  the  New  Testament  printed  at  Mayence  in  1753. 
Dr.  Scholz  states  that  he  found  very  few  various  readings 
in  this  manuscript  on  the  Acts  and  Epistles,  and  scarcely 
any  oh  the  Gospels,  so  that  no  judgment  can  be  formed  con- 
cerning its  text. 

433.  The  Codex  Monacensis  99.,  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
ury,  contains  (besides  other  treatises  on  various  subjects') 
■he  Gospel  of  Mark,  with  the  commentary  of  Victor  of 
Vntioch.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  n  ■•>  nsion,  and 
vas  collated  in  select  pass  a 

433.  The  Codex  Berounensis  is  a  quarto  manuscript,  on 
rellum,  of  the  twelfth  century,  pn  -  rvi  d  in  the  Royal 
Library  at  Berlin.  It  contains  the  following  fragments; 
fiz.  Matt.  i.  1 — 31.  vi.  19 — 32.  and  xxii.  6.  to  the  end  of 
•hat  Gospel;  Mark  i.  1 — 5.  2'.).  ix.  31. — xiii.  13.  Luke  viii. 
27.  to  the  end  of  the  Gospel;  John  i.  1. — ix.  21.  and  xx. 
15.  to  the  end  of  the  Gospel.  The  various  readings  com- 
prised in  this  manuscript  were  published  by  M.  Pappelbaum, 
archdeacon  of  Berlin,  in  his  description  of  it ;  whence  they 
have  been  inserted  by  Dr.  Dermout  in  his  Collectanea 
Critica  in  Novum  Testamentatum,1  and  by  Dr.  Schwlz 
(who  numbers  it  239. J  in  his  third  edition  of  Griesbach's 
Greek  Testament.     It  has  a  mixed  text. 

«  Derrocut,  Collectanea  Critica,  p.  22. 


434.  The  Codex  Cjesareo-Vindobonensis  71.  (Lambecii 
13.  formerly  279.),  of  the  fourteenth  century,  contains  the 
Gospel  of  Luke,  with  a  catalogue.  It  very  seldom  deviates 
from  the  received  text     It  was  collated  in"  select  passages. 

435.  Tin:  Codex  I'irliothece  Lugduno-Batavensis, 
Gronovii  131.,  now  in  the  LJnivcrsity  library  at  Leyden, 
contains  the  Gospels  neatly  written]  It  is' imperfect  in 
Matt.  i.  -jo.— ii.  13.  and  xxii."  1—19.  John  x.  1  1.  to  the  end 
of  thai  Gospel  18  written  by  a  later  hand.  Neither  Dermout, 
who  first  collated  this  manuscript,  nor  Dr.  Scholz.  has  spe- 
cified  it-  age.  The  latter  states  that  its  text  for  the  most 
agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  family. 

436.  The  Coon  Mikumanvianus  117.  comprises  the  fom 
Gospels  written  in  the  eleventh  century.  They  are  arranged 
conformably  to  the  Liturgy  of  the  Greek  church.  On  "the 
Bale  of  the  Meermann  library  by  auction  in  1834  this  manu- 
script was  purchased  by  an  English  bookseller.  It  is  no* 
known  who  is  the  present  possessor  of  it. 

137.  TheCoDBi  Breuorocca  Impebialu  Petropolttahje 
(in  the  Imperial  library  at  Petersburgh)  was  written  in  the 
eleventh  century,  by  Michael  Cerularius,  formerlv  patriarch 
of  Constantinople. 

138.  The  Ccdex  fJU  in  the  British  Museum  (formerly 
Askew  631.)  contains  the  Gospels,  in  two  volumes,  quarto. 
It  was  written  about  the  eleventh  century. 

139.  The  Codex  5107.  in  the  British  Museum  (formerly 
Askew  602.)  contains  the  Gospels  written  in  1159  on  mount 
Athos,  by  the  monk  Nephon. 

440.  The  Codex  Cantabrigiensis  Mm.  6.  9.  or  24.23. 
contains  the  Gospels,  Acts,  and  Epistles.  The  text  is  com- 
posed from  both  families.  It  was  collated  by  Dr.  Scholz 
on  Matt.  vi.  ix.  x.,  Mark  v.  vi.,  and  Luke  iv. 

111.  The  Codex  Cantabrigiensis  4  2622.  contains  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments  with  notes. 

442.  The  Codex  Cantabrigiensis  -\.  2537.  2538.  contains 
the  New  Testament. 

443.  The  Codex  Cantabrigiensis,  formerly  Askew  624., 
contains  the  Gospels.     It  was  brought  from  mount  Athos. 

444  The  Codex  Harleianus  5796.,  in  the  British  Museum, 
contains  the  New  Testament,  except  the  Apocalypse,  neatly 
and  carefully  written  in  the  fifteenth  century.  After  the 
Acts  are  placed  the  Catholic  Epistles,  and  then  those  of 
Saint  Paul.  A  table  of  lessons  is  subjoined  to  the  Gospels, 
and  there  is  another  at  the  end  of  the  hook.  This  ana  the 
five  following  manuscripts  (445 — 4 19.)  all  agree  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  family,  and  were  collated  on  Mark  v. 

445.  The  Codex  Harleianus  5736.  was  written  in  1506, 
as  appears  from  the  subscription.  This  manuscript  was 
not  known  to  Griesbach. 

1  It).  The  Codex  Harleianus  5777..  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospels,  with  svnaxaria.  It  is  imperfect 
in  Matt.  i.  1—17.,  Mark  i.  7—9.,  Luke  i.  1—18.,  and  John 
i.  1 — 33.  Scholz  states,  that  it  is  written  by  a  clear  but  not 
very  skilful  or  learned  hand. 

I  17.  The  Codex  Harleianus  5784.,  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Gospels,  with  the  Eusebian  canons,  and 
synaxaria. 

1  IS.  The  CoDEX  Harleianus  5790.  contains  the  Gospels, 
mosl  beautifully  illuminated  :  it  was  written,  as  appears 
from  the  inscription  at  the  end  of  the  volume,  by  one  John, 
a  priest  at  Rome,  and  it  is  dated  April  25th,  1  178. 

449.  The  Codex  %-,\  in  the  British  Museum,  which  for- 
merly belonged  to  Catsar  de  Missy,  contains  the  Gospels, 
clearly  and  accurately  written,  probably  in  the  fourteenth 
century. 

450.  The   Manuscript  belonging  to  the  library  of  the 

eks  at  Jerusalem,  numbered  1., 
■•out. '.ins  the  first  three  Gospels,  with  an  Arabic  version 
neatly  written  in  1013.  to  which  are  prefixed  synaxaria  and 
the  Eusebian  canons.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
family,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

151.  Is  the  manuscript,  No.  2.,  in  the  same  library,  writ- 
ten in  the  twelfth  century,  and  containing  the  Gospels; 
which  agree  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  anJ  were 
collated  in  select  pas-ages. 

453 — 455.  Are  manuscripts  in  the  same  library,  numbered 
3 — 6.,  all  of  which  were  written  in  the  fourteenth  century, 
and  contain  the  Gospels.  They  agree  with  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan family,  and  were  also  collated  in  selectjjassages. 

456.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  No.  7.,  contain- 
ing the  Gospels.  To  the  text  of  Saint  Matthew  is  annexed 
a  commentary,  neatly  written  in  the  thirteenth  century  If 
was  collated  in  select  passages. 


zse 


ACCOUNT  OF  EVANGELISTERIA. 


fP.vuT  I.  Chap.  III. 


457.  Is  a  manuscript  belonging  to  the  Greek  monastery 
of  Saint  Saba  (which  is  two  miles  distant  from  Jerusalem), 
No.  2.,  written  in  the  thirteenth  century.  It  contains  the 
Gospels,  Acts,  and  Epistles,  to  which  are  prefixed  synaxaria. 
This  and  the  nine  following  manuscripts  (Nos.  458 — 4G6.) 
all  agree  witli  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  were 
severally  collated  in  select  passages. 

458.  Is  a  manuscript  belonging  to  the  same  library,  No. 
3.,  and  contains  the  Gospels  written  in  1278. 

459.  and  460.  Are  manuscripts  belonging  to  the  same 
library,  Nos.  7.  and  8.,  of  the  twelfth  century,  and  contain 
the  Gosinls. 

461.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  No.  9.,  neatly 
written  in  335,  by  one  Nicholas,  a  monk,  and  contains  the 
Gospels. 

462.  and  463.  Are  manuscripts  in  the  same  library,  Nos. 
10.  and  11.,  of  the  fourteenth  century,  which  contain  the 
Gospels. 

464.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  No.  12.,  of  the 
eleventh  century,  and  contains  the  Gospels. 

465.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  No.  19.,  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  and  contains  the  Gospels. 

466.  Is  also  a  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  of  the  thir- 
leenth  century :  it  contains  the  New  Testament.    ' 

467.  Is  a  manuscript  belonging  to  the  library  of  a  monas- 
tery in  the  isle -of  Patmos.  It  is  of  the  eleventh  century, 
ana  contains  the  Gospels ;  agrees  with  the  Constantinopo- 
litan recension,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

468.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  of  the  twelfth 
century.  It  contains  the  Gospels  with  a  commentary ;  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated  in 
select  passages. 

469.  Is  also  a  manuscript  belonging  to  the  same  library, 
of  the  fourteenth  century.  It  contains  the  Gospels ;  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and  was  collated  in 
select  passages. 

iv.  Evangelisturia  {or  Lessons  from  the  Gospels  appointed  to 
be  read  in  Divine  Service)  which  have  been  collated  by 
the  Editors  of  the  Greek  Testament  {especially  by  Wet- 
stein  and  Griesbach,)  who  preceded  Dr.  Scholz,  by 
whom  their  Notation  has  been  retained.^ 

.  1.  The  Codex  Regius  278.  (formerly  Colbertinus  700.) 
is  written  in  uncial  letters,  in  the  eighth  century :  it  is  imper- 
fect. This  evangelisteriurn  was  cursorily  collated  by  Wet- 
stein  and  Scholz :  it  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension. 

2.  The  Codex  Regius  280.,  formerly  Colbertinus  2215., 
of  the  eighth  century,  according  to  Montfaucon  and  Scholz, 
but  Wetstein  does  not  think  it  earlier  than  the  ninth  century. 
It  was  written  in  uncial  characters.  It  is  imperfect,  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  cursorily 
collated  by  Wetstein  and  Scholz. 

3.  The  Codex  Oxoniensis  Wheleri  3.,  of  the  tenth  cen- 
tury, is  in  uncial  characters.  It  was  collated  by  Dr.  Mill, 
and  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

4.  The  Codex  Cantabrigiensis  Dd.  8.  49.  formerly  be- 
longed to  Dr.  More,  bishop  of  Ely.  It  was  written  in  the 
tenth  century,  in  uncial  characters.  Bishop  Marsh  thinks  it 
was  brought  from  the  East.  This  evana-elisterium  was  col- 
lated by  Dr.  Mill. 

5.  1  he  Codex  Bodleianus  3.  was  written  in  the  year  995, 
in  uncial  letters.     It  was  collated  by  Mill  and  Wetstein. 

6.  The  Codex  Bibliothec*  Lugduno-BataVjE,  formerly 
Scahgeri  243.,  is  a  Greek-Arabic  manuscript,  written  in 
uncial  letters,  in  the  tenth  century.  Besides  an  evangeliste- 
riurn, it  contains  lessons  from  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
Epistles,  and  Psalms.  Wetstein  states  that  it  has  some  pe- 
culiar readings,  and  that  it  agrees  with  the  Egyptian  version. 
Dr.  Dermout,  who  is  the  most  recent  describer  and  collator 
Df  this  manuscript,  states  that  he  found  numerous  valuable 
readings  which  Wetstein  had  omitted.2  The  following  are 
die  portions  of  the  Gospels  which  are  comprised  in  this 

manuscript: — Matt.  xx.   17 — 22.  26 xxiv.  28.  35. xxv. 

45.  xxvi.  3—14.  17.  to  the  end.     Mark  xi.  1—11.  xiv!  26. 

—xv.  46.  xvi.     Luke  vii.  11 — 17.  ix.  28 — 35.  xix.  25 48. 

xx.  27 — 38.  xxii.  4. — xxiii.  49.  53. — xxiv.  35.     John  i.  9 

14.  ii.  12 — 25.  v.  19—30.  (verses  19.  to  29.  occur  twice.) 
tii.  1. — xx.  31.  (xii.  17 — 19.  occur  twice.) 

i  Those  manuscripts  which  are  not  specified  as  being  written  in  uncial 
etters  are  to  be  understood  as  being  written  in  cursive  or  ordinary  Greek 
characters. 

'  Collectanea  Critica  in  Nov.  Test.  p.  !6. 


7.  The  Codex  Regius  301.  (formerly  Colbertinus  614.) 
was  written  by  one  George,  a  presbyter  of  the  Greek  church, 
in  1205.  It  was  cursorily  collated  by  Wetstein  and  Scholz, 
and  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

8.  The  Codex  Regius  312.  (formerly  Colbertinus  648.) 
was  written  in  the  fourteenth  century  by  one  Cosmas,  a 
monk.  It  was  cursorily  collated  by  Wetstein  and  Scholz, 
and  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

9.  The  Codex  Regius  307.  (Colbertinus  681.),  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  re- 
cension. It  was  cursorily  collated  by  Wetstein  and  Scholz. 
Wetstein  states  that  this  manuscript  and  No.  10.  are  both 
imperfect. 

10.  The  Codex  Regius  287.  (Colbertinus  721.),  of  the 
eleventh  century,  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recen- 
sion, and  was  cursorily  collated  by  Wetstein  and  Scholz. 

11.  The  Codex  Regius  309.  (Colbertinus  1265.),  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  is  imperfect  in  the  beginning  and  end. 
It  was  cursorily  collated  by  Wetstein  and  Scholz,  and 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

12.  The  Codex  Regius  310.  (Colbertinus  824.),  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  appears  to  have  been  written  for  the  use 
of  the  church  of  Constantinople.  It  is  imperfect  in  the  be- 
ginning and  end,  and  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension.  It  was  cursorily  collated  by  Wetstein  and  Scholz. 

13.  The  Codex  Coislinianus  31.  is  substituted  by  Dr. 
Scholz  for  the  Colbertinus  1241.,  which  Wetstein  (and  after 
him  Griesbach)  had  numbered  13.,  because  that  manuscript, 
which  is  now  the  Codex  Regius  1982.,  does  not  contain  an 
evangelisteriurn.  The  Codex  Coislinianus  31.  is  very  neatly 
written  in  gold  uncial  characters,  as  far  as  the  seventh  leaf; 
thence  to  the  twenty-second  it  is  written  with  vermilion; 
and  the  rest  of  the  manuscript  is  written  with  ink,  and  orna- 
mented with  figures.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  re- 
cension, and  was  collated  by  Scholz. 

14.  The  Codex  Regius  315.  (Colbertinus  1282.),  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  was  cursorily  collated  by  Wetstein  and 
Scholz.     It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

15.  The  Codex  Regius  302.  (Colbertinus  1824.),  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  is  defective  in  the  beginning  and  end.  It 
was  cursorily  collated  by  Scholz,  and  agrees  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension. 

16.  The  Codex  Regius  297.  (Colbertinus  2465.),  of  the 
twelfth  century,  is  very  imperfect.  It  agrees  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension,  and  was  collated  by  Wetstein  and 
Scholz. 

17.  The  Codex  Regius  279.  (formerly  Colbertinus),  of 
the  twelfth  century,  is  imperfect  at  the  end.  It  follows  the 
Constantinopolitan  text,  but  has  some  Alexandrine  readings; 
and  was  cursorily  collated  by  Scholz. 

18.  The  Codex  Laudianus  D.  121.  (Bodl.4.  of  Dr.  Mill's 
notation)  is  of  the  twelfth  or  thirteenth  century  according  to 
Griesbach,  but  of  the  thirteenth  century  according  to  Scholz. 
It  is  written  in  large  and  elegant  characters,  in  two  columns, 
the  initial  letters  and  titles  being  gilt.  It  is  imperfect  in  the 
beginning  and  end,  and  some  leaves  are  also  lost  out  of  the 
middle  of  the  volume.  Scholz  states  that  its  text  for  the 
most  part  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  family :  it  was  col- 
lated by  Mill,  and  more  accurately  by  Griesbach,  who  disco- 
vered numerous  readings  which  had  been  overlooked  by  Mill. 

19.  The  Codex  Bodleianus  5.  originally  belonged  to 
Parthenius,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  by  whom  it  was 
given  to  Heneage  Finch,  Earl  of  Winchelsea,  ambassador  to 
the  Porte  in  1661.  It  was  presented  to  the  university  of 
Oxford  by  Edward  Hyde,  Earl  of  Clarendon,  chancellor  of 
that  university.  It  is  very  neatly  written  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  and  for  the  most  part  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine 
recension,  and  was  collated  by  Mill  and  Griesbach. 

20.  The  Codex  Laudianus  4.  of  Dr.  Mill,  in  the  Bodleian 
library  marked  Laud.  C.  79.,  was  written  in  the  year  1047. 
It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was 
collated  first  by  Mill,  and  afterwards  by  Griesbach,  who 
states  that  he  found  ?carcely  any  readings  which  had  not 
been  noticed  by  Mill  and  Wetstein. 

21.  The  Codex  Seldeni  4.  of  Mill,  in  the  Bodleian  library 
3386.,  noted  Arch.  Seld.  B.  56.,  though  characterized  by 
Mill  as  ancient,  cannot  be  dated  earlier  than  the  thirteenth 
century.  A  few  fragments  only  of  this  manuscript  now  re- 
main. It  ao-rees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and 
was  collated^  by  Mill  and  Griesbach. 

22.  The  Codex  Seldeni  5.  of  Mill,  in  the  Bodleian  library 
3384.,  noted  Arch.  Seld.  B.  54.,  is  of  the  twelfth  century. 
The  chief  part  of  this  manuscript  coiurftts  of  homilies  of  tha 


Sect.  II.  §4.] 


ACCOUNT  OF  EVAKGELISTERIA. 


257 


lathers,  especially  of  Gregory  Nazianzen;  to  which  are  an-|  college  of  the  Propaganda,  at  Rome,  contains  sections  from 


nexed  some  fragments  of  an" evangelisterium.  This  manu- 
script was  collated  hy  Mill  and  YYetstein,  and  subsequently 
by  Griesbach,  who  collated  many  readings  of  which  they 
had  taken  no  notice. 

23.  The  Codex  Meadii,  which  successively  was  the  pro- 
perty of  Dr.  Askew,  and  of  M.  d'Kon,  by  whom  it  was  sent 
into  France,  was  seen  by  Wetstein,  who,  however,  has  not 


specified  its  date. 
24.  The  Coi 


odee  M<>\  mknsis  .133.  (Augustanus  4.  of  Ben- 
gel),  of  the  tenth  century,  is  correctly  written,  and  is  imper- 
fect in  John  i.  1 — 14.  Luke  xxiv.  23—35.,  and  Matt,  xviii. 
11 — :{(>.  h  was  inspected  by  Bengel,  and  minutely  examined 
by  Scholz. 

.  The  Codex  IIarleianus5650.  in  the  British  Museum, 
<f  the  twelfth   century,  is  a  codex   rcscriptus,  but  very  few 

J  of  the  ancient  writing  are  legible. 

J')'.  According  to  Griesbach  is  part  of  the  same  manu- 

.  written  by  another  hand,  in  a  smaller  and  more  elegant 

acter,  and  containing  lessons  concerning  the  resurrection 

of  Christ.     It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension, 

and  was  collated  by  Griesbach. 

36.  The  Codex  Bodleianus  3390.  noted  sup.  Seld.  2.  was 
written,  01  rather  re-written,  in  the  fifteenth  century;  but 
t.lmoSI  every  vestige  of  the  DttOTe  ancient  writing  (which 
seems  to  have  been  of  the  ninth  or  tenth  century)  has  disap- 
ed.  Some  lessons  are  added  from  the  Acts  and  Epistles. 
Phe  text  of  this  manuscript  is  mixed  :  it  was  collated  by 
Griesbach,  who  has  described  it  at  great  length. 

27.  The  Codex  Bodleianus  3391.  noted  sup.  Seld.  3.  is  of 
1 1  rteenth  "/•  fourteenth  century  according  to  Griesbach, 
but  erf  the  fourteenth  century  according  to  Scholz.  It  was 
written  in  large  characters  by  some  illiterate  monk  over  a 
ancient  evangelisterium,  in  uncial  letters  of  the  ninth 
century.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension, 
and  was  first  collated  and  described  by  Griesbach. 

88.  The  Codex  Marshi  22.,  now  in  the  Bodleian  library, 
was  written  in  the  thirteenth  century  by  two  different  hands, 
neither  of  whom  was  very  careful  or  accurate.  It  is  imper- 
fect at  the  end,  and  has  a  mixed  text.  Both  this  and  the 
following  manuscript  were  collated  and  minutely  described 
by  Griesbach. 

29.  The  Codex  Marshi  23.,  also  in  the  Bodleian  library, 
was  elegantly  written  in  the  thirteenth  century,  but  the  letters 
have  become  so  faint  as  to  be  legible  with  difficulty.  It  is 
imperfect  at  the  end,  and  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  re- 
cension. 

30.  The  Codex  Bodleianus  296.,  now  marked  Cromwelli 
117.,  from  Oliver  Cromwell,  to  whom  it  formerly  belonged, 
and  with  the  rest  of  whose  manuscripts  it  came  into  the 
Bodleian  library,  was  written  in  the  year  1225.  It  contains 
Greek  liturgies  and  forms  of  public  prayers.  At  page  149 
commence  sections  of  the  Gospels  and  Epistles.  Scholz 
has  not  stated  with  what  recension  its  text  coincides  :  but  as 
it  was  written  in  Greece,  we  may  conclude  that  it  follows 
the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

31.  The  Codex  Norimbergensis  is  of  the  twelfth  century  : 
it  was  collated  by  Doederlein.  Miohaelis  states  that  its 
readings  have  a  great  conformity  with  those  of  the  Codices 
<  iantabrigiensis,  Stephani «,  Basileensis  y,  and  Leicestrensis. 

32.  The  Codex  Gothanus,  now  in  the  library  of  the  Duke 
ixe-Gotha,  was  written  by  a  careless  and  illiterate  Greek 

scribe.  This  manuscript  was  collated  and  described  in  a 
treatise  published  at  Leipzig  in  1791.  It  agrees  with  the 
( Constantinopolitan  recension. 

33.  Is  an  Evangelisterium,  belonging  to  Cardinal  Ales- 
sandro  Albani,  written  in  the  ninth  century,  in  uncial  cha- 
racters.  It  was  edited  in  1788  by  Stefano  Antonio  Morceli, 
at  Borne,  and  belongs  to  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

31.  The  Codex  Monacensis  229.,  formerly  Kv.mgeliste- 
rium  Mannhemense  19.,  is  in  three  volumes  quarto,  which 
were  written  in  uncial  characters  in  the  ainth  century,  and, 
in  Dr.  Scholz's  opinion,  founded  on  internal  evidence,  for 
the  use  of  some  monastery  on  mount  Athos.  After  a  care- 
ful collation,  he  found  very  few  readings  different  from  the 
received  text. 

35.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  351.  was  written  in  the  year 
9 19,  by  one  Michael,  a  monk :  it  follows  the  Constantino- 
politan recension,  and  was  collated  by  Birch. 

36.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1067.  contains  lessons  from 
the  Gospels,  very  correctly  written  in  uncial  characters,  in 
the  tenth  century. 

37.  A  manuscript  numbered  287.,  in  the  library  of  the 
Vol.  I.  2  K 


the  Gospels  and  Epistles,  written  in  the  eleventh  century 
It  agrees  for  the  most  part  with  the  Alexandrine  family,  and 
was  collated  by  Dr.  Birch. 

38.  and  39.  The  Codices,  Florentinus  1.  and  2.,  were  col- 
lated by  Birch. 
.    The  Coi 


40.  The  Codes  Iwtiualensis  Lis  an  evangelisterium, 
supposed  by  Moldenhawer  (by  whom  this  and  the  other 
manuscripts  in  the  Escurial  were  collated  for  Birch)  to  be 
written  in  the  truth  century.     It  is  in  uncial  characters. 

41.  The  Codex  Escurulersis  X.  III.  12.,  written  in  the 
tenth  century,  in  uncial  characters,  agrees  with  the  Constan- 
tinopolitan recen-- 

43.  The  Codes  Bscurialsesis  \.  III.  13.,  of  the  tenth 
century,  contain-;  an  i  nun   written  in  uncial  cha- 

racters in  the  tenth  century.  It  is  imperfect  in  the  beginning; 
follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated 
in  select  pas 

43.  The  Codex  Est  i  rulensis  X.  111.  L6.,  of  the  eleventh 
century,  was  written  for  the  use  of  some  church  in  Constan- 
tinople.    It  is  imperfect  in  the  beginning. 

44.  The  Codex  Hauniensis  3.,  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
contains  an  imperfect  evangelisterium.  It  follows  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension. 

45.  'I  he  Codex  ViNDOBONENSIS,  Lambecii  15.,  among  the 
Greek  law  MSS.,  is  a  fragment  of  an  evangelisterium,  con- 
sisting of  six  leaves,  and  written  in  uncial  characters  in  the 
eight  century. 

46.  The  Codex  Cjesareus  or  Vindobonensis  (Kollarii  7., 
Forlosia  23.)  contains  fragments  of  an  evangelisteriuin. 
written  on  purple  vellum  in  the  ninth  century. 

47.  A  manuscript  in  the  Library  of  the  Holy  Synod  at 
Moscow,  numbered  23.  (b.  of  Matthaei's  notation),  is  in 
uncial  characters,  written  in  the  eighth  century.  It  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  family.    This  and  the  ten  evan- 

felisteria  following  (to  No.  57.  inclusive)  were  collated  by 
latthaei  for  his  critical  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament. 

48.  A  manuscript  in  the  Library  of  the  Holy  Synod, 
No.  44.  (c.  of  Matthaei),  was  written  in  1056  by  one  Peter, 
a  monk  :  it  subsequently  belonged  to  Nicephorus,  metropo- 
litan of  the  island  of  Crete,  and  agrees  with  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan text. 

49.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  library  connected  with  the 
Printing  Office  of  the  Holy  Synod,  No.  11.  (f.  of  Mat- 
thaei.) The  former  part  of  it  is  of  the  tenth  century;  the 
latter  part  is  of  a  later  date.  It  agrees  with  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan recension. 

50.  Is  a  very  ancient  manuscript,  probably  of  the  eighth 
century,  in  the  same  library,  No.  12.  (h.  of  Matthaei)  :  it  is 
written  in  uncial  characters,  and  agrees  with  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan recension. 

51.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  No.  9.  (t.  of 
Matthaei)  :  it  is  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  agrees  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  It  contains  part  of  an 
evangelisterium. 

52.  A  manuscript  in  the  Library  of  the  Holy  Synod, 
No.  266.  (£.  of  Matthaei),  written  in  the  fourteenth  century, 
contains  lessons  from  other  parts  of  the  New  Testament, 
besides  an  evangelisterium  or  lessons  from  the  Gospels. 

53.  A  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  No.  267.  fo.  of 
Matthaei),  of  the  fifteenth  century,  contains  an  euchologium, 
or  collection  of  Greek  prayers,  and  lessons  from  the  TMew 
Testament. 

51.  A  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  No.  268.  (•{,.  of 
Matthaei),  written  in  1470,  also  contains  an  euchologium, 
and  lessons  from  the  New  Testament. 

55.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  library  connected  with  the 
Printing  Office  of  the  Holy  Synod,  No.  47.  («.  of  Mat- 
thaei) :  it  was  transcribed  by  an  ignorant  and  very  careless 
copyist  from  a  more  ancient  manuscript,  and  contains  an 
euchologium,  with  lessons  from  the  New  Testament. 

56.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  No.  9.  (16.  of 
.Matthaei),  of  the  fifteenth  century.  It  contains  fragments 
of  ecclesiastical  lessons  from  the  New  Testament. 

57.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  Library  at  Dresden,  No.  256. 
(19.  of  Matthaei),  of  the  fifteenth  century.  It  formerly  be- 
longed to  Count  Bruhl,  and  contains  an  euchologium,  in 
which  are  many  lessons  from  the  New  Testament. 

V.  Evangelisteria,  first  collated  by  Dr.  Scholz  for  his  critica 
Edition  of  the  J\'ew  Testament. 

58.  The  Codex  Regius  50.  a.,  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
was  written  for  the  use  of  some  church  in  Greece.  It  agrees 


^58 


ACCOUNT  OF  EVANGELISTERIA. 


[Part  I.  Chap.  Ill 


with  the  Constantinopolitan  Tecension,  and  was  cursorily 
collated  by  Scholz. 

59.  The  Codex  Regius  100.  A.,  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was 
cursorily  collated. 

60.  The  Codex  Regius  375  (formerly  2f  72;»  Colbertinus 
4954.)  was  written  in  1022.  It  contains,  lessons  from  the 
New  Testament,  and  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  recension. 
The  whole  of  this  manuscrpt  was  collated. 

61.  The  Codex  Regius  182.  contains  fragments  of  the 
Gospels,  viz.  Matt.  xxvi.  67.  to  the  end,  and  John  xix.  10 
— 20.  It  is  written  in  uncial  characters,  and  agrees  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

62.  The  Codex  Regius  194.  A.,  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
.igrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  cur- 
sorily collated. 

63.  The  Codex  Regius  277.,  formerly  2493.,  was  brought 
from  the  East  into  the  royal  library  at  Paris.  It  was  written 
in  the  ninth  century  in  uncial  characters,  and  is  mutilated  at 
ihe  beginning  and  end.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopo- 
litan recension. 

64.  The  Codex  Regius  281.  was  also  brought  from  Con- 
stantinople ;  it  is  written  in  uncial  letters  of  the  ninth  cen- 
tury, and  many  of  the  leaves  are  torn.  It  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension,  but  has  a  few  Alexandrine 
readings.     Very  many  sections  of  it  were  collated. 

65.  and  66.  The  Codices  Regii  282.  and  283.  are  both 
palimpsest  manuscripts,  the  more  ancient  writing  of  which 
appears  to  have  been  an  evangelisterium  written  in  uncial 
characters  in  the  ninth  century.  Over  this  an  ecclesiastical 
office  was  written  in  the  thirteenth  century :  its  text  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  The  ecclesiastical 
office  in  No.  293.  is  imperfect  at  the  end.  Dr.  Scholz  states 
that  he  collated  these  two  manuscripts  with  great  labour, 
but  discovered  very  few  readings  different  from  those  of  the 
received  text. 

67.  The  Codex  Regius  284.,  of  the  eleventh  century,  is 
written  in  uncial  letters  :  it  very  rarely  departs  from  the  re- 
ceived text. 

68.  The  Codex  Regius  285.,  formerly  l%8\-  (Colbertinus 
3006.),  of  the  eleventh  century,  is  imperfect  at  the  beginning 
and  end.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and 
was  cursorily  collated  by  Scholz. 

69.  The  Codex  Regius  286.,  of  the  eleventh  century,  is 
imperfect  at  the  end.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension,  and  was  cursorily  collated. 

70.  The  Codex  Regius  288.,  of  the  eleventh  century,  on 
vellum,  was  brought  from  the  East  in  1669.  A  few  leaves 
at  the  beginning  and  end  have  been  written  by  a  later  hand. 
This  manuscript  was  cursorily  collated. 

71.  The  Codex  Regius  289.,  formerly  2^66.  (Colbertinus 

4123.),  written  m  1066,  is  partly  on  vellum  and  partly  on 
cotton  paper.  It  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  recension,  and 
was  collated  in  select  passages. 

72.  The  Codex  Regius  290.,  written  in  1257,  follows  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension.  Three  leaves  annexed  to  this 
manuscript,  and  containing  John  v.  1 — 11.  vi.  61 — 69.  and 
vii.  1 — 15.,  are  written  in  uncial  characters,  of  the  ninth 
century.  The  text  of  these  fragments  also  corresponds  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

73.  The  Codex  Regius  291.,  of  the  twelfth  century,  is 
imperfect.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and 
was  cursorily  collated. 

74.  75,  76,  and  77.  The  Codices  Regii,  292  (formerly 
2466.)  293,  295,  and  296.,  are  all  of  the  twelfth  century, 
and  agree  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension  :  they  were 
cursorily  collated  by  Dr.  Scholz. 

78.  The  Codex  Regius  298.,  formerly  2466-  (Colbertinus 
4123.)  is  written  on  vellum,  in  the  twelfth  century  :  a  few 
chasms  are  supplied  on  cotton  paper.  This  manuscript  for 
the  most  part  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension, 
but  it  has  somepeculiar  readings. 

79.  and  80.  The  Codices  Regii  299.  and  300.  (formerly 
2467.)  are  both  of  the  twelfth  century:  they  follow  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan family,  and  were  cursorily  collated. 

81.  The  Codex  Regius  305.,  on  vellum,  Dr.  Scholz  thinks 
was  written  in  Egypt;  but  it  has  supplements  added  on 
paper,  of  the  fifteenth  century.  Its  text  for  the  most  part 
agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  recension,  and  the  greater  part 
©Fit  was  collated 


82.  The  Codex  Regius  276.,  of  the  fifteenth  century,  on 
paper,  contains  lessons  from  the  prophets,  as  well  as  from 
the  New  Testament.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  re 
cension,  and  was  cursorily  collated. 

83.  The  Codex  Regius  294.,  of  the  eleventh  century, 
contains  lessons  from  the  New  Testament.  It  agrees  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  cursorily  col 
lated. 

84.  and  85.  The  Codices  Regii  32.  a.  and  33.  a.  are  both 
of  the  twelfth  century,  and  contain  lessons  from  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments.  They  agree  with  the  Constantino- 
politan recension,  and  were  cursorily  collated. 

86.  The  Codex  Regius  311.,  formerly  1884.  and  548., 
was  written  in  1336,  and  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension.  The  chief  part  of  this  manuscript  was  collated 
by  Dr.  Scholz.  At  the  end  is  placed  the  section  concerning 
the  adulterous  woman,  with  obelisks  before  each  line,  but 
without  any  indication  of  the  holiday  on  which  it  was  read 

87,  88,  and  89.  The  Codices  Regii  313,  314.  (formerb 
2466.  Colbertinus  3715.)  and  316.  (formerly  2464.  and 
4266.)  are  respectively  of  the  fourteenth  century.  They 
agree  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  were  cur 
sorily  collated.     Numbers  88.  and  89.  are  both  imperfect. 

90.  The  Codex  Regius  317.  (formerly  2494>  Colbertinus 
638.)  was  written  in  1533.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension,  and  was  cursorily  collated. 

91.  The  Codex  Regius  318.  (formerly  2465;  Colbertinus 
3017.)  was  written  in  the  eleventh  century.  The  subscrip- 
tion and  other  additions,  which  were  made  by  Leontius,  a 
monk,  in  the  isle  of  Cyprus,  may  be  seen  in  Montfaucon's 
Palaeographia  Graeca,  p.  89.  This  manuscript  agrees  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  cursorily  col- 
lated. 

92.  The  Codex  Regius  324.  (No.  35.  of  the  Lectionaria 
collated  by  Scholz)  contains  lessons  from  the  New  Testa- 
ment, with  fragments  of  the  liturgy  of  Basil.  Its  text  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  cursorily 
collated. 

93.  The  Codex  Regius  326.  (No.  36.  of  the  Lectionaria 
collated  by  Scholz),  of  the  fourteenth  century,  contains  les- 
sons from  the  New  Testament ;  the  text  of  which  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  cursorily 
collated.  This  manuscript  also  contains  the  liturgies  of 
Chrysostom  and  Basil. 

94.  The  Codex  Regius  330.,  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
contains  lessons  from  the  New  Testament,  together  with  an 
euchologium.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and 
was  cursorily  collated. 

95.  The  Codex  Regius  374.,  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  col 
lated  in  select  passages. 

96.  The  Codex  Regius  115".,  of  the  twelfth  century, 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  afcd  was  cur 
sorily  collated.     It  is  imperfect  at  the  beginning  and  end. 

97.  The  Codex  Regius  376.  (No.  32.  of  the  Lectionaria 
collated  by  Scholz)  almost  always  agrees  with  the  received 
text  in  the  sections  relating  to  the  passion  of  Jesus  Christ. 

98.  The  Codex  Regius  377.  (formerly  3011.)  is  of  the 
thirteenth  century.  Part  of  this  manuscript  is  rewritten, 
and  the  ancient  writing  appears  to  exhibit  sections  of  the 
Gospels.  The  text  very  seldom  departs  from  the  received 
text :  it  was  cursorily  collated. 

99.  The  Codex  Regius  380.,  formerly  3012;  (Colberti 
nus  4691.),  of  the  fifteenth  century,  was  cursorily  collated. 

100.  The  Codex  Regius  381.,  formerly  3212;  (Colberti- 
nus 4588.),  was  written  in  1550,  by  one  Michael  Maurice, 
as  appears  from  the  subscription.  It  follows  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan recension,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

101.  The  Codex  Regius  303.  is  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury. Dr.  Scholz  has  not  indicated  what  recension  it 
follows. 

102.  The  Codex  Ambrosianus  62.,  in  the  Ambrosian 
library  at  Milan,  was  written  on  paper  in  1381  .  it  contains 
an  evangelisterium,  with  a  commentary,  and  other  lessons. 
At  the  beginning  and  end,  respectively,  there  are  two  leaves 
of  vellum.  This  manuscript  agrees  with  the  Constantino- 
politan recension,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

103.  The  Codex  Ambrosianus  67.,  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, agrees  with  the  Constantinopoll.in  recension.     It  wu? 

I  collated  in  select  passages. 


Smt.  II.  §4. J 


ACCOUNT  <)F  BVANGELISTERIA. 


259 


101.  The  Codex  Ambrosianls  72.,  of  tin-  twelfth  cen- 
tury,  contains  an  evangelisterium  and  other  Lessons  lr.nn  the 
New  Testament.  It  is  imperfect  at  the  beginning  and  end, 
and  was  collated  in  select  passaged. 

105.  The  Codex  Amhrosivnus  8l.«  ol  *i.e  imrteentu  uea- 
tury.  is  well  and  correctly  written  on  veilum,  with  tin-  I  I- 
ception  of  the  first  nineteen  leaves,  which  arc  written  on 
paper,  in  the  sixteenth  cpntury.  It  agrees  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan family,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

106.  The  Codex  Ambrosianls  91.,  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, agrees  with  the  Constanlinopolitau  recension,  and  was 
collated  in  select  passages. 

107.  108,  109,  and  110.  The  CoDICTS  VENETIAN]  f>|S_ 
551.  are  all  of  the   thirteenth  century.     Dr.  Scholz  has  nol 

1  lo  wir.it  recension  they  belong. 

ill.  The  Codex  Mutinenbis  97.  is  an  evangelisterium, 

■vritten  in  uncial   characters  in  the  tenth   century.      It  i  . 

with  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and  was  collated  in  se- 
lect passages. 

11-2.  The  Codex  Laurentiams  3742.  (No.  18.  of  the 
Lectionaria  cited  by  Scholz)  contains  lessons  from  the  New 
Testament,  neatly  written  in  the  thirteenth  century.  It 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  col- 
lated in  select  passages. 

1 L3.  Of  the  Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  2.  the  former  part, 
as  far  as  the  two  hundred  and  thirteenth  leaf,  was  written 
in  the  twelfth  century,  and  the  latter  part,  to  the  end,  in  the 
fourteenth  century.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
family,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

111.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  7.,  of  the  twelfth 
century,  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 

115.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  21.,  elegantly  written 
in  uncial  characters  in  the  eleventh  century,  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension.     It  was  cursorily  collated. 

116.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  31.,  elegantly  written 
in  uncial  characters,  in  the  tenth  century,  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  family,  and  was  cursorily  collated. 

117.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  211.,  beautifully  written 
with  gold  cursive  letters,  in  the  twelfth  century,  with  illu- 
minations, follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  It  was 
cursorily  collated.1 

118.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  (not  numbered)  is  ele- 
gantly written  in  uncial  characters,  in  the  twelfth  century. 
Ft  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and  was  col- 
lated in  select  passages.1 

IIP,  1-20,  and  121.  The  Codices  Vaticani  1155.  1256. 
and  1157.  are  all  of  the  thirteenth  century,  and  agree  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  family.  They  were  collatedin  select 
passages. 

122.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1168.,  written  in  1175, 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family.  It  was  collated 
in  select  passages. 

123.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1522.,  very  correctly  written 
in  uncial  characters,  in  the  eleventh  century,  without  any 
points,  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

124.  The  Codex  Vatican;^  1988.  (Basil.  27.),  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  is  imperfect  at  the  beginning  ana  end.  It 
was  collated  in  select  passages. 

125.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  2017.  (Basil.  56.)  is  of  the 
twelfth  century. 

126.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  2011.  (Basil.  80.),  of  tin: 
twelfth  century,  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family. 
It  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

127.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  2063.  (Basil.  102.),  o(  the 
ninth  century,  is  in  uncial  characters :  it  is  imperfect  in  the 
beginning.  The  leaves  at  the  commencement  of  the  second 
part  (a  menologium)  are  of  the  fourteenth  century.     This 

vangelisterium  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family, 
and  was  collated  in  select  passau 

128.  The  Codex  Vaticani  a  2133.,  <<\  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury, agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and  was 
collatedin  select  passages. 

129.  The  Codex  Alexandkino-Vaticam  s  12.,  which  for- 
merly belonged  to  Christina,  Queen  of  Sweden,  was  written 
by  two  different  hands.  The  first  forty  leaves  .ire  of  the 
thirteenth  century :  the  hundred  and  eight  following  leaves 
were  written  by  another  hand,  in  the  same  century ;  and  the 
seventy-one  leaves  following  to  the  end  (Dr.  Scholz  thinks) 
were  added  in  the  fifteenth  century.     The  first  forty  leaves 

1  Both  these  evangelisteria,  which  are  among  the  loost  precious  in  the 
jbrory  of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  were  specially  described  by  the 
canon  Angelo  Bandini,  in  a  volume  intituled  "  llJustrazione  di  due  Evange- 
»n  Greci  del  Seculo  XI."    Venezij,  1787,  4to 


exhibit  the  Alexandrine  text,  and  appear  to  have  been  writ- 
ten in  France.  The  remainder  agrees  with  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan text.  This  evangelisterium  was  collated  in  select 
passages. 

130.  T:ie  Codex  \  itk  ^no-Ottobonianits  2.  is  beautifully 
written  in  uncial  letters  of  the  ninth  century.  It  agrees  witfi 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated  in  select 
passages. 

131.  Tie  CoDEX  \  a  i  n  w-Ottobonianus  175.,  of  the 
fourteenth  century,  contains  part  of  an  evangelisterium.  It 
agrees  with  •the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  col- 
lated in  select  past 

132.  The  Codex  Vaticano-Ottobonianus  326.,  written 
in  silver  characters,  in  the  fifteenth  century,  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan    recension,  and   was   collated   in   select 

133.  The  Codex  Vaticano-Ottobonianus  416.  is  a  lec- 

tionarium  of  tin  fourteenth  century. 

134.  The  Codex  Barberinianus  15.,  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  -.ones  with  the  Constantinopolitan  family.  The 
first  eight  and  last  three  leaves  are  written  on  paper;  the 
remainder  on  vellum.  This  manuscript  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated  in  select 
passages. 

135.  The  Codex  Barberinianus  16.  is  a  palimpsest  manu- 
script of  the  sixth  century,  in  uncial  letters. 

136.  Is  the  lati  r  writing  of  the  twelfth  century,  superadded 
to  the  more  ancient  writing  of  the  same  manuscript.  Both 
these  manuscripts  contain  lessons  from  the  Gospels. 

137.  The  Codex  Valliceluanus  D.  63.,  of  the  twelfth 
century,  is  imperfect  in  the  beginning.  It  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  family,  ana  was  collated  in  select  pas- 
sages. 

138.  The  Codex  Neapolitans  1.  B.  14.,  of  the  fif- 
teenth century,  was  presented  to  the  church  of  Saint  Peter 
and  Saint  Paul  at  Naples,  by  Christopher  Palaeologrus,  May 
7th,  1584.  B  ' 

139.  The  Codex  Venetianus  12.  is  an  evangelisterium 
of  the  tenth  century. 

140.  The  Codex  Venetianus  626.  is  an  evangelisterium 
of  the  thirteenth  century 

141.  The  Codex  Bibliothece  Naniana;  2.  at  Venice,  is 
of  the  eleventh  century. 

142.  The  Codex  Bibliothecje  Nanianje  16.  is  of  the 
fourteenth  century,  and  imperfect. 

143.  Is  an  evangelisterium,  formerly  belonging  to  the 
monastery  of  St.  .Michael,  Venice,  and  numbered  29. :  it  is 
imperfect. 

111.  The  Codex  BiBLioTHECiE  Malatestian.*:  CjEsena- 
tis  XXV II.  1.  is  written  in  uncial  letters  of  the  tenth  or  (aa 
Dr.  Scholz  thinks)  of  the  twelfth  century. 

145.  The  Codex  Bibliothec.e  Malatestlans  CjEsena- 
tis  XXIX.  2.  is  of  the  twelfth  century.  Scholz  has  not 
indicated  to  what  class  of  recensions  Nos.  143 — 145.  belong. 

146.  The  Codex  Cantabrigiensis  Dd.  VIII.  23.  is  neatly 
written  in  the  eleventh  century,  for  the  use  of  the  church  at 
Constantinople. 

147.  The  Codex  Harleianus  2970.  is  an  evangelisterium 
of  the  eleventh  century,  with  pictures  of  the  four  evange- 
lists, and  elegant  ornaments  of  a  gold  and  purple  colour. 

148.  The  Codex  IIari.eianis  2994.  is  of  the  eleventh 
century. 

149.  The  Codex  Harleianus  o53S.  is  of  the  fourteenth 
century. 

150.  The  i '.  in  \  I  Iableiands  5598.  is  a  splendid  evange- 
listerium ;ii  unci  !<  tiers,  written  in  995.  See  it  more  fully 
describe, i  i.i  pp,  -J37,  238.  supra.  • 

151.  Tin  '  "Hex  Harleianus  5785.  is  beautifully  written 
in  cursive  letters,  of  the  tenth  century.  It  has  pictures  and 
ornaments  prefixed  to  the  different  sections;  ana  the  initial 
letter  of  each  section  is  gilt. 

152.  Tee  (  !odes  Harleianus  5787.,  of  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury, is  in  uncial  letters,  not  unlike  those  in  No.  150.  It  is 
detective  in  the  beginning  and  in  various  other  parts. 

153.  The  Codex  Meermannianus  117.  is  of  the  eleventh 
century. 

154.  The  Codex  Monacensis  326.  (formerly  Mannhemeu- 
sis  20.),  written  in  small  and  neat  characters  in  the  thir- 
teenth century,  contains  that  part  of  a  synaxarion  which 
exhibits  the  sections  which  are  to  be  read  during  Lent  and  at 
Easter,  and  part  of  a  menologium  from  September  to  De- 
cember. Dr.  Scholz  is  of  opinion  that  this  manuscript  was 
written  for  the  use  of  the  Constantinopolitan  church 


200 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS,  CONTAINING 


(Part  I.  Chap.  III. 


155.  The  Codex  Cesareo-Vindobonensis,  Nessel.  Theol. 
•209.  Lambecii  41.,  is  a  codex  rescriptus  of  the  tenth  cen- 
tury for  the  more  ancient  writing.  The  later  writing,  which 
is  of  the  fourteenth  or  fifteenth  century,  is  a  commentary  on 
the  Gospel  of  Saint  Matthew. 

15i*>.  The  Codex  Romano-Vallicellianus  D.  4.  I.  is  an 
trelisterium,  which  is  fully  described  by  Blanchini  in 
his  Evangel iarium  Quadruplex,  part  i.  pp.  537,  et  seq.  Dr. 
Scholz  does  not  know  where  it  is  now  preserved. 

157.  The  Codex  Bibliothecje  Bodleian/e  Clarkii  8.  is 
imperfect  at  the  beginning  and  end. 

153.  Is  a  manuscript  belonging  to  the  library  of  the  great 
monastery  of  the  Greeks  at  Jerusalem.  It  was  written  in 
the  fourteenth  century. 

159.  Is  a  manuscript  belonging  to  the  Library  of  the 
Virgin,  t»s  f*ty*\»t  v*nym,  erected  by  Saint  Melana.  It  was 
written  in  the  thirteenth  century,  and  not  in  the  eighth,  as 
the  recluses  imagine. 

1G0.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  Library  of  the  Monastery 
of  Saint  Saba,  numbered  4.,  and  written  in  the  same  mo- 
nastery in  the  fourteenth  century.  It  contains  lessons  from 
the  whole  of  the  New  Testament. 

161.  and  1(32.  Are  manuscripts  in  the  same  library,  num- 
bered 5.  and  6.,  both  of  the  fourteenth  century.  No.  161. 
contains  lessons  from  the  New  Testament  and  sections  of 
the  Gospels;  No.  1G2.  is  an  evangelisterium. 

103.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  numbered  13., 
of  the  thirteenth  century.  This  and  the  eight  following 
manuscripts  were  written  for  the  use  of  some  monastery  in 
Palestine. 

164.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  numbered  14., 
written  in  the  fourteenth  century. 

1G5.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  numbered  17., 
written  in  the  fifteenth  century. 

1G6.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  numbered  21., 
of  the  thirteenth  century. 

167.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  numbered  22., 
of  the  fourteenth  century. 

168,  169,  and  170.  Are  manuscripts  in  the  same  library, 
numbered  23 — 25.,  and  all  of  the  thirteenth  century. 

171.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  written  in  1059. 

172.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  library  of  a  monastery  in  the 
isle  of  Patmos,  written  in  uncial  letters,  and  (according  to 
Scholz)  in  the  fourth  century. 

173.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  of  the  ninth 
century,  and  in  uncial  letters. 

174.  and  175.  Are  manuscripts  in  the  same  library,  of 
the  tenth  century,  both  of  which  are  written  in  uncial  letters. 

176.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  of  the  twelfth 
century. 

177.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  of  the  thirteenth 
century. 

178.  Is  a  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  of  the  fourteenth 
century. 

179.  (Lectionary  55.)  The  Codex  S.  Simeonis  in  the 
Library  of  the  Cathedral  of  Triers,  in  Germany,  is  written 
on  vellum  in  uncial  letters,  and  (Dr.  Scholz  thinks)  in  the 
tenth  century.  In  the  beginning  it  has  some  sections  of 
the  gospels,  and  at  the  end  there  are  some  lessons  taken 
from  the  epistles  of  Peter  and  the  first  epistle  of  John ;  but 
in  the  middle  it  contains  lessons  from  the  Old  Testament. 
This  manuscript  has  many  readings  in  common  with  the 
Alexandrine  recension  ;  but  for  the  most  part  it  agrees  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  text.  This  manuscript  derives  its 
name  from  a  St.  Simeon,  by  whom  it  is  said  to  have  been 
written,  and  who  (it  is  further  reported)  brought  it  to  Triers, 
in  the  eleventh  century.  Scholz  collated  this  manuscript  in 
select  passages,  and  the  whole  of  it  was  published  by  B. 
Mar.  Steininger,  in  a  quarto  volume,  intituled  :  Codex  Sancti 
Simeonis,  exhibens  Leclionarium  Eccksix  Gnxcx  DCCC  anno- 
rum  vetustate  insigne.     JIugustae  Trevirnrum,  1834. 

180.  The  Codex  Cjesareo-Vindobonknsis  Theologicus 
Gracus,  No.  CCIX.,  is  a  Codex  Rescriptus,  on  vellum, 
and  contains  a  Greek  Commentary  on  the  Gospel  of  Mat- 
thew. The  ancient  writing  contains  sections  from  the  Gos- 
pels, written  (Dr.  Scholz  conjectures)  in  the  ninth  century. 
The  initial  letters  of  the  sections  from  the  gospels,  as  well 
as  the  indexes  of  (lie  lessons  from  the  Acts  and  Epistles  are 


written  with  red  ink.  This  manuscript  for  the  most  part 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  It  was  col- 
lated by  Scholz  in  some  select  passages  ;  but  Dr.  Stephen 
Francis  Ladislaus  Endlicher  communicated  to  him  a  copious 
collection  of  various  readings  from  it,  which  (when  he 
understood  its  value)  he  has  printed  in  the  second  volume 
of  his  critical  edition  of  the  New  Testament,  pp.  lv — lxiii. 
181.  The  Codex  Wakianus  1.,  in  the  Library  of  Christ's 
College,  Oxford,  is  described  in  page  274*.  No.  26.,  infra, 
among  the  manuscripts  collated  for  the  Apocalypse. 

§  5.  manuscripts  containing  the  acts  of  the  apostles 
and  the  catholic  epistles  ;  WHICH,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  manuscript  noted  by  the  letter  h., 
and  of  those  numbered  56.,  and  58.,  have  been 
collated  and  cited  by  editors  of  the  greek  testa- 
ment who  preceded  dr.  scholz,  by  whom  their  no- 
tation has  been  retained. 

i.  Manuscripts  written  in  Uncial  or  Capital  Letters. 
I. — A.  of  Scholz,  and  A*  of  Griesbach  : — the  Codex 
Alexan"drinus  in  the  British  Museum.  (It  is  noted  A.  in 
the  Catalogue  of  Manuscripts  containing  the  Gospels,  which 
are  described  in  the  preceding  pages,  and  also  A.  among 
those  containing  the  epistles  of  Saint  Paul,  of  which  a  cata- 
logue is  given  in  pp.  268*  et  seq.  infra.)  This  manuscript  is 
the  standard  of  the  Alexandrine  Text.  See  an  account  of  it 
in  pp.  222 — 224. supra. 

W.—B.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1209.  (Gospels,  B.  Pau 
line  Epistles,  B.)  It  agrees  with  the  manuscripts  of  the 
Alexandrine  recension,  and  is  described  in  pp.  224 — 226. 

III. — C.  of  Scholz,  and  *C.  of  Griesbach  : — The  Codex 
Ephremi,  or  Codex  Regius  Parisiensis  1905.  [at  present 
9.]  (Gospels,  C.  Pauline  Epistles,  C)  It  is  described  in 
pp.  229,  230.  supra,  and  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  recen- 
sion. This  manuscript  is  mutilated  in  Acts  iv.  3. — v.  34. ;  x. 
43. — xiii.  1. ;  xvi.  36. — xx.  10. ;  xxi.  31. — xxii.  20. ;  xxiii. 
18. — xxiv.  14. ;  xxvi.  20. — xxvii.  16. ;  xxviii.  5.  to  the  end 
of  the  Acts;  James  iv.  3.  to  the  end  ;  I  Peter  iv.  5.  to  the 
end  ;   1  John  iv.  3.  to  the  end. 

IV. — D.  of  Scholz,  and  *D.  of  Griesbach  : — the  Codex 
Bez;e  or  Cantabrigiensis.  (Gospels,  D.)  Of  the  Catholic 
Epistles,  which  this  Greek  and  Latin  manuscript  formerly 
•15.  remains  in  Latin.  It  is  im 
14. ;  xxi.  2—10  ;  xxii.  10—20 
It  agrees  with  the  Alexandria 
recension,  but  has  also  many  readings  peculiar  to  itself 
See  it  described  in  pp.  230,  231.  supra. 

V. — E.  of  Scholz,  and  *E.  of  Griesbach.  The  Code 
Laudianus  3.  which  is  described  in  pp.  232,  233.  It  fo' 
lows  the  Alexandrine  recension. 

VI. — F.     The  Codex  Coislinianus  1.,  in  the  Royal  L. 
brary  at  Paris,  contains  the  Octateuch  according  to  the  Se 
tuagint  version  ;   but  has  Acts  ix.  24,  25.  written  in  t' 
margin,  and  in  the  same  handwriting  as  the  rest  of  t'. 
Manuscript.    Michaelis  refers  it  to  the  eighth,  and  Wetste  . 
to  the  seventh,  century.     But  Montfaucon,  who  has  a> 
nutely  described  it  in  his  Catalogus  Bibliothecae  Coislin" 
anae  (pp.  1 — 32.),  says  that  it  was  written  in  the  sixth,  or, 
at  the  latest,  in  the  seventh  century. 

VII. — G.  (Paul.  Ep.  I.)  The  Codex  Bibliothecae  An- 
gelica, A.  2.  15.  at  Rome,  formerly  belonged  to  Cardinal 
Passionei.  It  is  written  on  vellum  in  quarto,  according  to 
Montfaucon  in  the  ninth  century,  but  Blanchini  assigns  it 
to  the  eighth  or  even  to  the  seventh  century.  Scholz  how- 
ever refers  it  to  the  ninth  or  tenth  century.  This  manuscript 
contains  the  Acts  of  the  Apostler,  beginning  with  chap.  viii. 
10.,  the  Catholic  Epistles,  and  ihcoc  of  Saint  Paul,  as  far 
as  Heb.  xiii.  10.  Blanchini  gave  several  readings  from  it, 
which  Wetstein  printed  in  his  edition  of  the  Greek  Testa- 
ment:  but  Dr.  Scholz  collated  it  throughout  It  chiefly 
follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  by1,  ha'j  many 
readings  which  agree  with  the  Alexandrine  far  J>. 

VIII.— H.  (Paul.  Ep.  179.)  The  Codex  jIjtinensis 
Bibliothecae  196.,  (Ms.  II.  g.  3.)  at  Mo<I<?i-i,  is  a  folio 
manuscript  on  vellum,  of  the  highest  character:  containing 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  written  in  Ur'ijl  Letters  in  the 
ninth  century,  but  mutilated  from  chap,  i.  1.  to  v.  28. 
(which   chasm  has  been  supplied   in  cursive  or  ordinary 


contained,  only  3  John  11- 
perfect  in  Acts  viii.  29. — x. 
and  from  29.  to  the  end. 


Sfct.  II.  §  5.] 


THE  ACTS  AND  CATHOLIC  EPISTLES. 


26I« 


Greek  characters  in  the  eleventh  century),  and  also  the 
epistles  of  Saint  Paul  written  in  cursive  Creek  characters 
with  a  commentary,  in  the  twelfth  century.  The  t 
this  manuscript  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recen- 
sion: it  was  collated  throughout,  for  the  first  time,  by  Dr. 
Seholz. 

ii.   Manuscripts  Written  in  cursive  or  ordinary  Greek 
(  hnraclers. 

1.  (Cnsp.  i.  PauJ.  Ep  l.)  The  Coon  Basileensis  B. 
VI.  27.  (described  in  p.  938.)  of  the  tenth  century:  its  texl 
for  the  most  pari  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  recension.1 

2.  (Paul.  Ep.  L)    The  C ex  Basileensis  B.  IX.   (B 

j.  <if  Dr.  Mill's  Notation,  ami  the  Codex  Amerbachii  of 
Wetstein)  formerly  belonged  to  the  celebrated  printer  Amer- 
bach,  nf  Basle.  It  was  used  by  Erasmus  lor  his  edition. 
No  date  is  given  to  this  manuscript  by  Seholz,  hut  Wetstein 
says  that  it  is  more  ancient  than  the  Codex  Basileensis  B. 
VI'.  35.  (see  p.  238.  No.  •-'.).  which  is  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury. Its  text  seldom  varies  from  that,  of  the  Constantino- 
politan  recension. 

3.  (Gnep.  ■''.  Paul.  Ep.  3.)  The  Codex  Forlosiajtos 
If),  in  the  Imperial  Library  at  Vienna,  formerly  the  Codex 
Corbf  aniM  i:\sis:  it  is  described  in  page  238.  No.  3.,  and 
folio- ;s  tin-  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

4     (Paul.  Ep.  4.)     The   CoDBX    BA8ILEEH8IS   B.   X.   20. 
(P   3.  of  Dr.  Mill's  Notation)  is  an  elegantly  written  ma- 
rc iscript  on  vellum,  of  the  fifteenth  century,  containing  the 
■<:ts  of  the  Aposiles  and  all  the  Kpistlos,  not  in  the  same 
rder  as  in  the  Greek  manuscripts,  hut  according  to  the 
jatin  arrangement,  St.  Paul's  epistles  being  preceded  by 
he  Acts  and  followed  by  the  Catholic  Epistles.     Wetstein 
•lasses  it  anions   the  Latinising   Manuscripts:    it  chiefly 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

5.  (Gosp.  5.  Paul.  Ep.  5.)  The  Codex  Regius  106., 
described  in  p.  238.  No.  5.,  for  the  most  part  agrees  with 
B.  or  the  Codex  Vaticanus,  that  is  with  the  Alexandrine 
recension. 

6.  (Gosp.  6.  Paul.  Ep.  6.)  The  Codex  Regius  112., 
described  in  p.  238.  No.  6.  follows  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension. 

7.  (Paul.  Ep.  0.)  The  Codex  Regius  102.,  formerly 
2870.  (Stephani  i )  is  written  on  vellum,  and,  in  the  opinions 
of  Griesbach  and  Seholz,  in  the  tenth  century  :  it  contains 
the  Constantinopolitan  text. 

8.  (Paul.  Ep.  10.)  The  Codex  Stephani  id,  according 
to  Michaelis,  undoubtedly  contained  the  Acts  of  the  Apos- 
tles and  the  Epistles,  being  quoted  in  these  books  nearly 
four  hundred  times  by  Stephens,  as  we  are  assured  by  Dr. 
Mill.    It  is  not  known  what  has  become  of  this  manuscript. 

9.  (Paul.  Ep.  11.)  The  Codex  Stephani  <>'.  Bishop 
Marsh  has  discovered  this  manuscript  in  the  University 
Library  at  Cambridge,  where  it  is  marked  Kk.  ti.  1.  It  is 
written  on  vellum  in  the  eleventh  century,  contains  the  Acts 
•ind  the  Epistles,  and  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recen- 
sion. Bishop  Marsh  has  proved  that  this  is  the  identical 
manuscript  which  once  belonged  to  Vatablus,  the  learned 
and  intimate  friend  of  Robert  Stephens,  who  collated  it  for 
his  celebrated  critical  edition  of  the  New  Testament  printed 
at  Paris  in  the  year  1546. 

10.  (Paul.  Ep.  12.  Apoc.  2.)  The  Codex  Regius  237., 
formerly  2860.,  (Stephani  A),  is  neatly  and  correctly  written 
on  vellum  in  quarto,  in  the  tenth  century,  and  contains  the 
Acts,  Epistles,  and  Apocalypse,  with  prologues,  scholia, 
and  the  treatise  of  Dorotheus  Bishop  of  Tyre  concerning 
the  twelve  apostles  and  seventy-two  disciples.  The  text 
for  the  most  part  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 
This  manuscript  was  discovered  by  father  Le  Long.  Some 
various  readings  w<  re  taken  from  it  by  Robert  Stephens  : 
it  was  collated  anew  by  Wetstein  and  by  Seholz. 

11.  (Paul.  Ep  1 10.)  The  Conr.x  Reside  103.,  formerly 
2872.,  is  written  on  vellum  in  8vo.,  of  the  tenth  century; 
and  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles  with  scholia  and  pro- 
logues :  it  is  imperfect  in  Acts  ii.  from  \».  20.  to  v.  31.,  and 
has  the  Constantinopolitan  text. 

1  So  Dr.  Seholz  slates  in  his  catalogue  "f  MSS.  collated  for  the  Acts 
nnd  Catholic  Epistles  (Nov.  Test.  Vol.  II.  Pro),  p.  iv .).     Hut  in  his  cata- 
logue of  MSS.  containing  the  Gospels  (Vol.  I.  p.  xliv.)   he  states  that  in 
•  Books  it  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  Recension. 


12.  (Paul.  Ep.  16.  Apoc.  4.)  The  Codex  Regius  219., 
formerly  1886.,  is  referred  to  the  tenth  century  by  Montfau- 

< ,  and  to  the  eleventh  by  Seholz.    It  is  written  on  vellum, 

and  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles  with  the  commentary  of 
Oecumenius,  and  the  Apocalypse  with  that  of  Arethas.  h 
follows  the  Constantinopolitan  roeension,  and  was  collated 
by  Griesbach  and  by  Seholz. 

13.  (Gosp.  33.  Paul.  Ep.  17.)  The  CoDEX  Reqids  14.. 
described  in  page  240.  No.  33.,  follows  the  Alexandrine 
recension.     It  was  collated  for  the  Acts  by  Seholz. 

1 1.   (Gosp.  :::..  Paul.  Ep.  18.    ipoc.  f7.)    The  C 
CoisLiNiAirua  199.,  describi  240.  N   ,  35.,  I 

Constantinopolitan  text. 

15.  The  Codkx   CoiSLl*  contains  thi     \ 

the  \jiostles  and  the  Catholic  Epistles:  it  was  written  on 
vellum  in  the  eleventh  century,  and  was  collated  by  Wet- 
stein. 

16.  (Paul.  Ep.  ]!•.)  The  Conr.x  CoiSUHIAHOS  26.  for- 
merly belonged  to  tin-  monastery  of  St.  Athanasiu 
Mount  Athos  :  it  contains  tie  Acts  of  the  Apostles  and  the 
epi  lies,  with  commentaries,  written  in  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury, on  vellum;  and  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension. 

17.  (Paul.  Ep.  21.  Apoc.  19.)  The  Codex  Coi  lis 
205.  contains  tin  Acts,  Epistles,  and  Apocalypse,  with  the 
following  chasms  according  to  Michaelis  :  1  Cor.  xvi.  17.— 
2  Cor.  i.  7.;  Heb.  xiii.  15.  to  the  end  of  the  episth  : 
Rev.  i. — ii.  5.,  though  the  last  chasm  has  been  filled  np  by 
a  modern  hand.  It  was  written  in  the  eleventh  century,  and 
follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

18.  (Paul.  Ep.  22.  Apoc.  18.)  The  Codex  Coisi  in 
"02.  contains  the  Acts,  Catholic  Epistles  with  scholia,  and 
the  Apocalypse  with  the  commentary  of  Andreas,  and  the 
Pauline  Epistles  with  prologues.  The  first  twenty-six 
folios  are  Written  on  vellum,  of  the  eleventh  century,  the 
remainder  on  cotton  paper  of  the  thirteenth  century.  Its 
text  is  that  of  the  Constantinopolitan  recension:  it  was  col- 
lated by  Wetstein. 

19.  (Gosp.  38.  Apoc.  23.)  The  Codex  Coislinianus 
200.,  described  in  page  240.  No.  38.,  follows  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan recension. 

20.  (Paul.  Ep. 25.)  The  Codex  Westmonastkkikn-js 
93$.  is  a  manuscript  of  the  Acts  and  Epistles  preserved 
among  the  Royal  Manuscripts  in  the  British  Museum,  in 
which  collection  it  is  noted  I.  B.  I.  It  is  of  the  fourteenth 
century,  and  has  the  Constantinopolitan  text.  It  was  col- 
lated by  Wetstein. 

21.  (Paul.  Ep.  26.)  Codex  Ca.ntabriciensis  Dd.  XL 
90.,  formerly  495.,  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles  of  St. 
Paul,  written  on  vellum  in  the  twelfth  century.  The  first 
eleven  chapters  of  the  Acts  art  wanting;  likewise  xiv.  13. 
— xv.  10.;  Rom.  xi.  22 — 33.;  the  first  three  chapters  of 
1  Cor. ;  I  Tim.  i.  and  iii. ;  Titus  i.  1 — 8.  and  ii.  1.  to  the 
end;  with  the  epistles  to  Philemon  and  the  Hebrews.  It 
ao-rees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

°22.  (Gosp.  109.  Paul.  Ep.  75.)  The  Codex  5115.  in 
the  British  Museum,  described  in  pie  245.  No.  109.,  con- 
tains the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  and  the  Catholic  Epistles, 
written  on  vellum,  according  to  Seholz  of  the  ninth  cen- 
tury: but  it  should  seem  that  this  is  a  mistake,  and  that  the 
date  of  1326,  which  he  assigned  to  it  in  the  prolegomena  to 
the  first  volume  of  his  edition  of  the  New  Testament,  is  the 
true  date.2     It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

23.  (Paul.  Ep.  86.  Apoc.  6.)  The  Codex  Baroccianis 
3.  in  the  Bodll  iau  Library  at  Oxford,  written  on  vellum,  of 
the  twelfth  or  thirteenth  century,  contains  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles  from  ch.  xi.  13..  the  Catholic  Epistles  except 
l  Pet  iii.  7—33,,  and  those  of  St.  Paul,  with  the  Apoca-  . 
lypse,  the  three  last  chapters  of  which  are  wanting.  It  has 
scholia  on  the  epistles  and  the  Commentary  of  Arethas  on 
the  Apocalypse.     It  has  the  Constantinopolitan  text. 

2  1.  (Paul.  Ep.  29.)  The  Codex  Collegii  Christi 
CantabrigienSIS  2.  (Cant.  2.  of  Dr.  Mi  I's  Notation)  is  a 
manuscript  written  on  vellum  in  tie  eleventh  or  twelfth 
century,  in  quarto,  not  in  octavo  as  Seholz  after  Michaelis 
has  erroneously  stated.     It  contains  the  Acts,  Epistles  of 

»  See  Bp.  Marsh's  Translation  of  Michaelis,  vol.  ii   part  i.  p.  Sit 


262' 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS,  CONTAINING 


[PahtI.  Chap.  in. 


Saint  Paul   the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  and  the  Catholic  j  stein,  and  more  recently  and  accurately  by  Dr.  Dermout, 
EDistles-  with  the  following-  chasms,  viz.  Acts  i.  1—10. ;    who  has  printed  its  principal  various  readings  in  his  Col- 


xviii   °o' xx   14   ■  James  v.  14.  to  the  end  of  the  epistle  ;  I  ledanea  Critica  in  Novum  Testament um,  Lugduni  Batavo- 

1  Pet.  i.  1— iii.  and  2  Pet.  i.'l-2.  iii.     Its  text  is  that  of  rum,  1825.  8vo. 

39.    (Paul.  Ep.  45.  Apoc.  11.) 


The  Codex  Harleianus 


the  Constantinopolitan  recension 

25.  (Paul.  Ep.  31.  Apoc.  7.) 
5537.,  formerly  Covellianus  2.,  is  a  manuscript  ot  the  Acts, 
Epistles,  and  Apocalypse,  written  in  the  year  1087.  It  is 
imperfect  from  1  John  v.  14.  to  2  John  6.  This  manuscript, 
which  was  collated  and  described  by  Griesbach,  for  the 
most  part  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  recension. 

26.  (Paul.  Ep.  32.)  The  Codex  Harleianus  5557., 
formerly  Covellianus  3.,  contains  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles 
beginning  with  chap.  i.  11.,  and  all  the  Epistles.  It  was 
written  in  the  twelfth  century,  and  was  collated  by  Dr.  Mill : 
it  ao-rees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

27.  (Paul.  Ep.  33.)  The  Codex  Harleianus  5620., 
formerly  Covellianus  4.,  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles 
written  on  paper  in  a  very  small  hand,  in  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury. Griesbach  says  that  it  frequently  agrees  with  the 
Codex  Laudianus  2.  (described  in  page  240.  No.  51.),  and 
with  the  Complutensian  edition  of  the  New  Testament. 
Its  text  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

28.  (Paul.  Ep.  34.  Apoc.  8.)  The  Codex  Harleianus 
5778.,  forrrterly  called  Covellianus  Sinaiticus,  because  Dr. 
Covell  brought  it  from  Mount  Sinai,  contains  the  Acts,  Epis- 
tles, and  Revelation,  written  in  the  twelfth  century.  It  has 
been  mutilated  and  rendered  illegible  in  very  many  pas- 
sages by  the  dampness  of  the  place  where  it  was  formerly 
kept.     It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

29.  (Paul.  Ep.  35.)  The  Codex  Genevensis  20.,  on 
vellum  of  the  eleventh  or  twelfth  century,  was  cursorily 
collated  by  Scholz.  It  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles,  and 
follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  though  it  has 
some  Alexandrine  readings. 

30.  (Paul.  Ep.  36.  Apoc.  9.)  The  Codex  Bodleianus 
131.,  formerly  Huntingtonianus  1.,  was  brought  from  the 
east  by  Dr.  Robert  Huntington.  It  contains  the  Acts,  Epis- 
tles, and  Revelation,  and  was  written  in  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, according  to  Griesbach  and  Scholz  ;  but  Dr.  Mill  con- 
sidered it  to  be  seven  hundred  years  old,  or  about  the  tenth 
century.  This  manuscript  is  defective  as  far  as  Acts  xv. 
19.  :  it  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

31.  (Gosp.  69.  Paul.  Ep.  37.  Apoc.  14.)  The  Codex 
Leicestrensis,  described  in  page  242.  No.  69.,  is  of  the 
fourteenth  century :  it  has  the  Alexandrine  text. 

32.  (Gosp.  51.  Paul.  Ep.  38.)  The  Codex  Bodleianus, 
Laudianus  C.  715.,  described  in  page  240.  No.  51.,  is  of 
the  thirteenth,  and  appears  to  have  the  Constantinopolitan 
text. 

33.  (Paul.  Ep.  39.)  The  Codex  Lincolniensis  is  a 
manuscript  of  the  eleventh  century  on  vellum,  belonging  to 
Lincoln  College,  Oxford  :  it  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles, 
and  is  imperfect  in  2  Pet.  i.  1 — 15. 

34.  (Gosp.  61.  Paul.  Ep.  40.)  The  Codex  Montforti- 
anus,  in  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  described  in  pp.  241, 242. 
No.  61.  is  of  Uic  fifteenth  century,  and  appears  to  follow  the 
Constantinopolitan  text. 

35.  (Gosp.  57.  Paul.  Ep.  41.)  The  Codex  Magdalen- 
sis  1.,  described  in  page  241.  No.  57.,  is  of  the  eleventh 
century. 

36.  The  Codex  Novi  Collegii,  Oxon.  N.  2.  as  noted 
in  the  London  Polyglott  and  in  Dr.  Mill's  Index,  but  N.  1. 
in  his  various  readings,  is  a  manuscript  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  containing  the  Acts  and  the  Catholic  Epistles,  with 
a  Catena :  it  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  text. 

37.  (Paul.  Ep.  43.)  The  Codex  Novi  Collegii,  Oxon., 
.No.  1.  in  the  London  Polyglott  and  Nov.  2.  or  N.  2.  in 
Mill,  is  also  of  the  thirteenth  century,  and  contains  the  Acts 
and  Epistles  with  a  Commentary.  It  agrees  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension. 

38.  (Paul.  Ep.  11.)  The  Codex  Lugduno-Batavus  77. 
in  the  University  Library  at  Leyden,  is  cited  by  Mill  as 
Petavianus  1.  from  the  name  of  its  former  possessor  Paul 
Petau,  a  senator  of  the  Parliament  of  Paris:  it  is  written  on 
vellum,  of  the  thirteenth  century,  and  contains  the  Acts  and 
Epistles  entire.  Various  readings  from  this  manuscript 
were  printed  by  Dr.  Mill :  it  was  collated  anew  by  Wet- 


!.">.  Apoc.  11.)  The  Codex  Petavia- 
nus 2.  contains  the  Acts,  Epistles,  and  Revelations,  but  it 
wants  1  Cor.  iii.  16. — x.  13.,  the  entire  epistle  of  James  ex- 
cept the  last  four  verses,  3  John  9.  to  the  end,  and  the  epis- 
tle of  Jude.  No  date  has  been  assigned  to  this  manuscript, 
which  for  the  most  part  follows  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension. 

40.  (Paul.  Ep.  46.  Apoc.  46.)  The  Codex  Alexandri- 
no-Vaticanus  179.,  formerly  noted  Petavianus  3.,  is  of 
the  eleventh  century,  and  contains  the  Acts,  Epistles,  and 
Revelation.  On  the  death  of  Petau  it  was  purchased  by 
Christina  Queen  of  Sweden,  after  whose  decease  it  passed, 
with  the  rest  of  her  books,  into  the  Vatican  Library.  The 
end  of  the  epistle  to  Titus,  Philemon,  and  the  Revelation, 
have  been  added  by  a  later  hand.  This  manuscript  fre- 
quently agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  text,  but  it  has 
very  many  Alexandrine  readings. 

41.  (Gosp.  175.  Paul.  Ep.  194.  Apoc.  20.)  The  Codex 
Vaticanus  2080.,  described  in  page  247.  No.  175.,  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  but  it  also  has  many 
Alexandrine  readings. 

42.  (Paul.  Ep.  43.  Apoc.  13.)  The  Codex  Bibliothe- 
cm  Gymnasii  Francofurtensis  ad  Viadrum  (Frankfort  on 
the  Oder),  formerly  Seidelianus  (it  having  been  brought 
from  the  east  by  Andrew  Erasmus  Seidel),  is  of  the  eleventh 
century,  and  contains  the  Acts,  Epistles,  and  Revelation: 
it  is  imperfect  from  Acts  ii.  3 — 34. ;  2  Pet.  i.  1. — ii. ;  1  John 
v.  11.  to  the  end  ;  and  Apoc.  xviii.  3 — 13.  The  leaf  con- 
taining Acts  xxvii.  19 — 34.  was  written  by  a  later  hand. 
For  the  most  part  this  manuscript  agrees  with  the  Constan- 
tinopolitan recension,  though  it  has  some  peculiar  readings. 
It  has  been  twice  collated,  first  inaccurately  by  Nicholas 
Westermann,  who  communicated  his  extracts  to  Wetstein, 
and  again  minutely  by  Henry  Middledorpff,  who  printed  the 
various  readings  which  he  discovered  in  E.  F.  C.  Rosen- 
miiller's  Commentationes  Theologicse,  vol.  ii.  part  ii.  pp. 
167,  et  seq.  These  readings  are  inserted  by  Scholz  in  his 
critical  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament. 

43.  (Gosp.  76.  Paul.  Ep.  49.)  The  CodCx  CjEsareus 
Vindobonensis,  of  the  eleventh  century.  See  it  noticed  in 
p.  242.  No.  76. 

44.  (Gosp.  82.  Paul.  Ep.  51.  Apoc.  5.)  The  manu- 
scripts cited  by  Laurentius  Valla.  See  a  notice  of  them 
in  p.  243.  No.  82. 

45.  (Paul.  Ep.  52.  Apoc.  16.)  The  Codex  Uffen- 
bachianus  2.  (of  Bengel,  1.  of  Wetstein),  written  on  paper 
in  the  fifteenth  century,  contains  the  Catholic  Epistles,  the 
Revelation  of  St.  John,  and  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  :  it 
was  collated  by  Bengel  and  by  Wetstein,  and  the  former 
has  observed  that  it  harmonizes  with  the  Cod.  Covell.  2. 
(No.  25.  suprii)  ;  consequently  it  agrees  with  the  text  of  the 
Alexandrine  recension. 

46.  (Paul.  Ep.  55.)  The  Codex  Monacensis  375.,  for- 
merly Augustanus  6.,  was  written  on  vellum  in  the  ele- 
venth century.  It  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles  with  a 
commentary,  and  for  the  most  part  agrees  with  the  received 
text,  though  it  has  some  peculiar  readings,  a  few  of  which 
harmonize  •with  the  Alexandrine  recension.  This  manu- 
script was  collated  by  Scholz  for  Acts  iii. — xx.  and  1  Cor. 
i.  1—3. 

47.  (Gosp.  90.  Paul.  Ep.  14.)  The  Codex  Wolfii,  for- 
merly Joannis  Fabri  Daventriensis.     See  p.  243.  No.  90. 

48.  (Gosp.  105.  Paul.  Ep.  24.)  The  Codex  Ebneria- 
nus,  now  in  the  Bodleian  Library.  See  a  description  of  it 
in  pp.  244.  with  a  fac-simile.  Scholz  collated  it  for  the 
Epistles  only  on  1  John  v.  7. 

49.  (Gosp.  92.)  The  Codex  Andrew  Faeschii  1.  con- 
tains a  commentary  on  the  Catholic  Epistles.  See  p.  243. 
No.  92. 

50.  (Paul.  Ep.  a.)  Codex  Stephani  £',  is  now  un- 
known :  it  is  cited  five  times  only  in  the  Acts  and  Catholic 
Epistles :  what  is  cited  in  the  Gospels  a.  otephani  £,  for- 
merly Regius  2242.,  and  afterwards  49.-  -ontains  only  iU 
four  Gospels. 


Sect.  II.  §  5.] 


THE  ACTS  AND  CATHOLIC  EPISTLES. 


26S4 


51.  (Paul.  Ep.  133.  Ap.  52.)  The  Codex  Regius  5G., 
formerly  2248.,  is  a  manuscript  of  the  twelfth  century,  on 
velhim,  containing  the  Acts,  Epistles,  and  Apocalypse:  it 
wants  a  few  verses  towards  the  end,  and  follows  tlie  Con- 
starrtinopolitan  recension. 

52.  (Paul.  Ep.  50.)     The  Codex   Rhoduhub,  d( 

its  name  from  the  island  of  Rhodes,  whence  it  was  brought. 
It  is  said  to  have  been  principally  used  in  the  edition  pi  the 
Complutensian  Polyglott,  anil  is  often  quoted  by  Stunica  as 
a  very  ancient  manuscript,  but  by  Erasmus  it  was  supposed 
to  Latinise.  It  is  not  known  where  this  manuscript  now  is, 
nor  can  any  conjecture  be  offered  as  to  its  age. 

53.  (Paul.  Ep.  30.)  The  Codex  CahTABBIOUNSIS  •'!., 
(in  the  Loudon  Polyglott  Codex  Em.)  is  ;i  manuscript  of 
the  twelfth  century,  belonging  to  Emanuel  College,  Cam- 
bridge. Besides  the  epistles  of  St.  Paul  it  has  fragments 
of  the  Catholic  Epistles,  viz.  2  Pet.  ii.  4.— iii.  IS.  and 
1  John  i.  1. — iii.  20.  It  has  likewise  the  two  following 
chasms,  viz.  1  Cor.  xi.  7. — xv.  56.  and  from  Heb.  xi.  27. 
to  the  end  of  the  epistle. 

54.  (Gosp.  13.  Paul.  Ep.  1-29.)  The  Codex  Gr;Ecus 
4.,  in  the  Library  of  the  Arsenal  at  Paris  (see  page  240. 
V>.  13.),  of  the  eleventh  or  twelfth  century,  follows  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated  in  select 
passages  by  Scholz. 

55.  Another  copy  of  the  Epistle  of  Jude  contained  in 
Cod.  47. 

56.  (Paul.  Ep.  227.)  The  Codex  Clarku  4.,  in  the 
Bodleian  Library,  at  Oxford,  contains  the  Acts  and  Epis- 
tles, with  prologues,  and  appears  to  follow  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan  text.  Scholz  collated  it  in  some  select  passages, 
and  has  put  this  Manuscript  in  the  place  of  four  Medicean 
MSS.  the  readings  of  which  (written  in  the  margin  of  Ra- 
pheleng's  edition  of  1591,  by  some  unknown  Dutchman) 
VVetstein  had  noted  with  this  number.  In  the  judgment  of 
Professor  Birch,  of  Copenhagen,  these  four  Medicean  Ma- 
nuscripts appear  to  be  those  numbered  84.  87.  88.  and  89. 
p.  264*.  infra. 

57.  (Gosp.  234.  Paul.  Ep.  72.)  The  Codex  Havmen- 
sis  1.  (described  in  page  249.  No.  234.)  was  written  in 
1278. 

58.  (Paul.  Ep.  224.)  Codex  Clarkii  9.,  in  the  Bodle- 
ian Library  at  Oxford,  contains  the  Acts,  Epistles,  and 
Catholic  Epistles,  and  mostly  agrees  with  the  textus  recep- 
tus.  It  was  collated  by  Scholz  in  Acts  v.,  viii.  W etstein 
has  erroneously  numbered  58.  the  manuscript  already  de- 
scribed at  No.  22.  page  261*. 

59.  (Paul.  Ep.  62.)  The  Codex  Harleianus  5588.,  in 
the  British  Museum,  of  the  thirteenth  century,  contains  the 
Acts  and  Epistles.  Its  text  is  of  a  mixed  character:  it  was 
collated  by  Griesbach,  in  Acts  xi.  xii.  and  xiii.  and  in  the 
first  epistle  of  Peter. 

60.  (Paul.  Ep.  63.  Apoc.  29.)  The  Codex  Harleianus 
5613.,  was  written  a.  d.  1407  on  paper  :  it  contains  the  Acts, 
Epistles,  and  Apocalypse.  Griesbach  collated  Acts  i. — 
viii.,  the  epistle  to  the  Romans,  the  first  to  the  Corinthians, 
and  the  third  chapter  of  the  second,  and  the  epistle  to  the 
Ephesians.  According  to  Scholz,  this  manuscript  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

61.  (Paul.  Ep.  61.)  An  unknown  manuscript,  the  read- 
ings of  which  marked  Hal.  are  written  in  the  margin  of  a 
copy  of  Dr.  Mill's  Critical  Edition  of  the  New  Testament, 


ODEX 

See  it  de- 


important,  and  that  he  has  found  many  of  them  in  the  Com- 
plutensian Polyglott. 

Gl.  (Paul.  Ep.  69.)  The  Codex  Cjesareus  Vindobonen- 
sis,  Nesselii  Theol.  303.  Lambecii  36.  was  written  in  the 
twelfth  century  according  to  Scholz,  or  according  to  Gries- 
bach  in  the  twelfth  or  thirteenth  century.  It  was  brought 
by  Iiusbeck  from  Constantinople,  and  contains  the  Acts  and 
Epistles  with  a  synaxarium  and  prologues.  Its  readings 
win-  published  by  Treschow,  Birch,  and  Alter. 

ii.').    (Gosp.  -J1K.   Paul.  Ep.  57.  Apoc.  33.)     The  Cc 
GxBAREO-VufDOBOHElfSia  'J3.    (Lambecii  1.) 
scribed  in  pp.  -J  Is,  349.   .No.  218. 

(iii.  (Paul.  Ej).  tiT.  Apoc.  Gl.)  The  Codex  CiESAREO- 
ViNDoiKi.Mc.ssis,  302.  (Lambecii  31.)  is  a  manuscript  of  the 
eleventh  or  twelfth  century,  containing  the  Acts,  Epistles, 
and  the  Apocalypse.  Three  distinct  emendators  of  this  ma- 
nuscript may  1  >* ■  traced.  It  was  described  by  A.  C.  Hwiid, 
who  gave  minute  extracts  from  it  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apos- 
tles in  his  "Libellus  Criticus  de  indole  Codicis  Lambecii 
XXXIV.  Havniffi,  17H">.  Bvo."  Extracts  from  this  manu- 
script are  given  in  Alter*  s  Greek  Testament,  vol.  ii.  pp.  415 
— 558.     It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

G7.    (Paul.  Ep.  70.)     Hie  Codex  Cesareo-Vindobonen 
sis  theologicus  221.    (Lambecii  37.),  written  in  1331,  and 
brought  from  Constantinople  by  Busbeck,  contains  the  Act3 
and  Epistles.     Complete  extracts  from  it  are  printed  by 
Alter,  vol.  ii.  pp.  689—740. 

68.  (Paul.  Ep.  73.)  The  Codex  Upsaliensis,  Sparwen 
feldianus  42.,  consists  of  two  parts.  The  first  contains  the 
Acts,  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  and  1  Cor.  to  xv.  38.,  written 
in  the  twelfth  century.  The  second  part,  containing  1  Cor. 
xiii.  6.  to  the  end,  and  the  rest  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  to- 
gether with  the  Catholic  Epistles,  appears  to  have  been 
written  in  the  eleventh  century.  The  portion  comprised  in 
1  Cor.  xiii.  6.  to  xv.  38.  is  twice  transcribed,  and  from  dif- 
ferent copies  which  have  discrepant  readings. 

69.  (Paul.  Ep.  74.  Apoc.  30.)  The  Codex  Guelfhek 
bytanus  XVI.  7.  appears5  to  have  been  written  in  the 
twelfth  or  thirteenth  century  by  two  different  copyists.  It 
contains  the  Acts,  Epistles,  and  Apocalypse,  with  marginal 
readings,  and  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  but 
it  also  has  many  readings  peculiar  to  itself. 

70.  (Gosp.  131.  Paul.  Ep.  77.  Apoc.  66.)  The  Codex 
Vaticanus  360.,  of  the  eleventh  century,  is  described  in 
page  246.  No.  131.:  it  appears  to  have  the  Constantinopo- 
litan text,  and  was  collated  by  Birch  and  by  Scholz  in 
select  passages. 

71.  (Gosp.  133.  Paul.  Ep.  78.)  The  Codex  Vaticanus 
363.,  of  the  eleventh  century,  also  appears  to  have  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan text :  it  was  collated  in  select  passages  by 
Birch  and  by  Scholz. 

72.  (Paul.  Ep.  79.  Apoc.  37.)  The  Codex  Vaticanus 
366.,  of  the  twelfth  century,  contains  the  Acts,  Epistles, 
and  Apocalypse.  It  appears  to  have  the  Constantinopolitan 
text,  and  was  collated  by  Birch  and  Scholz. 

73.  (Paul.  Ep.  80.)  The  Codex  Vaticanus  367.,  of 
the  eleventh  century,  follows  the  Alexandrine  recension. 
It  was  collated  by  Birch,  and  in  select  passages  by  Schola. 

71.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  760.,  of  the  twelfth  century, 
contains  the  Acts  with  a  catena:  this  and  the  three  follow- 
ing manuscripts  were  collated  in  select  passages  by  Scholz. 

7").    (Gosp.  141.  Paul.  Ep.  86.  Apoc.  40.)     The  Codex 


preserved  in  the  Bodleian  Library.     Griesbach  transcribed    Vaticanus  1160.,  of  the  thirteenth  century,  agrees  with  the 
them,  and  inserted  them  in  his  Symbols  Critics,  vol.  i. !  Constantinopolitan  recension 


7G.    (Gosp.  142.  Paul.  Ep.  87.)    The  Codex  Vaticanus 
(formerly  |  1210.,  of  the  eleventh  century,  is  briefly  described  in  pagf 
•J  17.  Xo.  110. 

77.  (Gosp.  149.  Paul.  Ep.  88.  Apoc.  25.)  The  Code* 
Palatino-Vaticams  171.  is  a  manuscript  of  the  fourteenth 
century. 

78.  (Paul.  Ep.  89.)  The  Codex  Alexandrin^Vatica- 
nus  20.,  of  the  twelfth  century,  contains  the  Acts  and  Ca- 
tholic Epistles,  Rom.  i.  2.  Cor.  Gal.  and  Eph.  i.  1—9.  It 
is  imperfect  from  2  Cor.  xi.  15.  to  xii.  1.  Scholz  states 
that  it  is  a  manuscript  of  good  character,  agreeing  with  the 

-  (  Constantinopolitan  recension.  This  and  the  two  following 
edition  of  the  Greek  Testament,  vol.  ii. :  manuscripts  were  collated  in  select  passages  by  Birch  and 
Michaelis  states  that  its  readings  are  not  { by  Scholz. 


pp.  247—304. 

62.  (Paul.  Ep.  65.)  The  Codex  Regius  60 
1886.,  Colbertinus871.,)  was  Written  in  the  fourteenth  cen 
tury  according  to  Scholz,  or  according  to  Griesbach  in  the 
fourteenth  or  fifteenth  century.  He  collated  it  in  1  John  v., 
and  some  select  passages  of  the  same  epistle :  and  it  was 
cursorily  exarr  ned  by  Scholz. 

63.  (Paul.  Ep.  68.)  The  Codex  Cesareus  Lambecii 
35.,  in  the  Imperial  Library  at  Vienna,  contains  the  Acts 
and  Epistles,  written  in  the  twelfth  century  according  to 
Treschow,  in  the  thirteenth  according  to  Griesbach,  and  in 
the  fourteenth  according"  to  Scholz.  Alter  has  given  extracts 
from  it  in  his 
pp.  741—788. 


264* 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS,  CONTAINING 


[Part  !.  Chap  ITT 


79.  (Paul.  Ep.  90.)  The  Codex  Urbino-Vaticanus  3., 
■>f  the  eleventh  century,  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles. 

80.  (Paul.  91.  Ap.  42.)  The  Codex  Pio-Vaticanus  50., 
of  the  twelfth  century,  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles.  It 
frequently  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  recension. 

81.  The  Codex  Barberinus  377.,  of  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Acts  and  the  Catholic  Epistles,  and  fol- 
lows the  Alexandrine  recension.  It  was  collated  in  select 
passages  by  Birch. 

B8.  (Gosp.  ISO.  Paul.  Ep.  92.  Apoc.  44.)  The  manu- 
ftcripl  in  the  Library  of  the  College  of  the  Propaganda, 
No.  050.,  (formerly  Borgiae  4.),  written  towards  the  close 
of  tin'  thirteenth  century,  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
!i'xt :   it  was  collated  in  select  passages  by  Scholz. 

88.  (Paul. Ep.  93.)  The  Codex  Bibliothecvk  Borbo- 
sw.il.  Regis  Neapolitans  l.B.  12.  (formerly  223.),  of  the 
tenth  century,  mostly  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  recen- 
sion ;  but  it  has  many  readings  in  common  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan text.  Tt  was  collated  in  select  passages  by 
Birch  and  Scholz. 

84.  (Paul.  Ep.  94.)  -  The  Codex  Laurentianus  IV.  1., 
of  the  tenth  century,  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles,  with 
the  commentary  of  Chrysostom  on  the  Acts,  and  of  Nicetas 
on  the  Epistles.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension :  this  and  the  eight  following  manuscripts  were 
collated  in  select  passages  by  Birch  and  by  Scholz. 

85.  (Paul.  Ep.  95.)  The  Codex  Laurentianus  IV.  5., 
of  the  thirteenth  century,  contains  the  Acta  and  Epistles, 
with  the  commentary  of  Theophylact. 

86.  (Paul.  Ep.  96.)  The  Codex  Laurentianus  IV.  20., 
of  the  eleventh  century,  contains  the  Acts,  Epistles,  and 
Apocalypse  :  it  appears  to  agree  with  the  Constantir.cpoli- 
tan  recension. 

87.  (Paul.  Ep.  97.)  The  Codex  Laurentianus  IV.  29., 
of  the  tenth  century,  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles,  with 
scholia,  prologues,  and  an  interlineary  Latin  version  of  the 
Epistles,  evidently  written  by  a  later  hand,  and  for  the  use 
of  learners.  The  text  agrees  with  that  of  the  Constantino- 
politan recension. 

88.  (Paul.  Ep.  98.)  The  Codex  Laurentianus  IV.  31., 
of  the  eleventh  century,  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles,  and 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

89.  (Paul.  Ep.  99.  Apoc.  45.)  The  Codex  Laurenti- 
anus IV.  32.,  written  a.  d.  1093,  contains  the  Acts,  Epis- 
tles, and  Apocalypse,  with  a  prologue  and  the  treatise  of 
Dorotheus  on  the  seventy  disciples  and  on  the  twelve  apos- 
tles :  it  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

90.  (Gosp.  197.)  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VIII.  14., 
described  in  page  248.  No.  197.,  agrees  with  the  Constan- 
tinopolitan recension. 

91.  (Gosp.  201.  Paul.  Ep.  104.)  The  Codex  701.  for- 
merly belonging  to  the  friars-preachers  of  Saint  Mark  at 
Florence,  described  in  page  248.  No.  201.,  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension. 

92.  (Gosp.  204.  Paul.  Ep.  105.)  The  Codex  Bononi- 
ensis  640.,  noticed  in  p.  248.  No.  204.,  coincides  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  text. 

93.  (Gosp.  205.  Paul.  Ep.  106.  Apoc.  88.)  The  Codex 
Venetus  5.,  noticed  in  page  248.  No.  205.,  was  written  in 
the  fifteenth  century ;  it  is  a  transcript  of  No.  95.  in  the 
Gospels;  but  in  the  Acts  both  manuscripts  differ.  This 
MS.  was  collated  by  Rink,  who  has  given  the  results  of 
his  examination  in  his  Lucubralio  Critica  in  Ada  Jlpos- 
tolorum,  Epistolas  Catholicas  et  Paulinas.  (Basilese,  1830. 
8vo.)  It  mostly  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recen- 
sion. 

94.  (Gosp.  206.  Paul.  Ep.  207.)  The  Codex  Venetus 
6.,  noticed  in  p.  248.  No.  206.,  is  also  a  transcript  of  No. 
95.,  and  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  It 
was  collated  by  Rink. 

95.  (Gosp.  209.  Paul.  Ep.  108.  Apoc.  46.)  The  Codex 
Venetianus  10.,  of  the  fourteenth  or  fifteenth  century,  is 
described  in  p.  248.  No.  209.  It  agrees  chiefly  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension,  and  was  also  collated  by  Rink. 

96.  (Paul.  Ep.  109.)  The  Codex  Venetianus  11.,  which 
formerly  belonged  to  the  monastery. of  St.  Michael  deTroy- 
na  (in  Sicily)  is  written  on  vellum  in  the  eleventh  century. 


It  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles,  with  a  Latin  and  Arabic 
version,  and  is  imperfect  in  Acts  i.  1 — 12.  xxv.  21. — xxvi. 
18.  and  in  the  Epistle  to  Philemon.  This  manuscript  mostly 
agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  recension,  but  it  has  many  pe- 
culiar readings  in  common  with  No.  142.  p.  266*.  infra. 
It  was  collated  anew  by  Rink. 

97.  (Paul.  Ep.  241.)  The  Codex  Gudianus,  gr.  104.  2., 
in  the  Wolfenbuttel  Library,  is  a  manuscript  on  vellum  of 
the  twelfth  century,  and  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles  with 
marginal  scholia  extracted  from  Chrysostom  andOecumenius 
At  the  end  there  are  some  prayers  and  dialogues.  It  is  im 
perfect  from  Acts  xvi.  39.  to  xviii.  18.  and  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension. 

98.  (Paul.  Ep.  113.)  The  Codex  Mosquensis  noted  by 
Matthaei  a.  of  the  tenth  or  eleventh  century,  consists  of 
three  parts:  1.  Ecclesiastical  lessons  from  the  Acts,  with 
various  readings  in  the  margin,  and  scholia;  2.  The  text  of 
all  the  Epistles,  also  with  various  readings  in  the  margin, 
and  scholia;  and  3.  Lessons  from  the  Acts  and  Epistles  for 
every  day  in  the  whole  year.  When  this  manuscript  is 
quoted  among  the  various  readings,  its  three  parts  are  dis- 
tinguished by  a1,  a-,  (or  a.  only),  and  a3.  This  manuscript 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  as  also  do  the 
following  Nos.  99.  to  106.  All  the  Moscow  manuscripts 
were  collated  by  Matthaei. 

99.  (Paul.  Ep.  111.)  The  Codex  S.  Synodi  Mosquen- 
sis  5.  (in  the  library  of  the  Holy  Synod  at  Moscow),  by 
Matthaei  noted  c,  is  a  manuscript  on  paper,  written  (but 
not  accurately)  in  the  month  of  April  a.  d.  1445,  by  Theog- 
nostus,  metropolitan  of  Perga  and  Attalia  :  it  contains  the 
Acts  and  Epistles  with  prologue  and  synaxarion,  and  vari- 
■ous  orations  of  the  Greek  Fathers. 

TOO.  (Paul.  Ep.  115.)  The  Codex  S.  Synodi  334.  (d. 
of  Matthaei),  of  the  eleventh  century,  on  vellum,  contains 
the  Acts  and  Epistles,  with  a  catena  and  scholia. 

101.  (Paul.  Ep.  116.)  The  Codex  S.  Synodi  333.  (f. 
of  Matthaei),  written  on  cotton  paper  in  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Acts  with  scholia,  and  the  Epistles  with 
a  prologue.  Bishop  Marsh,  after  Matthaei,  states  that  it 
has  many  remarkable  readings,  but  in  the  Epistles  of  Saint 
Paul,  which  were  written  by  a  different  copyist,  they  are  of 
less  value. 

102.  (Paul.  Ep.  117.)  The  Codex  S.  Synodi  98.  (g.  of 
Matthaei),  which  formerly  belonged  to  the  monastery  of  St. 
Dionysius  on  mount  Athos,  contains  all  the  Epistles  with  a 
catena,  written  on  vellum  in  the  ninth  century ;  the  text,  in 
uncial  letters  ;  and  the  catena,  in  small  letters.  It  is  im- 
perfect from  Rom.  x.  18.  to  the  end,  and  from  1  Cor.  i.  1. 
to  vi.  13.,  and  in  viii.  7 — 12. 

103.  (Paul.  Ep.  118.)  The  Codex  S.  Synodi  193.  (h. 
of  Matthaei),  on  vellum,  of  the  tenth  century,  contains  frag- 
ments of  the  Acts  and  Epistles  with  scholia. 

104.  (Gosp.  241.  Paul.  Ep.  120.  Apoc.  47.)  The  Co- 
dex Dresdensis  (k.  of  Matthaei),  is  described  in  page  249. 
No.  241. 

105.  (Gosp.  242.  Paul.  Ep.  121.  Apoc.  48.)  The  Co- 
dex S.  Synodi,  (1.  of  Matthaei),  is  described  in  page  249. 
No.  242.1 

106.  (Paul.  Ep.  122.)  The  Codex  S.  Synodi  328.  (m. 
of  Matthaei),  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles,  written  on 
vellum  in  the  eleventh  century,  with  a  prologue,  synaxarion, 
and  the  Psalms. 

107.  The  Codf.x  Dresdensis  252.  follows  th  Constan- 
tinopolitan recension.  It  is  noted  19.  by  Matthaei  by  whom 
it  was  oollated,  and  who  has  described  the  MSS.  i  ;os.  98 — 
107.  in  the  prefaces  to  his  Critical  Edition  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament. 

108.  (Gosp.  226.  Paul.  Ep.  228.)  The  Codex  Escu- 
rialensis  X'  IV-  17.  described  in  page  249.  No.  <  *6.,  and 

109.  (Gosp.  228.  Paul.  Ep.  229.)  The  CoDt  ;  Escu- 
rialensis  %.  IV.  12.  described  in  page  249.  No.  22s.,  both 
agree  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  were  col- 
lated by  Moldenhaur. 

'  Scholz  (Nov.  Test.  vol.  i.  Proleg.  p.  lxxvi.)  states  that  this  manuscript 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension:  bat  in  vol.  ii.  Prolog,  p. 
xiii.  he  says  that  its  text  for  the  most  part  agrees  wi?h  the  Alexandrine 
recension.  But  this  last  statement  must  be  a  mirtake,  as  he  says  in 
p.  xxviii  that  it  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolii*"  recension. 


THE  ACTS  AND  CATHOLIC  EPISTLES. 


8ict.1I.  §5.] 

ui.  Manuscripts  first  collated  by  Dr.  Scholz,  for  his  Critical 
Edition  of  the  New  Testanunt. 

110.  The  Codex  Cantauuigiensis  2622.,  contains  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments.  [Though  indicated  by  Scholz 
as  a  manuscript,  this  is  a  copy  of  the  Creek  Septuagint  and 
New  Testament,  printed  at  Basil  l>y  John  Hervagr,  in  1547>, 
witli  :i  Latin  Preface  by  Melancthon,  and  manuscript  notes 
in  the  margin.']  ■ 

ill.  (Gosp.  no.  Paul.  Ep.  821. J  The  Codex  Camta- 
beigiensis,  Mm.  0.  9.    See  it  noticed  iii  page  255.  No.  440. 

112.  The  Codex  Cantabrigiehsis  2068.  contains  the 
Acts  and  Epistles.  [This  manuscript,  which  is  enumerated 
by  Scholz  as  being  fir  the  first  tine  collated  by  biin,  is  -also 
marked  Kk.  vi.  I.    in  the  University  Library;  and  as  it  lias 

tile  name  of  Vataldus  written  both  at  the  beginning  and  end 

of  the  manuscript,  it  consequently  is  the  same  manuscript 
which  has  been  noticed  in  page  201*.  No.  9.] 

113.  (Go6p.  18.  Paul.  Ep.  132.  Apoc.  51.)  The  Codex 
Rl  311  s  17.  (described  in  pane  039.  No.  18.)  closely  follows 

the  Alexandrine  recension:  Dr.  Scholz  collated  it  through- 
out f..r  the  Aets.  and  cursorily  for  the  Epistles. 

11  1.  (Paul.  lip.  134.)  The  CooEX  Regius  57.,  formerly 
12.").'?.,  on  vellum,  was  written  in  the  thirteenth  century:  it 
ins  tin-  Act8  and  I  Epistles  with  prologues,  synaxarion, 
the  Hook  of  Ecclesiastes,  the  apocryphal  hook  of  Wisdom, 
the  Proverhs,  and  Song  of  Solomon,  and  fragments  of  pray- 
r  tin  use  of  the  (ireek  Church.  It  follows  the  Con- 
Stantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  cursorily  collated. 

115.  (Paul.  Ep.  135.)  The  Codex  Regius  58.,  formerly 
2293.  (Colbertinus  5107.),  written  on  vellum  in  the  thir- 
teenth century,  contains  tne  Acts  and  Epistles  :  it  is  imper- 
fect from  Acts  i.  l.to  xiv.  27.  This  manuscript  docs  not 
appear  to  have  heen  used  in  the  service  of  the  church,  as  no 
lessons  are  indicated  :  its  text  is  of  a  mixed  character.  It 
was  collated  throughout  hy  Scholz. 

116.  (Paul.  Ep.  36.  Apoc.  53.)  The  Codex  Regius  59., 
formerly  Tellerianus,  was  written  on  paper  in  the  sixteenth 
century :  it  contains  the  Acts,  Epistles,  and  Apocalypse, 
with  prologues,  and  with  scholia  on  the  Catholic  Epistles. 
It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

117.  (Gosp.  263.  Paul.  Ep.  137.)  The  Codex  Regius 
61. :  it  is  described  in  page  250.  No.  263.,  and  was  collated 
by  Scholz  in  the  former  part  of  the  Acts  and  in  select  pas- 
sages of  the  Catholic  Epistles. 

118.  (Paul.  Ep.  138.  Apoc.  55.)  The  Codex  Regius 
101.,  formerly  28^9  (Colbertinus  4785.),  written  on  cotton 
paper  in  the  thirteenth  century,  contains  the  Acts,  Epistles, 
and  Apocalypse,  with  prologues  and  scholia,  and  an  enco- 
mium on  St.  Paul,. compiled  from  various  passages  of  Chry- 
sostom's  writings.  It  is  imperfect  in  Acts  xix.  18.  to  xxii. 
17.  and  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  Dr.  Scholz 
collated  it  for  1  Tim.  and  2Thess..  for  the  principal  part  of 
the  Acts  and  Catholic  Epistles,  and  in  select  passages  of  the 
remainder  of  the  Epistles  and  the  Apocalypse. 

119.  (Paul.  Ep.  139.  Apoc.  56.)  The  Codcx  Rectos 
100.  A.,  written  on  vellum  in  the  tenth  century  (hut  the 
Apocalypse  in  the  thirteenth  century),  contains  the  Acts, 
Epistles,  and  Apocalypse,  with  prologues  and  an  index  of 
ecclesiastical  lessons.  It  is  imperfect  from  2  Cor.  i.  8.  to 
ii.  4.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and 
was  collated  in  select  passages. 

100.  (Paul.  Ep.  141.)  The  Codex  Regius  103.  A.. 
written  on  vellum  in  the  eleventh  century,  contains  the  Acts 
and  Epistles  with  prologues.  There  are  numerous  ch 
in  this  manuscript;  part  of  which,  containing  Acts  v.  38. 
to  vi.  7.  vii.  6.  to  16.  and  32.  to  \.  25.  &C.,  is  written  on 
cotton  paper  in  the  thirteenth  century.  The  text  mostly 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension:  the  chief 
part  of  this  manuscript  was  collated. 

121.  (Paul.  Ep.  142.)  The  Codex Regios  104.,  formerly 

»  For  the  Information  respecting  the  Cambridge  MSS.  Vis  110.  ami  118. 
Hie  author  is  indebted  to  the  researches  of  the  Rev.  William  Mandell, 
M.  A.  Fellow  of  Queen's  College  in  that  University. 

'The  following  is  a  transcript  of  the  article  in  the  catalogue  of  Manu- 
scripts in  the  University  I.i'.irarv  at  Cambridge  :— 

«  Kk.  VI.  4.  2068. 

"  Codex  est  Graxus  in  Ito.  minora,  manu  vetusta,  in  membranis  scriptus, 
fine  mutilus,  in  quo  continentur  Actus  Apostolorum  et  Epistole  Catholi- 
cs; et  Paulina." 

Vol.  I.  2  L 


2G5* 


2869.  (Colbertinus  6123.),  written  on  cotto.i  paper  in  the 
thirteenth  century,  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles,  with  an 
index  of  lessons  and  synaxarion.  It  chiefly  agrees  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension:  the  chief  part  of  it  was 
collated. 

122.  The  Codex  Regius  105.  formerly  2671.  (Colberti- 

nus  5259.),  is  correctly  uritten  on  vellum,  in  the  eleventh 
century.  It  contains  various  fragments  of  the  Acts  and 
Epistles,  most  of  which  were  collated,  and  it  seldom  differs 
from  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

123.  (Paul.  Ep.  1  i  1.)  The  Cot. ex  Regius  106.  A.,  on 
cotton  paper,  and  written  in  the  fourteenth  century,  contains 
the  Acts  and  Epistles,  with  prologues,  scholia,  and  some 
hymns  of  the  Greek  Church,  k  i>.  imperfect  from  1  Pet.  i. 
9.  to  ii.  7.,  and  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 
The  chief  part  of  this  manuscript  was  collated. 

10  1.  (Paul.  Ep.  119.  Apoc.  57.)  'ri''  ('""«  Regius 
124.  (formerly  Colbertinus  .  I\  vrritfc  n  on  vellum, 

in  the  sixteenth  century,  contains  the  Acts,  Epistles,  and 
Apocalypse:  it  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  reeen- 
Bion,  and  was  cursorily  collated. 

125.  (Paul.  Ep.  150.)  The  Codex  Regius  105.  was 
brought  directly  from  Constantinople  to  the  Royal  Library 
at  Paris:  it  rarely  der:at2S  from  the  Constantinopolitan  re- 
cension :  it  was  written  on  vellum  in  the  fourteenth  century, 
and  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles.  Dr.  Scholz  collated  it 
cursorily. 

126.  (Paul.  Ep.  153.)  The  Codex  Recius  216.,  for- 
merly 705.  (and  Medicaeus  1885.),  was  elegantly  written  on 
vellum  in  the  tenth'  century,  and,  Dr.  Scholz  thinks,  at  Con- 
stantinople. It  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles,  with  pro- 
logues and  scholia  extracted  from  the  commentaries  of 
Chrysostom,  Ammonius,  Apollinaris,  Didymus,  Isidore, 
Origcn,  and  others.  Some  parts  of  these  scholia  are  writ- 
ten in  uncial  letters;  others,  especially  the  scholia  on  the 
Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  have  been  added  in  the  sixteenth 
century.  The  text  of  this  manuscript  mostly  agrees  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension:  the  chief  part  of  it  was 
collated  by  Scholz. 

127.  (Paul.  Ep.  154.)  The  Codex  Regius  217.  in  vel- 
lum, of  the  eleventh  century,  contains  the  Acts  with  a  catena 
thereon,  and  the  Epistles,  with  Theophylact's  commentary 
on  those  of  St.  Paul,  and  scholia  on  the  Catholic  Epistles. 
The  greater  part  of  this  manuscript  was  collated  by  Dr. 
Scholz :  its  text  mostly  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  recen- 
sion. 

128.  (Paul.  Ep.  155.)  The  Codex  Regius  218.  (for- 
merly Colbertinus),  written  on  vellum  in  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles  with  a  catena,  and  fol- 
lows the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

129.  (Paul.  Ep.  156.)  The  Codex  Regius  220.,  for- 
merly Colbertinus,  written  in  the  thirteenth  century  on  vel- 
lum, contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles  with  a  commentary; 
but  the  text  is  frequently  omitted.  It  agrees  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension,  and  was  cursorily  collated. 

130.  The  Codex  Regtos  001.,  which  was  brought  from 
[  the  East  into  the  Royal  Library  at  Paris,  contains  the  Acts 
1  and  Catholic  Epistles  with  a  catena,  written  on  vellum  in 

the  twelfth  century.  It  is  imperfect  in  Acts  xx.  38.  to  xxii. 
3.;  2  Pet.  i.  11.  "to  the  end;  1  John  iv.  11.  to  the  end; 
2  John;  3  John;  and  Jude  1 — 8.  The  text  mostly  agrees 
with  that  of  the  Constantinopolitan  Tecension,  and  was  cur- 
sorily collated. 

131.  (Paul.  Ep.  158.)  The  Codex  Regius  223.,  for- 
merly 2246.  and  also  505.  (formerly  Codex  Boistallerianus) 
is  written  on  vellum  in  folio.  The  first  part,  containing  the 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul  with  a  prologue  and  catena,  was  writ- 
ten a.  n.  1015  by  the  Reader  and  Calligrapher  Theopemp* 
tus;  and  the  second  part,  containing  the  Acts  and  Catholic 
Epistles,  was  written  in  the  thirteenth  century.  It  mostly 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension:  the  chief 
part  of  it  was  collated. 

132.  (Gosp.  330.  Paul.  Ep.  131.)  The  Codex  Coi?li- 
ma ms  195.     See  it  described  in  page  252.  No.  330. 

133.  (Paul.  Ep.  166.)  The  Codex  Taurinensis  285.  c 
I.  40.,  written  on  paper  in  the  thirteenth  century,  contains 
the  Acts  and  Epistles,  with  figures  and  prologues.    It  mostly 


266* 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS,  CONTAINING 


[Paet  I.  Chap.  HI. 


agrees  with  the  received  text,  but  it  has  many  Alexandrine 
readings.     It  was  accurately  collated  by  Dr.  Scholz. 

134.  (Paul.  Ep.  167.)  The  Codex  Taurinensis  315. 
(now  19.)  c.  II.  17.,  written  in  the  eleventh  century  on  vel- 
lum, contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles  with  prologues.  It  is 
imperfect  in  Acts  i.  ii.  The  text  follows  the  Constantino- 
politan  recension.  Dr.  Scholz  colkted  this  manuscript  in 
4Cts  jii. vii.  Rom.  x.  and  some  other  select  passages. 

135.  '(Gosp.  339.  Paul.  Ep.  170.  Apoc.  83.)  The  Codex 
Taurinensis  302.  c.  II.  5.,  described  in  page  252.  No.  339., 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

°136.  (Paul.  Ep.  169.)  The  Codex  Taurinensis  328.  c. 
IT.,  31.,  written  on  vellum  in  the  thirteenth  century,  con- 
tains the  Acts  and  Epistles;  and  agrees  with  the  Constan- 
tinopolitan recension.  It  is  imperfect  in  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews. 

137.  (Paul.  Ep.  176.)  The  Codex  Ambrosianus  97., 
written  on  vellum  in  the  eleventh  century,  was  purchased 
on  the  Island  of  Corcyra:  it  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles 
with  prologues,  and  an  index  of  ecclesiastical  lessons.  The 
text  agrees  generally  with  that  of  the  Alexandrine  recension, 
out  frequently  also  with  that  of  the  Constantinopolitan  re- 
cension. Dr.  Scholz  collated  nearly  the  whole  of  this  manu- 
script in  the  Acts  and  Catholic  Epistles. 

138.  (Paul.  Ep.  173.)  The  Codex  Ambrosianus  102., 
which  formerly  belonged  to  J.  V.  Penelli,  is  written  on 
paper  in  the  fourteenth  century,  and  contains  all  the  Epis- 
tles. It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and 
was  cursorily  collated. 

139.  (Paul.  Ep.  174.)  The  Codex  Ambrosianus  104., 
written  on  paper  a.  d.  1434,  contains  the 'Acts  and  Epistles : 
it  was  cursorily  collated,  and  agrees  with  the  Constantino- 
politan recension. 

140.  (Paul.  Ep.  215.  Apoc.  74.)  The  Codex  Venetus 
546.  is  written,  partly  on  vellum  in  the  eleventh  century, 
and  partly  on  paper :  it  contains  the  Acts,  Epistles,  and 
Apocalypse,  with  a  catena  on  the  Epistles,  and  a  commen- 
tary on  the  Apocalypse.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopo- 
litan recension. 

141.  (Gosp.  189.  Paul.  Ep.  239.)  The  Codex  Lauren- 
tianus  VI.  27.  of  the  twelfth  century,  agrees  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension. 

142.  (Paul.  Ep.  178.)  The  Codex  Mutinensis  243. 
(Ms.  III.  B.  17.)  on  vellum  of  the  twelfth  century,  contains 
the  Acts  and  Epistles,  and  follows  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension.  In  the  Acts  it  agrees  with  No.  96.  (page  264*. 
supra)  :  Dr.  Scholz  collated  it  in  select  passages. 

143.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  5.,  besides  other 
portions  of  the  New  Testament,  contains  the  Catholic  Epis- 
tles. This  and  the  six  following  manuscripts  agree  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

144.  (Gosp.  363.  Paul.  Ep.  180.)  The  Codex  Lauren- 
tianus VI.  13.  is  described  in  page  253.  No.  363. 

145.  (Gosp.  365.  Paul.  Ep.  181.)  The  Codex  Lauren- 
tianus VI.  36.,  both  written  in  the  thirteenth  century,  were 
collated  in  select  passages. 

146.  (Gosp.  367.  Paul.  Ep.  182.)  The  Codex  Lauren- 
tianus 2708.,  written  in  the  fourteenth  century,  was  collated 
in  select  passages. 

147.  (Paul.  Ep.  183.)  The  Codex  Laurentianus  IV. 
30.,  written  in  the  twelfth  century,  contains  the  Acts,  Epis- 
tles, and  Apocalypse,  with  prologues  :  it  was  cursorily  col- 
lated, and  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

148.  (Paul.  Ep.  184.)  The  Codex  Laurentianus  2574., 
written  on  vellum  a.  d.  974,  Indiction  XII.  by  one  Theo- 
phylact,  a  presbyter  and  doctor  of  law,  contains  the  Acts  and 
Epistles  with  prologues :  it  agrees  with  the  Constantinopo- 
litan recension. 

149.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  176.,  written  on  vellum 
in  the  thirteenth  century,  contains  the  Catholic  Epistles 
with  the  Latin  version. 

150.  (Gosp.  368.  Paul.  Ep.  230.  Apoc.  84.)  The  Co- 
dex Richardianus  84.,  a  very  incorrectly  written  manu- 
script of  the  fifteenth  century,  agrees  with  the  Constantino- 
politan recension,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 
There  are  numerous  corrections  of  the  copyist's  blunders. 


151.  (Gosp.  386.  Paul.  Ep.  199.  Apoc.  71.)  The  Co- 
dex Vaticano-Ottobonianus  66.  is  described  in  pp.  253, 
254.  No.  386. 

152.  (Gosp.  442.  Paul.  Ep.  223.)  The  Codex  Canta 
brigiensis  4  2537,  2538.  Dr.  Scholz  has  not  indicated  its 
age,  nor  to  what  class  of  recensions  it  belongs. 

153.  (Gosp.  444.  Paul.  Ep.  240.)  The  Codex  Harle- 
ianus  5796.  is  described  in  page  255.  No.  444. 

154.  (Paul.  Ep.  187.)  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1270., 
written  on  vellum  in  the  fifteenth  century,  contains  the  Acts, 
the  Catholic  Epistles,  Romans,  and  1  Corinthians ;  and 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  It  was  col- 
lated in  select  passages. 

155.  (Paul.  Ep.  188.)  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1430., 
written  in  the  twelfth  century  on  vellum,  contains  all  the 
Epistles,  with  a  commentary  written  by  a  different  hand. 
It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was 
collated  in  select  passages. 

156.  (Paul.  Ep.  190.)  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1650. 
was  written  on  vellum  in  the  month  of  January,  a.  d.  1073, 
at  the  command  of  Nicholas  archbishop  of  Calabria,  by  one 
Theodore,  a  clergyman.  It  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles, 
with  a  commentary  on  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul.  This  ma- 
nuscript is  imperfect  in  Acts  i.  1.  to  v.  4. :  it  agrees  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  -recension. 

157.  (Paul.  Ep.  191.)  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1714.  on 
vellum,  written  in  the  twelfth  century,  contains  fragments 
of  the  Acts  and  Epistles  in  the  following  order : — 1  Cor.  i. 
1 — 28.,  heads  and  arguments ;  the  Epistle  of  Jude ;  Rom. 
viii.  2 — 32.;  James  iii.  1.  iv.  11. ;  Rom.  vi.  22.  et  seq. ;  Acts 
xxv.  8.  to  xxvi.  23. ;  Rom.  xiv.  30.  to  xv.  23. ;  James  iv. 
11.  to  the  end;  Rom.  xiii.  4.  to  xiv.  20.;  1  Cor.  i.  28.  to 
iii.  12. ;  Acts  xxiv.  11.  to  xxv.  7. :  Rom.  xi.  31.  to  xiii.  4. ; 
Acts  xviii.  14.  to  xix.  9. ;  3  John.  This  manuscript  for  the 
most  part  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension  :  it 
was  collated  in  select  passages. 

158.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1761.,  written  on  vellum  in 
the  eleventh  century,  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles,  with 
prologues.  It  was  collated  in  select  passages,  and  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

159.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1968.  (Basil.  7.),  written  on 
vellum  in  the  eleventh  century,  contains  the  Acts,  Epistle 
of  James,  and  the  first  Epistle  of  Peter,  with  scholia;  the 
authors  of  which  are  named.  It  is  imperfect  in  Acts  i.  1. 
to  v.  29.,  and  vi.  14.  to  vii.  11.  Its  text  partakes  of  both 
the  Alexandrine  and  Constantinopolitan  recensions.  The 
whole  of  this  manuscript  was  cursorily  collated. 

160.  (Paul.  Ep.  193.  Apoc.  24.)  The  Codex  Vatica- 
nus 2062.  (Basil.  101.),  written  on  vellum  in  the  eleventh 
century,  contains  the  Acts,  Apocalypse,  and  Epistles,  with 
scholia,  the  authors  of  which  are  named.  It  is  imperfect 
from  Acts  i.  1.  to  xxviii.  19.  and  in  Heb.  ii.  1.  to  the  end. 
The  text  seldom  deviates  from  the  received  reading.  Dr. 
Scholz  collated  it  throughout. 

161.  (Paul.  Ep.  198.  Apoc.  69.)  The  Codex  Vatica- 
no-Ottobonianus 258.,  preserved  in  the  Vatican  Library, 
was  written  on  paper  in  the  thirteenth  century.  It  contains 
the  Acts,  Epistles,  and  Apocalypse,  with  the  Latin  Version ; 
and  is  imperfect  in  Acts  i.  1.,  ii.  27.  and  the  last  chapter  of 
the  Apocalypse.  This  manuscript  was  written  by  different 
hands,  and  the  close  of  it  is  evidently  of  the  fourteenth 
century.  The  text  is  mixed  ;  that  is,  composed  of  both  the 
Alexandrine  and  the  Constantinopolitan  recensions.  The 
greater  part  of  it  was  collated  by  Dr.  Scholz. 

162.  (Paul.  Ep.  200.)  The  Codex  Vaticano-Ottoboni- 
anus  298.,  written  in  the  fifteenth  century  on  vellum,  is  in 
very  small  quarto  or  octavo,  and  contains  the  Acts  and 
Apostolic  Epistles  in  Greek  and  Latin.  It  has  the  disputed 
clause  in  1  John  v.  7,  8.,  but  in  a  form  which_  renders  it  of 
no  value  or  authority  in  determining  the  genuine  reading  of 
that  clause.1  The  following  fac-simile  of  it  is  copied  from 
the  tracing  made  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Wiseman,  vice-president 
of  the  English  College  at  Rome,  for  the  late  Rt.  Rev.  Dr. 
Burgess,  bishop  of  Salisbury,  by  whose  liberal  permission 
it  appears  in  this  work. 

»  See  Vol.  II.  p.  SS7. 


,stcx  n  *,  5.] 


THE  ACTS  AND  CATHOLIC  EPISTLES. 


267' 


Bach  page  conl  tins  two  columns,  the  Latin  on  the  left 
and  the  Greek  on  the  right:  the  Latin  is  in  square  or  Gothic 

characters.  The  manuscript  seems  not  to  have  been  finished  ; 
for,  at  the  beginning  of  one  or  two  of  the  Epistles,  the  space 
for  the  first  large  letter,  occupying  the  breadth  of  two  lines, 
is  left  blank,  as  well  as  the  top  line,  evidently  showing  that 
the  antiquarians  intended  to  (ill  it  up  at  leisure  in  a  more 
ornamental  style,  as  is  the  case  in  other  books.  The  Codex 
Ottobonianus  has  no  title.  The  text  begins  at  once  with 
Primum  quidem  sermonem.  After  the  Acts  come  the  Epis- 
tle of  St.  .lames  and  the  other  lesser  ones;  last  those  of 
St.  Paul.  The  ink  is  faded:  it  is,  in  fact,  become  brown, 
so  as  to  appear  much  more  ancient;  in  some  letters  it  is 
completely  scaled  off,  so  that  it  was  with  the  greatest  diffi- 
culty that  Dr.  Wiseman  could  catch  the  traces  of  the  seve- 
ral letters.1  This  manuscript  has  been  altered  in  many 
places,  in  order  to  make  it  harmonize  with  the  Latin  Vul- 
gate3 :  on  this  account,  as  well  as  its  late  date,  it  can  be  of 
little  value  in  sacred  criticism,  except  where  it  corroborates 
the  readings  of  MSS.  of  better  authority  and  of  earlier  date. 
The  transpositions  of  words  in  it  are  innumerable.  Its  text 
mostly  agrees  with  that  of  the  Constantinopolitan  recension  ; 
but  there  are  many  Alexandrine  readings  which  have  been 
introduced  by  a  later  hand.  The  greatest  part  of  this  manu- 
script was  collated  by  Dr.  Scholz.  The  specimens  of  its 
readings,  printed  by  Dr.  S.  in  his  Biblico-Critical  Travels, 
are  given  by  Dr.  Dermout  in  his  Collectanea  Critica  in  No- 
vum Testamentum. 

163.  (Paul.  Ep.  201.)  The  Codex  Vaticano-Ottobo- 
nianus  325.,  in  octavo,  written  on  paper  in  the  fourteenth 
century,  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles:  it  is  imperfect 
from  Acts  iv.  19.  to  v.  1.,  and  follows  the  Alexandrine 
recension.     The  chief  part  of  this  manuscript  was  collated. 

164.  (Gosp.  390.  Paul.  Ep.  203.  Apoc.  71.)  The  Co- 
dex Vaticano-Ottobonianus  381.  (described  in  page  254. 
No.  390.)  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

165.  The  Codex  Vaticano-Ottobonianus  417.,  written 
on  paper  in  the  fourteenth  century,  contains  the  Catholic 
Epistles,  besides  various  treatises  of  Ephrem  the  Syrian, 
and  other  ecclesiastical  writers.  It  follows  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan recension,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

166.  (Paul.  Ep.  203.  Apoc.  22.)  The  Codex  Valli- 
cellianus  13.  86.,  written  on  vellum  in  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Acts,  Epistles,  and  Apocalypse.  The 
text  is  mixed,  from  both  the  Alexandrine  and  Constantino- 
politan recensions.  It  was  collated  in  select  passages  by 
Scholz. 

167.  (Gosp.  393.  Paul.  Ep.  185.)  The  Codex  Vai.i.i- 
cei.lianus  E.  22.,  described  in  page  254.  No.  393.,  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension  :  it  was  collated  in 
select  passages. 

168.  (Paul.  Ep.  205.)  The  Codex  Vallicellianus  F. 
13.,  written  on  paper  in  the  fourteenth  century,  contains  the 
Acts  and  Epistles,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages.  It 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

169.  (Paul.  Ep.  206.)  The  Codex  Ghigianus  R.  V.  89., 
on  vellum,  was  written  a.  d.  1344,  at  Constantinople:  it 
contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles,  which  agree  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension,  and  was  collated  in  select  pas- 
sages. 

170.  (Gosp.  391.  Paul.  Ep.  186.)     The  Codex  Valli- 

1  The  above  particulars  are  abridged  from  a  letter  of  Pr.  Wiseman  to 
the  Bishop  of  Salisbury  (dated  English  College.  Rome.  Sept.  94th,  1889), 
colated  with  Dr.  Scholz's  Account  of  the  Codex  Vaticano-Ottobonianus, 
299.,  in  the  Prolegomena  to  his  edition  of  the  New  Testament.   (Vol.  ii. 

S.  xviii.)    Dr.  W.'s  description  is  more  full  than  that  given  by  Scholz  in 
is  Biblische-Kritische  Reise,  p.  105. 
•  Scholz.  Reise,  p.  105. 


©TT^tfrw-^-o^H 


3ft 


i'ki.i.i  \.\ts  F,  17.,  described  in  page  254.  No.  394.,  has  the 
Constantinopolitan  text :  it  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

171.  and  172.  Two  manuscripts  belonging  to  the  College 
at  Rome,  which  agree  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recen- 
sion: they  were  written  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and  were 
collated  in  Belect  passaj 

173.  (Paul.  Bp.  211.)  Is  a  manuscript  on  vellum,  of  the 
eleventh  century,  in  the  Royal  Bourbon  Library  at  Naples, 
which  is  not  numbered.  It  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles 
with  prologues,  an  index  of  chapters,  lessens,  &c.  &c. ;  and 
agrees  partly  with  the  Alexandrine  and  partly  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension.  It  was  collated  in  select  pas- 
sages. 

171.  (Paul.  Ep.  212.)  The  Codex  Neapolitans  1.  C. 
26.,  written  on  paper  in  the  fifteenth  century,  contains  the 
Acts  and  Epistles,  and  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension. 

175.  (Paul.  En.  216J  The  Codex  Messanensis  II.  in 
the  monastery  of  St.  Basil,  is  written  on  vellum  in  the 
twelfth  century.  It  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles.  Dr. 
Scholz  has  not  indicated  what  recension  this  manuscript 
follows. 

176.  (Gosp.  421.  Paul.  Ep.  218.)  The  Codex  Syra- 
cusanus  in  the  Landolini  Library  :  it  is  described  in  pp.  254, 
255.  No.  421. 

177.  (Gosp.  122.  Paul.  Ep.  219.)  The  Codex  Lugdu- 
nensis-Batavus,  formerly  Meermannianus  116.,  of  the  latter 
part  of  the  twelfth  century,  is  described  in  page  245.  No. 
122. :  it  agrees  for  the  most  part  with  the  Constantinopoli- 
tan recension,  and  was  collated  by  Dr.  Dermout. 

178.  (Paul.  Ep.  242.  Apoc.  87.)  The  manuscript  for- 
merly known  as  the  Codkx  Me£kmannianus  118.,  now 
belonging  to  Sir  Thomas  Philipps,  Bart,  of  Middlehill,  in 
the  county  of  Worcester,  is  written  on  vellum,  of  the  ele* 
venth  century  :  it  contains  the  Acts,  Epistles,  and  Apoca« 
lypse,  and  is  imperfect  at  the  beginning  and  end. 

179.  (Paul.  Ep.  128.  Apoc.  82.)  The  Codex  Regici 
Monacensis  211.  was  written  in  the  eleventh  century,  on 
vellum,  and  for  ecclesiastical  use.  It  contains  the  Acts, 
Epistles,  and  Apocalypse,  with  prolegomena,  subscriptions, 
the  homily  of  Dorotheus,  bishop  of  Tyre,  on  the  seventy 
disciples,  fragments  of  the  canons  of  Eusebius,  and  scholia 
on  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  which  are  written  by  a  later  hand. 
The  text  so  closely  agrees  with  the  received  text,  as  to  pre- 
sent scarcely  any  various  readings  in  the  Acts  and  Epistles 

ISO.  (Gosp.  431.  Ep.  Paul.  23S.)  The  Codex  Mol- 
shshiensis,  now  deposited  in  the  Library  of  the  Great 
Seminary  at  Strasburg,  is  described  in  p.  255.  No.  431. 
To  the  information  there  given,  it  may  now  be  added,  thai 
the  Jesuit  Adam  Contzen  selected  some  readings  from  it  in 
his  Commentary  on  the  Gospels,  and  that  its  various  read- 
ings in  the  Acts  and  Epistles,  were  communicated  to  Dr. 
Scholz  by  Dr.  Arendt.  who  accurately  collated  the  entire 
manuscript  and  published  a  description  of  it  in  1833,  to- 
gether with  various  readings  on  the  Gospels,  in  the  Ephe- 
meris  published  every  three  months  by  Drev,  Herbst,  Hirs- 
cher,  and  Mohler.  In  the  Acts  and  Catholic  Epistles  it  for 
the  most  part  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension, 
but  it  has  also  many  peculiar  readings. 

181.  (Gosp.  400.  Paul.  Ep.  220.)  The  Codex  Beroli- 
nkxsjs  (formerly  Diezii  10.),  is  described  in  p.  254.  No. 
400.  It  is  imperfect  in  Acts  i.  11. — ii.  IT.  Rom.  i.  1 — 27. 
1  Cor.  xiv.  12.— xv.  16.  2  Cor.  i.  1—8.  and  v.  4.— 19. 
1  Tim.  iv,  1.  to  the  end,  2  Tim.,  Titus,  Philemon,  and 
Hebr.  i.  1— !>. 

182.  (Paul.  Ep.  243.)     A  manuscript  on  vellum,  of  the 


2681 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  iMANUSCRIPTS, 


twelfth  century,  belonging  to  the  library  of  a  monastery  in 
the  island  of  Patmos  :  it  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles, 
ind  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  Another 
manuscript  of  the  thirteenth  century,  on  vellum,  is  preserved 
in  the  same  library,  and  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles. 

183.  (Paul.  Ep.  -231.)  A.  manuscript  (No.  8.)  in  the 
Treat  Greek  monastery  at  Jerusalem,  written  on  vellum  in 
the  fourteenth  century,  contains  the  Acts,  Epistles,  and 
Apocalypse.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recen- 
sion, and  was  collated  by  Scholz  in  select  passages. 

184.  (Paul.  Ep.  232.  Apoc.  85.)  Another  manuscript 
(No.  9.)  in  the  same  library,  on  vellum,  written  in  the  thir- 
teenth century,  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles,  with  a  com- 
mentary, and  the  Apocalypse.  It  agrees  with  the  Constan- 
tinopolitan recension,  and  was  also  collated  in  select  pas- 
sages. 

185.  (Paul.  Ep.  233.)  A  manuscript  (No.  1.)  in  the 
library  of  the  Greek  monastery  of  St.  Saba,  written  on  vel- 
lum in  the  eleventh  century  :  it  contains  the  Acts  and  Epis- 
tles, which  agree  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension, 
and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

186.  (Gosp.  457.  Paul.  Ep.  234.)  A  manuscript  in  the 
same  library  (No.  2.)  written  on  vellum  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles,  preceded  by  a 
synaxarium  and  menology.  It  agrees  with  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan recension,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

18T.  (Gosp.  462.  Paul.  Ep.  235.)  A  manuscript  in  the 
same  library  (No.  10.),  of  the  fourteenth  century,  on  vel- 
lum :  it  contains  the  New  Testament,  and  was  collated  in 
select  passages.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  re- 
cension. 

188.  (Paul.  Ep.  236.)  A  manuscript  in  the  same  library 
(No.  15.),  written  on  vellum  in  the  twelfth  century,  con- 
tains the  Acts  and  Epistles,  and  agrees  with  the  Constan- 
tinopolitan recension.     It  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

189.  (Gosp.  465.  Paul.  Ep.  237.)  A  manuscript  of  the 
same  library  (No.  20.1)  written  on  vellum  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  contains  the  New  Testament :  it  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated  in  select 
passages. 

190.  (Paul.  Ep.  244.  Apoc.  27.)  The  Codex  Wakia- 
nus  2.,  belonging  to  Christ's  College,  Oxford,  was  written 
on  vellum  in  the  eleventh  century.  It  contains  the  Catholic 
Epistles  (with  the  exception  of"  the  Epistle  of  St.  James 
and  the  first  Epistle  of  St.  Peter),  the  Apocalypse,  all  the 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  and  the  Gospels  as  far  as  Luke  vi.  42. 
The  text  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 
Dr.  Scholz  collated  it  on  1  John  and  on  Acts  xviii. — xx. 

191.  (Paul.  Ep.  245.)  The  Codex  Wakianus  3.,  be- 
longing to  the  same  college,  on  vellum,  was  written  in  the 
twelfth  century,  in  small  but  neat  characters.  It  formerly 
belonged  to  the  monastery  of  St.  Saba  at  Jerusalem,  and 
was  brought  into  England  from  Constantinople,  in  1731. 
It  contains  the  Acts  and  Epistles,  with  a  catena  from  the 
Fathers.  A  subscription  in  a  later  hand  at  the  end  states 
that  this  manuscript  was  written  in  a.  d.  1312.  Its  text 
nearly  agrees  with  manuscripts  belonging  to  the  Constan- 
tinopolitan family. 

192.  The  Codex  Wakianus  4.,  in  the  same  library,  writ- 
ten in  the  eleventh  century  on  vellum,  contains  the  Acts  and 
Epistles,  and  frequently  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension.     It  is  imperfect  from  Acts  xii.  4.  to  xxiii.  32. 

§  6.    MANUSCRIPTS  CONTAINING  THE  EPISTLES  OF  SAINT  PAUL. 

i.  Manuscripts  written  in  Uncial  or  Capital  Letters,  collated 
by  Editors  who  preceded  Dr.  Scholz. 

l.—Jl.    (Gospels,  A.  Acts,  A.)     The  Codex  Alexandri- 

nus  in  the  British  Museum,  described  in  pp.  222 224. 

supra.  It  is  imperfect  from  2  Cor.  iv.  13.  to  xii.  7.  and  is 
the  type  of  the  Alexandrine  recension  or  text. 

II. — B.  (Gosp.  13.  Acts,  B.)  The  Codex  Vaticanus 
1209.,  described  in  pp.  224 — 226.,  agrees  with  the  Alexan- 
drine text.  It  ends  with  Heb.  ix.  14. ;  the  remainder  of 
that  epistle  and  the  Apocalypse  being  added  by  a  very 
recent  hand.  The  epistles  to  Timothy,  Titus,  and  Philemon 
are  also  wanting. 

*  In  the  Prolegomena  to  the  first  Vol.  of  his  Edition  of  the  New  Testa- 
oint,  p. xcvii.  Dr.  Scholz  states  that  this  manuscript  is  numbered  19. 


[Part  L  Chap.  IH.. 

III.— C.  (Gosp.  C.  Acts,  C)  The  Codec  Ephremi,  oi 
Codex  Regius  Parisiensis  1905.  (at  present  9.),  is  described 
in  pp.  229,  230.  It  is  imperfect  in  Rom.  ii.  5.  to  iii.  21.: 
ix.  6.  to  x.  14. ;  xi.  31.  to  xiii.  10. ;  1  Cor.  vii.  18.  to  ix.  C. 
xiii.  8.  to  xv.  40.  ;  2  Cor.  x.  9.  to  Gal.  i.  20. ;  Eph.  i.  to  ii. 
18. ;  iv.  17.  to  Phil.  i.  22.  and  iii.  5.  to  the  end ;  1  Thess. 
ii.  9.  to  Heb.  ii.  1. ;  vii.  26.  to  ix.  15.  ;  x.  24.  to  xi.  15. ; 
1  Tim.  i.  to  iii.  9.  and  v.  20.  to  the  end.  This  manuscript 
agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  recension. 

IV. — 1).  The  Codex  Clarohoktanus,  or  Codex  Regius 
107.  (formerly  2245.),  is  a  Greek-I  tin  manuscript,  de- 
scribed in  pp.  231,  232.  Dr.  Scholz  thinks  it  of  the  seventh 
or  eighth  century.  It  is  imperfect  in  Rom.  i.  1 — 7.  Two 
leaves  containing  1  Cor.  xiv.  13—22.  have  been  added  by  a 
different  but  tolerably  ancient  hand,  and  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews  is  written  by  a  still  more  recent  hand.  Vestiges 
of  alterations  by  five  different  correctors  may  be  distin- 
guished, the  two  earliest  of  which  (one  Greek,  the  other 
Latin),  Dr.  Scholz  refers  to  the  ninth  century  :  the  remain- 
der are  by  Greek  hands.  This  manuscript  agrees  with  the 
Alexandrine  text. 

V. — E.  The  Codex  Petropolitanus,  formerly  called 
Corbeiensis  and  afterwards  San-Germanensis,  is  written 
on  vellum,  according  to  Dr.  Scholz  in  the  eleventh  century, 
but  according  to  Prof.  Matthaei  in  the  fifteenth  century. 
Griesbach  refers  it  to  the  tenth  or  eleventh  century.  Wet- 
stein,  Griesbach,  and  Scholz,  consider  this  Greek-Latin 
manuscript  of  Saint  Paul's  Epistles  as  a  transcript  of  the 
Codex  Claromontanus  :  but  Dr.  Semler  has  questioned  this 
opinion,  and  has  adduced  examples,  from  which  it  appears 
that  if  the  copyist,  who  wrote  the  former,  actually  had  the 
latter  before  his  eyes,  he  must  at  least  have  selected  various 
readings  from  other  manuscripts.  Bishop  Marsh  considers 
this  manuscript  "  as  a  kind  of  Codex  Eclecticus,  in  the 
writing  of  which  the  Claromontanus  was  principally,  but 
not  at  all  times  consulted."2  It  is  imperfect  from  1  Tim.  i. 
1.  to  vi.  15.  and  in  Heb.  xii.  8.  to  the  end  ;  and  follows  the 
Alexandrine  recension. 

VI. — F.  The  Codex  Augiensis,  now  in  Trinity  College 
.Library,  at  Cambridge,  is  a  Greek-Latin  manuscript  of  St. 
Paul's  Epistles,  most  probably  of  the  tenth  century.  It  is 
described  in  pap;e  233.,  and  is  imperfect  from  Rom.  i.  1.  to 
iii.  8.,  and  the  (Greek)  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  is  wanting. 
It  follows  the  Alexandrine  recension. 

VII. — G.  The  Codex  Dresdensis,  formerly  the  Codex 
Boernerianus,  is  also  a  Greek-Latin  manuscript  of  Saim 
Paul's  Epistles :  it  is  described  in  page  233.,  and  follow:, 
the  Alexandrine  recension.  This  manuscript  is  imperfect 
from  Rom.  i.  1.  to  5.  and  ii.  16.  to  25. ;  1  Cor.  iii.  8.  to  16. ; 
vi.  7.  to  14. ;   Col.  ii.  2.  to  8.  ;  and  Philemon  21.  to  25. 

VIII. — //.  The  Codex  Coismnianus  202.,  of  the  seventh 
century,  according  to  Griesbach  and  Scholz,  is  described  in 
page  234.  It  contains  the  following  fragments  of  Saint 
Paul's  Epistles,  viz.  1  Cor.  x.  23—39.  and  xi.  9—16.  Gal. 
i.  4—10.  and  ii.  9—14. :  1  Tim.  iii.  7—13. ;  Tit.  i.  1—5., 
and  15.  to  ii.  5.,  and  iii.  13.  to  the  end  ;  Heb.  ii.  11 — 16.; 
iii.  13 — 18. ;  and  iv.  xii.  15.  It  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine 
family. 

IX. — I.  (Acts,  G.)  The  Codex  Bibliothece  Angelica 
A.  2.  15.  at  Rome,  described  in  page  260.,  is  of  the  ninth 
or  tenth  century.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension,  and  is  imperfect  from  Heb.  x.  10.  to  the  end  of 
that  epistle. 

ii.  Manuscripts  written  in  small  Greek  Letters. 

1.  (Gosp.  1.  Acts  1.)     The  Codex  Basileensis  B.  VI 
57.     See  it  described  in  page  238. 

2.  (Acts  2.)  The  Codex  Basileensis  B.  IX.  See  it 
described  in  page  261*.  No.  2. 

3.  (Acts  3  )  The  Codex  Forlosianus  15.,  formerly 
Corsendoncensis  :  it  is  described  in  page  238.  No.  3. 

4.  (Acts  4.)  The  Codex  Basileensis  B.  X.  20.  .  it  is 
described  in  page  261*.  No.  4. 

5.  (Gosp.  5.  Acts  5.)  The  Cobbx  Regius  106.,  de- 
scribed in  page  238.  No.  5.,  mostly  agrees  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension. 

0.    (Gosp.  6.    Acts  6.)     The  Cop*K   Regius    112.,   de- 

*  Michaelis's  Introd.  to  the  Nt.v  Testament,  vol.  ii.  part  ii.  p.  783 


Sect.  II.  §  6.] 


CONTAINING  THE  EPISTLES  OF  SAINT  PAUL. 


269» 


scribed  in  page  238.  No.  G.  In  the  Epistles,  this  manu- 
script has  a  mixed  text :  it  was  cursorily  collated  by  Wet- 
stein  and  by  Scholz. 

7.  The  Codex  Basileensis  B.  VI.  17.  is  a  quarto  manu- 
script on  vellum,  containing  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  as  far 
as  Heb.  xii.  18.,  with  annotations  ami  glosses  collected  from 
the  ancient  fathers  of  the  church.  Scholz  States  that  it  fol- 
lows the  Constantinopolitan  recension;  but  neither  he  nor 
Griesbach  lias  indicated  its  age. 

8.  (Acts  50.)   The  Codex  STKPHAH1  {  is  now  unknown. 
!'.    (Ads  7.)     The  CODEX    RlOIUS    103.    (Steimia.ni/), 

noticed  in  page  2G1*.  No.  7.,  follows  the  Constantinopoli- 
'an  recension. 

10.  (Acts  8.)    The  Code\  Si  kimi am  m  is  now  unknown. 

11.  (Acts!*.)  The  Codex  Stephani  ty'.  See  a  notice 
Df  it  in  page  261*.  No.  9.  It  follows  the  Constantinopoli- 
tan recension. 

LS.     (Acts  10.    Apoc.  -J.)      '1'lu:  CODEX  REGIUS  237.  (StO- 

phani  '-•)•  described  in  page  261*.  No.  10.,  follows  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension.     It  was  collated  by  Scholz. 

13.  The  readings  of  certain  Greek  Manuscripts  cited  by 
Jacobus  Paber,  Stapulensis  (Jacques  Le  Fevre  d'Etaples) 
in  his  commentary  on  Saint  Paul's  Epistles,  published  at 
Paris  in  1512. 

14.  (Gosp.  '.'(>.  Acts  47.)  The  Codex  Joannis  Fabri, 
1)  iventricnsis,  (afterwards  the  Codex  WotFll)  :  it  is  de- 
scribed in  pane  243.  No.  90.  In  the  episth  s  Scholz  states 
it  to  be  of  the  fifteenth  century  :  but  in  the  prolegomena 
to  the  first  volume  of  his  edition  of  the  New  Testament 
(p.  Ivrii.)  he  refers  it  (after  Michaelis)  to  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury.    It  mostly  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  recension. 

15.  The  Codex  Amandi  was  cited  by  Erasmus,  who 
supposed  it  to  be  a  Latinizing  manuscript:  it  derives  its 
name  from  Amandus,  who  lived  at  Louvain,  and  who  once 
had  it  in  his  possession.  Nothing  further  is  known  con- 
cerning it. 

16.  (Acts  12.  Apoc.  4.)  The  Codex  Regius  219.  fol- 
lows the  Constantinopolitan  recension :  it  is  described  in 
page  261*.  No.  12. 

17.  (Gosp.  33.  Acts  13.)  The  Codex  Regius  14.,  de- 
scribed in  page  240.  No.  33.,  follows  the  Alexandrine  recen- 
sion. 

18.  (Gosp.  35.  Acts  14.  Apoc.  17.)  The  Codex  Cois- 
linianus 199.,  described  in  page  240.  No.  35.,  follows  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension. 

19.  (Acts  16.)  The  Codex  Coislinianus  26.,  described 
in  page  261*.  No.  16.,  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  re- 
cension. 

20.  The  Codex  Coislinianus  27.  (formerly  247.)  is  a 
manuscript  written  on  vellum  in  the  tenth  century.  It  was 
brought  from  mount  Athos,  and  contains  the  Epistles  of 
Paul  with  a  catena  and  prologue.  This  manuscript  has 
been  badly  preserved,  and  is  very  defective  :  it  follows  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated  by  Wetstein. 

21.  (Acts  17.  Apoc.  19.)  The  Codex  Coislinianus  205. 
described  in  page  261*.  No.  17.,  follows  the  Constantino- 
politan recension. 

22.  (Acts  18.  Apoc.  18.)  The  Codex  Coislinianus  205. : 
It  is  described  in  page  261*.  No.  18. 

23.  The  Codex  Coislinianus  28.,  formerly  253.,  was 
brought  from  mount  Athos,  and  agrees  with  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan recension.  It  is  written  on  vellum,  in  the  eleventh 
century,  and  contains  St.  Paul's  Epistles  with  a  commen- 
tary. This  manuscript  was  cursorily  collate. i  by  Wetstein 
and  Scholz. 

24.  (Gosp.  105.  Acts  48.)  The  Codex  Hoim.eianus, 
formerly  Ebnerianus  :  it  is  described  in  page  -11. 

25.  (Acts  20.)  The  Codex  \\  bstmonasteriensis  935. 
(now  I.  B.  I.  in  the  British  Museum),  is  described  in  page 
261*.  No.  20. 

26.  (Acts  21.)     The  Codex  Cantabrigiknms  DD.  XI.  j 
90.  is  described  in  page  261*.  No.  21. 

27.  The  Codex  Cantabrigiensis  Ff.  1.  30.  (formerly 
496.),  according  to  Scholz  was  written  in  the  eleventh  and 
fourteenth  centuries.  The  epistles  to  the  Romans  and  Co- 
rinthians are  wanting.  This  manuscript  was  collated  by 
Wetstein  in  1716. 

28.  (Acts  23.   Apoc.  6.)     The  Codex  Baroccianus  3. 


in  the  Bodleian  Library:    it  is   described  in  page  261* 
No.  23. 

29.  (Acts  21.)  The  Codex  Collegii  Christi  Canta- 
BRIGLS  2.  :  it  is  described  in  pp.  261*,  262*.  No.  21. 

30.  The  Codex  Collecii  Emmanuelis  CantabrigIjE  I. 
2.  33.  is  a  neatly  written  but  not  ancient  manuscript  of  all 

pieties.  "  It  has  many  chasms,  for  the  catholic  epis- 
tles begin  with  2  Pet.  i., — and  is  not  legible  before  2  Petei 
ii.  4.  It  is  likewise  defective  from  1  John  iii.  20.  as  far  as 
the  end  of  the  third  epistle:  that  of  St.  Jude  also  is  want- 
ing; and  it  has  likewise  the  two  following  chasms,  1  Cor. 
xi.  7. — xv.  56.,  and  from  Heb.  xi.  27.  to  the  end  of  the 
epistle."  The  readings  of  this  manuscript  were  first  pub- 
lished in  Bishop  Walton's  edition  of  the  Polyglott  Bible, 
when'  it  is  cited  as  Cod.  Em.  i  and  the  same  readings  (but 
it  should  seem  with  additions)  were  given  by  Dr.  Mill,  who 
refers  to  it,  as  Cod.  Cant.  3.' 

31.  (Acts  J").  Apoc.  7.)  The  Codex  Harleianus  5537.  : 
it  is  described  in  page  262*.  No.  25. 

32.  (Acts  25.  Apoc.  7.)  The  Codex  Harleianus  5537.  : 
it  is  described  in  page  262*.  No.  25. 

33.  (Acts  27.)  The  Codex  Harleianus  5620.:  it  is 
describe  <1  in  page  262*.  No.  27. 

34.  (Acts  28.  Apoc.  8.)  The  Codex  Harleianus  5778. : 
it  is  described  in  page  262*.  No.  28. 

35.  (Acts  29.)  The  Codex  Genevensis  20.,  described 
in  page  262*.  No.  29.,  was  collated  by  Scholz  for  the  Epis- 
tle to  the  Romans,  and  cursorily  for  the  remaining  epistles  : 
it  almost  always  agrees  with  the  received  text. 

3G.  (Acts  30.  Apoc.  9.)  The  Codex  Bodleianus  131.- 
it  is  described  in  page  2G2*.  No.  30. 

37.  (Gosp.  G9.  Acts  31.  Apoc.  14.)  The  Codex  Leices 
thensis  :  it  is  described  in  page  242.  No.  69. 

38.  (Gosp.  51.  Acts  32.)  The  Codex  Bodleianus,  Lai; 
dianus  C.  715. :  it  is  described  in  page  210.  No.  51. 

39.  (Acts  33.)  The  Codex  Lincolniensis  :  it  is  de- 
scribed in  page  262*.  No.  33. 

40.  (Gosp.  61.  Acts  31.)  The  Codex  Montfortianus: 
it  is  described  in  pages  241,  212.  No.  61. 

41.  (Gosp.  57.  Acts  35.)  The  Codex  Magdalensis  1. . 
it  is  described  in  page  241.  No.  57. 

42.  The  Codex  Magdalensis  2.,  belonging  to  Magda- 
len College,  Oxford,  contains  the  Epistles  to  the  Romans 
and  Corinthians,  with  the  scholia  of  Oecumenius.  Extracts 
from  it  were  first  printed  in  Bishop  Walton's  Polyglott,  from 
which  they  were  copied  by  Mill  and  Wetstein. 

43.  (Acts  37.)  The  Codex  Novi  Collegii,  Oxon.  :  it 
is  described  in  page  262*.  No.  37. 

44.  (Acts  33.)  The  Codex  Lugduno-Batavus  77. :  it 
is  described  in  page  262*.  No.  38. 

45.  (Acts  39.  Apoc.  11.)  The  Codex  Petavianus  2. : 
it  is  described  in  page  262*.  No.  39. 

46.  (Acts  40.  Apoc.  12.)  The  Codex  Alexandrino- 
Vaticanus  179.  :  it  is  described  in  page  262*.  No.  40. 

47.  The  Codex  Bodleianus  Roe  16.,  formerly  Roe  2., 
is  written  on  vellum,  of  the  eleventh  or  twelfth  century  :  it 
contains  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  with  scholia.  It  was  brought 
from  Turkey  in  1628,  by  Sir  Thomas  Roe,  who  presented  it 
to  the  Bodleian  Library. 

48.  (Acts  42.  Apoc.  13.)  The  Codex  BibliothecjE 
Gvmnasii  Francofurtensis  ad  Viadrum,  formerly  Seidel- 
ianus:  it  is  described  in  page  262*.  No.  42. 

49.  (Gosp.  76.  Acts  43.)  The  Codex  Cjesareus  Vin- 
dobonensis  (in  Lambecius's  Catalogue  28.)  is  described  in 
page  2 12.  No.  76. 

50.  (Acts  52.)  The  Codex  Rhodiensis  :  it  is  noticed  in 
page  263*.  No.  52. 

51.  (Acts  44.  Apoc.  5.)  The  Codices  Laurent?!  Val- 
l.e  :  see  a  notice  of  them  in  pa^e  243.  No.  82. 

52.  (Acts  45.  Apoc.  16.)  The  Codex  Uffenbachianus 
2. :  it  is  described  in  page  262*.  No.  45. 

53.  The  Codex  Uffenbachianus  2.  (1.  of  Bengel)  is  a 
fragment  of  St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  written  in 
uncial  letters  :  it  is  described  in  pp.  237,  238.,  and  for  the 
most  part  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  recension. 

54.  The  Codex  Monacensis  412.  (Augustanus  5.  of  Ben- 

•  Michaelis'3  Introduction  to  the  New  Testament,  vol.  ii.  part  i.p  OS. 
and  part  ii.  p.  723.  * 


870* 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS, 


[Part  I.  Chap.  Ill 


fel')  contains  Ro.n.  v:i.  7.  to  xvi.  24.  with  a  catena,  which 
cholz  considers  to  be  very  valuable.  It  is  written  on  vel- 
lum, of  the  twelfth  century,  and  seldom  deviates  from  the 
received  text. 

55.  (Acts  46.)  The  Codex  Monacensis  375.,  formerly 
Augustanus  6.:  it  is  described  in  page  262*.  No.  46. 

56.  The  Codex  Tigurinus,  preserved  in  the  public  Li- 
brary at  Zurich,  is  a  manuscript  of  the  Epistles  of  Saint 
Paul,  written  by  the  justly  celebrated  Reformer,  Ulrich 
Zuingle  (or  Zwingli)  in  1516,  for  his  own  private  exercise 
in  the  Greek  language.  Wetstein  is  of  opinion  that  it  is  a 
transcript  of  Erasmus's  first  edition  of  the  New  Testament. 

57.  (Gosp.  218.  Acts  65.  Apoc.  33.)  The  Codex  Cm- 
sareo-Vindobonensis  23.  (Lambecii  1.) :  it  is  described  in 
pp.  248,  249.  No.  218. 

58.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  165.,  formerly  Cryptoferra- 
tensis,  contains  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  written  in  the 
twelfth  century.  It  was  inspected  by  Zacagni,  who  was 
keeper  of  the  Vatican  Library  at  the  close  of  the  seven- 
teenth and  in  the  former  part  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
Though  it  is  included  in  Wetstein's  Catalogue  of  Manu- 
scripts of  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  Michaelis  observes  that  Wet- 
stein has  not  quoted  it. 

59.  The  Codex  Coislinianus  204.  (formerly  143.),  writ- 
ten on  vellum  in  the  eleventh  century,  contains  a  catena  on 
St.  Paul's  Epistles  with  the  text,  which  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension. 

60.  Certain  manuscripts  mentioned  in  the  "  Correctorium 
Bibliorum  Latinorum." 

61.  (Acts  61.)  The  Codex  Hal,  an  unknown  manu- 
script cited  in  the  margin  of  a  copy  of  Dr.  Mill's  edition  of 
the  New  Testament,  now  preserved  in  the  Bodleian  Library 
at  Oxford.     Its  readings  were  transcribed  by  Griesbach. 

62.  (Acts  59.)  The  Codex  Harleianus  5588.,  described 
in  page  263*.  No.  59. :  in  the  Epistles  it  follows  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension. 

63.  (Acts  60.  Apoc.  29.)  The  Codex  Harleianus  5613. : 
it  is  described  in  page  263*.  No.  60.  Griesbach  states  that 
although  the  text  of  this  manuscript  in  St.  Paul's  Epistles 
seldom  departs  from  the  common  text,  yet  it  does  not  so 
agree  with  any  manuscript,  that  it  can  be  said  to  be  nearly 
allied  to  it.  He  adds,  however,  that  it  has  some  readings 
peculiar  to  itself,  and  others  which  are  not  unworthy  of 
notice.' 

64.  The  manuscript  thus  numbered  by  Griesbach  and 
Scholz,  consists  of  two  quarto  leaves  on  vellum,  written  in 
red  uncial  characters,  in  the  tenth  century  according  to 
Scholz,  but  in  the  tenth  or  eleventh  century  according  to 
Griesbach.  These  leaves  are  found  in  the  Codex  Harleia- 
nus 5613. :  one  of  them  has  been  folded  in  two  at  the 
beginning  of  the  volume,  and  the  other  at  the  end  of  it,  by 
some  former  bookbinder.  From  the  shape  of  the  letters, 
the  size  of  the  pages,  and  the  colour  of  the  ink,  there  is  no 
doubt  whatever  but  that  (as  Griesbach  conjectured)  this 
manuscript  originally  formed  part  of  the  Codex  Uffenbachi- 
anus  2.,  described  in  pp.  237,  238.,  where  an  accurate  fac- 
simile of  it  is  given.  The  first  of  these  two  fragments  con- 
tains 1  Cor.  xv.  52.  to  2  Cor.  i.  15. ;  and  the  second,  2  Cor. 
x.  13.  to  xii.  5.  This  most  valuable  fragment  was  carefully 
collated  by  Griesbach. 

65.  (Acts  62.)  The  Codex  Regius  60.,  described  in 
page  263*.  No.  62.,  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recen- 
sion. 

66.  The  Codex  Harleianus  5552.  contains  the  text  of 
Saint  Paul's  Epistles  and  of  the  Catholic  Epistles,  with  a 
catena.  The  text  is  a  transcript  of  Erasmus's  first  edition 
written  on  vellum  in  the  sixteenth  century,  in  the  margin  of 
which  are  some  various  readings  which  were  extracted  by 
Griesbach. 

67.  (Acts  66.  Apoc.  34.)  The  Codex  CjEsareo-Vindo- 
bonensis  23.  (Lambecii  34.)  :  it  is  described  in  page  263*. 
No.  66. 

68 — 70.  The  Codices  Lambecii  35.  (Acts  C3.),  36.  (Acts 
64.)  and  37.  (Acts  65.)  are  described  in  page  263*.  Nos.  63, 
64.  67. :  they  all  agree  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recen- 
sion. 

71.   The  Codex  Cssareus,  Forlosiae  19.  or  Kollarii  10., 

-  Symbols  Critics,  torn.  ii.  pp.  162-164 


is  written  on  vellum,  in  the  twelfth  century.  It  contains 
St.  Paul's  Epistles  with  a  commentary,  and  the  catechetical 
discourses  of  Cyril  of  Jerusalem.  It  wants  the  Epistles  to 
Philemon  and  Titus,  and  also  Rom.  i.  1 — 9.  This  manu- 
script was  collated  by  Birch  and  Alter. 

72.  (Gosp.  234.  Acts  57.)  The  Codex  Havniensis  1. : 
it  is  described  in  page  249.  No.  234. 

73.  (Acts  68.)  The  Codex  Upsaliensis:  it  is  described 
in  page  2G3*.  No.  68. 

74.  (Acts  69.)  The  Codex  Guelpherbytanus  XVI.  7. : 
it  is  described  in  page  263*.  No.  69. 

75.  (Gosp.  109.  Acts  22.)  The  Codex  5115.  in  the 
British  Museum:  it  is  described  in  page  245.  No.  109., 
and  in  page  261*.  No.  22. 

76.  The  Codex  BibliothecjE  Paulinje  is  a  manuscript 
of  the  thirteenth  century,  containing  the  Epistles  to  the  Ro- 
mans and  Galatians,  and  fragments  of  the  first  Epistle  tc 
the  Corinthians  and  of  that  to  the  Ephesians,  with  the 
scholia  of  Theophylact.  This  manuscript  was  collated  by 
Matthaei,  who  has  noted  it  with  the  letter  s. 

77.  (Gosp.  131.  Acts  70.  Apoc.  66.)  The  Codex  Vati- 
canus 360. :  it  is  described  in  page  246.  No.  131.  This 
and  the  following  manuscripts  78 — 82.  and  85 — 105.  were 
collated  with  more  or  less  minuteness  by  Drs.  Birch  and 
Scholz  :  the  latter  states  that  they  all  agree  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension,  except  No.  85.,  which  has  many 
Alexandrine  readings. 

78.  (Gosp.  133.  Acts  71.)  The  Codex  Vaticanus  363. 
is  of  the  eleventh  century. 

79.  (Acts  72.  Apoc.  37.)  The  Codex  Vaticanus  366., 
of  the  twelfth  century. 

80.  (Acts  73.)  The  Codex  Vaticanus  367. :  it  is  of 
the  eleventh  century. 

81.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  761.,  on  vellum,  was  written 
in  the  twelfth  century  :  it  contains  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  with 
the  commentaries  of  Oecumenius. 

82.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  762.,  also  on  vellum,  ana 
written  in  the  twelfth  century,  contains  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans,  and  both  the  Epistles  to  the  Corinthians,  with  a 
catena. 

83.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  765.,  written  on  vellum  in 
the  eleventh  century  ;  and, 

84.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  766.,  written  on  vellum  in 
the  twelfth  century,  severally  contain  the  Epistles  of  Saint 
Paul  with  a  commentary. 

85.  (Apoc.  39.)  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1136.,  written 
on  vellum  in  the  thirteenth  century,  contains  the  Apocalypse 
with  a  Latin  version,  and  also  the  following  Epistles,  viz. 
Romans,  1  and  2  Corinthians  to  2  Thess.,  and  ends  with 
1  Tim.  vi.  1.  There  are  many  Alexandrine  readings  in  this 
manuscript,  though  its  text  generally  agrees  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension. 

8G.  (Gosp.  141.  Acts  75.  Apoc.  40.)  The  Codex  Vati- 
canus 1160. :  it  is  noticed  in  page  247.  No.  141. 

87.  (Gosp.  142.  Acts  76.)  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1210. : 
it  is  noticed  in  page  247.  No.  142. 

88.  (Gosp.  149.  Acts  75.  Apoc.  25.)  The  Codex  Pala- 
tino-Vaticanus  171.     See  page  247.  No.  149. 

89.  (Acts  78.)  The  Codex  Alexandrino-Vaticanus 
29. :  it  is  described  in  page  263*.  No.  78. 

90.  (Acts  79.)  The  Codex  Urbino- Vaticanus  3.  is  of 
the  eleventh  century. 

91.  (Acts  80.  Apoc.  42.)  The  Codex  Pio-Vaticanus 
50.  is  of  the  twelfth  century. 

92.  (Acts  82.  Apoc.  44.)  The  manuscript  in  the  Library 
of  the  College  of  the  Propaganda  No.  250. :  it  was  written 
towards  the  close  of  the  thirteenth  century. 

93.  (Acts  83.)  The  Codex  Bibliotheos:  Borbonice 
Regime  Neapolitans  1.  B.  12.:  it  is  described  in  page 
264*.  No.  83. 

94_99.  (Acts  84—89.)  The  Codices  Laurentiani  IV 
1.,  5.,  20.,  29.,  31.,  and  32.:  they  are  described  in  page  264*. 
Nos.  84 — 89.  The  Codices  Laurentiani  are  in  the  Biblio- 
theca  Laurentiana  at  Florence. 

100.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  X.  4.  contains  St.  Paul's 
Epistles,  written  on  vellum  in  the  tenth  ceHfury,  with  scholia 
added  in  the  fourteenth  century. 

101,  102.   The  Cod'ces  Laurentiani  X.  6.  and  7.  con- 


Sect.  II.  §  6.] 


CONTAINING  THE  EPISTLES  OF  SAINT  PAUL 


271J 


These  manuscripts 
are  described  in 
page  248.  Nos. 
201.  204  —  200. 
209. 


tain  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  written  on  vellum  in  the  eleventh 
century,  with  commentaries.  A  synaxarion  and  life  of  Paul 
are  prefixed  to  the  Cod.  Laur.  X.  7. 

103.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  X.  19.  contains  Saint 
Paul's  Epistles,  written  on  vellum  in  the  thirteenth  century, 
with  a  catena  and  synaxarion. 

104.  (Gosp.  201.    Acts  91.) 
Codex  Laurentianus  701. 

105.  (Gosp.  204.    Acts  92.) 
Codex  Bononiensis  tlio. 

10b'— .108.  (Gosp.  205,  20G.  209 
Acts  93,  91,  95.)  The  Codices  Ve 
NETI  5,  0.  and  10. 

109.  (Acts  9f>.)  The  Codex  Venetus  or  Venetianus 
11.:  it  is  described  in  page  2f'>l*.  No.  90. 

110—112.  The  CODICES  Yi-vrn  33—35.  contain  the 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul  with  commentaries:  they  are  all  writ- 
ten on  vellum  in  the  eleventh  century.  The  Cod.  Venet. 
35.  is  imperfect  in  Horn.  1  (!or.  2  Cor.  i.  20.  1  Thess.  iv. 
13.  to  2  Thess.  ii.  11.  and  Heb.  x.  25.  to  the  end  of  that 
epistle.  The  Venetian  manuscripts  were  collated  by  G.  F. 
Rinck,  who  has  given  the  results  of  his  researches  in  his 
Lucubratio  Oritiea  in  Ada  Jlpostolorum,  Epistolas  Catholicas 
it  PauHntu.  Basiles,  1830.  8vo. 

113.  (Acts  98.)  The  Codex  Mosquensis,  a.  of  Mat- 
thaei '  it  is  described  in  page  264*.  No.  98. 

114—118.  (Acts  99—103.)  The  Codices  S.  Synodi 
Mosquensis  5.  334.  333.  98.  and  193. :  they  are  described 
in  page  264*.  Nos.  99—103. 

119.  The  Codex  S.  Synodi  Mosquensis  292.,  by  Mat- 
thaei  noted  i.,  contains  the  two  Epistles  to  the  Corinthians, 
with  Theophylact's  commentary,  written  on  vellum  in  the 
twelfth  century.  This  manuscript  was  brought  from  mount 
Athos,  and  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

120.  (Gosp.  241.  Acts  104.  Apoc.  47.)  The  Codex 
Dresdensis:  it  is  described  in  page  249.  No.  241. 

121.  (Gosp.  242.  Acts  105.  Apoc.  48.)  The  Codex  S. 
Synodi  Mosquensis  380. :  it  is  described  in  page  249. 
No.  242. 

122.  (Acts  106.)  The  Codex  S.  Synodi  328. :  it  is  de- 
scribed in  page  264*.  No.  106. 

123.  The  Codex  S.  Synodi  99.  (n.  of  Matthaei)  formerly 
belonged  to  the  Monastery  of  Athanasius  on  mount  Athos. 
It  is  written  on  vellum,  of  the  tenth  century,  and  contains 
St.  Paul's  Epistles  with  a  commentary ;  and  agrees  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

121.  The  Codex  S.  Synodi  250.  (q.  of  Matthaei)  was 
also  brought  from  mount  Athos.  It  is  written  on  paper,  of 
the  fourteenth  century,  and  contains  the  Epistle  to  the  Ro- 
mans, with  the  commentaries  of  Theophylact,  and  some 
other  writings.  It  is  imperfect  from  xiv.  1.  to  the  end,  and 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

iii.  Manuscripts  containing  tlie  Epistles  of  Saint  Paul,  which 
for  the  first  time  were  collated  by  Dr.  Scholz. 

125.  The  Codex  Monacensis  504.  (Reisser,  5.  formerly 
Augustanus  8.)  is  written  on  paper,  and  dated  a.  d.  1387,  in 
the  tenth  indiction,  and  on  the  first  day  of  February  :  it  con- 
tains the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  (except  that  to  Philemon, 
which  is  wanting)  with  the  commentaries  of  Theophylact, 
whose  text  the  writer  has  evidently  followed. 

126.  The  Codex  Monacensis  455.  (Reisser,  5.  Hoeschelii 
35.  formerly  Augustanus  8.)  is  written  on  paper,  and  is  dated 
on  the  17th  of  February,  in  the  twelfth  indiction,  and,  Scholz 
conjectures,  in  the  year  1389.  Its  contents  are  the  same  as 
those  of  No.  123.,  but  with  the  addition  of  some  homilies 
•i  Chrysostom.  Both  these  manuscripts  are  evidently 
transcribed  from  the  same  copy. 

127.  The  Codex  Monacensis  110.  formerly  belonged  to 
the  Jesuits'  College  at  Munich.  It  is  written  on  paper,  in 
the  sixteenth  century,  and  contains  Rom.  vii.  7. — tx.  21. 
with  a  catena.  Scholz  has  ascertained  by  actual  collation 
that  this  manuscript  is  beyond  all  doubt  a  copy  of  No.  54. 
The  Codex  Monacensis  412.  (see  pp.  269*,  270*.  No.  54.) 
It  has  the  received  text. 

128.  (Acts  179.)  The  Codex  Monacensis  211.:  it  is 
described  in  page  267*.  No.  179. 

129.  The  Codex  Monacen8IS  35.,  written  on  paper  in 


the  sixteenth  century,  contains  St.  Paul's  Epistles  with  a 
catena.     It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

130.  (Gn-p.  13.  Acts  54.)  The  Codex  Grscus  4.,  in 
the  Library  ot  the  Arsenal  at  Paris.  It  is  described  in  page 
240.  No.  43.,  and  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

131.  (Gosp.  330.  Acts  132.)  The  Codex  Coislinianus 
196.  described  in  page  252.  N'<».  330.,  follows  the  Constan- 
tinopolitan recension. 

132.  (Gosp.  18.  Acts  113.  Apoc.  51.)  The  Codex  Re- 
011  17.,  described  in  page  239.,  No.  18.,  follows  the  Con- 
Btantinopolitan  recension. 

133.  f  Acts  51.  Apoc.  52.)  The  Codex  Regius  56.,  is 
described  in  page  263*.  No.  51.  This  and  the  three  fol 
lowing  manuscripts  were  cursorily  examined  by  Dr.  Scholz. 

134.  (Acts  111.)  The  Codex  Regius  57.  is  described 
in  page  265*.  No.  114. 

135.  (Acts  115.)  The  Codex  Regius  58.,  described  ir 
page  265*.  No.  115.  is  imperfect  from  2  Tim.  ii.  to  the  end, 
and  wants  the  Epistle  to  Titus  and  to  the  Hebrews. 

136.  (Acts  116.  Apoc.  53.)  The  Codex  Regius  59.  is 
described  in  page  265*.  No.  116. 

137.  (Gosp.  263.  Acts  117.  Apoc.  54.)  The  Codex 
Regius  61.,  described  in  page  250.  No.  263.  It  is  imper- 
fect in  Philemon,  verse  21 — 25.  In  St.  Paul's  Epistles  this 
manuscript  frequently  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  recen- 
sion, but  most  commonly  with  the  received  text. 

138.  (Acts  118.  Apoc.  55.)  The}  These  manuscripts 
Codex  Regius  101.  (      are  described   in 

139.  (Acts  119.  Apoc.  56.)  The  C  page  265*.  Nos. 
Codex  Regius  102.  A.  )       118,  119. 

140.  (Acts  11.)  The  Codex  Regius  103.  is  described 
in  page  261*.  No.  11.  This  and  the  following  manuscripts 
to  No.  156.  inclusive,  were  cursorily  collated  by  Scholz. 

141.  (Acts  120.)    The  Codex  Re- 
gius 103.  A. 

142.  (Acts  121.)    The  Codex  Re- 
gius 104. 

143.  (Acts  122.)    The  Codex  Re- 
gius 105. 

144.  (Acts  123.)    The  Codex  Re- 
gius 106.  A. 


These  manuscripts 
are  described  in 
page  265*.  Nos. 
120—123. 


J 


145.  The  Codex  Regius  108.,  formerly  2^4-  (Colberti- 
nus  3790.)  is  written  on  vellum  in  the  sixteenth  century ; 
contains  the  Epistles  to  the  Philippians,  Colossians,  Thes- 
salonians,  and  Timothy,  with  prologues.  It  follows  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension. 

146.  The  Codex  Regius  109.  (formerly  Colbertinus), 
written  on  vellum  in  the  sixteenth  century,  contains  the 
Epistle  to  the  Romans  with  a  prologue  and  argument,  and 
also  the  first  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians.  It  follows  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension. 

147.  The  Codex  Regius  110.  (formerly  Colbertinus), 
written  on  vellum  in  the  year  1511,  contains  the  two  Epis- 
tles to  the  Corinthians.  It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension. 

148.  The  Codex  Regius  111.  (formerly  Colbertinus). 
written  on  vellum  in  the  sixteenth  century,  contains  the 
Epistles  to  Titus,  Philemon,  and  the  Hebrews ;  and  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

149.  150.  (Acts  124,  125.)  The  Codices  Regii  124. 
and  125.  are  described  in  page  265*.  Nos.  124,  125. 

151.  The  Codex  Regius  126.,  written  on  vellum  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  contains  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  the  text  of 
which  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

152.  (Apoc.  60.)  The  Codex  Recius  136\  contains  the 
Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  and  the  Apocalypse,  written  on 
vellum,  but  in  what  century  Scholz  has  not  mentioned  It 
follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

153—156.  (Acts  126—129.)  The  Codices  Regii  216— 
218.  220.,  are  described  in  page  265*.  Nos.  126—129. 

157.  The  Codex  Regius  222.,  formerly  1886.  (Colberti- 
nus 3002.),  was  brought  from  Constantinople  in  1C76.  It 
contains  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  written  on  vellum  in  the^  ele- 
venth century,  with  prologues  and  commentaries.  This 
manuscript  is  imperfect  from  Rom.  i.  1.  to  ii.  29.,  ill.  26.  to 
iv.  8.,  ix.  11—22.,  1  Cor.  xv.  22—43.,  and  Col.  i.  1—6. 
It  most  frequently  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  re* 
cension,  but  it  often  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  receo 


272* 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS, 


[Part  I.  Chap.  III. 


sion.     The  chief  part  of  this  manuscript  was  collated  by 
Scholz. 

158.  (Acts  131.)  The  Codex  Regius  223.  is  described 
in  page  265*.  No.  131. 

159.  The  Codex  Regius  224.  (formerly  22452.),  most 
elegantly  written  on  vellum  in  the  eleventh  century,  con- 
.ains  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  with  prologues  and  a  catena,  and 
the  Apocalypse  with  the  commentary  of  Aretas,  bishop  of 
Caesarea  in  Cappadocia.  This  manuscript  seldom  departs 
from  the  received  text :  it  was  collated  in  select  passages 
©y  Dr.  Scholz. 

160.  The  Codex  Regius  225.,  a  manuscript  on  paper, 
written  in  the  sixteenth  century,  contains  fragments  of  Saint 
Paul's  Epistles  with  the  commentary  of  Theophylact.  This 
and  the  three  following  manuscripts  agree  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan  recension,  and  were  cursorily  examined  by 
Scholz. 

161.  The  Codex  Regius  226.,  also  on  paper,  and  written 
in  the  sixteenth  century,  contains  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans 
with  a  commentary. 

162.  The  Codex  Regius  227.  (formerly  Bigotianus), 
contains  a  catena  on  1  Cor.  xvi. :  it  is  written  on  paper,  of 
the  sixteenth  century. 

163.  The  Codex  Regius  238.  (formerly  2219.),  contains 
Heb.  i. — viii.  with  a  catena,  written  on  vellum  in  the  thir- 
teenth century. 

164.  The  Codex  Regius  849.  (formerly  Medicaeus), 
written  on  paper  in  the  sixteenth  century,  contains  Theodo- 
ret's  commentary  on  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  with  the  text  in 
•;he  margin. 

165.  The  Codex  Taurinensis  284.  c.  I.  39.,  written  on 
paper  in  the  sixteenth  century,  contains  1  and  2  Timothy, 
Titus,  Philemon,  and  Hebrews.  This  and  the  five  follow- 
'ng  Turin  Manuscripts  agree  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension,  and  were  collated  in  some  select  passages. 

166.  (Acts  133.)  The  Codex  Taurinensis  285.  c.  1. 40. 
ft  is  described  in  pp.  265*,  266*.  No.  133. 

167.  (Acts  134.)  The  Codex  Taurinensis  315.  c.  II. 
17.     It  is  described  in  page  266*.  No.  134. 

168.  The  Codex  Taurinensis  325.  c.  II.  38.  contains 
St.  Paul's  Epistles  with  a  commentary  and  prologues,  writ- 
ten on  vellum  in  the  thirteenth  century.  It  is  imperfect 
from  Rom.  i.  to  iii.  19. 

169.  (Acts  136.)  The  Codex  Taurinensis  328.  c.  II. 
31.     It  is  described  in  page  266*.  No.  136. 

170.  (Gosp.  339.  Acts  135.  Apoc.  83.)  The  Codex 
Taurinensis  302.  c.  II.  5.  It  is  described  in  page  252. 
No.  339. 

171.  The  Codex  Ambrosianus  6.,  at  Milan,  contains 
St.  Paul's  Epistles  with  a  commentary,  written  on  vellum 
in  the  thirteenth  century  ;  excepting  that  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans,  1  Cor.  and  2  Cor.  i.  to  v.  19.  have  been  written  by 
a  later  hand  on  cotton  paper.  It  is  imperfect  from  Heb.  iv. 
7.  to  the  end,  and  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recen- 
sion.    Dr.  Scholz  collated  it  in  select  passages. 

172.  The  Codex  Ambrosianus  15.,  written  on  vellum  in 
the  twelfth  century,  contains  St.  Paul's  Epistles  with  brief 
commentaries  extracted  from  the  larger  work  of  Chrysostom 
on  the  same  epistles.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopoli- 
tan recension,  and  was  cursorily  collated  by  Scholz. 

173.  (Acts  138.)  The  Codex  Am-")  These  manuscripts 
brosianus  102.  (      are  described  in 

174.  (Acts  139.)  The  Codex  Am- £  page  266*.  Nos. 
brosianus  104.  )       138.  and  139. 

175.  The  Codex  Ambrosianus  125.  was  brought  from 
Thessaly.  It  is  on  paper,  written  in  the  twelfth  century, 
and  contains  St.  Paul's  Epistles  with  a  perpetual  commen- 
tary. It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and 
was  collated  in  select  passages. 

176.  (Acts  137.)  The  Codex  Ambrosianus  97.,  de- 
scribed in  page  266*.  No.  137.,  was  collated  by  Scholz  in 
most  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles. 

177.  The  Codex  Mutinensis  14.  (Ms.  II.  A.  14.), 
vrritten  on  vellum  in  the  sixteenth  century,  contains  Saint 
Paul's  Epistles.  Its  text  agrees  with  the  Constaniinopli- 
tan  recension.  The  whole  of  this  and  the  two  following 
manuscripts  were  collated. 


178.  (Acts  142.)  The  Codex  Mutinensis  243.  (Ms. 
III.  B.  17.),  noticed  in  page  266*.  No.  142.  In  the  Epis- 
tles the  text  for  the  most  part  agrees  with  the  Constantino- 
politan recension ;  but  there  are  many  errors. 

179.  (Acts  H.)  The  Codex  Mutinensis  196.  (Ms.  II. 
g.  3.),  is  described  in  page  260*,  261*.  No.  VIII.  It 
mostly  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  The 
whole  of  this  manuscript  was  collated. 

180.  (Gosp.  363.  Acts  144.)  The  Codex  Laurentia- 
nus  VI.  13.  is  described  in  page  253.  No.  363. 

181.  (Gosp.  365.  Acts  145.)  The  )  These  manuscripts 
Codex  Laurentianus  VI.  36. 

182.  (Gosp.  367.  Acts  146.)    The 
Codex  Laurentianus  2708. 

183.  (Acts  147.)    The  Codex  Lau- 
rentianus IV.  30.  I 

184.  (Acts  148.)    The  Codex  Lau-  i 
rentianus  2574. 

185.  (Gosp.  393.  Acts  167.)     The 


are  described  in 
page  353.  Nos. 
365.  and  367. 
These  manuscripts 
are  described  in 
page  266*.  Nos 
147,  148. 
Codex  Vallicelli- 


anus  E.  22.,  and  186.  (Gosp.  394.  Acts  168.)  The  Codex 
Vallicellianus  F.  17.  These  manuscripts  were  cursorily 
collated  :  they  are  described  in  page  254.  Nos.  393.  and  394. 

187.  (Acts  154.)  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1270.,  and  188. 
(Acts  155.)  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1430.  are  described  in 
page  266*.  Nos.  154.  and  155. 

189.  The  Codex  "Vaticanus  1649.,  written  on  vellum 
in  the  thirteenth  century,  contains  St.  Paul's  Epistles  with 
the  commentaries  of  Theodoret.  It  was  cursorily  collated, 
and  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 


190.  (Acts    156.)       The   Codex 
Vaticanus  1650. 

191.  (Acts    157.)       The   Codex 
Vaticanus  1714. 

192.  (Acts   158.)      The    Codex    f 
Vaticanus  1761. 

193.  (Acts    160.)       The  Codex 
Vaticanus  2062. 

194.  (Gosp.  175. 


These  manuscripts 
are  described  in 
page  266*.  Nos. 
156  —  158.  and 
160. :  they  were 
cursorily  col- 
lated. 


Acts  41.  Apoc.  20.)  The  Codex 
Vaticanus  2080.,  described  in  page  247.  No.  175.,  agree* 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension:  it  was  cursorily 
collated. 

195.  The  Codex  Vaticano-Ottobonianus  31.,  preserved 
in  the  Vatican  Library,  written  on  vellum  in  the  tenth  cen- 
tury, contains  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  with  a  commentary, 
in  which  the  names  of  Oecumenius,  Theodoret,  and  others 
are  inserted.  It  is  imperfect  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans, 
and  in  the  chief  part  of  the  first  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians. 

196.  The  Codex  Vaticano-Ottobonianus  61.,  written 
on  paper  in  the  fifteenth  century,  contains  the  Epistles  of 
St.  Paul  with  a  commentary.  It  agrees  with  the  Constan- 
tinopolitan recension,  and  was  cursorily  examined. 

197.  (Apoc.  78.)  The  Codex  Vaticano-Ottobonianus 
176.,  also  written  on  paper  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and 
agreeing  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  contains 
St.  Paul's  Epistles  and  the  Apocalypse :  it  was  cursorily 
examined. 

198.  (Acts  161.  Apoc.  69.)  The  Codex  Vaticano- 
Ottobonianus  258.,  is  described  in  page  266*.  No.  161. 
In  the  epistles  its  text  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension  :  it  was  cursorily  collated. 

199.  (Gosp.  386.  Acts  151.)  The  Codex  Vaticano- 
Ottobonianus  66.  is  described  in  pp.  253,  254.  No.  386. 

200.  (Acts  162.)  The  Codex  Vaticano-Ottobonianus 
298.,  described  in  page  266*.  No.  162.,  was  cursorily  exa- 
mined by  Dr.  Scholz  on  the  Pauline  Epistles. 

201.  (Acts  163.)  The  Codex  Vaticano-Ottobonianus 
325.,  described  in  page  267*.  No.  163.,  sometimes  follows 
the  Alexandrine  and  sometimes  the  Constantinopolitan  re- 
cension.    It  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

202.  The  Codex  Vaticano-Ottobonianus  356.,  written 
on  paper  in  the  fifteenth  century,  contains  the  Epistle  to 
the  Romans  with  a  catena.  It  agrees  with  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan recension,  and  was  cursorily  examined  by  Scholz. 

203.  (Gosp.  390.  Acts  164.  Apoc.  71.)  The  Codex 
Vaticano-Ottobonianus  381.,  described  in  page  254.  No. 
390.,  was  cursorily  examined.  It  agrees  with  the  Constan- 
tinopolitan recension. 


«ICT.  II.  $  6.] 


CONTAINING  THE  EPISTLES  OF  SAINT  PAUL. 


273' 


204,205.  (Acts  ICC.  and  1G8.)  The  Codices  Vallicel- 
liani  B.  8G.  and  F.  13.,  described  in  page  2G7*.  Nos.  166. 
1G8.,  both  agree  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and 
were  cursorily  examined. 

306.   (Acts  ico.)    The  Cooax  Gmoumrs  R.  V.  29.  u 
ribed  in  page  267*.  No.  169.     It  ra  cursorily  exa- 
mined. 

207.    The  Codex  Ghioianui  R.  V.  32.,  written  on  paper 

■  nth  century,  contains  St.  Paul's  Epistles  with  a 

.i  i:t  u  v.    The  text  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 

ion,  and  was  cursorily  collated. 

308.  The  Coras  Ghioianos  VIII.  '>'>.,  written  mi  vellum 
in  the  eleventh  century,  and  containing  St.  Paul's  Epistles 
with  a  commentary,  was  cursorily  collated.  It  agrees  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

309,310.  (Act-.  171,  173.)  Two  manuscripts  belonging 
to  the  College  at  Rome,  of  the  sixteenth  century.  They 
agree  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  were  cur- 
sorily examined. 

311.  (Acts  173.)  A  manuscript  in  the  Royal  Bourbon 
Library  at  Naples  :  it  is  described  in  page  267*.  No.  173., 
and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

313.  (Acts  174.)  The  Codex  Neapolitans  1.  C.  2GM 
rf  the  fifteenth  century,  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 

sion,  and  was  collated  in  select  passages. 
213.   The  Codex  Barberinianus  29.,  written  (as  appears 
from  the  subscription)  in  1338,  contains  St.  Paul's  Epistles 
with  prologues  and  scholia.     It  agrees  with  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan recension,  and  was  cursorily  examined. 

314.  The  Codex  Cjesareus  Vindobonensis  Theologicus 
1C7.  (Lambecii  46.)  written  on  cotton  paper  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  contains  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  with  a  catena, 
and  the  first  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians  with  the  commenta- 
ries of  Chrysostom  and  Theodoret,  and  some  other  pieces. 
The  text  follows  the  readings  of  the  commentaries,  and  was 
cursorily  examined. 

215.  (Acts  140.)  The  Codex  Venetus  54G.,  described 
in  page  266*.  No.  140.,  was  cursorily  collated. 

216.  (Acts  175.)  The  Codex  Messanensis  II.  is  de- 
scribed in  page  267*.  No   175. 

217.  A  manuscript  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Palermo, 
written  on  vellum  in  the  fifteenth  century,  contains  Saint 
Paul's  Epistles.  It  is  imperfect  in  Rom.  and  1  Cor.,  also 
in  2  Cor.  i.  1.  to  iv.  18.,  Heb.  ii.  9.  to  the  end,  and  2  Tim. 
i.  8.  to  ii.  14. 

218.  (Gosp.  421.  Acts  176.)  The  Codex  Syracusanus 
is  described  in  pp.  254,  255.  No.  421. 

219.  (Gosp.  122.  Acts  177.)  The  Codex  Lugdunensis- 
Batavus  (formerly  Meermannianus  116.),  is  described  in 
page  245.  No.  122.,  and  mostly  agrees  with  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan recension.  It  is  imperfect  from  Rom.  i.  1.  to  vii. 
13.  and  1  Cor.  ii.  7.  to  xiv.  23. 

220.  (Gosp.  400.  Acts  181.)  The  Codex  Berolinen- 
sis  Bibliothec.e  (formerly  Diezii  10.),  described  in  page 
254.  No.  400.,  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recen- 
sion. 

221.  (Gosp.  440.  Acts  111.)  The  Codex  Cantabrigi- 
ensis Mm.  6.  9.  :  it  is  described  in  page  255.  No.  440. 

399,  223.  (Gosp.  441,  442.  Acts  110.  152.)  The  Codi- 
CXS  Cantabrigienses  4  2262.  and  2537,  2538,  contain  the 
entire  New  Testament.  Scholz  has  not  stated  with  what 
recensions  they  agree. 

994.  (Acts  58.)  The  Codex  Clakkii  !».  in  the  Bodle- 
ian  Library,  described  in  page  263*.  No.  68.,  is  imperfect 
after  Heb.  xiii.  7.  It  was  collated  for  the  first  Epistle  to 
the  Corinthians,  and  very  seldom  differs  from  the  received 
text. 

225.  (Acts  112.)  The  Codex  Cantabrigiensis  2068.  is 
described  in  page  265*.  No.  112.  and  note. 

226.  The  Codex  Cantabrigiensis  1152.  contains  the 
Kpistles  of  St.  Paul. 

227.  (Acts  56.)  The  Codex  Clarkii  4.  in  the  Bodleian 
Library,  is  described  in  page  263*.  No.  56. 

Vol.  I.  2  M 


228;  229.  (Gosp.  226.  228.  Acts  10S,  109.)  .The  Codi- 
ces Escurialenses  *IV.  17.  and  12.  are  described  in  page 
249.  Nos.  226.  and  228. 

230.  (Gosp.  368.  Acts  150.  Apoc  84.)  The  Codkx 
RlCHARDUirus :  it  is  described  in  page  266*.  No.  150.,  and 
was  cursorily  collated  in  the  epistles. 

331,239.  (Acts  183,  184.)  Two  manuscripts,  (No.fi. 
and  No.  !».)  in  the  Great  Greek  Monastery  at  Jerusalem: 
they  are  described  in  page  268*.,  Nos.  183,  184.,  and  were 
cursorily  collated. 

233.  (Acts  185.)  A  manuscript  (No.  1.)  in  the  library 
of  the  Greek  monastery  of  St.  Saba  :  it  is  described  in  pao-e 
268*.  No.  185.  3 

934.  (Gosp.  457.  Acta  186.)  Another  manuscript  (No 
2.)  in  the  Bame  library:  it  is  described  in  pao-e  268* 
No.  186. 

235,  23G.  (Gosp.  162.  Acts  [87.  and  188.)  Are  two  ma- 
nuscripts (Nos.  10.  and  15.)  in  the  same  library,  described 
in  page  2G8*.  Nos.  187,  188. 

237.  (Gosp.  465.  Acts  189.)  A  manuscript  (No.  20.) 
in  the  same  library  :  it  is  described  in  page  268*.  No.  189. 

238.  (Gosp.  431.   Acts  180.)     The  Codex  MoLSHKMl 
ensis:  it  is  described  in  patres  255.  No.  431.  and  167*. 
No.  180.    In  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  the  text  of  this  manu- 
script agrees  sometimes  with  the  Constantinopolitan,  and 
sometimes  with  the  Alexandrine  recension. 

239.  (Gosp.  189.  Acts  141  )  The  Codex  Laurentia- 
nus  VI.  27.,  of  the  twelfth  century,  agrees  with  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan recension. 

240.  (Gosp.  444.  Acts  153.)  The  Codex  Harleianus 
5796. :  it  is  described  in  page  255.  No.  444. 

241.  (Acts  97.)  The  Codex  Gudianus  gr.  104.  2.  is 
described  in  page  264*.  No.  97. 

212.  (Acts  178.  Apoc.  87.)  The  Codex  (formerly 
Meermannianus  118.) :  it  is  described  in  pao-e  267*. 

178.         .  *  ° 

243.  (Acts  182.)  A  manuscript  belonging  to  a  monas- 
tery in  the  island  of  Patmos :  it  is  described  in  pp.  2G7*, 

268*.  No.  182. 

244,  245,  246.  (Acts  190—192.)  The  Codices  Waki- 
ani  2.  3.  4.  They  are  described  in  page  268*.  Nos.  190, 
191,  192. 


§7. 


MANUSCRIPTS    CONTAINING    THE    APOCALYPSE,    OR    REVE- 
LATION   OF    SAINT    JOHN. 


i.  Manuscripts  written  in  Uncial  or  Capital  Letters   collated 
by  Editors  who  preceded  Dr.  Scholz. 

L — A.  (Gosp.  A.)  The  Codex  Alexandrinus:  it  is 
described  in  pp.  222 — 224. 

II. — B.  The  Codex  Vaticanus,  formerly  belonging  to 
the  Monks  of  St.  Basil  at  Rome,  No.  105.,  contains  the 
Apocalypse  with  the  Homilies  of  Basil  (surnamed  the 
Great)  and  of  Gregory  of  Nazianzum.  This  manuscript 
was,  by  the  order  of  Cardinal  Quirini,  collated  with  Mori- 
nus's  edition  printed  at  Paris  in  1628.  Griesbach  has 
remarked,  either  that  there  are  very  numerous  lacuna  in 
this  manuscript,  or  it  was  inaccurately  collated. 

III.— C.  (Gosp.  C.)  The  Codex  Ephremi,  described 
in  pp.  229,  230.  It  is  imperfect  in  Rev.  iii.  20.  to  v.  14. ; 
vii.  14.  to  ix.  16.  ;  xvi.  14.  to  xix.  2. ;  and  xix.  10.  to  the 
end.     It  was  collated  anew  by  Dr.  Scholz. 

ii.    Manuscripts   written  in   Cursive  or  the   ordinary   Greek 
small  CJiaracters. 

1.  The  Codex  Reuchlini  or  Capnionis  contains  the 
Apocalypse  with  the  commentary  of  Andreas  Caesariensis. 
This  manuscript  was  followed  by  Erasmus  in  his  first  edi 
tion  of  the  Greek  Testament.  He  highly  extolled  its  anti- 
quity, and  frequently  cites  it  in  his  notes.  It  is  not  known 
what  has  become  of  this  manuscript. 


274' 


ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  MANUSCRIPTS. 


[Paht  I.  Chap.  Ill 


2.  (Acts  10.  Paul.  Ep.  12.)  The  Codex  Regius  237., 
described  in  page  261*.  No.  10.  Its  text  for  the  mo* 
part  agrees  with°the  Alexandrine  and  Vatican  Manuscripts 
(A.  and  B.),  and  frequently  also  with  Nos.  9.  and  36.  infra. 
It  was  collated  by  Wetstein  and  Scholz. 

3.  The  Codex  Stephani  «'  is  now  unknown. 

I.  (Acts  12.  Paul.  Ep.  16.)  The  Codex  Regius  219., 
'  'scribed  in  page  261*.  No.  12.,  was  collated  in  select  pas- 

L'rs  by  Scholz. 

3.  The  manuscripts  collated  by  Laurentius  Valla  :  see  a 
notice  of  them  in  page  243.  No.  82. 

6.  (Acts  23.  Paul.  Ep.  28.)  The  Codex  Baroccianus 
3.,  described  in  page  261*.  No.  23.  Chap.  xvii.  10.  to 
xviii.  7.  and  the  last  three  chapters  of  the  Apocalypse  are 
wanting. 

7.  (Acts  25.  Paul.  Ep.  31.)  The  }  These  manuscripts 
Codex  Harleianus  5537.  (       are  described  in 

8.  (Acts  28.  Paul.  Ep.  34.)  The  C  page  262*.  Nos. 
Codex  Harleianus  5778.  )      25.  and  28. 

9.  (Acts  30.  Paul.  Ep.  36.)  The  Codex  Bodleianus 
131.  is  described  in  page  262*.  No.  30. 

10.  (Gosp.  60.)  The  Codex  Cantabrigiensis  Dd.  9. 
69.  is  described  in  page  241.  No.  60. 

II.  (Acts  39.  Paul.  Ep.  45.)  The  Codex  Petavianus 
8.  is  described  in  page  262*.  No.  39. 

12.  (Acts  40.  Paul.  Ep.  46.)  The  Codex  Alexandri- 
no-Vaticanus  179.,  described  in  page  262*.  No.  40.,  is 
imperfect  in  Rev.  xvii.  9 — 14.  It  mostly  agrees  with  the 
Alexandrine  recension,  and  was  collated  anew  by  Birch  (for 
chapters  i.  and  ii.)  and  by  Scholz. 

13.  (Acts  42.  Paul.  Ep.  48.)  The  Codex  Bibliothecs 
Francofurtensis  ad  Viadrum,  described  in  page  262*. 
No.  42.,  mostly  agrees  with  Cod.  2. 

14.  (Gosp.  69.  Acts  31.  Paul.  Ep.  37.)  The  Codex 
Leicestrensis  (described  in  page  242.  No.  69.)  wants  the 
two  last  chapters  of  the  Apocalypse. 

15.  (Gosp.  E.)  The  Codex  Basileensis  B.  VI.  21. 
(described  in  page  232.)  contains  a  fragment  of  chapters 
iii.  and  iv.,  which  Griesbach  says  are  written  in  a  later 
hand. 

16.  (Acts  45.  Paul.  Ep.  5.)  The  Codex  Uffenbachi- 
anus  2.  is  described  in  page  262*.  No.  45. 

17.  (Gosp.  35.  Acts  14.  Paul.  Ep.  18.)  The  Codex 
Coislinianus  199.  is  described  in  page  240.  No.  35.  It 
was  collated  in  select  passages  by  Scholz. 

18.  (Acts  18.  Paul.  Ep.  22.)  The  Codex  Coislikianus 
^JP'  is  described  in  page  261*.  No.  18.  It  was  collated  in 
select  passages  by  Scholz. 

19.  (Acts  17.  Paul.  Ep.  21.)  The  Codex  Coislinianus 
205.,  described  in  page  261*.  No.  17.  was  collated  in  select 
passages  by  Scholz. 

20.  (Gosp.  175.  Acts  41.  Paul.  Ep.  194.)  The  Codex 
Vaticanus  2080.  is  described  ;n  page  247.  No.  175. 

21.  The  Codex  Vallicellianus  D.  20.,  written  on 
paper  in  the  fourteenth  century,  contains  the  Apocalypse 
with  the  commentary  of  Andreas  :  it  was  collated  in  select 
passages  by  Scholz,  and  agrees  with  the  Constantinopoli- 
tan  recension. 

23.  (Acts  166.  Paul.  Ep.  203.)  The  Codex  Vallicel- 
lianus B.  86.  is  described  in  page  267*.  No.  166.  Scholz 
has  substituted  these  two  Vallicellian  manuscripts  in  lieu 
of  two  French  manuscripts  cited  by  Dr.  Bentley  in  his 
Specimen  of  Rev.  xxii.,  which  he  (Dr.  S.)  has  no  doubt 
exist  among  some  of  the  manuscripts  specified  in  the  fol- 
lowing numbers. 

23.  (Gosp.  38.  Acts  19.)  The  Codex  Coislinianus  200., 
described  in  page  240.  No.  38.,  was  cursorily  collated  by 
Scholz,  who  has  substituted  this  manuscript  for  the  read- 
ings in  the  first  three  chapters,  extracted  from  one  or  more 
Medicean  manuscripts  at  Florence,  and  inserted  in  the 
•nargin  of  Rapheleng's  edition,  which  manuscripts  (he  is 


The  Codex  Harleianus 
No.  60.,  ends  with  Rev 

The  Codex  Guelpber- 
in   page   263*.    No.   69. 


of  opinion)  are  also  concealed  among  the  following  nurn 
bers. 

24.  (Acts  160.  Paul.  Ep.  193.)  The  Codex  Vaticanus 
2062.,  described  in  page  266*.  No.  160.,  was  collated  by 
Scholz.  The  last  two  verses  of  Rev.  xxii.  are  cited  by 
Blanchini.  The  text  of  this  manuscript  mostly  agrees  with 
the  Codices  6.  7.  and  8. 

25.  (Gosp.  149.  Acts  77.  Paul.  Ep.  88.)  The  Codex 
Palatino-Vaticanus  171.  is  a  manuscript  of  the  fourteenth 
century,  from  which  Wetstein  cited  some  readings  taken 
from  Amelotte's  notes  to  his  French  Version  of  the  Apoca- 
lypse. This  manuscript  was  collated  anew  by  Dr.  Birch 
(for  ch.  i.  to  iii.  9.)  and  by  Scholz. 

26.  (Lectionary  57.)  The  Codex  Wakianus  1.  in  the 
Library  of  Christ's  College,  Oxford,  is  a  manuscript  writ- 
ten on  vellum,  in  a  bold  round  hand,  in  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury, which  was  brought  to  England  from  Constantinople 
in  the  year  1731.  It  contains  the  Apocalypse,  and  lessons 
taken  from  the  Gospels,  Acts,  and  Epistles,  and  seldom 
departs  from  the  ordinary  Greek  text.  Abbreviations  fre- 
quently occur,  and  there  is  also  a  frequent  confusion  of 
vowels.  This  and  the  two  following  manuscripts  were  col- 
lated, in  the  Apocalypse,  by  Caspar  Wetstein. 

27.  (Acts  190.  Paul.  Ep.  244.)  The  Codex  Wakia- 
nus 2.,  in  the  same  library,  is  described  in  page  268*. 
No.  190. 

28.  The  Codex  Baroccianus  48.,  in  the  Bodleian  Li- 
brary, besides  other  writings,  contains  the  Apocalypse  from 
the  beginning  to  chap.  xvii.  6. 

29.  (Acts  60.  Paul.  Ep.  63.) 
5613.,  described  in  page  263*. 
xxii.  2. 

30.  (Acts  69.  Paul.  Ep.  74.) 
bytanus   XVI.   7.  is  described 

Knittel  first  edited  the  readings  of  this  manuscript  of  the 
Apocalypse  in  his  Beytrdgen  zur  Kriiik  vher  Johannis  OJfen- 
barung  [Contributions  for  a  Criticism  on  the  Revelation  of 
John.] 

31.  The  Codex  Harleianus  5678.  formerly  belonged  to 
a  Jesuit  College  at  Agen:  it  is  written  on  paper,  in  the 
fifteenth  century,  and  contains  the  Apocalypse  with  the 
works  attributed  to  Dionysius  the  Areopagite.  The  read- 
ings of  this  manuscript  were  communicated  to  Griesbach 
by  Dr.  Paulus. 

32.  The  Codex  Dresdensis  (formerly  Loescherianus) 
contains  the  Apocalypse  written  on  vellum,  according  to 
Matthaei,  in  the  fifteenth  century,  though  others  refer  it  to 
the  twelfth  or  thirteenth  century.  Scholz  states  that  it  is  a 
manuscript  of  the  highest  character,  having  been  written 
by  a  learned  and  accurate  Greek.  These  four  manuscripts, 
29 — 32.,  almost  always  agree  with  each  other,  and  with 
Cod.  9.,  14.,  and  some  others. 

33.  (Gosp.  218.  Acts  65.  Paul.  Ep.  57.)  The  Codex 
Cesareo-Vindobonensis  23.  (Lambecii  1.),  described  in 
page  248.  No.  218.,  is  imperfect  from  chap.  xx.  7.  to  the 
end. 

34.  (Acts  66.  Paul.  Ep.  67.)  The  Codex  Cjesareo- 
Vindobonensis  302.  (Lambecii  34.),  described  in  page 
263*.  No.  66.,  is  imperfect  in  chap.  xv.  6.  to  xvii.  3. ; 
xviii.  10.  to  xix.  9. ;  and  xx.  8.  to  the  end. 

35.  The  Codex  Cssareo-Vindobonensis  307.  (Lambecii 
248.),  written  on  vellum  in  the  fourteenth  century,  besides 
other  pieces,  contains  the  Apocalypse  with  the  commentary 
of  Andreas  Cretensis. 

36.  The  Codex  Viennensis  (Forlosiae  29.  and  Kollani 
26.)  ends  with  chap.  xix.  20.  It  is  written  on  vellum,  of 
the  fourteenth  century,  and  also  has  the  commentary  of 
Andreas  Cretensis.  The  MSS.  33.  to  36.  were  first  col- 
lated by  Alter :  the  readings  of  37.  to  46.  were  published 
by  Dr.  Birch ;  and  Nos.  38.  to  44.  were  further  collated  by 
Scholz. 

38.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  579.,  written  on  cotton  pape: 
in  the  thirteenth  century,  contains   tfM  Apocalypse  with 


CONTAINING  THE  APOCALYPSE 


Sect.  II.  §  7.] 

some  writings  of  the  fathers :    it  mostly  agrees  with  the 
Alexandrine  recension. 

39.    (Paul.  Ep.  85.)     The  Codex  Vaticanus  1136.,  de- 
scribed in  page  270*.  No.  85.,  is  imperfect  in  chap.  i.  1.  to   Bcribed  in  page  J T 1  * .  No.  152 
■v.  7.,  and  vi.  18.  to  xiii.  11.  gl.   Th<   Uodex  Regius  491 


Z76* 

teenth  century,  contains  the  Apocalypse  with  a  commen- 
tary :  it  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

60.    (Paul.  Ep.  152.)     The  Codrx  Regius  1361..  is  de- 


10.  (Gosp.  141.   Acts  75.   Paul.  Ep.  86.)    The  Cooes 

Taticanus  1100.  is  described  in  page  217.  No.  1 11. 

11.  The  Codex  \i.KKANimiNo-Y  sin  am  i  68.)  written  on 
papei  in  the  fourteenth  century,  contains  the  Apocalypsi  ,  i ■ 
which  are  prefixed  sonic  extracts  from  Oecumentus  and 
Andreas  on  that  liook. 

IS.  (Acts  80,  Paul.  Ep.  91.)  The  Codcx  Pio-Vatica 
■-,  -  50.  is  a  manuscript  of  the  twelfth  century. 

:.'!.  The  CoDBX  Baubkuiniani.s  83.,  written  on  velluin 
in  the  fourteenth  century,  contains  Ivev.  xiv.  17.  to  xviii.  20. 

with  a  commentary,  and  the  Pentateuch,  Joshua,  and  Judges, 

with  a  catena.  It  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  re- 
cension. 

11.  (Acts  B8.  Paul.  Ep.  92.)  The  Codex  Borgia  4.  is 
written  on  velluin,  of  the  thirteenth  century. 

15.  (Acts  89.  Paul.  Ep.  99.)  The  Codex  Laurentianus 
IV.  32.  is  described  in  page  264*.  No.  89. 

46.  (Gosp.  209.  Acts  95.  Paul.  Ep.  108.)  The  Codex 
Vi.NKTiANus  [0.,  described  in  page  248.  No.  209.,  appears 
(according  to  Scholz)  to  be  a  copy  of  No.  88.  (the  Codex 
Venetus  or  Venetianus  5.) 

47.  (Gosp.  241.  Acts  104.  Paul.  Ep.  120.)  The  Codex 
Dresdensis  (k.  of  Matthaei)  is  described  in  page  249. 
No.  241. 

48.  (Gosp.  242.  Acts  105.  Paul.  Ep.  121.)  The  Co- 
dex S.  Synodi  Mosquensis  (1.  of  Matthaei)  is  described 
in  page  249.  No.  242.,  with  which  compare  page  264*. 
sote  I. 

49.  The  Codex  S.  Synodi  67.  (o.  of  Matthaei),  written 
on  paper  in  the  fourteenth  century,  contains  the  Apoca- 
lypse with  the  commentaries  of  Andreas  and  Gregory  of 
Nazianzum.     It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

50.  The  Codex  S.  Synodi  206.  (p.  of  Matthaei),  writ- 
ten portly  on  paper  and  partly  on  vellum  in  the  twelfth 
centary,  contains  the  Apocalypse  and  some  lives  of  the 
saints. 

503.  A  manuscript  in  the  Library  of  the  Synod  at  Mos- 
cow, written  on  vellum  in  the  tenth  century,  contains  the 
Apocalypse.  The  MSS.  47.  to  50*.  were  all  collated  by 
Matthaei. 


iii.  Manuscripts  collated  for  the  first  time  by  Dr.  Scholz. 

51.  (Gosp.  18.  Acts  113.  Paul.  Ep.  132.)  The  Codex 
Regius  47.  is  described  in  page  239.  No.  18.  The  text  of 
the  Apocalypse  very  often  differs  from  the  Alexandrine  re- 
cension.    The  whole  was  collated  by  Scholz. 

52.  (Acts  51.  Paul.  Ep.  133.)  The  Codex  Regius  56., 
described  in  page  263*.  No.  51.,  is  mutilated  in  chap.  xxii. 
17 — 21.  This  and  the  following  manuscripts,  to  No.  67. 
inclusive,  were  cursorily  collated. 

53.  (Acts  116.  Paul.  Ep.  137.)  The  Codex  Regius  59. 
is  described  in  page  265*.  No.  116. 

51.  (Gosp.  263.  Acts  117.  Paul.  Ep.  137.)  TheCoDEX 
Rkgius  61.  is  described  in  page  250.  No.  263. 

55.  (Acts  118.  Paul.  Ep.  138.)  The  Codex  Regius  101. 
is  described  in  page  265*.  No.  118. 

56.  (Vets  119.  Paul.  Ep.  139.)  The  Codex  Regius  102. 
A.  is  described  in  page  265*.  No.  119. 

57.  (Acts  124.  Paul.  Ep.  149.)  The  Codex  Reoios  184. 
is  described  in  page  265*.  No.  121. 

58.  The  Codex  Regius  19.,  formerly  Colbertinus,  writ- 
ten on  paper  in  the  sixteenth  century,  contains  the  Apoca- 
lypse, Job,  and  Justin's  Exhortation  to  the  Greeks :  it 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

59.  The  Codex  Regius  99\,  written  on  paper  in  the  six- 


written  on  cotton  paper  in 
the  thirteenth  century,  contains  the  Apocalypse  (imperfect), 
bi  idea  vario  Ureal  i  of  Basil, Theodoret, and  Maximus. 
It  follows  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

62,  63.   The  Com  i  Ri  on  a  239.  and  210.  and  the  Cod. 
-II.  (formerly  Thuaneus,  afterwards  Colbertinus)  are 
both  written  on  paper  in  the  sixteenth  century:  they  con- 
tain Andreas s  commentary  on  the  Apocalypse,  and  agree 
w  h  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

I.    (Paul.   Ep.   159.)     The  Codex  Regius  224.  is  de- 
sen  •  ■■!  in  pa  .No.  159. 

65.  A  Manuscript  (No.  25.)  belonging  to  the  university 
of  Moscow  (formerly  Coislinianus  229.)  written  on  vellum, 
contains  Rev.  xvi.  20.  to  the  end,  besides  some  other  pieces  : 
it  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

66  (Gosp.  131.  Acts  70.  Paul.  Ep.  77.)  The  Codex 
Vaticanus  360.  is  described  in  page  246.  No.  131. 

67.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1713.,  written  on  vellum  in 
the  year  1302,  contains  the  Apocalypse  with  Andreas's 
commentary:  it  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recen- 
sion. 

68.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1904.,  written  on  vellum  in 
the  eleventh  century,  contains  Rev.  vii.  17.  to  viii.  12.  and 
xx.  1.  to  the  end,  with  some  other  passages  which  are  mis- 
placed by  the  bookbinder,  the  commentary  of  Aretas,  and 
various  fragments  of  heathen  and  Christian  writers.  The 
text  agrees  with  that  of  the  Codex  Alexandrinus.  Nearly 
the  whole  of  it  was  collated. 

69.  (Acts  161.  Paul.  Ep.  198.)  The  Codex  Vaticano- 
Ottobonianus  258.  is  described  in  page  266*.  No.  161.  It 
is  imperfect  at  the  end.  In  the  Apocalypse  this  manuscript 
mostly  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  recension:  nearly  the 
whole  of  it  was  collated. 

70.  (Gosp.  336.  Acts  151. 
Vatic ano-Ottobonianus  66. 
No.  386. 

71.  (Gosp.  390.  Acts  164.  Paul.  Ep.  203.)  The  Codex 
Vatkaxo-Ottobonianus  381.  is  described  in  pa^re  254, 
No.  390. 

72.  The  Codex  Ghigianus  R.  IV.  8.,  written  on  papei 
in  the  sixteenth  century,  contains  the  Apocalypse  with  th« 
commentary  of  Aretas.  Its  text  agrees  with  that  of  the 
Alexandrine  Manuscript. 

73.  The  manuscript  numbered  388.  in  the  Corsini  Li- 
brary, written  on  paper  in  the  sixteenth  century,  contains 
the  Apocalypse  with  the  commentary  of  Andreas  :  it  mostly 
agrees  with  the  text  of  recent  manuscripts. 

71.  (Acts  1 10.  Paul.  Ep.  215.)  The  Codex  Venetui 
546.  is  described  in  page  266*.  No.  140.      , 

75.  (Acts  86.  Paul.  Ep.  96.)  The  Codex  Laurentia* 
nus  IV.  80.  is  described  in  page  264*.  No.  86. 

76.  (Acts  147.  Paul.  Ep.  183.)  The  Codex  Laurentd 
anus  IV.  30.  i<  described  in  page  266*.  No.  147. 

77.  The  Codex  Laurentianus  VII.  9.,  written  on  papei 
in  the  sixteenth  century,  with  the  commentary  of  Aretas. 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  cur- 
sorily collated. 

78.  (Paul.  Ep.  197.)  The  Codex  Ottobonianus  176.  i  = 
described  in  page  272*.  No.  197. 

79.  The  <  !ooex  Monacensis  218.,  written  on  paper  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  contains  the  Apocalypse  with  the  com- 
mentary of  Andreas.  It  was  collated  by  Frederic  .Sylbur- 
gius  for  his  edition  of  the  Apocalypse  with  that  commen- 
tary and  the  Latin  version  of  Theodore  Peltanus  printed  at 
Heidelberg  in  1596.  Its  text  does  not  vary  from  that  of 
Andreas. 

80.  The  Codex  Monacensis  544.  (Augustanus  7.  of  Ben 
gel)  formerly  belonged  to  the  Greek  Emperor  Mamie' 


Paul.  Ep.  199.)     The  Codex 
is  described  in  pp.  253,  254. 


27V 


ACCOUNT  OF  LECTIONARIES. 


13  written  on  cotton  paper,  in  the  fourteenth  century,  and 
contains  the  text  of  the  Apocalypse  with  Andreas's  com- 
mentary.    Scholz  collated  it  in  select  passages. 

31.   The  Codex  Monacensis  23.,  on  paper,  written  in 

ixteenth  century,  also  contains  the  Apocalypse  with 

reas's  Commentary,  in  addition  to  the  works  of  Gre- 

iiisliop  of  Nyssa.     This  manuscript  was  consulted  by 

1 '  Itanus  for  his  edition  of  Andreas,  printed  at  Ingoldstadt 

1547.  4to. 

B2.    (Acts  179.  Paul.  Ep.  128.)     The  Codex  Monacen- 
811.  is  described  in  page  267*.  No.  179.  >  In  the  Apo- 
calypse  the  text  of  this  manuscript  agrees  with  Cod.  2. 
Nearly  the  whole  of  it  was  collated. 

83.  (Gosp.  339.  Acts  135.  Paul.  Ep.  170.)  The  Codex 
Taurinensis  302.  c.  II.  5.  is  described  in  page  252.  No. 
339.  Its  text  very  seldom  differs  from  that  of  the  Cod. 
Alexandrinus  and  Cod.  Ephremi. 

84.  (Gosp.  368.  Acts  150.  Paul.  Ep.  232.)  The  Codex 
Richardianus  8-1.,  described  in  page  266*.  No.  150.,  was 
cursorily  collated. 

85.  (Acts  184.  Paul.  Ep.  231.)  A  manuscript,  No.  9., 
in  the  great  Greek  Monastery  at  Jerusalem :  it  is  described 
in  page°268*.  No.  184. 

86.  The  manuscript  numbered  10.  in  the  Greek  monas- 
tery of  St.  Saba,  contains  the  New  Testament  written  on 
vellum  i.\  the  fourteenth  century. 

86-.  Another  manuscript  numbered  20.,  in  the  same 
library,  contains  the  New  Testament  written  on  vellum  in 
the  thirteenth  century  :  it  was  cursorily  collated  by  Scholz. 

87  (Acts  178.  Paul.  Ep.  242.)  The  Codex  Meerman- 
nianus  118. :  it  is  described  in  page  267*.  No.  178. 

88.  (Gosp.  205.  Acts  93.  Paul.  Ep.  106.)  The  Codex 
Venetus  5.  is  described  in  page  264*.  No.  93 

§    8.      MANUSCRIPTS     CONTAINING     LECTIONARIES    OR    LESSONS 
FROM    THE    ACTS    AND    EPISTLES. 

i.  Manuscripts  cited  by  preceding  Editors  of  the  New 
Testament. 

1.  (Evangelisterium  6.  Paul.Ep.  1.)  The  Codex  Biblio- 
THEC.E  Lugduno-BatavjE  243.,  described  in  page  256. 
No.  6.,  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

2.  The  Codex  Cottonianus,  Vespasian.  B.  XVIII.  con- 
tains portions  from  the  Gospels,  Acts,  and  Epistles,  ap- 
pointed to  be  read  on  holydays :  this  manuscript  is  referred 
to  the  eleventh  century. 

3.  Of  Griesbach's  Notation  is  the  Lectionarium  Bodleia- 
num  5.,  cited  by  Dr.  Mill  on  Heb.  x.  22,  23.  But  Scholz 
has  designated  with  this  number  a  manuscript/ormer/?/  in 
the  Library  of  Trinity  Hall,  Cambridge,  (for  it  is  now 
lost).  It  was  written  on  vellum  in  the  eleventh  century, 
and  contained  lessons  from  1  Pet.  and  1  John,  the  read- 
ings of  which  were  communicated  to  Mill  by  Dr.  John 
Battel  ey. 

4.  The  Codex  Laurentianus,  formerly  belonging  to  St. 
Mark's  Library  at  Florence,  contains  lessons  from  the  Acts 
and  Epistles,  written  in  the  eleventh  century. 

5.  (6.  of  Griesbach's  Notation.)  The  Codex  Gottin- 
gensis  2.,  in  the  University  Library  at  Gottingen,  formerly 
belonged  to  Ca;sar  de  Missy,  contains  lessons  from  the 
Acts  and  Epistles,  written  on  vellum  in  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury. This  lectionary  was  collated  by  Matthaei,  who  cited 
it  by  the  letter  V. 

*5.  Of  Griesbach's  Notation,  is  the  Codex  Bodleianus 
296.,  described  in  page  257.  No.  30.,  and  containing  frag- 
ments of  a  lectionary. 

6.  (*4.  of  Griesbach's  Notation.)  The  Codex  Harlei- 
anus  5731.,  (Gosp.  117.)  described  in  page  245.  No.  117., 
also  contains  fragments  of  a  lectionary,  which  very  seldom 

<  Those  manuscripts  which  are  not  specified  as  being  written  in  uncial 
Setters,  are  to  be  understood  as  being  written  in  cursive  or  ordinary  Greek 
characters 


[Part  I.  Chap.  HI 
It  was  collated  by  Gries 


deviates  from  the  received  text. 
bach. 

7.  (Evangelist.  37.)  A  manuscript,  No.  287.  in  the  Li- 
brary of  the  Propaganda  at  Rome,  described  in  page  257. 
No.  37. 

8.  (Evangelist.  44.)  The  Codex  Hauniensis  3.  was 
written  in  the  fifteenth  century :  it  follows  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan recension. 

9.  10.  (Evangelist.  84,  85.)  The  Codices  Regii  32*. 
and  33\,  are  noticed  in  page  258.  No.  84.  They  were  both 
cursorily  collated  by  Scholz. 

11.  The  Codex  Regius  104*.  is  a  manuscript  of  the 
twelfth  century,  well  written  by  some  one  in  a  monastery 
in  Palestine :  it  contains  lessons  from  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  the  Epistles,  and  the  Apocalypse,  with  Arabic 
notes  inserted  in  the  margin.  It  mostly  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  collated  in  select 
passages. 

12.  (Evangelist.  60.)  The  Codex  Regius  375.  is  de- 
scribed in  page  258.  No.  60. :  it  abounds  with  errors. 

13.  The  Codex  Mosquensis  S.  Synodi  4.  (b.  of  Mat- 
thaei) contains  lessons  from  the  Acts  and  Epistles  written 
in  the  tenth  century :  it  was  renovated  by  a  monk  named 
Joakim,  a.  m.  7033.  (a.  d.  1525).  This  and  the  following 
Lectionaries  to  20.  inclusive  follow  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension,  and  were  collated  by  Matthaei. 

14.  The  Codex  S.  Synodi  291.  (e.  of  Matthaei),  written 
on  vellum  in  the  twelfth  century,  was  brought  from  mount 
Athos. 

15.  The  Codex  Mosquensis  Typographei  Synod.  31., 
(z.  of  Matthaei)  contains  lessons  from  the  New  Testament, 
written  on  vellum  in  the  year  1176. 

16 — 20.  The  Evangelisteria  52 — 56.,  described  in  page 
257.  Nos.  52—56. 


ii.  Manuscripts  of  Lectionaries  collated  for  the  first  time  by 
Dr.  Scholz. 

21.  The  Codex  Regius  294.  (Evangelist.  83.),  written 
in  the  eleventh  century,  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension. 

22.  The  Codex  Regius  304.,  written  on  vellum  in  the 
thirteenth  century,  was  brought  from  Constantinople  into 
the  Royal  Library  at  Paris.  It  contains  lessons  taken 
from  the  Acts  and  Epistles,  and  for  the  most  part  agrees 
with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  though  it  has  many 
Alexandrine  readings.  This  manuscript  was  cursorily  col- 
lated. 

23.  The  Codex  Regius  306.,  written  on  vellum  in  the 
twelfth  century,  is  mutilated  at  the  beginning  and  end.  It 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  cur- 
sorily collated. 

24.  The  Codex  Regius  308.,  written  on  vellum  in  the 
thirteenth  century,  contains  lessons  from  the  Old  Testament 
and  three  portions  from  the  first  Epistle  of  St.  John.  The 
text  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  This 
manuscript  is  imperfect. 

25.  The  Codex  Regius  319.,  (formerly  Colbertinus 
1365.)  is  inelegantly  written  on  vellum  in  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury. Sometimes  the  Latin  interpretation  is  written  over 
the  Greek  words.  The  text  for  the  most  part  agrees  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  but  it  has  some  Alexan- 
drine readings  :  it  was  collated  in  select  passages. 

26.  The  Codex  Regius  320.,  formerly  2469.,  written  on 
vellum  in  the  twelfth  century,  is  imperfect :  it  agrees  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  cursorily  col- 
lated. 

27.  The  Codex  Regius  321.,  formerly  2f7°->  (Colberti- 
nus 1571.),  an  imperfect  lectionary  written  on  vellum  in 
the  thirteenth  century;  it  agrees  with,  the  Constantinopoli- 
tan recension,  and  was  collated  in  1  Job',  and  some  other 
passages. 


Shct.IL  $9-]     MANUSCRIPTS  WHICH  HAVE  BEEN  HITHERTO  ONLY  SLIGHTLY  EXAMINED. 


27  7  ' 


28.  The  Codex  Bodleiams  3390.  (Evangelist.  26.)  is  |      49.   A  manuscript,  numbered  10.  in  the  Librarv  of  thb 
described  in  page  257.  No.  '26.  I  Monastkkv  or  St.  Saba,  written  on  paper  in  the  fourteenth 

29.  The  Codex  Regius  330.  (Evangelist.  91.)  is  do-   <'|i""ry.     This  and  thefive  following MSS.jwere  cursorily 
scribed  in  page  258.  No.  91.     To  the  euchologium  which 


is  appended  to  tbis  Lectionary  there  are  added  some  lessons 
from  the  Gospels  and  Epistles,  especially  that  to  the  He- 
brews,  and  part  of  the  Greek  Bcc h  siastical  Office,  written 

by  a  later  band  in  the  fifteenth  century. 

30.  The  Codicx  Reqh  B  ■'!?•'!..  written  on  vellum  (butwith 
B  lew  leaves  at  the  end  on  cotton  paper)  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  is  imperfect  at  the  beginning  and  end.    The  text 

i  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension,  and  was  col- 
lated  in  select  passages. 

31.  The  Codex  Rectus  27G.  (Evangelist.  82.)  is  de- 
scribed in  page  258.  No.  82. 

32.  The  Codex  Regius  376.  (Gosp.324.  Evangelist.  97.) 
is  described  in  page 352.  No.  334.  In  the  lessons  from  the 
Acts  and  Epistles  the  text  very  rarely  differs  from  the  re- 
ceived text:  it  was  collated  in  1  and  2  Tim.,  and  cursorily 
examined  for  the  remainder. 

33.  The  Codex  ReoIOS  382.,  formerly  3015.  (Colberti- 
nus  4119.),  written  on  vellum  in  the  thirteenth  century,  for 
the  most  part  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 
The  chief  part  of  this  manuscript  was  cursorily  collated. 

31.  The  CODEX  REGIUS  383.,  formerly  3012.  (Colberti- 
nus  3855.),  written  on  paper  in  the  fourteenth  century, 
frequently  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan,  but  more 
frequently  with  the  Alexandrine  recension.  It  was  curso- 
rily collated. 

35,  36.  The  Codices  Regii  324.  and  326.  (Evangelist. 
92,  93.)  are  described  in  page  '258.  Nos.  92,  93. 

37.  The  Codex  Richardianus  64.  (Gosp.  368.  Acts 
150.)  is  described  in  page  253.  No.  368. 

38.  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1528.,  written  on  vellum  in 
the  sixteenth  century,  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan 
recension,  and  was  cursorily  examined. 

39.  The  Codex  Vaticano-Ottobonianus  116.  (Evange- 
list. 133.),  written  on  paper  in  the  fourteenth  century,  was 
collated  in  select  passages  :  it  agrees  with  the  Constantino- 
politan recension. 

40.  The  Codex  Barberinianus  18.,  is  a  Codex  Rescrip- 
ts, very  correctly  executed  on  vellum  in  the  tenth  century. 
The  ancient  writing  contains  lessons  from  the  Acts  and 
Epistles,  and  is  in  many  places  so  obliterated  as  to  be  ille- 
gible: tin;  more  modern  writing  (of  the  fourteenth  century) 
contains  lessons  from  the  Old  Testament,  and  at  the  end 
there  are  some  taken  from  the  Catholic  or  General  Epistles. 
The  text  throughout  agrees  with  that  of  the  Constantinopo- 
litan recension. 

41.  A  Codex  Barberinianus  (not  numbered),  written 
on  vellum  in  the  eleventh  century.  The  first  hundred  and 
eleven  folios  are  wanting.  This  manuscript  agrees  with 
the  Constantinopolitan  family,  and  was  collated  in  select 
passages. 

42.  The  Codex  Vallicellianus  C.  46.,  besides  other 
extracts,  contains  lessons  taken  from  the  Acts  and  Epistles, 

vhich  were  written  in  the  sixteenth  century. 

43.  The  Codex  Richardianus  2712.,  at  Florence:  the 
ige  of  this  lectionary  is  not  stated  by  Scholz. 

44.  45.  The  Codices  Glasgienses,  formerly  Missy  wi 
8B.  and  CO.,  (or  Nos.  1663.  and  1634.  of  the  Sale  Cata- 
logue of  the  Rev.  Cesar  de  Missy,  from  whom  they  took 
their  name)  are  now  in  the  Hunterian  Museum  at  Clas- 
gow.  They  are  both  written  on  vellum,  and  contain  les- 
-Jons  from  the  Acts  and  Epistles.  No.  45.  was  written  in 
the  year  1199. 

46.  The  Codex  Ambrosianus  63.,  written  on  vellum  in 
Me  fourteenth  century,  for  the  most  part  agrees  with  the 
Alexandrine  recension. 

47.  (Evangelist.  101.)     The  Codex 
Ambrosianus  72.  and 

48.  (Evangelist.  112.)     The  Codex 
Laurentian'j    °*!'42 


are  described  in 
page  259.  Nos. 
104.  and  112 


collated,  and  agree  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension. 

50.  A  manuscript  in  the  same  library,  No.  18.  :  it  in 
written  on  vellum,  of  the  fifteenth  century. 

51.  A  manuscript  on  vellum,  in  the  same  library,  No. 
26.,  written  in  the  fourteenth  century. 

52.  A  manuscript  on  vellum,  in  the  same  library,  (not 
numbered),  written  in  July,  L059,  by  one  Sergius,  a  monk  in 
tint  monastery  named  Tneolokoi  (in  honour  of  the  Virgin 
Mary). 

53.  A  manuscript  in  the  same  library.  No.  1.  (Kv 

list.  160.)  is  described  in  page  260.  No.  160.     It  was  writ- 
ten  by  one  Antoi.y,  a  monk  in  the  above  named  monastery. 

54.  A  manuscript  in  the  same  library  (not  numbered), 
written  in  the  thirteenth  century. 

55.  (Evangelist.  179.)  The  Cooes  S.  Simeonis,  in  the 
Library  of  the  Cathedral  of  Triers  in  Germany,  is  described 
in  page  260.  No.  179. 

56.  The  Codex  Bibuothei  b  Gymnasii  Francoklrten- 
sis,  formerly  Seidelianus,  (Acta  42.  Paul.  Ep.  48.  Apoc. 
13.)  is  described  in  page  262'.  No.  43.  After  the  Apoca- 
lypse is  a  leaf  of  a  lectionary,  containing  Matt.  xvii.  16 — 
23.,  and  1  Cor.  ix.  2—12. 

57.  (Apoc.  26.)     The  Codex  YVakianus  1.  is  descri 

in  page  274*.  No.  26.     The  lessons  taken  from  the  <■'  •  - 
pels,  Acts,  and  Epistles,  were  first  collated  by  Dr.  Scholz. 

58.  The  Codex  Wakianus  5.  in  the  Library  of  Christ's 
College,  contains  lessons  from  the  Acts  and  Epistles,  writ- 
ten a.  d.  1171:  it  consists  of  two  hundred  and  sixty-five 
folios,  with  two  columns  in  a  page.  In  some  pages  the  ink 
has  disappeared  from  the  ravages  of  time. 


§9. 


NOTICES  OF    MANUSCRIPTS  WHICH   HAVE    BEEN    HITHERTO 
ONLY    SLIGHTLY    OR    NOT    AT    ALL    EXAMINED. 


I.   The  Codex  San-Gallensis. — II.   The  Codices  Maimcrs~Sut- 
toniani. — III.   The  Codices  Burneiani. — IV.    T,      ' 
Butleriani.  —  V.   Other  Manuscripts    existing   in    various 
Libraries. 

However  minute  the  researches  of  Dr.  Scholz  and  his 
predecessors  have  been,  many  manuscripts,  it  appears,  yet 
remain  to  be  collated.  At  Moscow  alone  there  is  still  an 
ample  field  for  critical  research,  in  the  manuscripts  preserve,! 
in  the  Patriarchal  Library  in  that  city,  none  of  which  (Dr. 
Henderson  states')  have  been  fully  collated.  To  this  class 
may  be  referred  the  Codex  Ebnerianus,  described  in 
244.,  and  the  manuscripts  of  which  some  account  is  now  t  > 
be  given. 

I.   The  Codex  San-Cai.i.i:nsis  derives  its  name  from  the 
abbey  of  St.  Gall  in  Switzerland,  in  the  library  of  which  it 
is  preserved.     This  manuscript  contains  the  four  Gospels, 
which  are  written  on  vellum  of  unequal  thickness,  and  witii 
ink  of  various  shades  of  colour,  sometimes  black,  sometime- 
yellowish,  and  sometimes  of  a  tawny  brown.     Many  of  the 
leaves  are  much  torn,  and  others  are  much  soiled  with  dust 
and  dirt.    In  almost  every  line  one  or  more  letters  are  twic 
as  large  as  the  rest,  and  are  ornamented  with  red,  violet, 
yellow,  or  green.     The  Codex  San-Gallensis  consists  of 
three  hundred  and  ninety-five  pages,  the  two  first  of  which 
are  filled  by  a  poem  of  Hilary,  Bishop  of  Aries,  concerning 
the.  Gospel.     From  the  differences  occurring  in  the  hand- 
writing, Dr.  Rettior  (from  whose  prolegomena  to  bis  aceu 
rate  lithographed  fac-simile  of  this  manuscript  published  ai 
Zurich  in  1S36,  this  notice  is  abridged)  has  shown  that  f 
is  unquestionably  the  work  of  several  copyists,  written  at 
different  times,  and  that  it  was  finished  .luring  the  adminis- 
tration of  Hartmotus,  abbot  of  St.  Gall,  who  died  a.  d.  984. 
During  that  period  the  ancient  Scottish  handwriting  pre- 
vailed^ Switzerland,  many  learned  Scotsmen  having  settled 
there      This  manuscript  may  therefore  be  referred  to  the 
■   itiMicn!  Researches,  o.  oi 


278' 


NOTICES  OF  MANUSCRIPTS, 


[Part  I.  Chai».  fit 


ninth  or  tenth  century :  from  its  general  resemblance— not 
to  say  coincidence— with  the  handwriting  of  the  Codex 
Boernerianus  of  the  Epistles  (described  in  page  233.),  it  is 
not  improbable  that  these  two  manuscripts  originally  formed 
two  parts  of  the  same  volume.  Dr.  Scholz  could  not  obtain 
permission  to  collate  the  Codex  San-Gallensis :  he  has 
noted  it  with  the  letter  a,  having  cited  it  on  John  via.  from 
Gerbert's  Travels,  published  in  1773,  who  first  appears  to 
have  inspected  it;  and  from  the  readings  there  given  he 
considers  it  as  following  the  Alexandrine  recension. 

II.  The  Codices  Manners-Suttoniani  are  a  choice  col- 
lection of  manuscripts,  in  the  archiepiscopal  library  at  Lam- 
beth, which  were  purchased  and  presented  to  that  library  by 
Archbishop  Dr.  Charles  Manners  Sutton.  They  are  princi- 
pally the  collection  made  by  the  Rev.  J.  D.  Carlyle,  Pro- 
fessor of  Arabic  in  the  University  of  Cambridge,  during  his 
travels  in  the  East,  with  a  view  to  a  critical  edition  of  the 
New  Testament,  with  various  readings  :  which,  however, 
was  never  undertaken,  in  consequence  of  his  decease.1  Of 
these  manuscripts  (which  are  chiefly  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment) the  following  are  particularly  worthy  of  notice,  on 
account  of  the  harvest  of  various  lections  which  they  may 
be  expected  to  afford  : — 

1.  No.  1175.  is  a  manuscript  of  the  four  Gospels,  written 
on  vellum,  in  quarto,  towards  the  end  of  the  eleventh  or  at 
the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century.  The  two  first  verses 
of  the  first  chapter  of  St.  Matthew's  Gospel  are  wanting. 
At  the  end  of  this  manuscript,  on  a  single  leaf,  there  are 
part  of  the  last  verse  of  the  seventh  chapter  of  Saint  John's 
Gospel  and  the  first  eleven  verses  of  the  eighth  chapter. 

2.  No.  1176.  is  another  manuscript  of  the  four  Gospels, 
on  vellum,  in  quarto,  written  in  the  twelfth  century.  On 
the  first  leaf  there  are  some  figures  painted  and  gilt,  which 
have  nearly  disappeared  from  age.  This  is  followed  by  the 
chapters  of  the  four  Gospels. 

3.  No.  1177.  is  a  manuscript  of  the  four  Gospels,  on 
vellum,  of  the  twelfth  century,  which  is  very  much  muti- 
lated in  the  beginning. 

4.  No.  1178.  contains  the  four  Gospels,  most  beautifully 
written  on  vellum,  in  quarto,  in  the  tenth  century.  The 
first  seven  verses  and  part  of  the  eighth  verse  of  the  first 
chapter  of  Saint  Matthew's  Gospel  are  wanting. 

5.  No.  1179.  contains  the  four  Gospels,  mutilated  at  the 
beginning  and  end.  It  is  on  vellum,  in  quarto,  of  the 
twelfth  century. 

6 — 8.  Nos.  1182,  1183.  and  1185.  are  manuscripts,  con- 
taining the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  the  Catholic  Epistles,  and 
the  whole  of  Saint  Paul's  Epistles.  They  are  all  written 
in  quarto  and  on  paper.  No.  1182.  is  of  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury :  the  conclusion  of  St.  John's  First  Epistle,  and  the 
subsequent  part  of  this  manuscript  to  the  end,  have  been 
added  by  a  later  hand.  No.  1183.  is  of  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury. No.  1185  is  of  the  fifteenth  century,  and  is  mutilated 
at  the  end. 

9.  No.  1186.  is  a  quarto  manuscript  on  vellum,  written 
in  the  eleventh  century,  and  contains  the  Epistles  of  Saint 
Paul  and  the  Apocalypse.  It  is  unfortunately  mutilated  at 
the  beginning  and  end.  It  commences  with  Rom.  xvi.  15. 
. . .  .wscv  (that  is,  0\ufjL7rat)  x.4i  tw;  <7vv  uurots  7ra.vruc  a.ytov;, — . . .  . 
pas  (that  is  Olympas)  and  all  the  saints  which  are  with  them  .• 
and  it  ends  with  the  words,  tm  tu>  d-gtvu  Ktyovrt;  A/unv, — on  the 
throne,  saying,  Amen.  Rev.  xix.  4.  The  Rev.  H.  J.  Todd 
has  given  a  fac-simile  of  this  precious  manuscript  in  his 
Catalogue  of  the  Manuscripts  in  the  Archiepiscopal  Library 
at  Lambeth. 

10 — 12.  Nos.  1187 — 1189.  are  evangelisteria  or  lessons 
from  the  four  Gospels,  written  on  vellum  in  the  thirteenth 
jentury. 

i  Six  of  these  precious  MSS.  having  been  reclaimed  by  the  Patriarch 
of  Jerusalem,  as  having  been  lent  only  to  Professor  Carlyle,  they  were 
returned  to  hh?  in  1817,  by  li is  firuce  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury. 
Full  particulars  relative  to  this  transaction,  so  honourable  to  the  noble 
and  munificent  character  of  the  Primate  of  all  England,  may  be  seen  in 
the  Rev.  H.  J.  Todd's  "Account  of  Greek  Manuscripts,  chiefly  Biblical, 
which  had  been  in  the  Possession  of  the  late  Professor  Carlyle,  the  greater 
rt  of  which  are  now  deposited  in  the  Archiepiscopal  Library  at  Lam- 
Palace."  London.  [1818.]  8vo. 


13.  No.  1190.  is  a  manuscript  on  vellum,  written  with 
singular  neatness  in  the  thirteenth  century.  Formerly  it 
contained  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  the  Catholic  Epis- 
tles, together  with  the  whole  of  Saint  Paul's  Epistles.  It  is 
sadly  mutilated  and  torn,  both  in  the  middle  and  at  the  end. 

14.  No.  1191.  is  a  lectionary,  from  the  Acts  of  the  Apos- 
tles and  the  Epistles.  It  is  on  vellum,  in  quarto,  of  tht 
thirteenth  century.  It  is  mutilated  both  at  the  beginning 
and  end.  All  the  preceding  manuscripts  were  brought  bj 
Professor  Carlyle  from  the  Greek  islands. 

15 — 17.  Nos.  1194,  1195,  and  1196.  are  lectionaries  from 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  and  Epistles.  They  are  on  vel- 
lum, in  quarto,  and  were  written  in  the  thirteenth  century. 
No.  1194.  is  mutilated  at  the  end:  the  writing  of  this  ma- 
nuscript is  singularly  neat,  and  many  of  the  letters  are  gilt. 
No.  1195.  is  also  mutilated  at  the  beginning,  and  No.  1196. 
at  the  end. 

18.  No.  1192.  is  a  very  beautiful  manuscript  of  the  four 
Gospels,  in  quarto,  written  on  vellum  in  the  thirteenth 
century. 

19.  No.  1193.  is  a  lectionary  from  the  four  Gospels,  also 
written  on  vellum,  in  the  thirteenth  century.  It  is  mutilated 
at  the  end.  The  six  last  manuscripts,  Nos.  1191 — 1196., 
were  brought  from  Syria.2 

III.  The  Codices  Burneiani  form  part  of  the  Collection 
of  Classical  and  other  Ancient  Manuscripts,  now  deposited 
in  the  Library  of  the  British  Museum.  They  were  pur- 
chased, under  the  sanction  of  parliament,  of  the  representa- 
tives of  the  late  Rev.  Dr.  Charles  Burney,  in  the  year  1818. 
In  this  collection  there  are  many  valuable  Greek  and  Latin 
manuscripts  of  the  Scriptures.  The  following  are  those 
which  contain  the  New  Testament,  entire  or  in  part,  which 
do  not  appear  to  have  been  hitherto  collated  : — 

1.  No.  18.  contains  the  four  Gospels,  elegantly  written 
on  vellum,  by  one  Joasaph,  in  the  year  6874.,  or  a.  d.  1366. 
The  letters  in  the  first  pages  of  the  sections  are  of  gold. 
To  each  Gospel  is  prefixed  an  index  of  chapters ;  and  a 
synaxarion,  or  table  of  ecclesiastical  lessons  from  the  Epis- 
tles is  subjoined. 

2.  No.  19.  is  a  manuscript  of  the  four  Gospels,  written 
on  vellum  in  the  eleventh  century.  It  has  pictures  of  the 
evangelists  and  ornaments  prefixed  to  the  sections.  This 
manuscript  formerly  belonged  to  the  library  of  San  Lorenzo 
in  the  Escurial. 

3.  No.  20.  is  a  manuscript  of  the  four  Gospels,  on  vel- 
lum, written  by  one  Theophylus,  a  monk,  in  the  year  6793, 
or  a.  d.  1285.  It  has  pictures  of  the  evangelists,  and  the 
Eusebian  canons  are  prefixed.  There  are  also  arguments, 
and  tables  of  the  chapters  of  the  several  Gospels :  and  at  the 
end  there  is  an  eclugadion  of  the  four  Gospels,  that  is,  a  table 
of  the  beginning  and  end  of  each  Gospel  throughout  the  year, 
together  with  a  synaxarion. 

4.  No.  21.  is  a  manuscript  of  the  four  Gospels,  very 
neatly  written  on  paper  by  one  Theodore,  a  monk,  in  the 
yeaT  6800,  or  a.  d.  1292. 

5.  No.  22.  is  an  evangelisterium,  on  vellum,  written  in 
1330. 

6.  No.  23.  is  an  imperfect  manuscript,  on  vellum,  con- 
taining the  Gospels  of  Matthew,  Mark,  and  Luke,  and  John 
i. viii.  14.  It  was  probably  written  in  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury.3 A  synaxarion  and  the  epistle  of  Eusebius  to  Carpi- 
anus  are  prefixed,  with  tables  of  the  chapters  of  the  several 
Gospels. 

IV.  The  Codices  Butleriani  are  a  choice  collection  of 
manuscripts  in  the  library  of  the  Rt.  Rev.  Samuel  Butler, 
D.D.,  Bishop  of  Lichfield,  to  whom  the  author  is  indebted 
for  the  following  critical  notices  of  them. 

1.  Novum  Testamentum,  Gra;ce.  This  manuscript  is  a 
very  thick  octavo,  of  the  twelfth  century,  on  vellum.  It 
contains  the  whole  of  the  New  Testament,  except  the  Apoca- 

*  Catalogue  of  the  MSS.inthe  Archiepiscopal  Library  at  Lambeth.   By 
the  Rev.  H.  J.  Todd,  pp.  261,  262.  London,  1812  folio. 
'  Catalogue  of  the  Manuscripts  in  the  British  Mum    m.    Vol.  I.  I  art  II 
I  (Cat.  Libr.  MSS.  Bibliotheca:  Burneiana?)  pp.  3—6. 


Sect.  II.  $  9.] 


WHICH  HAVE  BEEN  HITHERTO  ONLV  SLIGHTLJf  EXAMINED. 


561 


lypse,  and  has,  generally,  the  best  readings.  At  the  begin- 
ning it  lias  the  Eusebian  canons;  and  at  the  end  there  are 
several  Psalms  ami  extracts  from  the  Old  Testament.  This 
manuscript  is  written  in  a  small  clear  black  character,  with 
a  few  illuminations;  one  of  which  (among  the  Psalms  and 
extracts  from  the  Old  Testament)  is  a  representation  of 
David  slaying  Goliath,  who  is  bearing  the  kite-shaped 
shield,  which  went  out  of  use  about  the  middle  of  the 
twelfth  century.     This  manuscript  has  not  been  collated. 

2.  Novum  Testambntum,  Grace.  It  is  a  large  folio 
volume,  on  vellum,  containing  the  entire  text  of  the  New 
Testament,  including  the  Apocalypse,  and  is  written  in  a 
fine  bold  band,  with  stops  and  accents  throughout :  the 
initial  letters  and  running  titles  at  the  top,  and  often  at  the 
bottom  of  each  page,  are  In  characters  of  gold.     It  has  the 

Eusebian  t/tXm  and  utfaxau.  in  the  margins,  and  a  collection 
of  the  whole  before  each  book,  in  gold  letters.  The  Gos- 
pels are  placed  first  :  to  that  of  St.  Matthew  is  prefixed  a 
•able  of  ecclesiastical  lessons.  To  the  Gospels  succeeds 
the  \ets  of  the  Apostles,  the  seven  Catholic  Epistles,  and 
the  Epistles  of  Saint  Paul,  at  the  end  of  which  is  the  date, 
Oct.  11  1368.  Last  of  all  comes  the  Apocalypse.  The 
disputed  clause  in  1  John  v.  7.  is  omitted.  This  most 
splendid  manuscript,  whirli  is  uninjured  by  worm  or  damp, 
is  marked  in  Griesbach's  Prolegomena,  (sect,  vii.)  No.  107. 
and  201.     It  has  been  very  imperfectly  collated. 

3.  QuATDOR  Evangei.ia,  Graece.  This  fine  manuscript, 
which  is  a  short  thick  folio  on  vellum,  dated  a.  d.  132G,  has 
not  yet  been  collated  :  it  is  interesting,  as  having  been 
brought  to  the  Rev.  Dr.  Butler  from  Mount  Sinai.  It  is  in 
the  original  thick  wooden  binding,  ornamented  with  silver 
knobs,  which  (it  is  believed)  are  designed  to  represent 
pomegranate  flowers.  This  manuscript  is  written  in  a  bold 
hand,  with  black  ink,  and  is  illuminated  with  rude  portraits 
of  the  Evangelists. 

■1.  Quatuor  Evangelia,  Grace.  This  manuscript,  writ- 
ten on  ootton  paper,  in  quarto,  is  of  the  latter  part  of  the 
fifteenth  century.  It  is  evidently  the  work  of  two  different 
transcribers,  and  has  not  been  collated. 

5.  Evangelisterium,  Graece.  This  manuscript  is  a  fine 
folio  volume,  on  vellum,  of  the  eleventh  century :  it  was 
brought  from  Constantinople,  and  has  not  yet  been  col- 
lated. 

6.  Some  Fragments  of  the  Gospel  of  Saint  Matthew, 
comprised  in  six  leaves  of  vellum,  in  small  folio,  of  the 
twelfth  century.  They  are  beautifully  written  in  double 
columns. 

V.  Although  the  industry  of  Dr.  Scholz  and  his  prede- 
cessors, who  have  correctly  collated  manuscripts  of  the  New 
Testament,  has  left  but  few  unexplored,  yet  the  industry  and 
research  of  Dr.  Haenel  have  enabled  him  to  point  out  some 
which  have  never  yet  been  collated.  The  following  notices 
of  Greek  manuscripts  are  collected  by  Scholz1,  from  his 
Catalogus  Librorum  Manuscriptorum3,  in  which  elaborate 
compilation  the  libraries  are  alphabetically  arranged  in  order 
of  the  places  where  the  manuscripts  are  preserved. 

1.  The  Codex  Bibliothec.e  Atrebatensis  (a  manuscript 
at  Arras,  in  France)  contains  the  New  Testament,  written 
on  vellum  in  the  fifteenth  century. 

2.  The  Codex  Bibliothecje  Carpentoractensis  (at  Car- 
pentras,  in  the  south  of  France)  contains  the  New  Testament, 
written  on  vellum  in  the  sixth  century,  in  uncial  characters. 

3.  The  Codex  Bibliothecje  Saint  GenovefjE  4.  A.  35. 
(at  Paris)  contains  an  ancient  Greek  copy  of  Saint  Paul's 
Epistles  to  the  Romans  and  Corinthians. 

4.  The  Codex  Bibliothecje  Pictaviensis  (at  Poictiers) 
contains  the  New  Testament  written  on  paper.  No  date  is 
assigned  to  this  manuscript  in  Haenel's  catalogue. 

5.  The  Codex  Bibliothecje  Basileensis  B.  VI.  29., 
on  vellum,  contains  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  the  Catholic 
Epistles,  and  those  of  St.  Paul. 

»  Nov.  Test.  Vol.  II.  Proleg.  pp.  LI.  LII.  liv.  lv. 

1  Catalogi  Librorum  Manuscriptorum,  qui  in  Bibliothecis  Gallia-,  Hel- 
retie,  Belsii,  Britannia;  M.,  Hisnania?,  Lusitani.T,  asser-'antur ;  nunc 
primum  editia  D.  Gustavo  Halnel.   Lipsije,  1630.  4to. 


G.  The  Codex  Bibliothecje  Basileensis  B.  II.  5.  con- 
tains the  Acts  and  Epistles  accurately  written  on  vellum. 

6.  The  Codices  Escurialensis  Bibliothecje  are  six 
manuscripts  in  the  library  of  the  Escurial,  which  contain 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles;  one  has  the  Apocalypse,  and  four 
have  St.  Paul's  Epistles. 

7.  A  manuscript  (No.  207.)  of  an  unknown  library  of 
manuscripts,  of  which  John  Lamy  has  given  a  catalogue  in 
his  Delicta  Eruditorum.  It  is  said  to  contain  the  Gospel? 
and  Acts. 

8.  An  Evangelisterium,  written  on  vellum,  in  the  Li- 
brary of  Besancjon. 

9.  A  manuscript  in  the  Library  of  the  Royal  Institute  a 
Paris,  on  vellum,  containing  the  Gospel  of  St.  John. 

10.  The  Codex  Glasguensis  Bibliothecje  Q.  3.  35,36., 
in  the  Hunterian  Museum  at  Glasgow,  contains  an  Evan- 
gelisterium written  in  the  eleventh  century.  [This  and  the 
two  following  manuscripts  were  purchased  by  Dr.  Hunter, 
at  the  sale  of  the  Rev.  CsesaT  de  Missy's  library.] 

11.  The  Codex  Bibltothecje  Glasguensis  Q.  122,  123 
contains  [two  copies  of]  the  four  Gospels,  written  in  the 
eleventh  century. 

12.  The  Codex  Bibliothecje  Glasguensis  S.  8.  141. 
contains  the  Gospel  of  St.  John,  together  with  the  epistles 
of  Brutus  [written  in  the  fifteenth  century]. 

13.  A  manuscript  in  the  library  of  Sir  Thomas  Phillips, 
Bart,  of  Middle  Hill,  in  the  county  of  Worcester,  purchased 
by  that  gentleman  at  Ghent.  It  contains  the  Gospels  writ- 
ten on  vellum  in  the  thirteenth  century. 

14.  The  Codex  Bibliothecje  Edinburgensis  Universi- 
tatis,  is  a  manuscript  of  the  four  Gospels,  in  the  Library 
of  the  University  of  Edinburgh  ,  to  which  it  was  presented 
in  1050  by  Sir  John  Chiesley,  Knt.,  who  brought  it  from 
the  east.  It  is  written  on  vellum,  in  octavo,  in  the  eleventh 
century,  and  in  the  ordinary  or  cursive  Greek  characters  : 
and  it  consists  of  one  hundred  and  seventy-four  leaves, 
besides  sixteen  leaves  at  the  beginning  which  appear  to  be 
the  titles  of  chapters.  Prefixed  to  the  Gospels  of  Matthew 
and  Mark  are  the  remains  of  two  illuminations,  upon  a  gold 
ground,  representing  one  evangelist  as  writing  and  the  othei 
as  holding  up  his  gospel :  but,  with  the  exception  of  the 
heads,  the  design  is  almost  wholly  obliterated.  In  a  manu- 
script catalogue  of  the  University  Library,  written  about  the 
year  1700,  Mr.  Robert  Henderson,  the  librarian  at  that  time, 
states  that  its  date  is  about  the  year  700  :  but  the  character 
of  the  writing  (which  is  full  of  contractions)  proves  that  it 
is  not  and  cannot  be  anterior  to  the  eleventh  century.  Either 
from  damp,  or  from  the  bad  quality  of  the  ink,  the  writing 
of  this  manuscript  is  so  frequently  almost  obliterated,  as  to 
render  the  collation  of  it  extremely  difficult :  and,  what  in 
a  critical  point  of  view  is  far  worse,  the  readings  which 
might  be  obtained  from  such  collation  would  often  neces- 
sarily be  conjectural. 

15.  The  Codex  Bibliothecje  Toletanje  (Toledo,  in 
Spain)  contains  the  four  Gospels,  written  in  the  fourteenth 
century. 


SECTION  III. 
ON  the  ancient  versions  of  the  scriptures. 

Next  to  manuscripts,  Versions  afford  the  greatest  assist- 
ance in  ascertaining  critically  the  sacred  text,  as  well  as  in 
the  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures.  "  It  is  only  by  means 
of  versions  that  they,  who  are  ignorant  of  the  original  lan- 
guages, can  at  all  learn  what  the  Scripture  contains ;  and 
every  version,  so  far  as  it  is  just,  conveys  the  sense  of 
Scripture  to  those  who  understand  the  language  in  which 
it  is  written."  * 

Versions  may  be  divided  into  two  classes,  ancient  and 

3  For  this  account  of  the  Edinburgh  manuscript,  the  author  is  indebted 
to  the  Rev.  Dr.  Brunton,  principal  librarian  ot  the  Univemly,  and  to 
David  Laing,  Esq   of  Edinburgh. 


a  62 


ON  THE  ANCIENT  VERSIONS. 


[Paht  I.  Chap.  IJT 


modern  i  the  former  were  made  immediately  from  the  origi- 
nal languages  by  persons  to  whom  they  were  familiar;  and 
who,  itmaybe  reasonably  supposed,  had  better  opportunities 
for  ascertaining  the  force  and  meaning  of  words,  than  more 
recent  translators  can  possibly  have.  Modern  versions  are 
those  made  in  later  times,  and  chiefly  since  the  Reformation  ; 
they  are  useful  for  explaining  the  sense  of  the  inspired 
writers,  while  ancient  versions  are  of  the  utmost  importance 
both  for  the  criticism  and  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures. 
The  present  section  will  therefore  be  appropriated  to  giving 
un  account  of  those  which  are  most  esteemed  for  their  anti- 
quity and  excellence.1 

The  principal  Ancient  Versions,  which  illustrate  the 
Scriptures,  are  the  Chaldee  Paraphrases,  generally  called 
"Targums,  the  Septuagint,  or  Alexandrian  Greek  Version, 
the  '"translations  of  Aquila,  Symmachus,  and  Theodotion, 
and  what  are  called  the  fifth,  sixth,  and  seventh  versions 
(of  which  latter  translations  fragments  only  are  extant), 
together  with  the  Syriac,  and  Latin  or  Vulgate  versions. 
Although  the  authors  of  these  versions  did  not  flourish  at  the 
time  when  the  Hebrew  language  was  spoken,  yet  they  en- 
joyed many  advantages  for  understanding  the  Bible,  espe- 
cially the  Old  Testament,  which  are  not  possessed  by  the 
moderns :  for,  living  near  the  time  when  that  language  was 
vernacular,  they  could  learn  by  tradition  the  true  signification 
of  some  Hebrew  words,  which  is  now  forgotten.  Many  of 
them  also  being  Jews,  and  from  their  childhood  accustomed 
to  hear  the  rabbins  explain  the  Scriptures,  the  study  of  which 
they  diligently  cultivated,  and  likewise  speaking  a  dialect 
allied  tr>  the  Hebrew, — they  could  not  but  become  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  latter.  Hence  it  may  be  safely  inferred 
that  the  ancient  versions  generally  give  the  true  sense  of 
Scripture,  and  not  unfrequently  in  passages  where  it  could 
scarcely  be  discovered  by  any  other  means.  All  the  ancient 
versions,  indeed,  are  of  great  importance  both  in  the  criticism, 
as  well  as  in  the  interpretation,  of  the  sacred  writings,  but 
they  are  not  all  witnesses  of  equal  value ;  for  the  authority 
of  the  different  versions  depends  partly  on  the  age  and 
country  of  their  respective  authors,  partly  on  the  text  whence 
their  translations  were  made,  and  partly  on  the  ability  and 
fidelity  with  which  they  were  executed.  It  will  therefore 
be  not  irrelevant  to  offer  a  short  historical  notice  of  the  prin- 
cipal versions  above  mentioned,  as  well  as  of  some  other 
ancient  versions  of  less  celebrity  perhaps,  but  which  have 
been  beneficially  consulted  by  biblical  critics. 

§    1.    ON   THE    TARGUMS,    OR    CHALDEE    PARAPHRASES    OF   THE 
OLD    TESTAMENT. 

I.  Targum  of  Onkelos  ; — II.  Of  the  Pseudo-Jonathan  ; — III. 
The  Jerusalem  Targum; — IV.  The  Targum  of  Jonathan 
Ben  Uzziel ; — V.  The  Targum  on  the  Hagiographa  ; — VI. 
The  Targum  on  the  Megilloth ;—  VII.  VIII.  IX.  Three 
Targums  on  the  book  of  Esther ; — X.  A  Targum  on  the 
books  of  Chronicles; — XL  Real  value  of  the  different 
Targums. 

The  Chaldee  word  oi;nn  (TaRGuni)  signifies,  in  general, 
any  version  or  explanation;  but  this  appellation  is  more 
particularly  restricted  to  the  versions  or  paraphrases  of  the 
Old  Testament,  executed  in  the  East- Aramaean  or  Chaldee 
dialect,  as  it  is  usually  called.  These  Targums  are  termed 
paraphrases  or  expositions,  because  they  are  rather  com- 
ments and  explications,  than  literal  translations  of  the  text : 
they  are  written  in  the  Chaldee  tongue,  which  became  fami- 
liar to  the  Jews  after  the  time  of  their  captivity  in  Babylon, 
and  was  more  known  to  them  than  the  Hebrew  itself:  so 
that,  when  the  law  was  "read  in  the  synagogue  every  Sab- 
bath-day," in  pure  biblical  Hebrew,  an  explanation  was 
subjoined  to  it  in  Chaldee  ;  in  order  to  render  it  intelligible 
to  the  people,  who  had  but  an  imperfect  knowledge  of  the 
Hebrew  language.  This  practice,  as  already  observed, 
originated  with  Ezra:2  as  there  are  no  traces  of  any  written 

»  For  an  account  of  the  principal  Modeun  Versions,  the  reader  is  re- 
ferred to  the  Bibliographical  Appendix  to  Vol.  II.  Part  I.  Chap.  I.  Sect.  VI. 

»  See  p.  190.  supra.  Our  account  of  the  Chaldee  paraphrases  is  drawn  up 
from  a  careful  consideration  of  whal  lias  been  written  on  them,  by  Carpzov, 
in  his  Critica  Sacra,  part  ii.  c^i.  pp.  t30— 481. ;  Bishop  Walton,  Prol.  c.  12! 
sect.  ii.  pp.  563—592.  ;  Leusden,  in  Fhilolog.  Hebra?o-Mixt.  Diss.  v.  vi.  and 
vii.  pp.  36— 58.  ;  Dr.  Prideaus,  Connection,  part  ii.  book  viii.  sub  anno  37. 
b.  c.  vol.  iii.  pp.  531—555.  (edit.  1718.)  Kortholt,  De  variis  Scripturte  Edi- 
tionibus,  c.  iii.  pp.  34— 51.;  Pfeiffer,  Critica  Sacra,  cap.  viii.  sect.  ii.  (Op. 
torn.  ii.  pp.  750—771.)  and  in  his  Treatise  de  Theolngia  Judaic:*!,  4c.  Exer- 
cit.  ii.  (Ibid.  torn.  ii.  pp.  862-  889.) ;  Bauer,  Critica  Sacra,  tract,  iii.  pp.  2S8— 
W)8. ;  Rambach,  Inst.  Herrn.  Sacra:,  pp.  606—611. ;  Pictet.  Theolope  Chi.  - 
«enne,  torn.  i.  p.  145.  et  seq. ;  Jalin,  lntroductio  ad  Libros  Veteris  Foederis, 
Dp.  69—75. ;  and  Wahner's  Antiquitates  Ebraeorum,  torn.  i.  pp.  156—170. 


Targums  prior  to  those  of  Onkelos  and  Jonathan,  who  are 
supposed  to  have  lived  about  the  time  of  our  Saviour,  it  is 
highly  probable  that  these  paraphrases  were  at  first  merely 
oral ;  that,  subsequently,  the  ordinary  glosses  on  the  more 
difficult  passages  were  committed  to  writing ;  and  that,  as 
the  Jews  were  bound  by  an  ordinance  of  their  elders  to  pos- 
sess a  copy  of  the  law,  these  glosses  were  either  afterwards 
collected  together  and  deficiencies  in  them  supplied,  or  new 
and  connected  paraphrases  were  formed. 

There  are  at  present  extant  ten  paraphrases  on  different 
parts  of  the  Old  Testament,  three  of  which  comprise  the 
Pentateuch,  or  five  books  of  Moses: — 1.  The  Targum  of 
Onkelos ;  2.  That  falsely  ascribed  to  Jonathan,  and  usually 
cited  as  the  Targum  of  the  Pseudo-Jonathan;  and,  3.  The 
Jerusalem  Targum;  4.  The  Targum  of  Jonathan  Ben  Uzzie. 
(?'.  f.  the  son  of  Uzziel),  on  the  Prophets  ;  5.  The  Targum  of 
Rabbi  Joseph  the  blind,  or  one-eyed,  on  the  Hagiographa;  6. 
An  anonymous  Targum  on  the  five  Megilloth,  or  books  of 
Ruth,  Esther,  EccJesiastes,  Song  of  Solomon,  and  the  Lamen- 
tations of  Jeremiah ;  7,  8,  9.  Three  Targums  on  the  book  of 
Esther ;  and,  10.  A  Targum  or  paraphrase  on  the  two  books 
of  Chronicles.  These  largums,  taken  together,  form  a  con- 
tinued paraphrase  on  the  Old  Testament,  with  the  exception 
of  the  books  of  Daniel,  Ezra,  and  Nehemiah  (anciently  re- 
puted to  be  part  of  Ezra);  which  being  for  the  most  part 
written  in  Chaldee,  it  has  been  conjectured  that  no  para- 
phrases were  written  on  them,  as  being  unnecessary ;  though 
Or.  Prideaux  is  of  opinion  that  Targums  were  composed  on 
these  hooks  also,  which  have  perished  in  the  lapse  of  ages. 

The  language,  in  which  these  paraphrases  are  composed, 
varies  in  purity  according  to  the  time  when  they  were  re- 
spectively written.  Thus,  the  Targums  of  Onkelos  and  the 
Pseudo-Jonathan  are  much  purer  than  the  others,  approxi- 
mating very  nearly  to  the  Aramaean  dialect  in  which  some 
parts  of  Daniel  and  Ezra  are  written,  except,  indeed,  that 
the  orthography  does  not  always  correspond  ;  wrhile  the  lan- 

fuage  of  the  later  Targums  whence  the  rabbinical  dialect 
erives  its  source  is  far  more  impure,  and  is  intermixed  with 
barbarous  and  foreign  words.  Originally,  all  the  Chaldee 
paraphrases  were  written  without  vowel-points,  like  all  othei 
oriental  manuscripts ;  but  at  length  some  persons  ventured 
to  add  points  to  them,  though  very  erroneously,  and  this 
irregular  punctuation  was  retained  in  the  Venice  and  othei 
early  editions  of  the  Hebrew  Bible.  Some  further  impt. 
feet  attempts  towards  regular  pointing  wrere  made  both  in  the 
Complutensian  and  in  the  Antwerp  Polyglotts,  until  at  length 
the  elder  Buxtorf,  in  his  edition  of  the  Hebrew  Bible  pub- 
lished at  Basil,  undertook  the  thankless  task3  of  improving 
the  punctuation  of  the  Targums,  according  to  such  rules  as 
he  had  formed  from  the  pointing  which  he  had  found  in  the 
Chaldee  parts  of  the  books  of  Daniel  and  Ezra;  and  his 
method  of  punctuation  is  followed  in  Bishop  Walton's 
Polyglott. 

1.  The  Targum  of  Onkelos. — It  is  not  known  .with  cer- 
tainty at  what  time  Onkelos  flourished,  nor  of  what  nation 
he  was:  Professor  Eichhorn  conjectures  that  he  was  a  native 
of  Babylon,  first,  because  he  is  mentioned  in  the  Babylonish 
Talmud ;  secondly,  because  his  dialect  is  not  the  Chaldee 
spoken  in  Palestine,  but  much  purer,  and  more  closely  re- 
sembling the  style  of  Daniel  and  Ezra;  and,  lastly,  because 
he  has  not  interwoven  any  of  those  fabulous  narratives  to 
which  the  Jews  of  Palestine  were  so  much  attached,  and 
from  which  they  could  with  difficulty  refrain.  The  gene- 
rally received  opinion  is,  that  he  was  a  proselyte  to  Judaism, 
and  a  disciple  of  the  celebrated  Rabbi  Hillel,  who  flourished 
about  fifty  years  before  the  Christian  aera;  and  consequently 
that  Onkelos  was  contemporary  with  our  Saviour :  Bauer 
and  Jahn,  however,  place  him  in  the  second  century.  The 
Targum  of  Onkelos  comprises  the  Pentateuch  of  five  books 
of  Moses,  and  is  justly  preferred  to  all  the  others  both  by 
Jews  and  Christians,  on  account  of  the  purity  of  its  style, 
and  its  general  freedom  from  idle  legends.  It  is  rather  a 
version  than  a  paraphrase,  and  renders  the  Hebrew  text  word 
for  word,  with  so  much  accuracy  and  exactness,  that  being 
set  to  the  same  musical  notes,  with  the  original  Hebrew,  f; 
could  be  read  or  cantillated  in  the  same  tone  as  the  latter  in 
the  public  assemblies  of  the  Jews.  And  this  we  find  was 
the  practice  of  the  Jews  up  to  the  time  of  Rabbi  Elias  Le 
vita ;  who  flourished  in  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  cen 
tury,  and  expressly  states  that  the  .tews  read  the  law  in  theii 

»  Pere  Simon,  Hi^r.  Crit.  du  Vicu.x  Test.  liv.  ii.  •  viii.  has  censured  Bux 
torf's  mode  of  pointing  the  Chaldee  paraphn  -  with  great  severity;  ob- 
serving, that  he  would  have  done  much  better  if  he  had  more  diligently 
examined  manuscripts  that  were  more  correctly  pointed. 


SlCT.  III.    §    1.] 


TARGUM  OF  ONKELOS. 


2(33 


synagogues,  fust  in  Hebrew  and  then  in  the  Targum  of 
Onkeios.  This  Targum  has  been  translated  into  Latin  by 
Alfonso  de  Zamora,  Paulus  Fagius,  Hcrnardinus  Baldus,  and 
Andrew  de  Leon  of  Zamora.1 

II.  The  second  Targum,  which  is  a  mora  liberal  paraphrase 
of  the  Pentateuch  than  the  preceding,  is  usually  called  the 
Targum  of  the  Pseudo-Jonathan,  being  ascribed  by  many 
to  Jonathan  Ben  Uzziel,  who  wrote  the  much  esteemed  para- 
phrase on  the  prophets.  But  the  difference  in  the  style  and 
diction  of  this  Targum,  which  is  very  impure,  as  well  as  in 
the  method  of  paraphrasing  adopted  in  it,  clearly  proves  that 
it  could  no!,  have  he  n  written  by  Jonathan  Ben  Uzziel,  who 
indi  ed  sometimes  indulges  in  allegories,  and  has  introduced 
a  few  oarharisms;  hut  this  Targum  on  the  law  abounds  with 
the  most  idle  Jewish  legends  thai  can  will  be  conceived: 
which,  together  with  the  barbarous  and  foreign  words  it 
contains,  rend  r  it  of  vi  rv  little  utility.  Prom  its  mention- 
ing the  si\  parts  of  the  Tahmui(oB  Exod.  xxvi.  9.),  winch 

compilation  was  not  written  till  two  centuries  after  the  birth 
of  Christ; — Constantinople  (on  Num.  xxiv.  19.),  which  city 
was  always  called  Byzantium  until  it  received  its  name  from 
Constantiue  the  Great,  in  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  cen- 
tury; the  Lombards  (on  Num.  xxiv.  34.;,  whi  se  first  irrup- 
tion into  Italy  did  not  take  place  until  the  year  570;  and  the 
Turks  (on  Gen.  x.  "J.),  who  did  not  become  conspicuous  till 
the  middle  of  the  sixth  century, — learned  men  are  unani- 
mously of  opinion  that  this  Targum  of  the  Pseudo-Jonathan 
could  not  have  been  written  before  the  seventh,  or  even  the 
Bighth  century.  It  was  probably  compiled  from  older  inter- 
pretations. This  Chaldee  paraphrase  was  translated  into 
Latin  by  Anthony  Ralph  de  Chevalier,  an  eminent  French 
Protestant  divine,  in  the  sixteenth  century. 

III.  The  Jerusalem  Targum,  which  also  paraphrases  the 
live  hooks  of  Moses,  derives  its  name  from  tint  dialed  in 
which  it  is  composed.  It  is  by  no  means  a  connected  para- 
phrase, sometimes  omitting  whole  verses,  or  even  chapters; 
at  other  times  explaining  only  a  single  word  of  a  verse,  of 
which  it  sometimes  gives  a  twofold  interpretation;  and  at 
others,  Hebrew  words  are  inserted  without  any  explanation 
whatever.  Jn  many  respects  it  corresponds  with  the  para- 
phrase of  the  Pseudo-Jonathan,  whose  legendary  tales  are 
here  frequently  repeated,  abridged,  or  expanded.  From  the 
impurity  of  its  style,  and  the  number  ot  Creek,  Latin,  and 
Persian  words  which  it  contains,  Bishop  Walton,  Carpzov, 
Wollius,  and  many  other  eminent  philologers,  are  of  opinion, 
that  it  is  a  compilation  by  several  authors,  and  consists  of 
extracts  and  collections.  From  these  internal  evidences,  the 
commencement  of  the  seventh  century  has  been  assigned  as 
its  probable  date ;  but  it  is  more  likely  not  to  have  been  writ- 
ten before  the  eighth  or  perhaps  the  ninth  century.  This 
Targum  was  also  translated  into  Latin  by  Chevalier  and  by 
Francis  Taylor. 

IV.  The  Targum  of  Jonathan  Ben  Uzziel. — According 
to  the  talmudical  traditions,  the  author  of  this  paraphrase  was 
chief  of  the  eighty  distinguished  scholars  ot  Rabbi  Hillel 
the  elder,  and  a  fellow-disciple  of  Simeon  the  Just,  who  bore 
the  infant  Messiah  in  his  arms  :  consequently  he  would  be 
nearly  contemporary  with  Onkeios.  Wolhus,2  however, 
adopts  the  opinion  of  Ur.  Prideaux,  that  he  flourished  a  short 
time  before  the  birth  of  Christ,  and  compiled  the  work  which 
bears  his  name,  from  more  ancient  Targums,  that  had  been 
preserved  to  his  time  by  oral  tradition.  From  the  silence  of 
Drigen  and  Jerome  concerning  this  Targum,  of  which  they 
could  not  but  have  availed  themselves  if  ii  had  reallv  existed 
in  their  time,  and  also  from  its  being  cited  in  the  Talmud, 
both  Bauer  and  Jahn  date  it  much  later  than  is  generally  ad- 
mitted :  the  former,  indeed,  is  of  opinion,  that  its  true  date 
cannot  be  ascertained ;  and  the  latter,  from  the  inequalities 
of  style  and  method  observable  in  it.  considers  it  as  a  com- 
pilation from  the  interpretations  of  several  learned  men,  made 
about  the  close  of  the  third  or  fourth  century.  This  para- 
phrase treats  on  the  Prophets,  that  is  (according  to  the  Jew- 
ish classification  of  the  sacred  writings),  on  the  books  of 
Joshua,  Judges,  1  &  -J  Sam.  1  &2  Kings,  who  are  termed  the 
firmer  prophets;  and  on  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and  the 
twelve  minor  prophets,  who  are  designated  as  the  latter  pro- 
phets. Though  the  style  of  this  Targum  is  not  so  pure  and 
elegant  as  that  of  Onkeios,  yet  it  is  not  disfigured  oy  those 
'egendary  tales  and  numerous  foreign  and  barbarous  words 

1  The  fullest  information,  concerning  the  Targum  of  Onkeios,  is  to  be 
found  iu  the  disquisition  of  G.  B.  Winer,  entitled  De  Onkeloso.ej  usque 
Fu-aphrasi  Chaldaica  Dissertalio,  4to.    Lipsiae,  1820. 

•  BibJiotheca  Hebraica.  torn.  i.  p.  1160. 

Vol.  L  2  N 


which  abound  in  the  latter  Targums.  Both  the  lann-uaoe 
and  method  of  interpretation,  however,  are  irregular:  in  trie 
exposition  of  the  former  prophets,  the  text  is  more  closely- 
rendered  than  in  that  on  the  latter,  which  is  less  accurate,  as 
well  as  more  paraphrastical,  and  interspersed  with  some  tra 
ditions  and  fabulous  legends.  In  order  to  attach  the  greater 
authority  to  the  Targum  of  Jonathan  Ben  Uzziel,  the  Jews, 
not  satisfied  with  making  him  contemporary  with  the  pro- 
phets  Malachi,  '/achariah,  and  llaggai,  ana  asserting  that 
he  received  it  from  their  lips,  have  related,  that  while  Jona- 
than was  composing  bis  paraphrase,  there  was  an  earthquake 
for  forty  leagues  around  him  ;  and  that  if  any  bird  happened 
to  pass  over  him,  or  a  fly  alighted  00  his  paper  while  wri- 
ting, they  wen-  immediately  consumed  by  lire  from  heaven, 
without  any  injury  being  sustained  either  by  his  person  or 
bis  paper ! )  The  whole  of  this  Targum  was  translated  into 
Latin  by  Alfonzo  de  Zamora,  Andrea  d<  L  on,  and  Conrad 
Pellican;  and  the  paraphrase  on  the  twelve  minor  prophets, 
by  Emmanuel  Tremellius. 

V.  The  Targum  on  the  Cetuuim,  Haciographa,  or  Holy 
\\  ritings,  is  ascribed  by  some  Jewish  writers  to  RafJoac,  or 
Rabbi  Joseph,  surnamed  the  one-eyed  or  blind,  who  is  said 
to  have  been  at  the  head  of  the  academy  at  Sora,  in  the  third 
century ;  though  others  affirm  that  its  author  is  unknown. 
The  style  is  barbarous,  impure,  and  very  unequal,  interspersed 
with  numerous  digressions  and  legendary  narratives :  on 
which  account  the  younger  BuxtorL  and  after  him  Baser 
and  Jahn,  are  of  opinion  that  the  whole  is  a  compilation  of 
later  times;  and  this  sentiment  appears  to  be  the  most  cor- 
rect. Ur.  Prideaux  characterizes  its  language  as  the  most 
corrupt  Chaldee  of  the  Jerusalem  dialect.  The  translators  of 
the  preceding  Targum,  together  with  Arias  Montanus,  have 
given  a  Latin  version  of  this  Targum. 

VI.  The  Targum  on  the  Megilloth,  or  five  books  of 
Ecclesiastes,  Song  of  Songs,  Lamentations  of  Jeremiah. 
Ruth,  and  Esther,  is  evidently  a  compilation  by  several  per- 
sons :  the  barbarism  of  its  style,  numerous  digressions,  and 
idle  legends  which  are  inserted,  all  concur  to  prove  it  to  be 
of  late  date,  and  certainly  not  earlier  than  the  sixth  century. 
The  paraphrase  on  the  book  of  Ruth  and  the  Lamentations 
of  Jeremiah  is  the  best  executed  portion  :  Ecclesiastes  is 
more  freely  paraphrased  ;  but  the  text  of  the  Song  of  Solo- 
mon is  absolutely  lost  amidst  the  diffuse  cirewnstription  of  its 
author,  and  his  (lull  glosses  and  fabulous  additions. 

VII.  VIII.  IX.  Ihe  Three  Targums  on  the  Book  of 
Esther. — This  book  has  always  been  held  in  the  highest 
estimation  by  the  Jews ;  which  circumstance  induced  them 
to  translate  it  repeatedly  into  the  Chaldee  dialect.  Three 
paraphrases  on  it  have  been  printed :  one  in  the  Antwerp 
Polyglott,  which  is  much  shorter  and  contains  fewer  digres- 
sions than  the  others ;  another  in  Bishop  Walton's  Polyglott 
which  is  more  diffuse,  and  comprises  more  numerous  Jewish 
fables  and  traditions ;  and  a  third,  of  which  a  Latin  version 
was  published  by  Francis  Taylor ;  and  which,  according  to 
Carpzov,  is  more  stupid  and  diffuse  than  either  of  the  pre- 
ceding.   They  are  all  three  of  very  late  date. 

X.  A  Targum  on  the  Books  ok  Chronicles,  which  for  a 
long  time  was  unknown  both  to  Jews  and  Christians,  was 
discovered  in  the  library  at  Erfurt,  belonging  to  the  ministers 
of  the  Augsburg  confession,  by  Matthias  Frederick  Beck ; 
who  published  it  in  1680,  3,  4,  in  two  quarto  volumes. 
Another  edition  was  published  at  Amsterdam  by  the  learned 
Uavid  YYilkins  (1715,  4to.),  from  a  manuscript  in  the  uni- 
versity library  at  Cambridge.  It  is  more  complete  than 
Bi  ck"s  edition,  and  supplies  many  of  its  deficiences.  This 
Targum,  however,  is  ot  very  little  value;  like  all  the  other 
Chaldee  paraphrases,  it  blends  legendary  tales  with  the  nar- 

.   and    introduces   numerous   Greek   words,   such    as 

'-'/>.::,  V-ti~*j,  *?%»*,  &C. 

XI.  Of  all  the  Chaldee  paraphrases  above  noticed,  the 
Targums  of  Onkeios  and  Jonathan  Ben  Uzziel  are  most 
highly  valued  by  the  Jews,  who  implicitly  receive  their  ex- 
positions of  doubtful  passages.  Shickhard,  Mayer,  Helvi- 
cus,  Leusden,  Hottinger,  and  Ur.  Prideaux,  have  conjectured 
that  some  Chaldee  Targum  was  in  use  in  the  synagogue 
where  our  Lord  read  Isa.  lxi.  1,2.  (Luke  iv.  17 — I'J.) ;  and 
that  he  quoted  Psal.  xxii.  1.  when  on  the  cross  (Matt.  xvii. 
•10.),  not  out  of  the  Hebrew  text,  but  out  of  a  Chaldee  para- 
phrase. But  there  does  not  appear  to  be  sufficient  ground 
for  this  hypothesis :  for  as  the  Chaldee  or  East  Aramaean 
dialect  was  spoken  at  Jerusalem,  it  is  at  least  as  probable 
that  Jesus  Christ  interpreted  the  Hebrew  into  the  vernacular 

I  dialect  in  the  first  instance,  as  that  he  should  have  read  from 


264 


ANCIENT  VERSIONS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 


[PART    I.    C»4F.   m 


a  Tarmim  ;  a'ld,  when  on  the  cross,  it  was  perfectly  natural 
that  he  should  speak  in  the  same  language,  rather  than  in  the 
Biblical  Hebrew ;  which,  we  have  already  seen,  was  culti- 
vated and  studied  by  the  priests  and  Levites  as  a  learned 
lantruao-e.  The  Targum  of  Rabbi  Joseph  the  Blind,  in  which 
the°words  cited  by* our  Lord  are  to  be  found,  is  so  long 
posterior  tc  the  time  of  his  crucifixion,  that  it  cannot  be  re- 
ceived as  evidence.  So  numerous,  indeed,  are  the  varia- 
tions, and  so  arbitrary  are  the  alterations  occurring  in  the 
manuscripts  of  the  Chaldee  paraphrases,  that  Dr.  Kennicott 
has  clearly  proved  them  to  have  been  designedly  altered  in 
compliment  to  the  previously  corrupted  copies  of  the  Hebrew 
text ;  or,  in  other  words,  that  "  alterations  have  been 
made  wilfully  in  the  Chaldee  paraphrase  to  render  that  para- 
phrase, in  some  places,  more  conformable  to  the  words  of 
the  Hebrew  text,  where  those  Hebrew  words  are  supposed 
to  be  right,  but  had  themselves  been  corrupted."1  But  not- 
withstanding all  their  deficiencies  and  interpolations,  the 
Targums,  especially  those  of  Onkelos  and  Jonathan,  are  of 
considerable  importance  in  the  interpretation  of  the  Scrip- 
tures, not  only  as  they  supply  the  meanings  of  words  or 
phrases  occurring  but  once  in  the  Old  Testament,  but  also 
because  they  reflect  considerable  light  on  the  Jewish  rites, 
ceremonies,  laws,  customs,  usages,  &c.  mentioned  or  alluded 
to  in  both  Testaments.  But  it  is  in  establishing  the  genuine 
meaninor  of  particular  prophecies  relative  to  the  Messiah,  in 
opposition  to  the  false  explications  of  the  Jews  and  Anti- 
trinitarians,  that  these  Targums  are  pre-eminently  useful. 
Bishop  Walton,  Dr.  Prideaux,  Pfeiffer,  Carpzov,  and  Ram- 
bach,  have  illustrated  this  remark  by  numerous  examples. 
Bishop  Patrick,  and  Drs.  Gill  and  Clarke,  in  their  respective 
Commentaries  on  the  Bible,  have  inserted  many  valuable 
elucidations  from  the  Chaldee  paraphrasts.  Leusden  recom- 
mends that  no  one  should  attempt  to  read  their  writings,  nor 
indeed  to  learn  the  Chaldee  dialect,  who  is  not  previously 
well-grounded  in  Hebrew :  he  advises  the  Chaldee  text  of 
Daniel  and  Ezra  to  be  first  read  either  with  his  own  Chaldee 
Manual,  or  with  Buxtorf's  Hebrew  and  Chaldee  Lexicon; 
after  which  the  Targums  of  Onkelos  and  Jonathan  may  be 
perused,  with  the  help  of  Buxtorf's  Chaldee  and  Syriac 
Lexicon,  and  of  De  Lara's  work,  Be  Convenientia  Vocabulo- 
rum  Rabbinicorum  cum  Graecis  et  quibusdam  aliis  Unguis 
Europaeis.  Amstelodami,  1648,  4to.2  Those,  who  may  be 
able  to  procure  it,  may  more  advantageously  study  Mr. 
Riggs's  Manual  of  the  Chaldee  Language.  Boston,  (Massa- 
chusetts), 1832.  8vo. 

§  2.  ON  THE  ANCIENT  GREEK  VERSIONS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

I.  The  Septuagint; — 1.  History  of  it; — 2.  A  critical  ac- 
count of  its  execution  ; — 3.  What  manuscripts  -were  used 
by  its  authors  ; — 4.  Account  of  the  biblical  labours  of 
Origen  ; — 5.  JVotice  of  the  recensions  or  editions  of  Eu- 
sebius  and  Pamphilus,  of  Eucian,  and  of  Hesychius ; — 
6.  Peculiar  importance  of  the  Septuagint  Version  in  the 
criticism  and  interpretation  of  the  JVeiu  Testament. — II.  Ac- 
count of  other  Greek  versions  of  the  Old  Testament ; 
— 1.  Version  of  Aq.uila  ; — 2.  Of  Theodotion  ; — 3.  Of 
Symmachus  ;— -4,  5,  6.  Anonymous  versions. — III.  Refer- 
ences in  ancient  manuscripts  to  other  versions. 

I.  Among  the  Greek  versions  of  the  Old  Testament,  the 
Alexandrian  or  Septuagint,  as  it  is  generally  termed,  is 
the  most  ancient  and  valuable ;  and  was  held  in  so  much 
esteem  both  by  the  Jews  and  by  the  first  Christians,  as  to 
be  constantly  read  in  the  synagogues  and  churches.  Hence 
it  is  uniformly  cited  by  the  early  fathers,  whether  Greek  or 
Latin,  and  from  this  version  all  the  translations  into  other 
languages,  which  were  anciently  approved  by  the  Christian 
church,  were  executed  (with  the  exception  of  the  Syriac), 
as  the  Arabic,  Armenian,  Ethiopic,  Gothic,  and  Old  Italic 
or  the  Latin  Version  in  use  before  the  time  of  Jerome ;  and 
to  this  day  the  Septuagint  is  exclusively  read  in  the  Greek 
and  most  other  Oriental  churches.3  This  version  has  derived 

i  Dr.  Kennicott's  Second  Dissertation,  pp.  167—193. 

»  See  a  notice  of  the  principal  editions  of  the  Chaldee  Paraphrases  in  the 
Bibliographical  Appendix  to  Vol.  II.  Part  1.  Chap.  I.  Sect.  V.  §  1. 

»  Walton,  Prol.  c.  ix.  (pp.  333 — 469.) ;  from  which,  and  from  the  following 
authorities,  our  account  of  the  Septuagint  is  derived,  viz.  Bauer,  Critica 
Sacra,  pp.  243—273.  who  has  chiefly  followed  Hody's  book,  hereafter  no- 
ticed, in  the  history  of  the  Septuagint  version  :  Dr.  Prideaux,  Connection, 
part  ii.  book  i.  sub  anno  277.  (vol.  ii.  pp.  27—49.) ;  Masch's  Preface  to  part 
ii.  of  his  edition  of  Le  Long's  Bibliotheca  Sacra,  in  which  the  history  of  the 
Septuagint  version  is  minutely  examined  ;  Morus,  in  Ernesti,  vol.  ii.  pp. 
BO— 81.  101—119. ;  Carpzov,  Critica  Sacra,  pp.  481—551. ;  Masch  and  Boer- 


its  name  either  from  the  Jewish  account  of  seventy-two  per- 
sons having  been  employed  to  make  it,  or  from  its  having  re- 
ceived the  approbation  of  the  Sanhedrin,  or  great  council  of 
the  Jews,  which  consisted  of  seventy,  or,  more  correctly,  of 
seventy-two  persons. — Much  uncertainty,  however,  has  pre- 
vailed concerning  the  real  history  of  this  ancient  version ; 
and  while  some  nave  strenuously  advocated  its  miraculous 
and  divine  origin,  other  eminent  philologists  have  laboured 
to  prove  that  it  must  have  been  executed  by  several  persons 
and  at  different  times. 

1.  According  to  one  account,  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  kino- 
of  Egypt,  caused  this  translation  to  be  made  for  the  use  o? 
the  library  which  he  had  founded  at  Alexandria,  at  the  re- 
quest and  with  the  advice  of  the  celebrated  Demetrius  Pha- 
lereus,  his  principal  librarian.  For  this  purpose  it  is  reported 
that  he  sent  Aristeas  and  Andreas,  two  distinguished  officers 
of  his  court,  to  Jerusalem,  on  an  embassy  to  Eleazar,  then 
high-priest  of  the  Jews,  to  request  of  the  latter  a  copy  of  the 
Hebrew  Scriptures,  and  that  there  might  also  be  sent  to  him 
seventy-two  persons  (six  chosen  out  of  each  of  the  twelve 
tribes),  who  were  equally  well  skilled  in  the  Hebrew  and 
Greek  languages.  These  learned  men  were  accordingly 
shut  up  in  the  island  of  Pharos :  where,  having  agreecTin 
the  translation  of  each  period  after  a  mutual  conference,  De- 
metrius wrote  down  their  version  as  they  dictated  it  to  him; 
and  thus,  in  the  space  of  seventy-two  days,  the  whole  was 
accomplished.  This  relation  is  derived  from  a  letter  ascribed 
to  Aristeas  himself,  the  authenticity  of  which  has  been 
greatly  disputed.  If,  as  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  is 
the  case,  this  piece  is  a  forgery,  it  was  made  at  a  very  early 
period  ;  for  it  was  in  existence  in  the  time  of  Josephus,  who 
has  made  use  of  it  in  his  Jewish  Antiquities.  The  veracity 
of  Aristeas's  narrative  was  not  questioned  until  the  seven- 
teenth or  eighteenth  century  :  at  which  time,  indeed,  biblical 
criticism  was,  comparatively,  in  its  infancy.  Vives,4  Sea 
liger,5  Van  Dale,s  Dr.  Prideaux,  and,  above  all,  Dr.  Hody,7 
were  the  principal  writers  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth 
centuries  who  attacked  the  genuineness  of  the  pretended 
narrative  of  Aristeas ;  and  though  it  was  ably  vindicated  by 
Bishop  Walton,8  Isaac  Vossius,9  Whiston,10  Brett,11  and 
other  modem  writers,  the  majority  of  the  learned  in  our  own 
time  are  fully  agreed  in  considering  it  as  fictitious. 

Philo,  the  Jew,  who  also  notices  the  Septuagint  version, 
was  ignorant  of  most  of  the  circumstances  narrated  by  Aris- 
teas; out  he  relates  others  which  appear  net  less  extraordi- 
nary. According  to  him,  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  sent  to 
Palestine  for  some  learned  Jews,  whose  number  he  does  not 
specify  :  and  these  going  over  to  the  island  of  Pharos,  there 
executed  so  many  distinct  versions,  all  of  which  so  exactly 
and  uniformly  agreed  in  sense,  phrases,  and  words,  as  proved 
them  to  have  been  not  common  interpreters  ;  but  men  pro- 
phetically inspired  acd  divinely  directed,  who  had  every 
word  dictated  to  them  by  the  Spirit  of  God  throughout  the 
entire  translation.  He  adds  that  an  annual  festival  was  cele- 
brated by  the  Alexandrian  Jews  in  the  Isle  of  Pharos,  where 
the  version  was  made,  until  his  time,  to  preserve  the  memory 
of  it,  and  to  thank  God  for  so  great  a  benefit.12 

Justin  Martyr,  who  flourished  in  the  middle  of  the  second 
century,  about  one  hundred  years  after  Philo,  relates15  a  simi- 
lar story,  with  the  addition  of  the  seventy  interpreters  being 
shut  up  each  in  his  own  separate  cell  (which  had  been 
erected  for  that  purpose  by  order  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus)  ; 
and  that  here  they  composed  so  many  distinct  versions, 
word  for  word,  in  the  very  same  expressions,  to  the  great 
admiration  of  the  king ;  who,  not  doubting  that  this  version 
was  divinely  inspired,  loaded  the  interpreters  with  honours, 

ner's  edition  of  Le  Long's  Bibliotheca  Sacra,  part  ii.  vol.  ii.  pp.  2tS — 220. 
256—304.  ;  Thomas,  Introductio  in  Hermeneuticam  Sacrum  utriusque  Tes- 
tamenti,  pp.  228—253. ;  Hades,  Brevior  Notitia  Litteraturae  Grsecae,  pp.  638 
—643.  ;  and  Renouard,  Annates  de  l'lmprimerie  des  Aides,  torn.  I.  P.  140 
See  also  Origenis  Hexapla,  a  Montfaucon,  torn.  i.  Pra:lim.  Diss.  pp.  17—35. 
A  full  account  of  the  manuscripts  and  editions  of  the  Greek  Scriptures  is 
given  in  the  preface  to  vol.  i.  of  the  edition  of  the  Septuagint  commenced 
by  the  late  Rev.  Dr.  Holmes,  of  which  an  account  is  given  in  the  Appendix 
to  Vol.  II. 

«  In  a  note  on  Augustine  de  Civitate  Dei,  lib.  viii.  c.  42. 

»  In  a  note  on  Eusebius's  Chronicle,  no.  mdccxxxiv. 

•  Dissertatio  super  Aristea,  de  Lxxinterpretibus,  Ac.    Amst.  170a,  4to. 
'  De    Bibliorum  Graecorum  Textibus,  Versionibus  Gra:cis,   et   Latins 

VulgatA,  libri  iv.  cui  prajinittitur  Aristea:  Historia,  folio,  Oxo*).  1705. 
••  Prol.  c.  ix.  §  3—10.  pp.  338—359. 

•  DeLxx.  Interpretibus,  Hag.  Com.  1661,  4to. 

«•  In  the  Appendix  to  his  work  on  "The  Literal  Accomplishment  of  Scrip 
ture  Prophecies,"  London,  1724.  8vo. 

«»  Dissertation  on  the  Septuagint,  in  Bishop  Watson's  Collection  of  Taeo 
logical  Tracts,  vol.  hi.  p..20.  r.t  seq. 

•»  De  Vita  Mosis,  lib.  ii.  •»  Cohort,  ad  Gente». 


8«ct.  III.  <*  2.] 


THE  SEPTUAGINT  GREEK  VERSION. 


ZG?. 


nnil  dismissed  them  to  their  own  country,  with  magnificent 
presents.  The  good  father  adds,  that  the  ruins  of  these  eel  Is 
were  visible  in  his  time.  But  this  narrative  of  Justin's  is 
directly  at  variance  with  several  circumstances  recorded  by 
Aristeas;  such,  for  instance,  as  the  previous  conference  or 
deliberation  of  the  translators,  and,  above  all,  the  very  im- 
portant point  of  the  version  being  dictated  to  l'i  metrius  Pha- 
lereus.  Epiphanius,  a  writer  of  the  fourth  century,  attempts 
io  harmonize  all  these  accounts  by  shutting  up  the  translators 

two  and  two,  in  thirty-six   cells,  where   they  might  consider 

or  deliberate,  and  by  stationing  a  copyist  in  each  cell,  to 

whom  the  translators  dictated  their  labours  :  the  result  of  all 
which  was  the  production  of  thirty-six  inspired  versions, 
agreeing  most  uniformly  together. 

It  is  cot  a  little  remarkable  that  the  Samaritans  have  tradi- 
tions in  favour  of  their  version  of  the  Pentateuc'-  equally 
extravagant  with  those  preserved  by  the  .lews.  In  the  Sa- 
maritan Chronicle  of  Abul  Phatach,  which  was  compiled  in 
the  fourteenth  century  from  ancient  and  modern  authors  both 
Hebrew  and  Arabic,  there  is  a  story  to  the  following  effect : — 
That  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  in  the  tenth  year  of  his  reign, 
directed  his  attention  to  the  difference  subsisting  between  the 
Samaritans  and  Jews  concerning  the  law  ;  tin;  former  receiving 
only  the  Pentateuch,  and  rejecting  every  other  work  ascribed 
to  trie  prophets  by  the  .lews,  [n  order  to  determine  this  differ- 
ence, he  commanded  the  two  nations  to  send  deputies  to 
Alexandria.  The  Jews  intrusted  this  mission  to  Umr,  the 
Samaritans  to  •Baron,  to  whom  several  other  associates  were 
added.  Separate  apartments,  in  a  particular  quarter  of  Alex- 
andria, were  assigned  to  each  of  these  strangers  ;  who  were 
prohibited  from  having  any  personal  intercourse,  and  each  of 
them  had  a  Greek  scribe  to  write  his  version.  Thus  were 
the  law  and  other  Scriptures  translated  by  the  Samaritans; 
whose  version  being  most  carefully  examined,  the  king  was 
convinced  that  their  text  was  more  complete  than  that  of  the 
Jews.  Such  is  the  narrative  of  Abul  Phatach,  divested  how- 
ever of  numerous  marvellous  circumstances,  with  which  it  has 
been  decorated  by  the  Samaritans ;  who  are  not  surpassed 
even  by  the  .lews  in  their  partiality  for  idle  legends. 

A  fact,  buried  under  suchamassof  fables  as  the  translation 
of  the  Septuagint  has  been  by  the  historians  who  have  pre- 
tended to  record  it,  necessarily  loses  all  its  historical  charac- 
ter, which  indeed  we  are  fully  justified  in  disregarding  alto- 
gether.  Although  there  is  no  doubt  but  that  some  truth  is 
concealed  under  this  load  of  fables,  yet  it  is  by  no  means  an 
easy  task  to  discern  the  truth  from  what  is  false :  the  follow- 
ing, however,  is  the  result  of  our  researches  concerning  this 
celebrated  version : — 

It  is  probable  that  the  seventy  interpreters,  as  they  are 
called,  executed  their  version  of  the  Pentateuch  during  the 
joint  reigns  of  Ptolemy  Lagus,  and  bis  son  Philadelphus. 
The  Pseudo-Aristeas,  Josephus,  Philo,  and  many  other  writ- 
ers, whom  it  were  tedious  to  enumerate,  relate  that  this  ver- 
sion was  made  during  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  II.  or  Philadel- 
phus :  Joseph  Ben  Gorion,  however,  among  the  rabbins, 
Theodoret,  and  many  other  Christian  writers,  refer  its  date  to 
the  time  of  Ptolemy  Lagus.  Now  these  two  traditions  can 
be  reconciled  only  by  supposing  the  version  to  have  been  per- 
formed during  the  two  years  when  Ptolemy  Philadelphus 
shared  the  throne  with  his  father;  which  date  coincides  with 
the  third  and  fourth  years  of  the  hundred  and  twenty-third 
olympiad,  that  is,  about  the  years  28b  and  285  before  the 
vulgar  Christian  sera.  Further,  this  version  was  made  neither 
by  the  command  of  Ptolemy,  nor  at  the  requi  ■•<  nor  under  the 
superintendence  of  Demetrius  Phalereus;  but  was  voluntarily 
undertaken  by  the  .lews  foi  the  use  of  their  countrymen.  It 
is  well  known,  that,  at  the  period  above  noticed,  there  was  a 
great  multitude  of  Jews  settled  in  Egypt,  particularly  at 
Alexandria:  these,  beinL;  most  strictly  observant  of  the  reli- 
gious institutions  and  usages  of  their  forefathers,  had  their 
Sanhedrin,  or  grand  council,  composed  of  seventy  or  seventy- 
two  members,  and  very  numerous  synagogues,  in  which  the 
law  was  read  to  them  on  every  Sabbath  ;  and  as  the  bulk  of 
the  common  people  were  no  longer  acquainted  with  biblical 
Hebrew  (the  Greek  language  alone  being  used  in  their  ordi- 
nary intercourse),  it  became  necessary  to  translate  the  Pen- 
tateuch into  Greek  for  their  use.  This  is  a  far  more  probable 
account  of  the  origin  of  the  Alexandrian  version  than  the  tra- 
ditions above  stated.  If  this  translation  had  been  made  by 
public  authority,  it  would  unquestionably  have  been  per- 
formed under  the  direction  of  the  Sanhedrin  ;  who  would  have 
examined,  and  perhaps  corrected  it,  if  it  had  been  the  work 
of  a  single  individual,  previously  to  giving  it  the  stamp  of 


their  approbation,  and  introducing  it  into  the  synagogues.  In 
either  case  the  translation  would,  probably,  be  denominated 
the  Septuagint,  because  the  Sanhedrin  was  composed  of 
seventy  or  seventy-two  members.  It  is  even  possible  thai 
the  Sanhedrin,  in  order  to  ascertain  the  fidelity  of  the  work, 
might  have  sent  to  Palestine  for  some  learned  men,  of  whose 
assistance  and  advice  they  would  have  availed  themselves  in 
examining  the  version.  Phis  fact,  if  it  could  be  proved  (for 
it  is  offered  as  a  mere  conjecture),  would  account  for  the  story 
oi  the  king  of  Egypt's  Bending  an  embassy  to  Jerusalem. 
There  is,  however,  one  circumstance  which  proves  that,  in 
executing  this  translation,  the  synagogues  were  originally  in 
contemplation,  viz.  that  all  the  ancient  writers  unanimously 
concur  in  saying  that  the  Pentateuch  was  first  translated. 
The  live  books  of  Moses,  indeed,  were  tin-  only  books  read  in 
the  synagogues  until  the  time  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  king 
of  Syria;  who  having  forbidden  that  practice  m  Palestine, 

tie  .lews  evaded  his  commands  by  Substituting  for  the  Pen- 
tateuch the  reading  of  the  prophetic  books.  When,  after- 
wards, the  Jews  were  delivered  From  the  tyranny  of  the  kings 

of  Syria,  they  read  the  law  and  the  prophets  alternately  Tn 
their  synagogues  ;  and  the  same  custom  was  adopted  by  the 
Hellenistic  or  Grseeizing  Jews. 

9.  P.ut  whatever  was  the  real  number  of  the  authors  of  the 
version,  their  introduction  of  Coptic  words,  (such  ast/e/,**/, 
?tH<?3.v,  &c.)  as  well  as  their  rendering  of  ideas  purely  Hebrew 
altogether  in  the  Egyptian  manner,  clearly  prove  that  they 
were  natives  of  Egypt.  Thus  they  express  the  creation  of 
the  world,  not  by  the  proper  Greek  word  KT1212,  but  by 
rBNEXIZ,  a  term  employed  by  the  philosophers  of  Alexan- 
dria to  express  the  origin  of  the  universe.  The  Hebrew 
word  Thummim  (Exod.  xxviii.  30.),  which  signifies  perfec- 
tions, they  render  aahgeja,  truths  The  difference  of  style 
also  indicates  the  version  to  have  been  the  work  not  of  one 
but  of  several  translators,  and  to  have  been  executed  at  dif- 
ferent times.  The  best  qualified  and  most  able  among  them 
was  the  translator  of  the  Pentateuch,  who  was  evidently 
master  of  both  Greek  and  Hebrew  :  he  has  for  the  most  part 
religiously  followed  the  Hebrew  text,  and  has  in  various 
instances  introduced  the  most  suitable  and  best  chosen  ex- 
pressions. From  the  very  close  resemblance  subsisting  be- 
tween the  text  of  the  Greek  version  and  the  text  of  the  Sama- 
ritan Pentateuch,  Louis  de  Dieu,  Selden,  Whiston,  Hassen- 
camp,  and  Bauer,  are  of  opinion  that  the  author  of  the  Alexan- 
drian version  made  it  from  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch.  And  in 
proportion  as  these  two  correspond,  the  Greek  differs  from 
the  Hebrew.  This  opinion  is  further  supported  by  the  de- 
clarations of  Origen  and  Jerome,  that  the  translator  found 
the  venerable  name  of  Jehovah  not  in  tne  letters  in  common 
use,  but  in  very  ancient  characters ;  and  also  by  the  fact  that 
those  consonants  in  the  Septuagint  are  frequently  confounded 
together,  the  shapes  of  which  are  similar  in  the  Samaritan, 
but  not  in  the  Hebrew  alphabet.  This  hypothesis,  howevei 
ingenious  and  plausible,  is  by  no  means  determinate;  and 
what  militates  most  against  it  is,  the  inveterate  enmity  sub- 
sisting between  the  Jews  and  Samaritans,  added  to  the  con- 
stant and  unvarying  testimony  of  antiquity  that  the  Greek 
version  of  the  Pentateuch  was  executed  by  Jews.  There  a 
no  other  way  by  which  to  reconcile  these  conflicting  opinions, 
than  by  supposing  either  that  the  manuscripts  used  by  the 
Egyptian  .tews  approximated  towards  the  letters  and  text  of 
the  Samaritan  Pentateuch,  or  that  the  translators  of  the  Sep- 
tuagint made  use  of  manuscripts  written  in  ancient  charac« 
ters.2 

Next  to  the  Pentateuch,  for  ability  and  fidelity  of  execu 
tion,  ranks  the  translation  of  the  book  of  Proverbs,  the  authoi 
of  which  was  well  skilled  in  the  two  languages :  Michaelia 
is  of  opinion  that,  of  all  the  books  of  the  Septuagint,  the 
style  of  the  Proverbs  is  the  best,  the  translators  having 
clothed  the  most  ingenious  thoughts  in  as  neat  and  elegant 
language  as  was  ever  used  by  a  Pythagorean  sage,  to  express 
his  philosophic  maxims.3     The  translator  of  the  book  of  Job 

1  The  reason  of  this  appears  from  Diodorus  Siculus,  who  informs  us  that 
the  president  of  the  Egyptian  courts  of  justice  v*>re  round  his  neck  a 
golden  chain,  at  wtiich  was  suspended  an  image  set  round  with  precious 
stones,  which  was  called  tkcth,  i  -r-ry'/  '-;,,j:v,  AXaJiiw  lib.  i.  c.  75.  torn 
i.  pp.  '.S3,  (edit.  Bipont.)  Bauer,  (Crit  Sacr.  pp.  244,  245),  and  Morua 
(Acroasea  in  Brneati,  torn.  ii,  pp.  67—81.),  have  given  several  examples, 
I  i  ii  ins  from  internal  evidence  that  the  authors  of  the  Septuagint  version 
were  Egyptian. 

»  The  value  of  the  Greek  version  of  the  Pentateuch,  for  criticism  and  in- 
terpretation, is  minutely  investigated  by  Dr.  Toepler,  in  his  Dissertation 
De  Pentateuchi  Interpretationis  Alexandrina?  indole,  Halis  Saionum, 
1830,  8vo. 

»  Mickaelis,  Introd.  to  New  Test.  vol.  i.  p.  113. 


260 

being  acquainted  with  the  Greek  poets,  his  style  is  more 
elegant  and  studied ;  but  he  was  not  sufficiently  master  of  the 
HeTjrew  language  and  literature,  and  consequently  his  version 
is  very  often  erroneous.  Many  of  the  historical  passages  are 
interpolated;  ami  in  the  poetical  parts  there  are  several  pas- 
sages wanting:  J<  nunc,  in  his  preface  to  the  book  of  Job, 
Bpecifies  as  many  as  seventy  or  eighty  verses.  These  omis- 
sions wen-  supplied  by  Origen  from  1  heodotion's  translation. 
The  book  of  Joshua  could  not  have  been  translated  till  up- 
wards of  twenty  years  after  the  death  of  Ptolemy  Lagus  :  for, 
in  chapter  viii.  verse  18.,  the  translator  has  introduced  the 
word  yewos,  a  word  of  Gallic  origin,  denoting  a  short  dart  or 
javelin  peculiar  to  the  Gauls,  who  made  an  irruption  into 
Greece  in  the  third  year  of  the  125th  olympiad,  or  b.  c.  278. ; 
and  it  was  not  until  some  time  after  that  event  that  the 
Egyptian  kings  took  Gallic  mercenaries  into  their  pay  and 
service. 

During  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  Philometer,  the  book  of 
Esther,  together  with  the  Psalms  and  Prophets,  was  trans- 
lated. The  subscription  annexed  to  the  version  of  Esther 
expressly  states  it  to  have  been  finished  on  the  fourth  year 
of  that  sovereign's  reign,  or  about  the  year  177  before  the 
Christian  sera :  the  Psalms  and  Prophets,  in  all  probability, 
were  translated  still  later,  because  the  Jews  did  not  begin  to 
read  them  in  their  synagogues  till  about  the  year  170  before 
Christ.  The  Psalms  and  Prophets  were  translated  by  men 
every  way  unequal  to  the  task  :  Jeremiah  is  the  best  executed 
among  the  Prophets  ;  and  next  to  this  the  books  of  Amos  and 
Ezekiel  are  placed  :  the  important  prophecies  of  Isaiah  were 
translated,  accordingto  Bishop  Liwth,  upwards  of  one  hun- 
dred years  after  the  Pentateuch,  and  by  a  person  by  no  means 
adequate  to  the  undertaking;  there  being  hardly  any  book  of 
the  Old  Testament  so  ill  rendered  in  the  Septuagint  as  this 
of  Isaiah,  which  (together  with  other  parts  of  the  Greek 
version)  has  come  down  to  us  in  a  bad  condition,  incorrect, 
and  with  frequent  omissions  and  interpolations :  and  so  very 
erroneous  was  the  version  of  Daniel,  that  it  was  totally  re- 
jected by  the  ancient  church,  and  Tneodotion's  translation 
was  substituted  for  it.  The  Septuagint  version  of  Daniel, 
which  for  a  long  time  was  supposed  to  have  been  lost,  was 
discovered  and  published  at  Rome  in  1772,  from  which  it 
appears  that  its  author  had  but  an  imperfect  knowledge  of 
the  Hebrew  language. 

No  date  has  been  assigned  for  the  translation  of  the  books 
of  Judges,  Ruth,  Samuel,  and  Kings,  which  appear  to  have 
been  executed  by  one  and  the  same  anthor ;  who,  though  he 
does  not  make  use  of  so  many  Hebraisms  as  the  translators 
of  the  other  books,  is  yet  not  without  his  peculiarities. 

3.  Before  we  conclude  the  history  of  the  Septuagint  ver- 
sion, it  may  not  be  irrelevant  briefly  to  notice  a  question 
which  has  greatly  exercised  the  ingenuity  of  biblical  philolo- 
gers,  viz.  from  what  manuscripts  did  the  seventy  interpreters 
execute  their  translation1?  Professor  Tyschen1  has  offered  an 
hypothesis  that  they  did  not  translate  the  Hebrew  Old  Testa- 
ment into  Greek,  but  that  it  was  transcribed  in  Hebrao-Greek 
characters,  and  that  from  this  transcript  their  version  was 
made :  this  hypothesis  has  been  examined  by  several  German 
critics,  and  by  none  with  more  acumen  than  by  Dathe,  in  the 
preface  to  his  Latin  version  of  the  minor  prophets  ;2  but  as 
the  arguments  are  not  of  a  nature  to  admit  of  abridgment, 
this  notice  may  perhaps  suffice.  The  late  eminently  learned 
Bishop  Horsley  doubts  whether  the  manuscripts  from  which 
the  Septuagint  version  was  made  would  (if  now  extant)  be 
entitled  to  the  same  degree  of  credit  as  our  modern  Hebrew 
text,  notwithstanding  their  comparatively  high  antiquity. 
"  There  is,"  he  observes,  "  certainly  much  reason  to  believe, 
that  after  the  destruction  of  the  temple  by  Nebuchadnezzar, 
perhaps  from  a  somewhat  earlier  period,  the  Hebrew  text 
was  in  a  much  worse  state  of  corruption  in  the  copies  which 
were  in  private  hands,  than  it  has  ever  been  since  the  revi- 
sion of  the  sacred  books  by  Ezra.  These  inaccurate  copies 
would  be  multiplied  during  the  whole  period  of  the  captivity, 
and  widely  scattered  in  Assyria,  Persia,  and  Egypt;  in  short, 
through  all  the  regions  of  the  dispersion.  The  text,  as  revised 
by  Ezra,  was  certainly  of  much  higher  credit  than  any  of 
these  copies,  notwithstanding  their  greater  antiquity.  His 
edition  succeeded,  as  it  were,  to  the  privileges  of  an  autooraph 
(the  autographs  of  the  inspired  writers  themselves  being 
totally  lost),  and  was  henceforth  to  be  considered  as  the  only 

»  Tentamen  de  variis  Codicum  Hebraicorutn  Vet.  Test.  MS3.  Generifc-ja 
Rostock,  1772,  8vo  pp.  48-64.  81—124. 
»  Published  at  Halle,  in  1790,  in  8vo. 


ANCIENT  VERSIONS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 


Tart  1.  Ohjlp.  ill 

source  of  authentic  text :  insomuch  that  the  comparative  meri 
of  any  text  now  extant  will  depend  upon  the  probable  degree 
of  its  approximation  to,  or  distance  from,  the  Esdrine  edition. 
Nay,  if  the  translation  of  the  lxx.  was  made  from  some  of 
those  old  manuscripts  which  the  dispersed  iews  had  carried 
into  Egypt,  or  from  any  other  of  those  unauthenticated  copies 
(which  is  the  prevailing  tradition  among  the  Jews,  and  is 
very  probable,  at  least  it  cannot  be  confuted),  it  will  be  likely 
that  the  faultiest  manuscript  now  extant  differs  less  from  the 
genuine  Esdrine  text  than  those  more  ancient,  which  the 
version  of  the  lxx.  represents.  But,  much  as  this  considera- 
tion lowers  the  credit  of  the  lxx.  separately,  for  any  various 
reading,  it  adds  great  weight  to  the  consent  of  the  lxx.  with 
later  versions,  and  greater  still  to  the  consent  of  the  old  ver- 
sions with  manuscripts  of  the  Hebrew,  which  still  survive. 
And,  as  it  is  certainly  possible  that  a  true  reading  may  be 
preserved  in  one  solitary  manuscript,  it  will  follow,  that  a 
true  reading  may  be  preserved  in  one  version :  for  the  manu- 
script which  contained  the  true  reading  at  the  time  when  the 
version  was  made,  may  have  perished  since ;  so  that  no  evi- 
dence of  the  reading  shall  now  remain,  but  the  version."3 

The  Septuagint  version,  though  oiiginally  made  for  the 
use  of  the  Egyptian  Jews,  gradually  acquired  the  highest 
authority  among  the  Jews  of  Palestine,  who  were  acquainted 
with  the  Greek  language,  and  subsequently  also  among 
Christians  :  it  appears,  indeed,  that  the  legend  above  confuted, 
of  the  translators  having  been  divinely  inspired,  was  invented 
in  order  that  the  lxx.  might  be  held  in  the  greater  estimation. 
Philo  the  Jew,  a  native  of  Egypt,  has  evidently  followed  it 
in  his  allegorical  expositions  of  the  Mosaic  law;  and,  though 
Dr.  Hody  was  of  opinion  that  Josephus,  who  was  a  native 
of  Palestine,  corroborated  his  work  on  Jewish  Antiquities 
from  the  Hebrew  text,  yet  Salmasius,  Bochart,  Bauer,  and 
others,  have  shown  that  he  has  adhered  to  the  Septuagint 
throughout  that  work.  How  extensively  this  version  was 
in  use  among  the  Jews,  appears  from  the  solemn  sanction 
given  to  it  by  the  inspired  writers  of  the  New  Testament, 
who  have  in  very  many  passages  quoted  the  Greek  version 
of  the  Old  Testament.4  Their  example  was  followed  by  the 
earlier  fathers  and  doctors  of  the  church,  who,  with  the 
exception  of  Origen  and  Jerome,  were  unacquainted  with 
Hebrew:  notwithstanding  their  zeal  for  the  word  of  God. 
they  did  not  exert  themselves  to  learn  the  original  language 
of  the  sacred  writings,  but  acquiesced  in  the  Greek  represen- 
tation of  them;  judging  it,  no  doubt,  to  be  fully  sufficient 
for  all  the  purposes  of  their  pious  labours.  "  The  Greek 
Scriptures  were  the  only  Scriptures  known  to  or  valued  by 
the  Greeks.  This  was  the  text  commented  by  Chrysostom 
and  Theodoret ;  it  was  this  which  furnished  topics  to  Atha- 
nasius,  Nazianzen,  and  Basil.  From  this  fountain  the  stream 
was  derived  to  the  Latin  church,  first,  by  the  Italic  or  Vul- 

§ate  translation  of  the  Scriptures,  which  was  made  from  the 
eptuagint,  and  not  from  the  Hebrew ;  and,  secondly,  by  the 
study  of  the  Greek  fathers.  It  was  by  this  borrowed  light, 
that  the  Latin  fathers  illuminated  the  western  hemisphere ; 
and,  when  the  age  of  Cyprian,  Ambrose,  Augustine,  and 
Gregory  successively  passed  away,  this  was  the  light  put 
into  the  hands  of  the  next  dynasty  of  theologists,  the  school- 
men, who  carried  on  the  work  of  theological  disquisition  by 
the  aid  of  this  luminary,  and  none  other.  So  that,  either  in 
Greek  or  in  Latin,  it  was  still  the  Septuagint  Scriptures  that 
were  read,  explained,  and  quoted  as  authority,  for  a  period 
of  fifteen  hundred  years."5 

The  Septuagint  version  retained  its  authority,  even  with 
the  rulers  of  the  Jewish  synagogue,  until  the  commencement 
of  the  first  century  after  Christ:  when  the  Jews,  being  unable 
to  resist  the  arguments  from  prophecy  which  were  urged 
against  them  by  the  Christians,  in  order  to  deprive  them  of 
the  benefit  of  that  authority,  began  to  deny  that  it  agreed 
with  the  Hebrew  text.  Further  to  discredit  the  character 
c  i'  the  Septuagint,  the  Jews  instituted  a  solemn  fast,  on  the 
Eh  day  of  the'  month  Thebet  (December),  to  execrate  the 
rwemory  of  its  having  been  made.  Not  satisfied  with  this 
measure,  we  are  assured  by  Justin  Martyr,  who  lived  in  the 
former  part  of  the  second  century,  that  they  proceeded  to 
expunge  several  passages  out  of  the  Septuagint;  and  aban- 
doning this,  adopted  the  version  of  Aquila,  a  proselyte  Jew 

»  Bishop  Horaley's  Translation  of  Hosea,   Pref.  pp.   xxxvi.  xxxvii.  2d 

edit, 
i      «  On  the  quotations  from  the  Old  Testament  in  the  Npw,  sie  Chapter IV 

infra. 
I      »  Reeves's  Collation  of  the  Hebrew  and  Greek  Toxts  of  the  Psalms,  pp 
1  22,  23. 


tirx-C.   III.  §  2] 


THL  SEPTUAGINT  GREEK  VERSION 


28? 


of  Sinope,  a  city  of  Pontti* ;'  this  is  the  translation  mentioned 
in  the  Talmud,  and  not  the  Septuagint,  with  which  it  has 
been  confounded.2 

4.  The  great  use,  however,  which  had  been  made  by  the 
Jews  previously  to  their  rejection  of  the  Septuagint,  and  the 
constant  use  of  it  by  the  Christians,  wmiM  naturally  cause  a 
multiplication  of  copies;  in  which  numerous  error*  became 
introduced,  in  the  course  of  time,  from  the  negligence  or  in- 
accuracy of  transcribers,  and  from  glosses  or  marginal  notes, 
which  had  been  added  fat  the  explanation  of  difficult  words, 
being  suffered  to  creep  into  the  text.  In  order  to  remedy  this 
growing  evil,  Okiokn,  in  the  early  part  of  the  third  century, 
undertook  the  laborious  task  of  collating  the  Greek  text  then 
in  use  with  the  Original  Hebrew  and  with  other  Greek  transla- 
tions then  extant,  and  from  the  whole  to  produce  a  new  recen- 
sion or  revisal.  Twenty-eight  years  were  di  voted  to  the 
preparation  of  this  arduous  work,  in  the  course  of  which  he 

collected   manuscripts  from  every  possible  quarter,  aided  (it 

is  said)  by  the  pecuniary  liberality  of  Ambrose,  an  opulent 
man,  whom  he  had  converted  from  the  Yalentinian  heresy, 
and  with  the  assistance  of  seven  copyists  and  several  persons 
skilled  in  caligraphy,  or  the  art  of  beautiful  writing.  Origen 
commenced  his  labour  at  Csesarea,  a.  d.  831 ;  and,  It  appears, 
finished  his  Polyglott  at  Tyre,  but  in  what  year  is  not  pre- 
cisely known. 

This  noble  critical  work  is  designated  by  various  names 
among  ancient  writers;  as  Tblrapta,  ffesoapla,  Odapla,  and 
Enncujila. 

The  Tktrapla  contained  the  four  Greek  v<  rsions  of  Aquila, 

Symmaehus,  the  Septuagint, and Theodotion,  disposed  in  four 
columns:3  to  these  he  added  two  columns  more,  containing 
the  Hebrew  text  in  its  original  characters,  and  also  in  Greek 
letters;  these  six  columns,  according  to  Bpiphanius,  formed 
the  Hexapla.  Having  subsequently  discovered  two  other 
Greek  versions  of  some  parts  oi  the  Scriptures,  usually  called 
the  fifth  and  sixth,  he  added  them  to  the  preceding,  inserting 
them  in  their  respective  places,  and  thus  composed  the  Oda- 
pla ,■  and  a  separate  translation  of  the  Psalms,  usually  called 
the  seventh  version,  being  afterwards  added,  the  entire  work 
has  by  some  been  termed  the  Ermeapla.  This  appellation, 
however,  was  never  generally  adapted.  But,  as  the  two  edi- 
tions made  by  Origen  generally  bore  the  name  of  the  Tetra- 
pla  and  Hexapla,  Dr.  Grabe  thinks  that  they  were  thus  called, 
not  from  the  number  of  the  columns,  but  of  the  versions, 
which  were  six,  the  seventh  containing  the  Psalms  only.1 
Bauer,  after  Montfaucon,  is  of  opinion,  that  Origen  edited 
only  the  Tetrapla  and  Hexapla;  and  this  appears  to  be  the 
real  fact.  The  following  specimens  from  Montfaucon  will 
convey  an  idea  of  the  construction  of  these  two  laborious 
works  :5 — 

TETRAPLA. 
Gen.  i.  1. 


AKTAAi:. 

Ev  %»Qx\xiU>  !XTI- 

<rtv  o  ^ia;  trvv  rev 
tvpavav  xxi  trvv  t>jv 
ynv. 

2TMMAXOS. 

EV        *?7.<       IXTICTIV 

i  $M(   TOV    ovpxviv 
xxi  rv.v  ■)  vtv. 

Oi'  O. 

Ev    XfXI    (Jr-oiao-lv 
e  -^fo;  tov  ovpstvav 

XXI    T«V   ',   ,.V. 

eEOAOTi::\\ 

Ev  ;•.;;-  <  ixrinv  o 

7i;,-       TCv     CU04VOV 
XXI  T>|V  %  «v. 

In  this  specimen  the  version  of  Aquila  holds  the  first 
place,  as  being  most  literal ;  the  second  is  occupied  by  that 
of  Symmaehus,  as  rendering  ad  sensum  rather  than  ail  lite* 
-mn  ,■  the  third  by  the  Septuagint,  and  the  fourth  by  Theodo- 
tion's  translation. 

<  On  this  subject  the  trailer  is  referred  to  Dr.  Owen'--  Inqntrv  It 
-iresent  State  i (the. Septuagint  Version,  pp.  29— s:    <■. ..   London,  U 
pp.  12&-138.  he  has  proved  the  falsification  of  the  Septuagint,  from  the  ver- 
sions of  Aqu^a  and  Symmaehus. 

»  Prideaux,  Connection,  vol.  it.  p.  50.  Lighlftiot's  Works,  vol.  ii.  up 
S06,  807. 

»  The  late  Itev.  Dr.  Holmes,  who  coonneaaed  the  splendid  edition  ,,f 
the  Septuagint  noticed  in  the  Bibliographical  Appendix  lo  the  Bec< mil  volume. 
was  of  opinion  that  the  first  column  of  the  Tetrapla  contained  the  >; 
Septuagint  text  commonly  in  use,  collated  with  Hebrew  manuscripts  by 
Origen,  and  that  t  he  other  three  columns  were  occupied  by  the  \ 
of  Anuila,  Symmaehus,  and  Theodotion. 

*  Dr.  Holmes  thinks  that  the  text  of  the  Septuagint  in  the  Hexapla  was 
not  the  Ksint  as  then  in  use,  but  as  corrected  in  the  Tetrapla,  and  perhaps 
unproved  by  further  collations. 

•  Origenis  Hexapla.  Pra:l-  Diss,  torn  i.  p.  16. 




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The  original  Hebrew  being  considered  as  the  basis  tf  the 
whole  work,  the  proximity  0?  each  translation  to  the  text,  in 
point  of  closeness  and  fidelity,  determined  its  rank  in  the 
order  of  the  columns :  thus  Aquila's  version,  being  the  most 
faithful,  is  placed  next  to  the  sacred  text ;  that  01  Symma- 
ehus occupies  the  fourth  column  ;  the  Septuagint,  the  fifth  ; 
and  Theodotion's,  the  sixth.  The  other  three  anonymous 
translations,  not  containing  the  entire  books  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament, were  placed  in  the  last  three  columns  of  the  Enne- 
apla,  according  to  the  order  of  time  in  which  they  were 
discovered  by  Origen.  Where  the  same  words  occurred  in 
all  the  other  Greek  versions,  without  being  particularly  spe- 
cified, Origen  designated  them  by  A  or  AO,  Acorn,  the  rest ; 
— O/  r,  or  the  three,  denoted  Aquila,  Symmaehus,  and  Theo- 
dotion;— O;  a,  or  the  four,  signified  Aquila,  Symmaehus, 
the  Septuagint,  and  Theodotion ;  and  n,  n»v<™c,  all  the  in- 
terpreters. 

The  object  of  Origen  being  to  correct  the  differences  found 
in  the  then  existing  copies  of  the  Old  Testament,  he  care- 
fully noted  the  alterations  made  by  him ;  and  for  the  infor- 
mation of  those  who  might  consult  his  works,  he  made  use 
of  the  following  marks  : 

(1.)  Where  any  passages  appeared  in  the  Septuagint,  that 
were  not  found  in  the  Hebrew,  he  designated  them  by  an 
obelus  ~  with  two  bold  points  :  also  annexed.  This  mark 
was  also  used  to  denote  words  not  extant  in  the  Hebrew, 
but  added  by  the  Septuagint  translators,  either  for  the  sake 
of  elegance,  or  for  the  purpose  of  illustrating  the  sense. 

(2.)  To  passages  wanting  in  the  copies  ofthe  Septuagint, 
and  supplied  by  himself  from  the  other  Gwk  versions,  ha 


208 


ANCIENT  VERSIONS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 


[Pjl  it  I.  Chap.  HI 


prefixed  an  asterisk  X  with  two  bold  points  :  also  annexed, 
in  order  that  his  additions  might  be  immediately  perceived. 
These  supplementary  passages,  we  are  informed  by  Jerome, 
were  for  the  most  part  taken  from  Theodotion's  translation ; 
not  unfrequently  from  that  of  Aquila ;  sometimes,  though 
rarely,  from  the  version  of  Symmachus;  and  sometimes 
from  two  or  three  together.  But,  in  every  case,  the  initial 
letter  of  each  translator's  name  was  placed  immediately  after 
the  asterisk,  to  indicate  the  source  whence  such  supplement- 
ary passage  was  taken.  And  in  lieu  of  the  very  erroneous 
Septuagint  version  of  Daniel,  Theodotion's  translation  of 
that  book  was  inserted  entire. 

(3.)  Further,  not  only  the  passages  wanting  in  the  Sep- 
tuagint were  supplied  by  Origen  with  the  asterisks,  as 
above  noticed,  but  also  where  that  version  does  not  appear 
accurately  to  express  the  Hebrew  original,  having  noted  the 
former  reading  with  an  obelus,  -f-,  he  added  the  correct  ren- 
derinor  from  one  of  the  other  translators,  with  an  asterisk 
subjoined.  Concerning  the  shape  and  uses  of  the  lemniscus 
and  hypolemniscus,  two  other  marks  used  by  Origen,  there 
is  so  great  a  difference  of  opinion  among  learned  men,  that 
it  is  difficult  to  determine  what  they  were.1  Dr.  Owen,  after 
Montfaucon,  supposes  them  to  have  been  marks  of  better  and 
more  accurate  renderings. 

In  the  Pentateuch,  Origen  compared  the  Samaritan  text 
with  the  Hebrew  as  received  by  the  Jews,  and  noted  their 
differences.  To  each  of  the  translations  inserted  in  his 
Hexapla  was  prefixed  an  account  of  the  author;  each  had 
its  separate  prolegomena ;  and  the  ample  margins  were  filled 
with  notes.  A  few  fragments  of  these  prolegomena  and 
marginal  annotations  have  been  preserved ;  but  nothing  re- 
mains of  his  history  of  the  Greek  versions.2 

Since  Origen's  time,  biblical  critics  have  distinguished 
two  editions  or  exemplars  of  the  Septuagint — the  Komi  or 
common  text,  with  all  its  errors  and  imperfections,  as  it 
existed  previously  to  his  collation ;  and  the  Hexaplar  text, 
or  that  corrected  by  Origen  himself.  For  nearly  fifty  years 
was  this  great  man's  stupendous  work  buried  in  a  corner  of 
the  city  of  Tyre,  probably  on  account  of  the  very  great  ex- 
pense of  transcribing  forty  or  fifty  volumes,  which  far  ex- 
ceeded the  means  of  private  individuals;  and  here,  perhaps, 
it  might  have  perished  in  oblivion,  if  Eusebius  and  Pampni- 
lus  had  not  discovered  it,  and  deposited  it  in  the  library  of 
Pamphilus  the  martyr  at  Caesarea,  where  Jerome  saw  it 
about  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century.  As  we  have  no  ac- 
count whatever  of  Origen's  autograph  after  this  time,  it  is 
most  probable  that  it  perished  in  the  year  653,  on  the  capture 
of  that  city  by  the  Arabs ;  and  a  few  imperfect  fragments,  col- 
tected  from  manuscripts  of  the  Septuagint  and  the  Catena; 
of  the  Greek  fathers,  are  all  that  now  remain  of  a  work, 
which  in  the  present  improved  state  of  sacred  literature 
would  most  eminently  have  assisted  in  the  interpretation  and 
criticism  of  the  Old  Testament. 

5.  As  the  Septuagint  version  had  been  read  in  the  church 
from  the  commencement  of  Christianity,  so  it  continued  to 
be  used  in  most  of  the  Greek  churches ;  and  the  text,  as  cor- 
rected by  Origen,  was  transcribed  for  their  use,  together  with 
his  critical  marks.  Hence,  in  the  progress  of  time,  from  the 
negligence  or  inaccuracy  of  copyists,  numerous  errors  were 
introduced  into  this  version,  which  rendered  a  new  revisal 
necessary ;  and,  as  all  the  Greek  churches  did  not  receive 
Origen's  biblical  labours  with  equal  deference,  three  princi- 
pal recensions  were  undertaken  nearly  at  the  same  time,  of 
which  we  are  now  to  offer  a  brief  notice. 

The  first  was  the  edition,  undertaken  by  Eusebius  and 
Pamphilus  about  the  year  300,  from  the  Hexaplar  text,  with 
the  whole  of  Origen's  critical  marks  ;  it  was  not  only  adopted 
by  the  churches  of  Palestine,  but  was  also  deposited  in  almost 
every  library.  By  frequent  transcri  ptions,  however,  Origen's 
marks  or  notes  became,  in  the  course  of  a  few  years,  so 
much  changed,  as  to  be  of  little  use,  and  were  finally  omitted : 
this  omission  only  augmented  the  evil,  since  even  in  the  time 
)f  Jerome  it  was  no  longer  possible  to  know  what  belonged 
to  the  translators,  or  what  were  Origen's  own  corrections ; 

•  Montfaucon,  Prslim.  ad  Hexapla,  torn.  i.  pp.  36—12.  Holmes,  Vetus 
Testarnentum  Graecum,  torn.  i.  Prsefat.  cap.  i.  sect.  i. — vii.  The  first  book 
of  Dr.  Holmes's  erudite  preface  is  translated  into  English  in  the  Christian 
Observer  for  1821,  vol.  xx.  pp.  544—518.  610—615.  676-683.  746—750. 

«  The  best  edition  of  the  remains  of  Origen's  Hexapla  is  that  of  Mont- 
faucon, in  two  volumes,  folio,  Paris,  1713.  On  the  character  and  value 
of  this  great  work,  some  excellent  observations  may  be  found  in  a  disser- 
tation, by  Ernesti,  entitled  "  Origen  the  Father  of  Grammatical  Interpreta- 
tion," translated  in  Hodge's  Biblical  Repertory,  vol.  iii.  pp.  245—260.  Now 
Vork,  1827 


and  now  it  may  almost  be  considered  as  a  hopeless  task  tr 
distinguish  between  them.  Contemporary  with  the  edition 
of  Eusebius  and  Pamphilus  was  the  recension  of  the  Kc/»», 
or  vulgate  text  of  the  Septuagint,  conducted  by  Lucian,  a 
presbyter  of  the  church  at  Antioch,  who  suffered  martyrdom 
a.  d.  311.  He  took  the  Hebrew  text  for  the  basis  of  his  edition, 
which  was  received  in  all  the  eastern  churches  from  Constanti- 
nople to  Antioch.  While  Lucian  was  prosecuting  his  biblical 
labours,  Hesychius,  an  Egyptian  bishop,  undertook  a  similar 
work,  which  was  generally  received  in  the  churches  of 
Egypt.  He  is  supposed  to  have  introduced  fewer  altera- 
tions than  Lucian ;  and  his  edition  is  cited  by  Jerome  as  the 
Exemplar  Mexandrinum.  Syncellus 3  mentions  another 
revisal  of  the  Septuagint  text  by  Basil  bishop  of  Ccesarea: 
but  this,  we  have  every  reason  to  believe,  has  long  since 
perished.  All  the  manuscripts  of  the  Septuagint  now  extant,, 
as  well  as  the  printed  editions,  are  derived  from  the  three 
recensions  above  mentioned,  although  biblical  critics  are  by 
no  means  agreed  what  particular  recension  each  manuscript 
has  followed.4 

6.  The  importance  of  the  Septuagint  version  for  the  right 
understanding  of  the  sacred  text  has  been  variously  esti- 
mated by  different  learned  men ;  while  some  have  elevated  " 
to  an  equality  with  the  original  Hebrew,  others  have  rated  il 
far  below  its  real  value.  The  great  authority  which  it  for- 
merly enjoyed,  certainly  gives  it  a  claim  to  a  high  degree,  of 
consideration.  It  was  executed  long  before  the  Jews  were 
prejudiced  against  Jesus  Christ  as  the  Messiah  ;  and  it  was 
the  means  of  preparing  the  world  at  large  for  his  appearance, 
by  making  known  the  types  and  prophecies  concerning  him. 
With  all  its  faults  and  imperfections,  therefore,  this  version 
is  of  more  use  in  correcting  the  Hebrew  text  than  any  other 
that  is  extant ;  because  its  authors  had  better  opportunities 
of  knowing  the  propriety  and  extent  of  the  Hebrew  lan- 

?uage  than  we  can  possibly  have  at  this  distance  of  time, 
'he  Septuagint,  likewise,  being  written  in  the  same  dialect 
as  the  New  Testament  (the  formation  of  whose  style  was 
influenced  by  it),  it  becomes  a  very  important  source  of  in- 
terpretation :  for  not  only  does  it  frequently  serve  to  deter- 
mine the  genuine  reading,  but  also  to  ascertain  the  meaning 
of  particular  idiomatic  expressions  and  passages  in  the  New 
Testament,  the  true  import  of  which  could  not  be  known  but 
from  their  use  in  the  Septuagint.5  Grotius,  Keuchenius, 
Biel,  and  Schleusner,  are  the  critics  who  have  most  success- 
fully applied  this  version  to  the  interpretation  of  the  New 
Testament. 

II.  The  importance  of  the  Septuagint,  in  the  criticism  and 
interpretation  of  the  Scriptures,  especially  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament,6 will  justify  the  length  of  the  preceding  account  of 
that  celebrated  version  :  it  now  remains  that  we  briefly  no- 
tice the  other  ancient  Greek  translations,  which  have  already 
been  incidentally  mentioned  ;  viz.  those  of  Aquila,  Theodo- 
tion,  Symmachus,  and  the  three  anonymous  versions,  usually 
cited  as  the  fifth,  sixth,  and  seventh  versions,  from  which 
Origen  compiled  his  Tetrapla  and  Hexapla. 

1.  The  Version  of  Aquila. — The  author  of  this  translation 
was  a  native  of  Sinope  in  Pontus,  who  flourished  in  the 
second  century  of  the  Christian  aera  :  he  was  of  Jewish  de- 
scent; and  having  renounced  Christianity,  he  undertook  his 
version,  with  the  intention  of  exhibiting  to  the  Hellenistic 
Jews  an  accurate  representation  of  the  Hebrew  text,  for 
their  assistance  in  their  disputes  with  the  Christians.  Yet 
he  did  not  on  this  account  pervert  passages  which  relate  to 
Christ  by  unfaithful  translations,  as  some  of  the  ancient 

»  Chionographia  ab  adamo  usque  ad  Dioclesianum,  p.  203. 

4  Dr.  Holmes  has  given  a  copious  and  interesting  account  of  the  editions 
of  Lucian  and  Hesychius,  and  of  the  sources  of  the  Septuagint  text  in  the 
manuscripts  of  the  Pentateuch,  which  are  now  extant.  Tom.  i.  Vrx(.  cap. 
i.  sect.  viii.  et  seq. 

*  In  the  Eclectic  Review  for  1806  (vol.  ii.  part.  i.  pp.  337—347.)  the  reader 
will  find  many  examples  adduced,  confirming  the  remarks  above  offered, 
concerning  the  value  and  importance  of  the  Septuagint  version. 

•  "The  Book,"  says  the  profound  critic  Michaelis,  "most  necessary  to 
be  read  and  understood  by  every  man  who  studies  the  New  Testament,  is 
without  doubt,  the  Septuagint ;  which  alone  has  been  of  more  service 
than  all  the  passages  from  the  profane  authors  collected  together.  It  should 
be  read  in  the  public  schools  by  those  who  are  destined  for  the  church ; 
should  form  the  subject  of  a  course  of  lectures  at  ?ho  university,  and  be 
the  constant  companion  of  an  expositor  of  the  Nvw  Testament."  Intro- 
duction to  the  New  Test.  vol.  i.  p.  177.— "About  tl.a  ywr  1785,"  says  Dr. 
A.  Clarke  (speaking  of  his  biblical  labours),  "I  began  to  read  the  Septua- 
gint regularly,  in  order  to  aciuaint  ©yself  more  fully  w'th  the  phraseology 
of  the  New  Testament.  The  study  tf  this  version  t»n  :d  more  to  expand 
and  illuminate  my  mind  than  all  the  theological  works  I  had  ever  con- 
sulted. I  had  proceeded  but  a  short  way  in  it,  before  I  was  convinced  thai 
the  prejudices  against  it  were  utterly  unfounded  ,  ud  that  it  was  qfincal 
culable  advantage  towards  a  proper  understand ivg  of  the  literal  tense  of 
Scripture."    Dr.  Clarke's  Commentary,  vol      Hi  neral  Preface,  p.  xv. 


Mct.  III.  §  '2.] 


THE  SEPTTJAGLNT  GREEK  VERSION. 


269 


Christian  writers  thought :  for  the  examples  of  designed 
want  of  fidelity,  which  they  produce,  are  nothing  more  than 
etymological  renderings,  or  expressions  of  the  same  things 
in  other  words,  or  various  readings,  or  else  his  own  mistakes. 
Professor  Jahn  fixes  the  date  of  this  version  to  the  interval 
between  the  years  90  and  130  :  it  is  certain  that  Aquila  liyi  d 
during  the  reign  of  the  emperor  Adrian,  and  that  his  trans- 
lation was  executed  hefore  the  year  160  ;  as  it  is  cited  both 
by  Justin  Martyr,  who  wrote  about  that  time,  and  by  Ire- 
neeus  between  the  years  170  and  170.  In  conformity  with 
the  spirit  of  the  Jews,  Aquila  renders  every  Hebrew  word 
by  the  nearest  corresponding  Greek  word,  without  any  re- 
gard to  the  genius  of  the  Cretdc  language  :  it  is  therefore 
extremely  literal,  but  it  is  on  that  very  account  of  considera- 
ble importance  in  the  criticism  of  the  Old  Testament,  as  it 
serves  to  show  the  readings  contained  in  the  Hebrew  manu- 
scripts of  his  time.  His  version  has  been  most  highly  ap- 
proved by  the  Jews,  by  whom  it  has  been  called  the  Hebrew 
Verity,  as  if,  in  reading  it,  they  w<  re  reading  the  Hebrew 
text  itself.  Nearly  the  same  judgment  was  formed  of  it 
by  the  early  Christian  writers,  or  fathers;  who  must  be  un- 
derstood as  referring  to  this  version,  when  they  speak  of 
the  1  [ebrew.  Professor  Dathc  has  collated  several  passages 
from  this  translation,  and  has  applied  them  to  the  illustra- 
tion of  the  prophet  liosea.1  As  the  result  of  his  comparison 
of  the  fragments  of  Arpiila  with  the  Hebrew  text,  he  states 
that  Annua  had  nearly  the  same  readings  of  the  Hebrew 
text  which  we  have.  Which  almost  constant  agreement 
cannot  be  observed  without  much  satisfaction ;  because  it 
supplies  an  argument  of  no  mean  importance  for  refuting 
the  charges  of  those  who  assert  that  the  modern  Hebrew 
text  is  very  greatly  corrupted.  The  fragments  of  Aquila 
and  of  the  other  Greek  versions  were  collected  and  pub- 
lished, first  by  Flaminio  Nobili,  in  his  notes  to  the  Roman 
edition  of  the  Septuagint,  and  after  him  by  Drusius,  in  his 
Veterum  Interpret u m  GraBCorum  Fragmenta  (Arnheim,  1622, 
4to.) ;-  and  also  by  Montfaucon  in  his  edition  of  Origen's 
Hexapla  above  noticed.  According  to  Jerome,  Aquila  pub- 
lished two  editions  of  his  version,  the  second  of  which  was 
the  most  literal ;  it  was  allowed  to  be  read  publicly  in  the 
Jsws'  synagogues,  by  the  hundred  and  twenty-fifth  Novel 
of  the  emperor  Justinian. 

2.  Theodotion  was  a  native  of  Ephesus,  and  is  termed  by 
Jerome  and  Eusebius  an  Ebionite  or  semi-Christian.  He 
was  nearly  contemporary  with  Aquila,  and  his  translation  is 
cited  by  Justin  Martyr,  in  his  Dialogue  with  Tryphon  the 
Jew,  which  was  composed  about  the  year  1G0.  The  version 
cf  Theodotion  holds  a  middle  rank  between  the  servile  close- 
ness of  Aquila  and  the  freedom  of  Symmaehus  :  it  is  a  kind 
of  revision  of  the  Septuagint  made  after  the  original  He- 
brew, and  supplies  some  deficiencies  in  the  Septuagint ;  but 
where  he  translates  without  help,  he  evidently  snows  himself 
to  have  been  but  indifferently  skilled  in  Hebrew.  Theodo- 
tion's  translation  of  the  book  of  Daniel  was  introduced  into 
the  Christian  churches,  in  or  soon  after  the  second  century, 
as  being  deemed  more  accurate  than  that  of  the  Septuagint. 
It  is  not  unworthy  of  remark,  that  he  has  retainer!  several 
Hebrew  words,  which  seem  to  have  been  used  among  the 
Ebionites,  such  as  <peyuK,  Lev.  vii.  18. ;  (tmrpmt,  Lev.  xiii.  (>. ; 
uuxvp*,  Deut.  xxii.  9. ;  and  Mf*,  Isa.  lxiv.  ">. 

3.  Svmmachus,  we  are  informed  by  Eusebius  and  Jerome, 
was  a  semi-Christian,  or  Ebionite,  (or  the  account  given  of 
him  by  Epiphanius  (that  he  was  first  a  Samaritan,  then  a 
Jew,  next  a  Christian,  and  last  of  all  an  Ebionite)  is  gene- 
rally disregarded  as  unworthy  of  credit.  Concerning  the 
precise  time  when  he  flourished,  learned  men  are  of  different 
opinions.  Epiphanius  places  him  under  the  reign  of  Corn- 
modus  II.  an  imaginary  emperor  ;  Jerome,  however,  express- 
ly states,  that  his  translation  appeared  after  that  of  Theodo- 
tion;  and  as  Symmaehus  was  evidently  unknown  t"  hi 

who  cites  the  versions  of  Aquila  and  Theodotion,  it  is  pro- 
bable that  the  date  assigned  by  Jerome  is  the  true  one.  Mont- 
faucon accordingly  places  Symmaehus  a  short  time  after 
Theodotion,  that  is,  about  the  year  200.  The  version  of 
Symmaehus,  who  appears  to  have  published  a  second  edition 
of  it  revised,  is  by  no  means  so  literal  as  that  of  Aquila ;  he 
was  certainly  much  better  acquainted  with  the  laws  of  inter- 

*  Dissertatio  Philologico-Crilica  in  Aquila:  Rcliquj»s  Inicrpretaibnis 
Hoseas  (Lipsiae,  1757,  4to.);  which  is  reprinted  in  p.  1.  el  set/,  of  Rosenmlil- 
er's  Collection  of  his  "Opuscula  ad  Crisin  el  Interprelationom  Veteris 
Testamenti,"  Lipsiae,  1796, 8vo. 

*  This  work  ol'Drusius's  is  also  to  be  found  in  the  sixth  volume  of  Bishop 
Walton's  PolygloU 


pretration  than  the  latter,  and  has  endeavoured,  not  ui  suc- 
cessfully, to  render  the  Hebrew  idioms  with  Greek  precision. 
Bauer3  and  Moms1  have  given  specimens  of  the  utility  of 
tin.  version  for  illu>trating  both  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ments. Dr.  Owen  has  printed  the  whole  of  the  first  chapter 
of  the  Book  of  Genesis  according  to  the  Septuagint  version, 
together  with  the  Greek  translations  of  Aquila,  riieodotion, 
and  Symmaehus,  in  columns,  in  order  to  show  their  respective 
agreement  or  discrepancy.  This  we  are  obliged  to  omit,  on 
account  of  its  length  ;  but  the  following  observations  of  that 
eminent  critic  on  their  relative  merits  (founded  on  an  accurate 
compari-on  of  them  with  each  other,  and  with  the  original 
Hebrew,  whence  they  were  made)  are  too  valuable  to  be 
disregarded.     He  remarks, 

1.  With  respect  to  jSouUo.  (1.)  That  his  translation  is 
close  and  servile — abounding  in  Hebraisms — and  scrupulous- 
ly conformable  to  the  letter  of  the  text.  (2.)  That  the  author, 
notwithstanding+ie  meant  to  disgrace  and  overturn  the  Sep- 
tuagint version,  yet  did  not  scruple  to  make  use  of  it,  and 
frequently  to  borrow  his  expressions  from  it. 

2.  With  respect  to  Theoantion,  (1.)  That  he  makes  great 
use  of  the  two  former  versions — following  sometimes  the 
diction  of  the  one,  and  sometimes  that  of  the  other — nay, 
often  commixing  them  both  together  in  the  compass  of  one 
and  the  same  verse;  and,  (2.)  That  he  did  not  keep  so  strictly 
and  closely  to  the  Septuagint  version  as  some  have  unwarily 
represented.5  He  borrowed  largely  from  that  of  Aquila ;  but 
adapted  it  to  his  own  style.  And  as  his  style  was  similar 
to  that  of  the  lxx.  Origen,  perhaps  for  the  sake  of  uniformity, 
supplied  the  additions  inserted  in  the  Hexapla  chiefly  from 
this  version. 

3.  With  respect  to  Symmaehus,  (1.)  That  his  version, 
though  concise,  is  free  and  paraphrastic — regarding  the 
sense  rather  than  the  words,  of  the  original ;  2.  That  he  often 
borrowed  from  the  three  other  versions — but  much  oftener 
from  those  of  his  immediate  predecessors,  than  from  the  Sep- 
tuagint ;  and,  (3.)  It  is  observed  by  Montfaucon,j  that  he 
kept  close  to  the  Hebrew  original ;  and  never  introduced  any 
thing  from  the  Septuagint,  that  was  not  to  be  found  in  his 
Hebrew  copy :  but  it  evidently  appears  from  verse  20. — 
where  we  read,  mm  ryeuro  cvtok — that  either  the  observation  is 
false,  or  that  the  copy  he  used  was  different  from  the  present 
Hebrew  copies.  The  30th  verse  has  also  a  reading — it  may 
perhaps  be  an  interpolation — to  which  there  is  nothing  answer- 
able in  the  Hebrew,  or  in  any  other  of  the  Greek  versions.7 

4.  5,  6.  The  three  anonymous  translations,  usually  called 
the  fifth,  sixth,  and  seventh  versions,  derive  their  names  from 
the  order  in  which  Origen  disposed  them  in  his  columns. 
The  author  of  the  sixth  version  was  evidently  a  Christian: 
for  he  renders  Habakkuk  iii.  13.  (Thou  wentest  forth  for  the 
deliverance  oj  thy  people,  even  for  the  deliverance  of  thine 
anointed  ones,*  in  the  following  manner:  E£ha6k  tw  <tuv*i 
to  \acv  tlv  it*.  Iho-'.u  tcu  Xuimu  <rcu ;  i.  e.  Thou  weniesl  fort h  to 
save  thy  people  through  Jesus  thy  Christ.  The  dates  of  these 
three  versions  are  evidently  subsequent  to  those  of  Aquila, 
Theodotion,  and  Symmaehus :  from  the  fragments  collected 
by  Montfaucon,  it  appears  that  they  all  contained  the  Psalms 
and  minor  prophets  ;  the  fifth  and  sixth  further  comprised  the 
Pentateuch  and  Song  of  Solomon;  and  from  some  fragments 
of  the  fifth  and  seventh  versions  found  by  Brims  in  a  Syriac 
Hexaplar  manuscript  at  Paris,  it  appears  that  they  also  con- 
tained the  two  books  of  Kings.  Bauer  is  of  opinion  that  the 
author  of  the  seventh  version  was  a  Jew. 

111.  Besides  the  fragments  of  the  preceding  ancient  ver- 
sions, taken  from  Origen's  Hexapla,  there  are  found  in  the 
margins  of  the  manuscripts  of  the  Septuagint  some  additional 
marks  or  notes,  containing  various  renderings  in  Greek  of 
some  passages  in  the  Old  Testament :  these  are  cited  as  the 
Hebrew,  Syrian,  Samaritan,  and  Hellenistic  versions,  and  as 
the  version  of  some  anonymous  author.  The  probable  mean- 
ing of  these  references  it  may  not  be  improper  briefly  to 

liolle, ■. 

1.  The  Ihbnw  (j  E^ea/cc)  is  supposed  by  some  to  denote 

'  CrItJca  Sacra,  pp.  277,278. 

*  Acroases  Hermcneutica:,  torn.  ii.  pp.  127,  129. 

»  Theodotion,  qui  in  caeteris  cum  lxx  translatoribus  facie  Hieron.  Ep 
ad  Mircell.  Licet  autem  Theodotio  lxx.  Interpretum  vestigio  fere  semper 
ha?reat,  <fcc.    Montf.  Prael.  in  Hexapl.  p.  57.  ., 

«  Eatamen  cautela  ut  Hebraicum  exemplar  unicum  sequendum  sib 
pro|Kineret ;  necquidpiam  ex  editioneriv  o.  ubi  cum  Hebraico  non  quad- 
rabat,  in  interpretationein  suam  refunderet.    Praelim.  in  Hexapl.  p.  54. 

i  Owen  on  the  Septuagint,  pp.  124—126. 

'  Archbishop  Newcome's  version.  The  authorized  Engbsh  translation 
runs  thus :— "  Thou  wentest  forth  for  the  salvation  of  thy  peoole,  tven  tat 
the  salvation  of  thine  anointed." 


270 


ANCIENT   VERSIONS  OF  THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENTS.         [Pai.t  I.  Chap.  IU 


the  translation  of  Aquila,  who  closely  and  literally  followed 
the  Hebrew  text;  but  this  idea  was  refuted  by  Montfaucon 
and  Bauer,  who  remark,  that  after  the  reference  to  the  He- 
brew, a  reading  follows,  most  widely  differing  from  Aquila's 
rendering.  Bauer  more  probably  conjectures,  that  the  refer- 
ence g  Efyw;  denotes  the  Hebrew  text  from  which  the  Sep- 
tuagint  version  differs. 

2.  Under  the  name  of  the  Syrian  {o  2t/fcc)  are  intended  the 
fragments  of  the  Greek  version  made  by  Sophronius,  patri- 
arch of  Constantinople,  from  the  very  popular  Latin  transla- 
tion of  Jerome,  who  is  supposed  to  have  acquired  the  appel- 
lation of  the  Syrian,  from  his  long  residence  on  the  confines 
of  Syria.  He  is  thus  expressly  styled  by  Theodore  of  Mop- 
6uestia  in  a  passage  cited  by  Photius  in  his  Bibliotheca.1 

3.  The  Samaritan  (to  Sa/za^Tocv)  is  supposed  to  refer  to 
fhe  fragments  of  a  Greek  version  of  the  Hebraeo-Samaritan 
text,  which  is  attributed  to  the  ancient  Greek  scholiast  so 
often  cited  by  Flaminio  Nobili,  and  in  the  Greek  Scholia 
appended  to  the  Roman  edition  of  the  Septuagint.  Consider- 
able doubts,  however,  exist  concerning  the  identity  of  this 
supposed  Greek  version  of  the  Samaritan  text ;  which,  if  it 
ever  existed,  Bishop  Walton  thinks,  must  be  long  posterior 
in  date  to  the  Septuagint.2 

4.  It  is  not  known  to  which  version  or  author  the  citation 
c  E\ahwxs?,  or  the  Hellenic,  refers : — the  mark  o  aamj,  or  o  Av«- 
frrypxpc;,  denotes  some  unknown  author. 

Before  we  conclude  the  present  account  of  the  ancient 
Greek  versions  of  the  Old  Testament,  it  remains  that  we 
briefly  notice  the  translation  preserved  in  St.  Mark's  Library 
at  Venice,  containing  the  Pentateuch,  Proverbs,  Ruth,  Song 
of  Solomon,  Ecclesiastes,  Lamentations  of  Jeremiah,  and 
Prophecy  of  Daniel.  The  existence  of  this  version,  which 
was  for  a  long  time  buried  among  other  literary  treasures 
deposited  in  the  above-mentioned  library,  was  first  announced 
by  Zanetti  and  Bongiovanni  in  their  catalogue  of  its  manu- 
scripts. The  Pentateuch  was  published  in  three  parts,  by 
M.  Ammon,  at  Erlang,  1790,  1791,  8vo. ;  and  the  remaining 
books  by  M.  Villoison  at  Strasburgh,  1784,  8vo.  The  ori- 
ginal manuscript,  Morelli  is  of  opinion,  was  executed  in  the 
14th  century;  and  the  numerous  errors  discoverable  in  it 
prove  that  it  cannot  be  the  autograph  of  the  translator.  By 
whom  this  version  was  made  is  a  question  jret  undetermined. 
Morelli  thinks  its  author  was  a  Jew :  Ammon  supposes  him 
to  have  been  a  Christian  monk,  and  perhaps  a  native  of  Syria 
of  the  eighth  or  ninth  century;  and  Bauer,  after  Zeigler, 
conjectures  him  to  have  been  a  Christian  grammarian  of 
Constantinople,  who  had  been  taught  Hebrew  by  a  Western 
Jew.  Whoever  the  translator  was,  his  style  evidently  shows 
him  to  have  been  deeply  skilled  in  the  different  dialects  of 
the  Greek  language,  and  to  have  been  conversant  with  the 
Greek  poets.  Equally  uncertain  is  the  date  when  this  ver- 
sion was  composed  :  Eichhorn,  Bauer,  and  several  other  emi- 
nent biblical  writers,  place  it  between  the  sixth  and  tenth  cen- 
turies :  the  late  Dr.  Holmes  supposed  the  author  of  it  to  have 
been  some  Hellenistic  Jew,  between  the  ninth  and  twelfth 
centuries.  "  Nothing  can  be  more  completely  happy,  or  more 
judicious,  than  the  idea  adopted  by  this  author,  ot  rendering 
the  Hebrew  text  in  the  pure  Attic  dialect,  and  the  Chaldee 
in  its  corresponding  Doric."3  Dr.  Holmes  has  inserted  ex- 
tracts from  this  version  in  his  edition  of  the  Septuagint.4 

For  a  critical  notice  of  the  ancient  Greek  versions  of  the 
Scriptures  see  the  Bibliographical  Appendix  to  the  second 
Volume,  Part  I.  Chap.  I.  Sect.  V.  §  2. 

i  Page  205.  edit.  Hoeschelii.  »  Prol  c.  xi.  §  22.  pp.  553,  554. 

»  British  Critic,  O.  S.  vol.  viii.  p.  259. 

«  The  preceding  account  of  ancient  Greek  versions  is  drawn  from  Carp- 
zov,  Cntica  Sacra,  pp.  552—574. ;  Bauer,  Critica  Sacra,  pp.  273—283.  ;  Er- 
aasti,  InatitUUo  Interpretis  Novi  Testamenti,  pp.  250— 269. ;  Moras,  Acroa- 
sesHcnneneuticoe,  torn.  ii.  pp.  120—147.;  Bishop  Walton,  Prolegom.  c.  xi. 
$19.  pp.  3Sj— 3S7.  ;  .lahn,  Introductio  in  Libros  SacrosVeteris  Fcederis,  pp. 
t>0— 70. ;  and  Masch's  edition  of  Lelong's  Bibliotheca  Sacra,  part  ii.  vol.  ii. 
sect.  l.  pp.  220—229.  Montfaucon,  Prsel.  Diss,  ad  Origenis  Hexapla,  torn.  i. 
pp.  46—73.  In  the  fourth  volume  of  the  Coinmentaiiones  Theologies,  (pp. 
195—263  ),  edited  by  MM.  Velthusen,  Kuinoel,  and  Ruperti,  there  is  a  spe- 
cimen o:  a  Clavis  Iieliquiarum  Versionum  Grmcarum,  V.  T.  by  John 
Fnderic  Fischer:  it  contains  only  the  letter  A.  a  specimen  of  a  new 
Lexicon  to  the  ancient  Greek  interpreters,  and  also  to  the  apocryphal  books 
of  the  Old  Testament,  so  constructed  as  to  (serve  as  a  Lexicon  to  the  New 
Testament,  was  also  lately  published  by  M.  E.  G.  A.  Bockel,  at  Leipsic, 
entitled  Novm  Clavis  in  Gracos  Interprets  Veteris  Testamenti,  Script  or- 
°sque  Apocryphos,  ita  adornata  ut  etiam  Lexici  in  Novi  Faderia  Libros 
usum  prmbere  possit,  atque  editionis  Ixx  interprelum  hexaplaris,  speci- 
mina,  4to.  1820.  (This  work  has  not  been  completed.)  Cappel,  in  his 
Critica  Sacra,  has  given  a  copious  account,  with  very  numerous  examples, 
:  f  the  various  lections  that  may  be  obtained  by  collating  the  Septuagint 
m:h  the  Hebrew  (lib.  iv.  pp.  491— 76G.),  and  by  collating  the  Hebrew  text 
•vith  the  Chaldee  paraphrases  and  the  ancient  Greek  versions  (lib.  v.  cc.  1 
-*  pp.  767—844.),  torn.  ii.  ed  Scharfenberg. 


§  3.    ON    THE    ANCIENT    ORIENTAL    VERSIONS    OF    THE    OLD    AND 
NEW    TESTAMENTS 

I.  Striac    Versions.      1.    Peschito,    or    literal   version. — 2. 
Philoxejiian  version. — 3.  Karkaphensian  version. — 4.  Syro- 
Estrangelo,   and  Palsestino-Syriac  version. — II.  Egyptian 
Version.      Coptic,  Sahidic,  Ammonian,   and  Basmuiic. — 
III.  Etiiiopic  Version. — IV.  Arabic  Versions. — V.  Ar- 
mkxian  Version. — VI.  Persic  Versions. 
I.  Syriac  Versions. — Syria  being  visited  at  a  very  early 
period  by  the  preachers  of  the  Christian  faith,  several  trans- 
lations of  the  sacred  volume  were  made  into  the  language  of 
that  country. 

1.  The  most  celebrated  of  these  is  the  Peschito  or  Literal 
(Versio  Simplex),  as  it  is  usually  called,  on  account  of  its 
very  close  adherence  to  the  Hebrew  and  Greek  texts,  from 
which  it  was  immediately  made.  The  most  extravagan* 
assertions  have  been  advanced  concerning  its  antiquity ;  some 
referring  the  translation  of  the  Old  Testament  to  the  time  of 
Solomon  and  Hiram,  while  others  ascribe  it  to  Asa,  priesl 
of  the  Samaritans,  and  a  third  class  to  the  apostle  Thaddeus. 
This  last  tradition  is  received  by  the  Syrian  churches ;  but  a 
more  recent  date  is  ascribed  to  it  by  modern  biblical  philolo- 
gers.  Bishop  Walton,  Carpzov,  Leusden,  Bishop  Lowth, 
and  Dr.  Kennicott,  fix  its  date  to  the  first  century ;  Bauer 
and  some  other  German  critics,  to  the  second  or  third  century : 
Jahn  fixes  it,  at  the  latest,  to  the  second  century ;  De  Rossi 
pronounces  it  to  be  very  ancient,  but  does  not  specify  any 
precise  date.  The  most  probable  opinion  is  that  of  Michael 
is,5  who  ascribes  the  Syriac  version  of  both  Testaments  to 
the  close  of  the  first,  or  to  the  earlier  part  of  the  second  cen- 
tury, at  which  time  the  Syrian  churches  flourished  most,  and 
1he  Christians  at  Edessa  had  a  temple  for  divine  worship 
erected  after  the  model  of  that  at  Jerusalem  :  and  it  is  not  to 
be  supposed  that  they  would  be  without  aversion  of  the  Old 
Testament,  the  reading  of  which  had  been  introduced  by  th( 
apostles. 

The  Old  Testament  was  evidently  translated  from  the 
original  Hebrew,  to  which  it  most  closely  and  literally  ad- 
heres, with  the  exception  of  a  few  passages  which  appear  to 
bear  some  affinity  to  the  Septuagint :  Jahn  accounts  for  this 
by  supposing,  either  that  this  version  was  consulted  by  the 
Syriac  translator  or  translators,  or  that  the  Syrians  afterwards 
corrected  their  translation  by  the  Septuagint.6  Dr.  Credner, 
who  has  particularly  investigated  the  minor  prophets,  accord- 
ing to  this  version,  is  of  opinion  that  the  translator  of  the 
Old  Testament  for  the  most  part  followed  the  Hebrew  text, 
but  at  the  same  time  consulted  the  Chaldee  Paraphrase  and 
Septuagint  Version.7  Leusden  conjectures,  that  the  transla- 
tor did  not  make  use  of  the  most  correct  Hebrew  manuscripts, 
and  has  given  some  examples  which  appear  to  support  his 
opinion.  Dathe,  however,  speaks  most  positively  in  favour 
ot  its  antiquity  and  fidelity,  and  refers  to  the  Syriac  version, 
as  a  certain  standard  by  which  we  may  judge  of  the  state  of 
the  Hebrew  text  in  the  second  century ;  and  both  Dr.  Kenni- 
cott and  Professor  De  Rossi  have  derived  many  valuable 
readings  from  this  version.  De  Rossi,  indeed,  prefers  it  to  , 
all  the  other  ancient  versions,  and  says,  that  it  closely  follows 
the  order  of  the  sacred  text,  rendering  word  for  word,  and  is 
more  pure  than  any  other.  As  it  is  therefore  probable  that 
the  Syriac  version  was  made  about  the  end  of  the  first  cen- 
tury, it  might  be  made  from  Hebrew  MSS.  almost  as  old  as 
those  which  were  before  transcribed  into  Greek,  and  from 
MSS.  which  might  be  in  some  places  true  where  the  others 
were  corrupted.  And  it  will  be  no  wonder  at  all,  if  a  version 
so  very  ancient  should  have  preserved  a  great  variety  of  true 
readings,  where  the  Hebrew  manuscripts  were  corrupted 
afterwards.     Dr.  Boothroyd  considers  this  version  to  be  as 

*  Introd.  to  New  Test.  vol.  ii.  part  i.  pp.  29—38.  Bishop  Marsh,  however, 
in  his  notes,  has  controverted  the  arguments  of  Michaelis  (Ibid,  part  ii.  pp 
551 — 554.),  which  have  been  rendered  highly  probable  by  the  Rt.  Rev.  Dr. 
Laurence  (Dissertation  upon  the  Logos,  pp.  67 — 75.),  who  has  examined  and 
refuted  the  Bishop  of  Peterborough's  objections. 

•  Michaelis  is  of  opinion,  that  some  of  the  more  remarkable  coincidences 
between  the  Syriac  Bible  and  the  Greek  did  not  proceed  from  the  origina. 
translator,  but  from  a  supposed  improvement,  which  Jacob  of  Edessa 
undertook,  at  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century,  and  of  which  important 
notices  may  be  seen  in  the  Journal  des  Scavans.  (Vol.  i.  pp.  67—99.  Am- 
sterdam edition.)  As  far  as  his  observation  extends,  the  Syriac  accords 
with  the  Greek  more  freouently  in  Ezekiel  than  in  the  other  books;  he 
has  also  made  the  same  oGservafion  in  regard  to  the  Proverbs  of  Solomon, 
yet  with  the  particular  and  unexpected  circumstance  that  the  Chaldee 
version  follows  the  Septuagint  still  more.  Michaelis,  Preface  to  his  Syriac 
Chrestomathy,  §  V.  translated  in  Essays  and  Dissertations  on  Biblical  Lite- 
rature, p.  506.  New  York,  1829. 

'  Credner,  de  Prophetarum  Minerum  Version'*  Syriac*  Indole,  Diaser 
tatio  I.  pp.  1,  2.  63.  Gottingae,  1827,  8vo. 


Sl(  T.     III.    ^    3.] 


SYRIAC   VERSIONS. 


271 


ancient,  and  in  many  respects  as  valuable,  as  the  Chaldee 
Paraphrase  ;!  and  in  the  notes  to  his  edition  of  the  Hebrew 
Bible  he  has  shown  that  this  version  lias  retained  numerous 
and  important  various  readings.  To  its  general  fidelity 
almost  every  critic  of  note  bears  unqualified  approbation, 
although  it  is  not  every  where  equal;  and  it  is  remarkably 
clear  and  strong  in  those  passages  which  attribute  characters 
of  Drily  to  tin  Messiah.  Michaelis  and  Jahn  have  observed, 
that  a  different  method  of  interpretation  is  adopted  in  the 
Pentateuch  from  that  which  is  to  be  found  in  the  book  of 
Chronicles;  and  Jahn  has  remarked  that  there  are  some 
I  'haldee  words  in  the  fir*t  chapter  of  Genesis,  and  also  in  the 
book  of  Eoclesiastes  and  the  Song  of  Solomon:  whence 
they  infer  that  this  version  was  the  work  not  of  one,  but  of 
several  authors.  Further,  Michaelis  has  discovered  traces 
nf  the  religion  of  the  translator,  which  indicate  a  Christian 
.nil  no  .lew.  A  .lew  by  religion  would  not  have  employed 
lie/  Syriac  but  the  Hebrew  letters,  and  he  would  have  used 
the  Chaldee  Targums  more  copiously  than  is  observed 
m  most  books  of  the  Syriac  old  Testament.  This  a  Jew  by 
birth  would  have  done,  if  even  he  had  been  converted  to 
( Ihristianity  :  and  as  most  of  the  books  of  the  Syriac  Bible 
thus  evince  that  the  interpreter  had  no  acquaintance  with  the 

urns,  Michaelis  (whose  opinion  is  adopted  by  Gesenius) 
i,  of  opinion  that  the  translator  Was  a  Christian;  and  their 

in  in  is  corroborated  by  the  fact  that  the  arguments  pre- 

to  the  Psalms  were  manifestly  written  by  a  Christian 
author.' 
The  Syriac  version  of  the  New  Testament  comprises 
mU  ilie  four  Gospels,  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  the  Epistles 
of  Saint  Paul  (including  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews),  the 
first  Epistle  to  Saint  John,  Saint  Peter's  first  Epistle,  and 
the  Epistle  of  Saint  .lames.  The  celebrated  passage  in 
!  John  v.  7.,  and  the  history  of  the  woman  taken  in  adultery 
'John  viii.  2 — 11.),  are  both   wanting.     All   the   Christian 

in  Syria  and  the  East  make  use  of  this  version  exclu- 
sively,  which  they  hold  in  the  highest  estimation.  It  agrees 
with"  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  .Michaelis  pro- 
nounces it  to  be  the  very  best  translation  of  the  Greek  Tes- 
i  iment  which  he  ever  read,  for  the  genera]  ease,  elegance, 
and  fidelity  with  which  it  has  been  executed.  It  retains, 
however,  many  Greek  words,  which  might  have  been  easily 
and  correctly  expressed  in  Syriac  :  in  Mitt,  xxvii.  alone  there 
ire  not  fewer  than  eleven  words.  In  like  manner  some  Latin 
words  have  been  retained  which  the  authors  of  the  New 
Testament  had  borrowed  from  the  Roman  manners  and  cus- 
toms. This  version  also  presents  some  mistakes,  which  can 
only  he  explained  by  the  words  of  tin  Greek  text,  from 
which  it  was  immediately  made.  For  instance,  in  render- 
ing into  Syriac  these  words  of  Acts   xviii.  7.,  ONOMATl 

TOT  SEbOMENOT,  the  interpreter  has  translated  Titus 
instead  of  Justus,  because  he  had  divided  the  Greek  in  the 
following  manner: — ONOMA  Tl'.OrS  TOr  lEBOMENOr.3 

An  important  accession  to  biblical  literature  was  made,  a 
few  years  since,  by  the  late  Rev.  Dr.  Inichanan,  to  whose 
assiduous  labours  the  British  church  in  India  is  most  deeply 
indebted  :  and  who,  in  his  progress  among  the  Syrian 
churches  and  Jews  of  India,  discovered  and  obtained  nume- 
rous ancient  manuscripts  of  the  Scriptures,  which  are  now 
deposited  in  the  public  library  at  Cambridge.  One  of  these, 
which  was  discovered  in  a  remote  Syrian  church  near  the 
mountains,  is  particularly  valuable:  it  contains  the  Old  and 
Now  Testaments,  engrossed  with  beautiful  accuracy  in  the 

igelo  (or  old  Syriac)  character,  on  strong  vellum,  in 
Itfige  folio,  and  having  three  columns  in  a  page.  The  words 
of  every  hook  are  numbered:  and  the  volume  is  illuminated, 
hut  not  after  the  European  manner,  the  initial  letters  having 
no  ornament.  Though  somewhat  injured  by  time  or  neglect, 
the  ink  being  in  certain  places  obliterated,  still  the  letters 
i  in  general  be  distinctly  traced  from  the  impress  of  the 
[ten,  ct  from  the  partial  corrosion  of  the  ink.  Tie  Syrian 
■luirch  assigns  a  high  date  to  this  manuscript,  which,  in  the 
.pinion  of  Sir.  Yeates,  who  has  published  a  collation  of  the 

'  lliblia  Hebraica,  vol.  i.  Pref.  pp.  xv.  xvi. 

*  Carpzov,  Critica  Sacra,  pp.  t>23 — 626. ;  Lcusden,  l'hilologus  Hebrseo- 
Mixius,  pp.  67—71.;  Bishop  Towth's  Isaiah,  vol.  i.  p.  zcl.  ;  Dr  Eennlcott, 
l».ss.  ii.  p.  355.;  Bauer.  Critica  Sacra,  pn  Jahn,  Introd.  ail  Vet. 

l'ce-.l.  pp.  75,  76. ;  De  Rossi,  Varia*  Lectionea  ad  Vet  Test,  torn,  i.  proL  p. 
\.\.\ii. ;  Dathe  Opuscula  ad  Crista  el  Interpretationem,  Vet.  Test  p  171.; 
Kortholt,  de  Versionibus  Scripturce,  pp.  40—45. ;  Walton,  Prolog  c.  13.  pp. 
'  seq.  Dr.  Smith's  Scripture  Testimony  of  the  Messiah,  vol.  i.  pp. 
396,  397.  first  edition.     Gesenius.  in  the  Introduction  to  his  Commentary 

ii  Isaiah  (in  German),  Tlieil.  ii  §  12.  .1  or  pp.  429,  430.  of  the  Essays  and 
!>';sertationson  Biblical  Literature,  published  at  New  York. 

1  Hug's  Introd.  vol.  i.  pp.  342,  343. 
Vol.  I.  2  O 


Pentateuch,4  was  written  about  the  seventh  .entury.  In 
looking  over  this  manuscript,  Dr.  Buchanan  found  the  very 
first  emendation  of  the  Hebrew  text  proposed  by  Dr.  Kenm 
cott,5  which  doubtless  is  the  true  reading. 

The  first  edition  of  the  Syriac  version  of  the  Old  Teste 
mint  appeared  in  the  Paris  Polyglott;  hut,  being  taken 
from  an  imperfect  MS.,  its  deficiencies  were  supplied  by 
Gabriel  Sionita,  who  translated  the  passages  wanting  from 
the  Latin  Vulgate,  and  has  been  unjustly  charged  with 
having  translated  the  whole  from  the  Vulgate.  This  text 
was  reprinted  in  Bishop  Walton's  Polyglott,  with  the  addi 
tion  of  some  apocryphal  books.  There  nave  been  numerous 
editions  of  particular  parts  of  the  Syriac  Old  Testament, 
which  are  minutely  described  by  Masch.6  The  principal 
editions  of  the  Syriac  Scriptures  are  noticed  in  the,  Biblio- 
grapbica]  Appendix,  Vol.  II. 

The  Peschito  Syriac  version  of  the  New  Testament  wn« 
first  made  known  in  Europe  by  Moses  of  Mardin,  who  had 
been  sent  by  Ignatius,  patriarch  of  the  Maronite  Christians, 
in  1552,  to  Pope  Julius  III.,  to  acknowledge  the  papal  su- 
premacy in  the  name  of  the  Syrian  church,  and  was  at  tin 
same  time  commissioned  to  procure  the  Syriac  New  Testa- 
ment. This  was  accomplished  at  Vienna  in  1555,  under  the 
editorial  care  of  Moses  and  Albert  Widmanstad,  with  the 
assistance  of  William  Postell,  and  at  the  expense  of  the 
Emperor  Ferdinand  I.  This  Editio  Princeps  is  in  quarto. 
The  Syriac  New  Testament  has  since  been  printed  several 
times. 

There  is  also  extant  a  Syriac  version  of  the  second  Epistle 
of  Saint  Peter,  the  second  and  third  Epistles  of  John,  the 
Epistle  of  Jude,  and  the  Apocalypse,  which  are  wanting  in 
the  Peschito :  these  are  by  some  writers  ascribed  to  Mar 
Abba,  primate  of  the  East,  between  the  years  535  and  552. 
The  translation  of  these  books  is  made  from  the  original 
Greek;  but  the  author,  whoever  he  was,  possessed  but  an 
indifferent  knowledge  of  the  two  languages. 

2.  The  Philoxenian  or  Syro-Philoxenian  version  de- 
rives its  name  from  Philoxenus,  or  Xenayas,  Bishop  of 
Hierapolis  or  Mabug  in  Syria,  a.  d.  488 — 518,  who  employ- 
ed his  rural  bishop  (Chorepiscopus)  Polycarp,  to  translate  the 
Greek  New  Testament  into  Syriac.  This  version  was 
finished  in  the  year  508,  and  was  afterwards  revised  \>- 
Thomas  of  Harkel  or  Heraclea,  a.  d.  616.  Michaelis  is  of 
opinion,  that  there  was  a  third  edition;  and  a  fourth  is  attri- 
buted to  Dionysius  Barsaiibseus,  who  was  bishop  of  Amida 
from  1166  to  1177.  It  appears,  however,  that  there  were 
only  two  editions — the  original  one  by  Polycarp,  and  that 
revised  by  Thomas  of  Harkel ;  the  single  copy  of  the  Four 
Gospels,  with  the  alterations  of  Barsalibams,  in  the  twelfth 
century,  being  hardly  entitled  to  the  name  of  a  new  edition. 
This  version  agrees  with  the  Constantinopolitan  recension  : 
it  was  not  known  in  Europe  until  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth 
century;  when  the  Rev.  Dr.  Gloucester  Ridley  published  a 
Dissertation  on  the  Syriac  Versions  of  the  New  Testament 
(in  1761),  three  manuscripts  of  which  he  had  received  thirty 
years  before  from  Amida  in  Mesopotamia.  Though  age  and 
growing  infirmities,  the  great  expense  of  printing,  and  the 
want  of  a  patron,  prevented  Dr.  Ridley  from  availing  him- 
self of  these  manuscripts ;  yet  having,  under  circumstances 
of  peculiar  difficulty,  succeeded  in  acquiring  a  knowlrdge 
of  the  Syriac  language,  he  employed  himsell  at  intervals  in 
makinn-  a  transcript  of  the  Four  Gospels.  These,  being 
put  into  the  hands  of  the  late  Professor  White,  were  pub- 
lished by  him  with  a  literal  Latin  translation,  in  1778,  in 
two  volumes  4to.,  at  the  expense  of  the  delegates  of  the 
Clarendon  press  at  Oxford.  In  1779,  Professor  White  pub- 
lished from  the  same  press  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  and  the 
Catholic  Epistles,  and  in  1801,  the  Epistles  of  Saint  Paul, 
also  in  4to.,  and  accompanied  with  a  Latin  translation. 

The  Philoxenian  version,  though  made  immediately  from 
the  Greek,  is  greatly  inferior  to  the  Peschito,  both  in  the  ac- 
curacy with  which  it  is  executed,  and  also  in  its  style.  It 
is,  however,  not  devoid  of  value,  "  and  is  of  real  importance 
to  a  critic,  whose  object  is  to  select  a  variety  of  readings 

«  In  the  Christian  Observer,  vol.  xii.  pp.  171—174.  there  is  an  accountoi 
Mr.  Veates's  Collation  ;  and  in  vol.  ix.  of  the  same  Journal,  PP  .^/J— "", 
348—350.  there  is  given  a  very  interesting  description  of  the  %nae  nianiu- 
script  above  noticed.  A  short  account  of  it  also  occurs  in  Dr.  ""cnanan  F 
"  Christian  Researches,"  respecting  the  Syrians,  pp.  ^-^^eJ",p _  ,- '  ,: 

.  Gen.  iv.  8.  And  Cain  said  unto  Abel  his  ^'^^'C^hisTsnuted 
theplain.  It  may  be  satisfactory  to  the  reader  <°  kDn°";<hna  ^'j  vXrte 
addition  is  to  be  found  in  the  Samaritan,  Syriac,  Septuagint,  and  Vulgate 
Versions,  printed  in  Bishop  Walton's  Polyglott. 

c  Bihl.  Sacr.  part  ii.  vol.  i.  sect.  iv.  pp.  64 — 71 


ANCIENT  VERSIONS  O*    THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  [Part  I.  Chap.  III. 


.'72 

with  the  view  of  restoring  the  genuine  text  of  the  Greek 
original :  for  he  may  be  fully  assured,  that  every  phrase  and 
expression  is  a  precise  copy  of  the  Gieek  text  as  it  stood  in 
the  manuscript  from  which  the  version  was  made.  But,  as 
it  is  not  prior  to  the  sixth  century,  and  the  Peschito  was 
written  either  at  the  end  of  the  first,  or  at  the  beginning  of 
the  second  century,  it  is  of  less  importance  to  know  the  read- 
ings of  the  Greek  manuscript  that  was  used  in  the  former, 
than  those  of  the  original  employed  in  the  latter.'"1 

3.  The  Karkaphensian  Version,  as  it  is  commonly 
termed,  is  a  recensioti  of  the  Peschito,  or  old  Syriac  version 
of  the  Old  ami  New  Testaments,  executed  towards  the  close 
of  the  tenth  century,  by  David,  a  Jacobite  monk,  residing  in 
the  monastery  of  St.  Aaron  on  mount  Sigari  in  Mesopotamia, 
whence,  the  appellation  K.irhaphensian  (signifying  mountain) 
is  derived.2  We  are  informed  by  the  learned  Professor 
Wiseman,  who  has  most  minutely  investigated  the  history 
and  literary  character  of  this  recension,  that  the  basis  of  its 
text  is  the  Peschito  or  Versio  Simplex,  with  the  printed 
copies  of  which  it  bears  a  close  affinity ;  except  that  proper 
names  and  Graco-Syriac  words  are  accommodated  to  the 
Greek  orthography,  or  to  that  adopted  by  Thomas  of  Harkel 
in  his  revision  of  the  Philoxenian  version.  Some  eminent 
critics  have  thought  that  the  Karkaphensian  version  was 
made  for  the  use  of  the  Nestorians;  Dr.  Wiseman,  however, 
is  decidedly  of  opinion,  that  it  is  of  Monophysite  or  Jacobite 
origin  :3  but  his  opinion  is  doubted  by  Professor  Lee.4 

4.  Of  the  other  Syriac  Versions,  the  Syro-Estrangelo 
version  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  the  Palaestino-Syriac  ver- 
sion of  part  of  the  New  Testament,  are  of  sufficient  impor- 
tance to  deserve  a  brief  notice. 

[i.]  The  Syro-Estrangelo  version,  also  called  the  Syriac 
Hexaplar,  is  a  translation  of  Origen's  Hexaplar  edition  of 
the  Greek  Septuagint;  it  was  executed  in  the  former  part 
of  the  seventh  century,  and  its  author  is  unknown.  The 
late  Professor  De  Rossi,  who  published  the  first  specimen 
of  it  at  Parma,  in  1778,  does  not  decide  whether  it  is  to 
be  attributed  to  Mar-Abba,  James  of  Edessa,  Paul  Bishop 
of  Tela,  or  to  Thomas  of  Heraclea.  Assemanni  ascribes  it 
to  Thomas,  though  other  learned  men  affirm  that,  he  did  no 
more  than  collate  the  Books  of  Scripture.  This  version, 
however,  corresponds  exactly  with  the  text  of  the  Septuagint. 
especially  in  those  passages  in  which  the  latter  differs  from 
the  Hebrew.  A  MS.  of  this  version  is  in  the  Ambrosian 
Library  at  Milan,  comprising  the  Books  of  Psalms,  Job, 
Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  Song  of  Solomon,  Wisdom,  Eccle- 
siasticus,  Hosea,  Amos,  Habakkuk,  Zephaniah,  Haggai, 
Zechariah,  Malachi,  Jeremiah,  Daniel,  and  Isaiah :  it  also 
contains  the  obelus  and  other  marks  of  Origen's  Hexapla ; 
and  a  subscription  at  the  end  states  it  to  have  been  literally 
translated  from  the  Greek  copy,  corrected  by  Eusebius  him- 
self, with  the  assistance  of  Pamphilus,  from  the  books  of 
Origen,  which  were  deposited  in  the  library  of  Caesarea. 
The  conformity  of  this  MS.  with  the  account  given  by 
Masius,  in  the  preface  to  his  learned  Annotations  on  the 
Book  of  Joshua,  affords  strong  grounds  for  believing  that 
this  is  the  second  part  of  the  MS.  described  by  him  as  then 
being  in  his  possession,  and  which,  there  is  reason  to  fear, 
is  irrecoverably  lost.  From  this  version  M.  Norberg  edited 
the  prophecies  of  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel  in  1787, 4to  Londini 
Gothorum :  and  M.  Bugati,  the  Book  of  Daniel,  at  Milan, 
1788,  4to.5 

[ii.]  The  PaljEstino-Syriac,  or  Syriac  Translation  of 
Jerusalem,  was  discovered  in  the  Vatican  Library  at  Rome 
by  M.  Adler,  in  a  manuscript  of  the  eleventh  century.  It  is 
not  an  entire  translation  of  the  New  Testament,  but  only  a 
Leciionarium,  or  collection  of  detached  portions,  appointed 
to  be  read  in  the  services  of  the  church  on  Sundays  and 

i  Michaelis's  Introduction  to  the  New  Testament,  vol.  ii.  part  i.  p.  68.  To 
Bishop  Marsh's  Notes,  ibid,  part  ii.  pp.  533—585.  we  are  chiefly  indebted  for 
the  preceding  account  of  the  Syriac  Versions  of  the  New  Testament.  See 
also  Hug's  Introduction,  vol.  i.  pp.  372—386.  Dr.  G.  H.  Bernstein's  Disser- 
tation on  Thomas  of  Harkel's  Revision  of  the  Syro-Phi'.oxenian  Version, 
entitled  De  Versione  Novi  Testarnenti  Syriaca  Heracleensi  Coinmentatio. 
Lipsiae,  1822,  4to. 

»  Dr.  Wiseman's  Horae  Syricee,  torn.  i.  pp.  236—240.  compared  with 
pp.  162, 163.  Romee,  1S28,  8vo.  ' 

»  Ibid.  torn.  i.  pp.  234,  235.  In  this  learned  work,  Dr.  Wiseman  has  de- 
scribed a  valuable  manuscript  of  the  Karkaphensian  recension,  which  is 
preserved  in  the  Vatican  library  at  Rome,  and  has  given  notices  of  some 
ntherMSS.  of  this  recension. 

*  Prolegomena  in  Biblia  Polyglotta  Londinensia Minora.  Prol.  III.  sect,  iii 
p.  40 

»  Masch,  part  ii.  vol.  i.  pp.  58 — 60.  Jahn,  Introd.  ad  Vet.  Feed.  pp.  76 — 78. 
Monthly  Review,  O.  S.  vol.  lix.  pp.  452 — 454.  Some  other  Syriac  versions 
•f  less  note  are  described  by  Masch,  ut  supra,  pp.  60—62. 


festival  days.  It  is  written  in  the  Syriac  or  Chaldee  dialect 
of  Jerusalem,  and  was  evidently  made  in  a  Roman  province; 
for  in  Matt,  xxvii.  27.  the  word  tt^ltiocxm,  soldiers,  is  ren 
dered  by  N'cn  (Romia),  as  if  the  translator  had  never  heard 
of  any  soldiers  but  Romans ;  and  in  the  same  verse  o-tu^, 
band  or  cohort,  is  rendered  by  the  Latin  word  castra,  tnaDp 
These  and  other  indications  afford  reason  to  think,  that  the 
manuscript  contains  a  translation  made  from  the  Greek,  in 
Palestine;  it  was  written  at  Antioch,  and  from  all  these 
circumstances,  this  version  has  been  denominated  the  Jeru- 
salem-Syriac  Version.  Dr.  Scholz  states  that  its  text  for 
the  most  part  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  recension.  This 
manuscript  has  not  yet  been  collated  throughout.6 

II.  Egyptian  Versions. — From  the  proximity  of  Egypt 
to  Judaia,  it  appears  that  the  knowledge  of  the  Gospel  was 
very  early  communicated  to  the  inhabitants  of  that  country, 
whose  language  was  divided  into  three  dialects — the  Coptic, 
or  dialect  of  Lower  Egypt;  the  Sahidic,  or  dialect  of  Upper 
Egypt;  and  the  Basmnouric,  a  dialect  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Bashmour,  a  province  of  the  Delta. 

The  Coptic  language  is  a  compound  of  the  old  Egyptian 
and  Greek;  into  which  the  Old  Testament  was  translated 
from  the  Septuagint,  perhaps  in  the  second  or  third  century, 
and  certainly  before  the  fifth  century.  Of  this  version,  the 
Pentateuch  was  published  by  "Wilkins  in  1731 ;  and  a  Psal- 
ter, with  an  Arabic  translation,  by  the  congregation  de  Pro- 
paganda Fide,  at  Rome,  in  1744  and  1749. 7 

In  the  Sahidic  language  the  ninth  chapter  of  Daniel  was 
published  by  Miinter  at  Rome  in  1786 ;  and  Jeremiah,  ch. 
ix.  17.  to  ch.  xiii.,  by  Mingarelli,  in  Reliquiae  Egyptiorum 
Codicum  in  Bibliotheca  Naniana  asservatx,  at  Bologna,  in 
1785.  The  late  Dr.  Woide  was  of  opinion  that  both  the 
Coptic  and  Sahidic  versions  were  made  from  the  Greek 
They  express  the  phrases  of  the  Septuagint  version;  and 
most  of  the  additions,  omissions,  and  transpositions,  which 
distinguished  the  latter  from  the  Hebrew,  are  discoverable 
in  the  Coptic  and  Sahidic  versions. 

The  Coptic  version  of  the  New  Testament  was  published 
at  Oxford  in  171G,  in  4to.,  by  Dame'  Wilkins,  a  learned 
Prussian,  who  has  endeavoured  to  prove  that  it  must  have 
been  executed  prior  to  the  third  century ;  but  his  opinion  has 
been  controverted  by  many  learned  men,  and  particularly  by 
Louis  Picques,  who  refers  it  to  the  fifth  century.  Professor 
Hug,  however,  has  shown  that  it  could  not  have  been  com- 
posed before  the  time  of  Hesychius,  nor  before  the  middle 
of  the  third  century.s  The  celebrated  passage  (1  John  v.  7.) 
is  wanting  in  this  version,  as  well  as  in  the  Syriac-Peschito, 
and  Philoxenian  translations.  From  the  observations  of  Dr. 
Woide,  it  appears  that  the  Coptic  inclines  more  to  the  Alex 
andrian  than  the  Sahidic — that  no  remarkable  coincidence  is 
to  be  found  between  the  Coptic  or  Sihidic,  and  the  Vulgate, 
— and  that  we  have  no  reason  to  suspect  that  the  former  has 
been  altered  or  made  to  conform  to  the  latter.  Its  text  agrees 
with  the  Alexandrine  recension. 

Concerning  the  age  of  the  Sahidic  version  critics  are  not 
yet  agreed.  Dr.  Woide,  however,  has  shown  that  it  was 
most  probably  executed  in  the  second  century;  and,  conse- 
quently, it  is  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the  criticism  of  the 
Greek  Testament.  In  a  dissertation  on  this  version,  written 
in  the  German  language,  and  abridged  by  Bishop  Marsh,9 
Dr.  W.  observes,  that  there  are  now  in  existence  two  Sahidic 
manuscripts, — one  formerly  in  the  possession  of  the  late  Dr. 
Askew,  the  other  brought  from  Egypt  by  the  celebrated  tra- 
veller, Mr.  Bruce.  The  former  contains  a  work  entitled 
Sophia,  and  written  by  Valentinus,  in  the  second  century. 
This  manuscript  contains  various  passages  both  from  the 
Old  and  New  Testament,  which  coincide  with  the  fragments 
of  the  Sahidic  version  now  extant;  whence  it  is  concluded 
that  the  Sahidic  version  of  the  -whole  Bible  not  only  existed 
so  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  second  century,  but  that  it 
was  the  same  as  that  of  which  we  have  various  fragments, 
and  which,  if  put  together,  would  form  perhaps  a  complete 
Sahidic  version  of  the  Bible.    The  other  manuscript  to  which 

•  Cellerier,  Introd.  au  Nouv.  Test.  pp.  180,  181.  Hug's  Introduction,  vol. 
i.  pp.  385—389.  Scholz,  Nov.  Test.  torn.  i.  Proleg.  p.  cxxiv.  A  notice  of 
the  principal  editions  of  the  Syriac  version  is  given  in  the  Bibliographical 
Appendix  to  Vol.  II.  PartI.  Chap.  I.  Sect.  V.  §  3.  [i.] 

i  Masch,  part  ii.  vol.  i.  pp.  182—100.  Jahn,  p.  81.  The  only  perfect  copy 
of  the  Coptic  Bible  now  in  Europe  is  said  to  be  in  the  possession  of  Mon- 
sieur Marcel.  See  M.  Quatremere's  Recherches  sur  la  Langue  et  la  Lit- 
erature d'Eaypte,  p.  118.  In  pp.  114,  115.  134,  135.  this  learned  writer  has 
specified  various  portions  of  the  Coptic  version  which  ere  preserved  in  the 
great  libraries  on  the  Continent. 

*  Hug's  Introd.  vol.  i.  p.  410. 

I      »  Marsh's  Michaclis,  vol.  ii.  part  ii.  pp.  59*,  .</' 


Sect.  III.  $  *.] 


THE  ETHIOPIC  OR  ABYSSINIAN  VERSIONS. 


273 


Dr.  Woide  appeals,  contains  two  books,  the  one  entitled 
B//?AiC  t;ic  yvxTM,  the  Other,  Bi/3*cc  M)tvx.  citz  /uvo-th^icv.  Now 
that  this  was  written  by  a  Gnostic,  as  well  as  the  other  ma- 
nuscript, appears  both  from  the  title  and  the  contents,  and 
therefore  it  is  concluded  that  the  author  lived  in  the  second 
century.  And  as  various  passages  arc  quoted  in  it  both  from 
the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  Dr.  Woide  deduces  the  same 
inference  as  from  tin-  foregoing.  Of  this  version  some  frag- 
ments of  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  John  have  been  pub- 
lished by  Mingareili,  in  a  work  mtMeA&gyptiorum  Codicum 
I!  liquiac,  VeneUisin  Hi hliothi cu  Nunianaossermttr.  (Bononiae, 
ITS"),  Ito.)  lint  the  completes!  collection  of  fragments  of 
this  version  is  that  prepared  for  the  press  by  the  late  Dr. 
Woide,  who  did  not  live  to  publish  them.  The  work  was 
completed  and  edited  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Ford,  from  the  Cla- 
rendon Press,  at  Oxford,  in  folio,  1799,  as  an  appendix  to 
Dr.  W.'s  rac-eimile  of  the  Codex  Alexandrinus.  Scholz 
states  that  it  agrees  with  the  Alexandrine  recension,  but  that 
it  has  many  readings  either  peculiar  to  itself,  or  in  common 
with  the  Latin  versions.* 

From  the  difference  of  their  readings,  and  from  the  circum- 
stance that  additions  in  the  one  are  omitted  in  the  other, 
Bishop  Marsh  infers  that  the  Coptic  and  Sahidic  are  inde- 
pendent versions,  both  made  from  the  original  Greek.  Both, 
therefore,  may  he  quoted  as  separate  evidence  for  a  reading 
in  the  (.'reek  Testament. 

Besides  the  versions  in  the  Coptic  and  Sahidic  dialects, 
Father  Georgi  discovered,  in  a  manuscript  belonging  to  Car- 
dinal Borgia,  some  fragments  of  a  version  written  in  a  still 
different  Egyptian  dialect,  which  he  calls  the  Ammonian 
Dim.ect.  It  contains  only  1  Cor.  vii.  30. — ix.  16.  and  xiv. 
33. — xv.  33.  Some  fragments  of  a  Bashmourico-Coptic 
Version  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  discovered  in  the 
Borgian  Museum  at  Velitri,  were  published  by  M.  Engel- 
nreth  at  Copenhagen,  in  1810.  Dr.  Frederick  Miinter  has 
printed  the  Sahidic  and  Ammoniac  texts  of  1  Cor.  ix.  10 — 16. 
in  his  Commeniatio  de  Indole  Version  is  Nam  TeatamenH  Sahi- 
dicx  (4to.  Hafnice,  1789),  in  parallel  columns,  in  order  to 
present  the  reader  with  a  distinct  view  of  the  similarity  or 
difference  between  the  two  versions.  On  account,  however, 
of  the  chief  difference  consisting  in  the  orthography  of  single 
words,  he  is  not  disposed  to  assign  to  the  Ammoniac  the 
name  of  a  separate  dialect.  On  considering  the  region 
where  this  uialect  seemed  to  be  vernacular,  he  was  inclined 
for  several  reasons  to  fix  upon  the  Oases,  particularly  the 
\  Lonian  Oasis,  whence  he  called  it  the  Ammonian 
Dialect:  hut  Professor  Hug,  who  has  investigated  the  hypo- 
thesis of  various  learned  men,  is  of  opinion  that  the  fragments 
in  question  may  possibly  exhibit  the  idiom  of  Middle  Egypt. 
M.  Quatremcre,  however,  prefers  the  appellation  ot  the 
Oasitic  Dialect  to  that  of  Basmuric.3  This  version  was 
probably  executed  in  the  latter  part  of  the  third  century.^ 

III.  The  Ethiopic  or  Abyssinian  Version  of  the  Old 
Testament  was  made  from  the  Septuagint:  although  its 
mithor  and  date  are  unknown,  yet,  from  the  marks  of  unques- 
tionable antiquity  which  it  bears,  there  is  every  reason  to 
believe  that  it  was  executed  in  the  fourth  century.  In  the 
Gospels  it  agrees  for  the  most  part  with  the  Alexandrine  re- 
cension. Some  peculiar  readings  occur  in  this  translation: 
but,  where  it,  seems  to  be  exact,  it  derives  considerable  autho- 
rity from  its  antiquity.  Only  a  few  books  and  fragments  of 
rhis  version  have  been  printed.  The  first  portions  of  the 
Ethiopic  Scriptures  that  appeared  in  print  were  the  Psalms 
-md  the  Song  of  Solomon;  edited  at  Rome,  by  John  Potken, 
a.  d.  1513.  The  translation  of  the  New  Testament  is  sup- 
posed to  have  been  made  by  Frumentius,  who,  about  the 
year  330,  first  preached  Christianity  in  Ethiopia.  In  1548, 
the  New  Testament  was  printed  at  Rome  by  some  Abyssi- 
nian prijests,  and  was  afterwards  reprinted  in  the  London 
Polyglott:  but  as  the  manuscripts  used  in  the  Roman  edition 
were  old  and  mutilated,  the  editors  restored  such  chasms  as 
appeared  in  the  text,  by  translations  from  the  Latin  Vulgate. 
1  liese  editions,  therefore,  are  not  of  much  value,  as  t! 
not  present  faithful  copies  of  the  ancient  Ethiopic  text ; 
which,  according  to  Professor  Hug,  exhibits  the  appearance 
either  of  several  versions  being  united  in  one  copy,  or  of 

1  Scholz,  Nov.  Test.  torn.  i.  Prolog,  p.  cxxvii. 

»  Marsh's  Michaelis,  vol.  ii.  part  i.  pp.  76 — 81.  part  ii.  pp.  586 — 597. 

»  Recherches  sur  la  Langue  et  Lilteralure  de  l'Egypte,  p.  228.  The 
whole  of  his  fifth  section,  which  treats  on  the  Basmuric  dialect,  is  highly 
Interesting  and  valuable. 

*  Hug's  Introduction,  vol.  ii.  pp.  417 — 423.  For  a  notice  of  the  editions  or 
published  fragments  of  the  several  Egyptian  versions,  see  the  Bibuoqba- 
wical  Appendix  to  Voi.  II  Part  I.  Chap.  I.  Sect.  V.  $  3.  [iv.] 


several  MSS.  (belonging  to  diffe rent  recensions)  being  quoted 
in  the  composition  of  this  version.5 

There  is,  however,  reason  to  expect  that,  in  no  long  time 
the  <rift  of  the  entire  Ethiopic  Scriptures  will  be  impart 
Abyssinia.  A  manuscript  copy  oi  this  version,  in  fine  pre 
Serration,  has  been  purchased  by  the  committee  of  the  Church 
Missionary  Society.  From  a  memoir  on  this  manuscript  by 
Professor  Lee,  we  learn,  that  it  contains  the  first  eight  books 
of  the  Old  Testament,  written  on  vellum,  in  a  bold  and  mas- 
terly hand,  in  two  columns  on  each  page.  The  length  of  the 
page  is  that  of  a  large  quarto;  the  width  is  not  quite  so  great 
The  volume  contains  285  folios,  of  which  the  text  covers* 
282,  very  accurately  written,  and  in  high  preservation.  On 
the  first  page  is  written,  iii  Ethiopic,  the  invocation  usually 
found  in  the  books  of  the  eastern  Christians:  "In  the  name 
of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Gh 
Then  follows  an  account  of  the  contents  of  the  hook,  written 
in  Latin  by  some  former  possessor,  and  a  date  a.  d.  1596, 
20th  September.  On  the  reverse  of  the  first  folio  is  found  a 
table,  not  unlike  the  tables  of  genealogy  in  some  of  our  old 
English  Bibles,  which  seems  to  be  intended  to  show  the 
hours  appointed  for  certain  prayers.  Then  follows  the  Book 
of  Genesis,  as  translated  from  the  Greek  of  the  Septuagint. 
On  the  reverse  of  the  third  folio  is  the  following  inscription 
in  Arabic  :  "The  poor  Ribea,  the  son  of  Elias,  wrote  it :  0 
wine!  to  which  nothing  can  be  assimilated,  either  in  reality 
or  appearance:  O  excellent  drink  !  of  which  our  Lord 
having  the  cup  in  his  hand,  and  giving  thanks,  'This  is  nay 
blood  for  the  salvation  of  men.'"  Folios  7.  and  8.  have 
been  supplied,  in  paper  by  a  more  modern  hand.  On  the  re- 
verse of  folio  8.  is  a  very  humble  attempt  at  drawing,  in  the 
figure  of  a  person  apparently  in  prayer,  accompanied  by  an 
inscription  in  Ethiopic  at  the  side  of  the  figure:  "In  the 
prayers  oc  Moses  and  Aaron,  to5  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob, 
am  I,  thy  servant,  O  Lord,  presented  in  the  power  of  the 
Trinity,  a  weak,  infirm,  and  defiled  sinner.  Let  them  im- 
plore Christ."  Under  the  drawing,  in  Ethiopic:  "In  the 
same  manner,  every  slayer  that  slays  Cain,  will  I  repay  in 
this ;  and  as  he  slew,  so  shall  he  be  slain."  On  the  reverse 
of  folio  98.,  at  the  end  of  the  Book  of  Exodus,  are  two 
figures,  somewhat  similar,  but  rather  better  drawn,  and 
ingly  by  the  writer  of  the  manuscript;  and  in  another  plac« 
or  two  there  are  marginal  ornaments.  At  the  end  of  Deuter- 
onomy is  this  inscription  in  Ethiopic  :  "The  repetition  of 
the  law,  which  God  spake  to  Moses.  Numbered  5<)7<i" 
(words).  Intercede  for  your  slave  Isaac." — At  the  end  of 
the  volume  :  "Pray  for  those  who  laboured  in  this  book  ;  and 
for  your  slave  Isaac,  who  gave  this  to  Jerusalem,  the  Holy."' 
Then  follows  an  inscription,  in  Arabic  :  "  In  the  name  of  tha 
Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  one  God. 
O  Lord,  save  thy  people  from  every  evil  !  O  our  God,  Jesus 
Christ,  the  speaker  to  men!  O  holy  people,  remember  youi 
slave  Isaac,  the  poor:  God  shall  remember  yen  in  the  mer- 
cies of  this  book.  Pray,  if  God  be  willing,  that  I  may  be 
permitted  to  see  your  face.  And  pray  for  me,  the  sinner. 
Pardon  my  sins,  O  Lord!  and  let  my  body  be  buried  in 
Mount  Sion."  Then  follows,  in  Ethiopic:  "That  oi;r 
mies  may  not  say  of  us,  'We  have  conquered  them:'  be  ye 
prudent.     We  have  given  you  a  lamp.     Be  ye  the  culture. — 

Sow  ye  the  flock :  reap  and  rejoice." A  few  linea 

have  been  erased.  Then  follows  .  .  .  .  "  me,  Isaac,  tha 
poor,  in  your  prayers.  It  was  completed  in  Beth  Gabbaza, 
of  Axuma.  In  thy  name,  O  Lord,  have  I  planted,  that  thou 
place  me  not  in  any  other  place  except  Mount  Sion ;  the 
mount  of  Christ;  the  house  of  Christians.  Let  them  nol 
be  forgotten  in  v  ur  prayers,  who  have  read  and  testified  to 
you.  Pres  rve,  <  ■  Lord,  this  my  offering  for  me  thy  servant, 
the  poor;  and  pres-  ^e  all  these  books  which  I  offer,  that  the 
brethren,  dwelling  c.'  Jerusalem,  may  be  comforted.  And 
pray  for  Die,1  forget  me  not  in  the  holy  offices,  and  in  prayer, 
that  we  may  all  stand  before  God  in  the  terrible  day  and 
hours.     That  it  might  not  be  written  that  we  were  wanting, 

»  Jahn,  p.  81.  Much,  part  ii.  vol.  i.  pp.  MO — 143.  Michaelis,  vol  ii.  pp. 
95—98.  610—614.  Hul-.  voL  i.  pp.  426—428.  Walton,  Prol.  xv.  §5  10— 12. 
pp.  679—685.  K»rtlK>it.  pp.  298—301.  In  Mr.  Bruce's  Travels,  vol  ii.  pp. 
416 — 120.  (Svo.  edit.)  there  is  an  interesting  account  of  the  Ethiopia  biblical 
books. 

•  As  this  inscription,  which  occurs  on  the  supplied  leaves,  savours  of  the 
errors  of  the  Romish  church,  it  was  probably  written  by  some  Abyssinian 
Romanist.  The  inscriptions  of  Isaac,  the  writer  of  the  MS.,  though  muti- 
lated, and  sometimes  obscure,  seem  free  from  these  errors.  The  figure 
of  St.  Peter,  mentioned  below,  was  probably  traced  by  t lie  same  hand. 

'  It  is  customary  amone  the  Jews,  Syrians,  and  Ethiopians,  to  number 
the  words  in  the  books  of  Scripture.  . 

•  In  most  of  the  eastern  churches,  it  is  the  practice  to  enumerate  :Ueu 
Mints  in  a  certain  part  of  the  Liturgy. 


574 


ANCIENT  VERSIONS  OF  THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT. 


[Fart  I.  Chap.  Ill 


I  have  previously  sent  and  given  you  this  for  the  warfare  of 
the  testimony.  Intercede,  and  bless.  And  also  for  the  re- 
freshing of  the  record  of  the  Fathers  :  and  also  for  Cueskam,' 
the  queen  of  the  sons  of  Abyssinia ;  that  they  may  be  com- 
forted, and  thence  convert  our  region — may,  moreover,  mi- 
orrate  into  other  regions,  and  restore  Jerusalem  : — and  for  the 
Calvary  of  Mary.°  Let  them  pray  for  me.  Let  it  be  pre- 
served as  the  widow's  mite,  for  ever  and  ever.  Let  them  not 
sell  or  exchange ;  nor  let  them  carry  it  away  ;  nor  let  them 

cause  it  to  be  placed  elsewhere.     And "  the  rest  is 

wanting.  Hence  it  appears,  that  the  book  was  written  at 
Axuma,  the  ancient  capital  of  Ethiopia;  and  that  it  was  sent 
r>v  Isaac  to  the  Abyssinians  residing  in  Jerusalem.     No  date 


appears  in  the  manuscript  itself.  It  is,  probably,  about  300 
years  old.  On  the  reverse  of  fol.  285.  is  a  drawing  intended 
to  represent  Andrew  the  Apostle,  with  the  book  of  the  Gos- 
pels in  one  hand,  and  the  keys  in  the  other.  Some  less  in- 
genious draftsman,  however,  has,  by  means  of  the  transpa- 
rency of  the  vellum,  traced  out  this  figure  on  the  first  page 
of  this  folio,  and  given  the  name  of  Peter  to  his  humble 
representation.  He  has  thus  succeeded  in  assigning  to 
St.  Peter  the  first  place,  and  also  in  bestowing  on  him  the 
keys.  Against  this  picture  of  Peter  is  placed  his  age,  120 
years. 

The  following  fac-simile  represents  part  of  the  remarka- 
ble prophecy  of  Balaam.2 


Num.  XXIV.  17. 


i  snali  see  him,  but  not  now  :  I  shall  call  him  blessed,  but  he 
is  not  near  .•  there  shall  arise  a  star  out  of  Jacob,  and  from 
Israel  shall  it  arise:  and  he  shall  destroy  the  ambassadors  of 
Moab,  and  shall  take  captive  all  the  children  of  Seth. 

This  precious  manuscript  has  been  carefully  transcribed, 
and  in  1826  the  four  Gospels  were  edited  by  T.  P.  Piatt,  Esq. 
M.A.  They  were  printed  with  a  fount  of  types,  cast  at  the 
expense  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society,  from  the 
matrices  (preserved  at  Frankfort)  of  the  celebrated  Ethiopic 
scholar  John  Ludolph  ;  whose  types,  as  used  in  his  printed 
works,  have  been  highly  approved  by  the  Abyssinians.3 

IV.  Arabic  Versions. — Although  the  Christian  religion 
was  preached  m  Arabia  as  well  as  in  other  countries  of  the 
Fiast,  at  an  early  period,  yet  it  never  was  the  established  re- 
ligion of  the  country,  as  in  Syria  and  Egypt:  for  even  the 
temple  at  Mecca  was  a  heathen  temple  till  the  time  of  Mo- 
hammed. Historical  evidence,  therefore,  concerning  the 
Arabic  versions  of  the  Old  Testament,  does  not  extend  be- 
yond the  tenth  century,  when 

1.  Rabbi  Saadias  Gaon,  a  celebrated  Jewish  teacher  at 
Babylon,  translated,  or  rather  paraphrased,  the  Old  Testa- 
ment into  Arabic  :  of  this  version  the  Pentateuch  was  printed 
at  Constantinople,  in  folio,  in  the  year  1546,  in  Hebrew 
characters ;  and  in  the  Paris  and  Lor  n  Polyglotts,  in 
Arabic  letters. — The  prophecy  of  Isaia  was  published  by 
Paulus  in  8vo.  at  Jena,  in  1790,  1791.  Jahn,  after  Simon, 
observes,  that  its  style  is  not  pure.     Saadias  is  also  said  to 

'  The  name  of  a  region,  a  sea,  and  »  mountain,  in  Ethiopia;  so  cele- 
brated, as  to  be  esteemed  by  the  Ethiopians  as  preferable  to  even  Sinai  or 
Mount  Olivet;  and,  as  tradition  says,  whither  Joseph  ami  Mary,  with  the  child 
Jesus,  betook  themselves,  making  it  their  resilience  for  some  time,  after 
the  flight  into  Egypt.  Caslell,  sub  voce.—Ludolf.  sub  voce,  says  it  is  the 
name  of  amonastery  in  Upper  Egypt,  which  was  always  had  in  great  vene- 
ration by  the  Copts  and  Ethiopians;  and  wlure  Christ  is  said  to  have  re- 
sided with  his  mother,  when  he  fled  from  Herod. 

»  Eighteenth  Report  of  the  Chinch  Missionary  Society,  pp.  183,  139. 

•  For  a  notice  of  such  parts  of  the  Ethiopic  version  of  the  Scripturea 
as  have  been  printed,  see  the  Bibliographical  Appendix  to  Vol.  II.  Part 
I.  Chap.  I.  Sect.  V.  §  3.  [v.];  and  for  other  particulars  relative  to  this  Ver- 
sion the  reader  is  referred  to  Mr.  Piatt's  "  Catalogue  of  the  Ethiopic  Bib- 
lical Manuscripts  in  the  Royal  Library  of  Paris,  and  in  the  Library  of  the 
British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society,"  Ac.  London,  1823.  4to. 


have  translated  the  Book  of  Job  and  the  Psalms :  a  manu 
script  containing  Job  is  preserved  in  the  Bodleian  Library  : 
Cod.  Huntington.  No.  511.  The  remaining  books  of  this 
translation  have  not  hitherto  been  discovered.  Besides  this, 
there  are  several  other  Arabic  versions  extant,  made  imme- 
diately from  the  Hebrew,  either  by  Jews,  Samaritans,  or 
Christians,  of  which  the  following  are  the  principal;  viz. 

2.  The  Arabic  version  of  the  Pentateuch,  published  by 
Erpenius  at  Leyden,  in  1622,  4to.,  appears  to  have  been  exe- 
cuted in  the  thirteenth  century  by  some  African  Jew,  who 
has  very  closely  adhered  to  the  Hebrew. 

3.  The  Arabic  version  of  the  Book  of  Joshua,  printed  in 
the  Paris  and  London  Polyglotts,  is,  in  the  opinion  of  Bauer, 
made  directly  from  the  Hehrew.  Its  author  and  date  are  not 
known. 

4.  The  Pentateuch,  Psalms,  and  Prophecy  of  Daniel, 
were  translated  by  Saadi  Ben  Levi  Asnekot,  who  lived  in 
the  early  part  of  the  seventeenth  century :  they  are  extant 
only  in  MS.  in  the  British  Museum,4  and  are  of  very  little 
value. 

Besides  these  versions,  the  Arab  Christians  have  a  trans- 
lation of  the  Book  of  Job  (printed  in  the  Paris  and  London 
Polyglotts),  and  two  versions  of  the  Psalms,  still  in  MS., 
which  were  respectively  made  from  the  Peschito  or  Old 
Syriac  version.  All  the  Arabic  books  of  the  Old  Testament 
(with  the  exception  of  the  Pentateuch  and  Job),  which  are 
printed  in  those  Polyglotts,  were  executed  from  Hesychius's 
recension  of  the  Septuagint.  The  Psalms,  inserted  in 
Justiniani's  Polyglott  Psalter,  and  Gabriel  Sionita's  Arabic 
Psalter,  were  made  from  Lucian's  recension  of  that  version 
and  the  Arabic  Psalter,  printed  at  Aleppo  in  1706,  4to.,  fol 
lows  the  Melchitic5  recension  of  the  lxx.6 

«  Cat.  Harl.  MSS.  vol.  iii.  num.  5505. 

»  The  Melchites  were  those  Christians  in  Syria,  Egypt,  and  the  Levant, 
who,  though  not  Greeks,  followed  the  doctrines  and  ceremonies  of  the 
Greek  Church.  They  were  called  Melchites,  that  is,  Royalists,  by  their 
adversaries,  by  way  of  reproach,  on  account  of  their  implicit  submission 
to  the  edict  of  the  Emperor  Marcian,  in  favour  of  the  council  of  Chalce- 
don.    Mosheim's  Eccl.  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  188.  note  ( 

«  Carpzov.  Crit.  Sacr.  pp.  640— 644.  Bauer,  Crit  Sacr.  pp.  321—324.  Jahn 
Introd.  ad  Vet.  Foed.  pp.  78—80.    Masch,  par*   '.  vol.  i.  pp.  103—110. 


Sect.  III.  §  4.] 


ANCIENT  LATIN   VERSIONS 


275 


There  are  many  Arabic  translations  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, besides  those  which  have  appeared  in  print:  for  since 
the  Arabic  language  supplanted  the  Syriac  and  Egyptian, 
the  inhabitants  of  the  countries  where  these  lia<l  been  spo- 
ken, have  been  obliged  to  annex  Arabic  translations  to  tin- 
ancient  versions,  winch  are  no  longer  understood.  These 
Arabic  translations  are  supposed  to  have  been  made  at  dif- 
ferent times  between  the  seventh  and  the  eleventh  centuries  : 
in  general  they  were  not  all  executed  from  the  original  text, 
but  from  the  versions  which  they  were  intended  to  accom- 
pany. Thus  some  which  are  placed  together  with  the  Greek 
text  have  been  made  from  the  Greek,  while  others  have  been 
made  from  the  Syriac,  the  Coptic,  and  even  from  the  Latin 
Vulgate.1 

V7  The  Armenian  Version  of  the  Old  Testament  was 
made  from  the  Alexandrian  Scptuagint :  its  author  was  Mies- 
rob,  who  invented  letters  fully  expressive  of  the  Armenian 
tongue,  towards  the  close  of  the  fourth  or  early  in  the  fifth 
century.  It  is  said  to  have  heel)  subsequently  altered  accord- 
ing to  the  PeechitO  or  old  Syriac  version,  and  according  to 
the  Latin  Vulgate,  by  Ilscan,  an  Armenian  bishop,  who  was 
specially  sent  to  Amsterdam  to  superintend  the  edition  there 
printed  in  1666.  Tin'  translation  of  the  .New  Testament  is 
ascribed  jointly  to  Miesrob,  and  to  the  patriarch  Isaac  at  the 
end  of  the  fourth  or  early  in  the  tilth  century.  It  was  twice 
translated  from  the  Syriac,  and  then  from  the  (ireek  ;  and  that 
the  copies  now  extant  were  made  from  the  latter  language,  is 
evident  from  their  containing  those  books  of  the  New  'testa- 
ment which  were  never  admitted  into  the  Peschito  or  ancient 
literal  Syriac  version.  This  version,  in  the  opinion  of  Semler, 
is  of  great  importance,  as  faithfully  representing  the  (ireek 
MSS.  whence  it  was  made  :  but  Michaelis  observes,  that  it 
would  be  an  inestimable  treasure,  had  it  descended  to  us  un- 
altered btf  time  and  superstition.  It  has  in  several  instances 
been  made  conformable  to  the  Vulgate  by  Haitho  orHethom, 
sovereign  of  the  Lesser  Armenia  from  a.  d.  1224  to  1270, 
who  was  attached  to  the  church  of  Rome,  and  skilled  in  the 
Latin  language.1 

VI.  Persic  Versions. — Although  we  have  no  authentic 
account  of  the  conversion  of  the  whole  Persian  nation  to 
Christianity,  yet  we  are  informed  by  Chrysostom  and  Theo- 
doret,  that  the  Scriptures  were  very  anciently  translated  into 
the  Persian  language.  It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  any 
fragments  of  this  ancient  version  are  extant.  The  Persic 
translation  of  the  Pentateuch  was  executed  by  Jacob  Ben 
Joseph  sumamed  Tawosi  or  Tusi,  from  Tus,  a  city  of  Persia, 
which  anciently  possessed  a  celebrated  Jewish  academy. 
The  precis-  time  when  he  lived  is  not  known;  but  it  ib  evi- 
dent that  he  could  not  have  lived  earlier  than  the  commence- 
ment of  the  ninth  century,  because  in  Gen.  x.  10.  for  Babel 
he  has  substituted  Babylon,  which  city  was  not  founded  until 
a.  d.  769  by  the  caliph  Almansor.  The  Persian  version  of 
the  Pentateuch,  which  is  for  the  most  part  faithfully  rendered, 
was  first  printed  by  the  Jews  at  Constantinople  in  1546,  in 
Hebrew  characters,  together  with  the  Hebrew  text,  the 
targum  of  Onkelos,  and  the  Arabic  version  of  Saadias  Gaon. 
From  this  Constantinopolitan  edition  the  Persian  version  of 
the  Pentateuch  was  transcribed  into  the  Persian  characters  by 
the  eminent  orientalist  Mr.  (afterwards  Dr.)  Hyde,  who  added 

very  close  Latin  translation,  and  supplied  between  brackets 
vhe  words  necessary  to  fill  up  the  chasms  which  had  been 
caused  by  the  negligence  either  of  the  original  copyist  or  of 
the  printer  at  Constantinople. 

Bishop  Walton  further  mentions  two  Persic  versions  of 
the  Psalms — one  by  a  Portuguese  monk  at  Ispahan  in  the 
year  1G1H,  and  another  by  some  Jesuits  from  the  Vulgate 
Latin  version.3     These  are  yet  in  manuscript. 

There  are  extant  two  Persian  Pinions  of  the  four  Gospels, 
the  most  ancient  and  valuable  of  which  was  first  printed  in 
the  London  I'olyglolt.by  Hishop  Walton,  from  a  manuscript 
in  the  possession  of  Dr.  Pocoeke,  dated  a.  d.  131  1  :  it  was 
made  from  the  Syriac,  having  sometimes  retained  Syriac 

»  Michaelis  (vol.  ii.  part  i.  pp.  31—93.)  and  Him  (vol.  i.  pp.  430 — 154.)  have 
gone  fully  into  the  history  ol  the  Arabic  versions.  For  a  notice  of  the 
principal  editions  of  them,  see  the  Bibliographical  Appbnduc  to  VoL  II. 
Part  1.  Chap.  I.  Sect.  V.  §  3.  [ii  ] 

■  Jahn,  p.  82.  Masch,  pp.  169—173.;  Kortholt,  pp.  304,  305.  On  the  pre- 
sent state  of  the  Armenian  church  in  India,  see  Dr.  Buchanan*!  "  Christian 
Researches."  pp.  341—316.  Semler,  Apparatus  ad  Liberalem  Novi  Testa- 
ment! Interpretationeni,  p.  69.  Michaelis.  vol.  ii.  pp.  9S— 105. 614—617.  Hup, 
vol-  i-  pp.  394—399. 

•  Walton,  ProL  ivi.  «  6— a  pp.  692—695.  Kortholt,  c.  xix.  pp.  301—303. 
Jahn,  p.  80.  RosenniiiUer,  de  Versione  Pentateuchi  Pcrsica  Coiiiiuenlalio, 
PP*  *~1°-  Lipsia?,  1813.  For  an  account  of  editions  consult  Masch,  part 
•   *+*  K.  m.  WR— 164 


words,  and  subjoined  a  Persian  translation.  The  other  Per- 
sian translation  was  edited  by  Wheloc,  and  afte-  his  decease 
by  Pierson,at  London,  in  1652 — 57,  after  a  collation  of  three 
manuscripts.     It  is  supposed  to  have  been  from  the  Greek.'' 

§4.    OH    THE  ANCIENT  WESTERN  VERSIONS    OF  THi'  BOBIPTOBEB. 

I.  Jlncient  Latin  versions  of  the  Scriptures.— I.  Of  the  old 
Italic  or  Axte-Hi  kikjn  tmian  version. — 2.  Jlccoi/nt  of 
the  Biblical  labours  and  Latin  version  of  Jerome. — 3.  Of 
the  Vulgate  rzmsiOB  and  its  revisions. — 4.  Critical  value 
of  the  Latin  Vulgate  version. — II.  Gothic  version. — III. 
BeXATOSic  riBtiov. — IV.  Anglo-Saxon  version. 
I.  Ancient  Latin  Versions  of  tiik  Scbipt)  BBS. 

1.  At  the  commencement  of  the  Christian  sera,  the  Latin 
was  gradually  supplanting  the  Greek  as  a  general  language, 
and  it  soon  might  be  called  the  language  of  the  western 
church.  From  the  testimony  of  Augustine,5  it  appears  thai 
the  Latin  church  possessed  a  very  great  number  ot  versions 
of  the  Scriptures,  made  at  the  first  introduction  of  Christi- 
anity, and  whose  authors  were  unknown;  and  that,  in  the 
primitive  times,  as  soon  as  any  one  found  a  Greek  copy,  and 
thought  himself  sufficiently  versed  in  both  languages,  he 
attempted  a  translation  of  it/-  In  the  course  oftime,  this 
diversity  of  translation  produced  much  confusion,  parts  i  t 
separate  versions  being^  put  together  to  form  an  entire  com- 
position, and  marginal  notes  being  inserted  into  the  text : 
but  one  of  these  Latin  translations  appears  to  have  acqui 
more  extensive  circulation  than  the  others,  and  for  several 
ages  was  preferably  used,  under  the  name  of  the  Velu*  ttala 
or  old  Italic,  on  account  of  its  clearness  and  fidelity.7  This 
version,  which  in  the  time  of  Jerome  was  received  as  ca- 
nonical, is  by  him  termed  sometimes  the  Vulgate  a:  d  some- 
times the  Old,  in  opposition  to  the  new  translation  undertaken 
by  him.  He  mentions  no  other  version.  The  Old  Italic  was 
translated  from  the  Greek  in  the  Old  Testament  as  well  as 
in  the  New,  there  being  comparatively  few  members  of  the 
Western  church  who  were  skilled  in  Hebrew.  From  the 
above  cited  expressions  of  Augustine,  it  has  been  inferred 
that  the  old  Italic  version  was  made  in  the  first  century  of 
the  Christian  a;ra;  but  the  New  Testament  could  not  bav< 
been  translated  into  Latin  before  the  canon  had  been  formed, 
which  was  certainly  not  made  in  the  first  century:  and  thegreal 
number  of  Hebraisms  and  Syriasms  observable  in  it.  particu- 
larly in  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  Mark,  have  indue,  d  some 
eminent  critics  to  conjecture  that  the  authors  of  this  transla 
tion  were  Jews  converted  to  Christianity.®  There  is,  howevi  r 
every  reason  to  believe,  that  it  was  executed  in  the  early  pari 
of  the  second  century  :  "  at  least  it  was  quoted  by  Tertollian 
before  the  close  of  that  century.  But,  before  the  end  of  the 
fourth  century,  the  alterations,  either  designed  or  accidental, 
which  were  made  by  transcribers  of  the  Latin  Bibb,  were 
become  as  numerous  as  the  alterations  in  the  Greek  Bible, 
before  it  was  corrected  by  Origen."9 

2.  To  remedy  this  growing  evil,  Jerome,  at  the  request 
and  under  the  patronage  ot  Damasus,  bishop  of  Rome, 
towards  the  close  of  the  fourth  century,  undertook  to  revise 

«  Michaelis,  vol.  ii.  pp.  105,  106.  617— 619.  Semler,  p.  69.  Walton  Prol 
c.  xvi.  §  9.  pp.  69.5  696.    Hog.  vol.  i.  pp.  389—393. 

»  Augustine,  de  Doctr.  Christ.  1.  ii.  c.  11. 

•These  various  ancient  Latin  versions,  which  are  frequently  termc1 
AnteHicronymian,  and  of  the  manuscripts  ol  which  some  valuable  f:ig 
merits  have  been  preserved  lo  us  in  the  writings  of  the  Fathers  were 
written  in  the  barbarous  Latin,  and  frequently  differed  greatly.  One  sin 
gle  example,  out  of  many  that  might  be  offered,  will  suffice.  Col.  ii  15.  as 
cited  by  Hilary  (de  Trin.  lib.  i.  c.  13.),  runs  thus :— "Exutus  carnem  ex 
potestates  oslenlui  fecit,  tiiumphatis  iis  cum  fiducia  in  semet  ipso."  The 
.-am.'  passage,  as  cited  by  Augusline  (contra  Faustum,  lib.  xvi.  c.  29.),  stands 
thus  :— "  Exutus  se  carneui  principal  us  et  potestates  exemplavit  fiducialiter 
iriimiphatus  eos  in  semet  ipso."  Other  examples  may  be  seen  in  Hul'. 
vol   i.  pp.  451 — 166. 

1  Augustine,  de  Doct.  Christ.  1.  ii.  c.  15.  This  passage  of  Augusline  is 
suspected  to  be  incorrect,  and  Bishop  Marsh,  after  Bentley,  Ernesti  I-ard 
m t.  and  other  critics,  thinks  that  we  ought  to  read  ilia  for  Itala  (Michae- 
ii.  part  ii.  p.  6:23.  See  also  Dr.  Lardner's  Works,  vol.  v.  pp.  115, 
116.)  liui  this  conjecture  is  supported  by  no  manuscript,  and  is  also  con- 
tradicted by  the  context  of  Augusline.  M.  Breyther,  who  has  examined 
tin-  various  conjectures  and  arguments  which  have  been  alleged  in  sup- 
port of  the  reading  of  ilia,  determines  in  favour  of  Itala  as  the  genuine 
<  i  (jiiam  antiqiiissimae  versiones.  quae  extant,  in  crisin 
L\aiiLr  IV.  babeant,  pr.  13—21.)  Prof.  Hug  also  determines  in  favour  of 
Itala.  (lntrod.  to  -New  Teat  vol.  i.  pp.  460,  461.) 

'  "  The  learned  and  ingenious  Eiahhorn,  in  his  introduction  to  the  Old 
Testament,  supposes  that  the  first  I-ann  version  of  the  Bible  was  made  in 
Africa  ;  where  Latin  alone  being  understood,  a  translation  was  more  neces- 
sary ;  where  the  Latin  version  was  held  in  the  highest  veneration;  and 
where,  the  language  being  spoken  with  less  parity,  barbarisms  might  ha»e 
been  more  easily  introduced  than  in  a  provincial  town  in  Italy."  Bp 
Marsh's  Michaelis,  vol.  ii.  part  ii.  p.  tSB. 

*  Bishop  Marsh's  Divinity  Lectures,  part  i  v  66 


276 


ANCIENT   WESTERN  VERSIONS  OF  THE  SCRIPTURES. 


[Part  I.  Chap.  Ill 


this  translation,  and  make  it  more  conformable  to  the  Sep- 
tuagint.  He  executed  the  revision  of  the  Old  Testament 
according  to  the  Hexaplar  text  of  Origen,  which  he  went  to 
( Vsirea  to  consult,  and  the  New  Testament  after  the  oriaj- 
naJ  Greek;  and  completed  his  task  a.  d.  390  or  391.  Of  this 
revision,  the  Book  of  Job  and  the  Psalms  (which  alone  have 
been  preserved  to  our  times),  together  with  the  Chronicles, 
Proverbs,  Ecelesiastes,  and  Song  of  Solomon,  are  all  that 
were  ever  published ;  Jerome's  manuscripts,  comprising  the 
remaining  hooks  of  Scripture,  being  lost  or  destroyed  through 
the  wilful  negligence  or  fraud  of  some  individual  whom  he 
has  not  named.1  But  before  Jerome  had  finished  his  revisal, 
he  had  commenced  a  translation  of  the  Old  Testament  from 
the  Hebrew  into  Latin,  in  order  that  the  Western  Christians, 
who  used  this  last  language  only,  might  knoAV  the  real  mean- 
ing of  the  Hebrew  text,  and  thus  be  the  better  qualified  to 
engage  in  controversial  discussions  with  the  Jews. 

3.  This  version,  which  surpasses  all  former  ones,  was 
executed  at  different  times,  Jerome  having  translated  particu- 
lar books  in  the  order  requested  by  his  friends.  We  learn 
from  Augustine,  that  it  was  introduced  into  the  churches  by 
degrees,  for  fear  of  offending  weak  persons:  at  length  it  ac- 

?uired  so  great  an  authority  from  the  approbation  it  received 
rom  Pope  Gregory  I.,  that  ever  since  the  seventh  century  it 
has  been  exclusively  adopted2  by  the  Romish  church,  under 
the  name  of  the  Vulgate  version  :  and  a  decree  of  the  fourth 
session  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  or- 
dained that  the  Vulgate  alone  should  be  esteemed  authentic  (a 
very  ambiguous  term,  which  ought  to  have  been  more  precise- 
ly defined  than  the  members  of  that  assembly  chose  to  define 
it),  in  the  public  reading  of  the  Scriptures,  in  disputations,  in 
preaching,  and  in  expounding,  and  that  no  one  should  dare  to 
reject  it  under  any  pretext  whatever.  "  Upon  this  ground 
many  contended  that  the  Vulgate  version  was  dictated  by 
the  Holy  Spirit;  at  least  was  providentially  guarded  against 
all  error ;  was  consequently  of  divine  authority,  and  more  to 
be  regarded  than  even  the  original  Hebrew  and  Greek  texts. 
And,  in  effect,  the  decree  of  the  Council,  however  limited 
and  moderated  by  the  explanation  of  some  of  their  more  ju- 
dicious divines,  has  given  to  the  Vulgate  such  a  high  degree 
of  authority,  that,  in  this  instance  at  least,  the  translation 
has  taken  the  place  of  the  original ;  for  the  learned  of  the 
church  of  Rome,  who  have  taken  the  liberty  of  giving  trans- 
lations of  Scripture  in  the  modern  languages,  instead  of  the 
Hebrew  and  Greek  texts,  profess  to  translate  the  Vulgate. 
When,  indeed,  they  find  the  Vulgate  very  notoriously  defi- 
cient in  expressing  the  sense,  they  do  the  original  Scriptures 
the  honour  of  consulting  them,  and  take  the  liberty,  by  fol- 
lowing them,  of  departing  from  their  authentic  guide ;  but, 
in  general,  the  Vulgate  is  their  original  text;  ana  they  give 
us  a  translation  of  a  translation ;  by  which  second  transfu- 
sion of  the  Holy  Scriptures  into  another  tongue,  still  more 
of  the  original  sense  must  be  lost,  and  more  of  the  genuine 
spirit  must  evaporate."3 

The  universal  adoption  of  Jerome's  new  version  through- 
out the  Western  church  rendered  a  multiplication  of  copies 
necessary ;  and  with  them  new  errors  were  introduced  in  the 
course  of  time,  by  the  intermixture  of  the  two  versions  (the 
Old  Italic  and  Jerome's  or  the  Vulgate)  with  each  other. 
Of  this  confusion,  Cassiodorus  was  the  principal  cause,  who 
ordered  them  to  be  written  in  parallel  columns,  that  the  old 
version  might  be  corrected  by  the  Vulgate ;  and  though 
Alcuin  in  the  eighth  century,  by  the  command  of  Charle- 
magne, provided  more  accurate  copies,  the  text  again  fell  into 
such  confusion,  and  was  so  disfigured  by  innumerable  mis- 
takes of  copyists — (notwithstanding  the  efforts  made  to  cor- 
rect it  by  Lanfranc  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  in  the  eleventh 
century,  and  by  Cardinal  Nicholas,  and  some  other  divines, 
about  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  and  in  the  thirteenth  centu- 
ries),— that  the  manuscripts  of  the  middle  ages  materially 
dirfer  from  the  first  printed  editions. 

Robert  Stephens  was  the  first  who  attempted  to  remedy 
this  confusion,  by  publishing  his  critical  editions  of  the  Vul- 
gate in  1528, 1532,  1534, 1540,4  and  particularly  in  1545  and 

1  Jerome,  Ep.  64.  a<J  Augustin. 

»  With  the  exception  of  the  Psalms  ;  which  being  daily  chanted  to  music 
in  the  church  service,  made  it  difficult  to  introduce  alterations.  The  Old 
Iiaiic  Psalier,  as  corrected  by  Jerome,  has  therefore  been  used  ever  since 
the  time  of  Gregory  I.  The  apocryphal  books  of  Baruch,  Ecclesiasticus, 
Wisdom,  and  the  two  books  of  Maccabees,  are  also  retained  from  the  old 
Latin  version. 

*  Bp.  Lowth's  Translation  of  Isaiah,  vol.  i.  Prel.  Diss.  p.  lxxiii 

4  The  edition  of  1540  was  Stephens's  principal  edition  of  the  Latin  Vul- 
gate ;  as  his  edition  of  1550  was  his  principal  edition  of  the  Greek.  In 
magnificence  it  surpasses  every  edition  of  the  Vulgate  that    ever  was 


154G.  These,  especially  the  last,  having  incurred  the  cen- 
sures of  the  doctors  of  the  Sorbonne,  John  Hentenius,  a  di- 
vine of  Louvain,  was  employed  to  prepare  a  new  edition  of 
the  Vulgate:  this  he  accomplished  in  1517  in  folio,  having 
availed  bimself  of  Stephens's  previous  labours  with  great 
advantage.  A  third  corrected  edition  was  published  by  Lucas 
Brugensis,  with  the  assistance  of  several  other  divines  of 
Louvain,  in  1573,  in  three  volumes,  8vo.,  which  was  also 
reprinted  in  1586  in  4to.  and  8vo.,  with  the  critical  notes  of 
Lucas  Brugensis.  In  the  mean  time  Pius  IV.  commanded 
some  divines  of  the  Romish  church  to  collect  and  to  collate 
the  most  ancient  manuscripts  which  they  could  procure.  This 
collation  was  continued  during  the  pontificate  of  Pius  V., 
who  further  caused  the  original  text  to  be  consulted.  Under 
Gregory  XIII.  the  work  ceased,  but  it  was  resumed  and 
completed  under  the  auspices  of  Sixtus  V. ;  who  devoted 
much  time  and  attention  to  it,  and  corrected  the  proofs  of  the 
edition  which  was  published  at  Rome  in  1590,  in  folio.  The 
text  thus  revised  Sixtus  pronounced  to  be  the  authentic  Vul- 
gate, which  had  been  the  object  of  inquiry  in  the  Council  of 
Trent;  and  ordained  that  it  should  be  adopted  throughout 
the  Romish  church.  But,  notwithstanding  the  labours  of  the 
Pope,  this  edition  was  discovered  to  be  so  exceedingly  in- 
correct, that  his  successor  Gregory  XIV.  caused  it  to  be 
suppressed ;  and  Clement  VIII.,  the  successor  of  Gregory 
in  the  pontificate,  published  another  authentic  Vulgate  in 
1592.  Phis,  however,  differs  more  than  any  other  edition 
from  that  of  Sixtus  V.,  and  mostly  resembles  that  of  Lou- 
vain. These  fatal  variances  between  editions,  alike  promul- 
gated by  pontiffs  claiming  infallibility,  have  not  passed  un- 
noticed by  Protestant  divines,  who  have  taken  advantage  of 
them  in  a  manner  that  sensibly  affects  the  church  of  Rome; 
especially  Kortholt,  who  has  at  great  length  refuted  the  pre- 
tensions of  Bellarmine  in  favour  of  the  Vulgate  in*  a  mas- 
terly manner,5  and  our  learned  countryman  1  nomas  James, 
in  his  Bellum  Papale,  site  Concordia  Jjiscors  Sixti  V.  (Lon- 
don, 1600,  4to.),  who  has  pointed  out  very  numerous  addi- 
tions, omissions,  contradictions,  and  other  differences  between 
the  Sixtine  and  Clementine  editions.6  From  this  very  curious 
and  now  rare  volume  the  following  specimens  of  the  dif- 
ferences between  these  two  editions  are  selected  and  ar- 
ranged : — 

1.  Clauses  omitted  in  the  Sixtine,  but  inserted  in  the  Clemen- 

tine Bible. 

Num.  xxx.  1 1.     Uxor  in  domo  viri,  fyc.  to  the  end  of  the  verse 
Prov.  xxv.  21.     Melius  est  scdere  in  angulo  domatis,  4'c 
Lev.  xx.    9.     Patri  matrique  maledixil. 
Judg.  xvii.  2,  3.     Reddidit  ergo  eos  matri  sum,  $c. 
1  Kings  iv.  21.     Quia  capta  est  area  Dei. 
3  Kings  (same  as  our  first)  xii.  10.     Sic  loqueris  ad  eos. 
2  Chron.  ii.  10.    Et  vini  vigenti  millia  metretas. 

Matt,  xxvii.  35.  Ui  impleretur  quod  dictum  est  per  prophetam  dicen- 
tern,  diviserunt  sibi  vestimenta  mea,  et  super  vestem 
meam  miserunt  sortem. 

2.  Clauses  or  words  introduced  into  the  Sixtine,  but  omitted  in 

the  Clementine  Bible. 

Vivit  dominus,  quia  nisi  dominus  percusscrit  eum,  nut 
dies  ejus  veneril  ut  morialur,  aut  descendens  in 
pr allium  periret  ;  propitius  mihi  sit  dominus  tit  non 
mittam  manum  meam  in  Christum  Domini. 

Ex  multis  annis  salvosfaciens  tuos  et  omnia  tua. 

Dixitque  David,  ibo  et  reducam  arcain. 

De  quo  fecit  Salomo  omnia  vasa  area  in  templo  et 
mare  aneum  et  columnas  et  altare. 

Et  concilium  totius  Israel  venit  ad  regem. 

Usque  quo  piger  dormis  ?  usque  quo  de  somno  con- 
surges. 

Quare  respicis  contemptores et  taces  conculcantc  impii 
justiorem  se  7  Et  fades  homines  quasi  pisces  maris, 
et  quasi  reptilia  non  habentia  ducem. 

Duo  in  lecto,  unus  assumetur,  et  unus  relinqueter. 

Et  commota  est  omnis  multitudo  in  doctrina  eorun, 
Paulus  autem,  ftc. 

El  apprehenderuni  me  clamanles  et  dicenles,  tolle  ini- 
micum  nostrum. 


1  Sam.  xxiv.  8. 


1  Sam.  xxv.  6. 
2  Sam.  vi.  12. 

2  Sam.  viii.  8. 

2  Sam.  xix.  10. 
Prov.  xxiv.  ult. 

Hab.  i.  3. 


Matt.  xxiv.  41. 
Acts  xiv.  6. 


Acts  xxiv.  IS,  19. 


printed;  and  it  is  likewise  of  great  value  to  a  critic,  as  it  contains  a  copious 
collection  of  various  readings  from  thirteen  Latin  manuscripts,  and  three 
of  the  early  editions.  Father  Simon  (Hist.  Crit.  des  Versions  du  N.  Test- 
ch.  xi.  p.  130.)  calls  it  uun  chef-d'oeuvre  enfait  de  Bible  i"  and  (p.  131.) 
he  terms  this  edition  "la  meilleure  et  des  loutes."  Hentenius,  in  his  pre 
face  to  the  Louvain  edition,  calls  it  "  accuratissima  et  castigatissima 
Biblia:'  (See  also  the  praises  bestowed  on  it  in  Masch's  edition  ot  Le- 
long's  llibliotheca  Sacra,  part  ii.  vol.  iii.  p.  187.)  The  title-page  prefixed 
to  the  New  Testament  bears  the  date  of  1539;  though  that  whxh  is  pre 
fixed  to  the  Old  Testament  is  dated  1540.  (Marsh's  Letters  to  Travis,  p. 
254.  note.)  It  is  by  this  latter  date,  that  Stephens's  best  edition  of  the  Vul- 
gate  is  usually  known  and  cited. 

5  Kortholt,  de  variis  Scripturae  Editionibus.  pp.  110—251. 

•  Additional  instances  of  the  contradictions  betwc  I  ;he  above  mentioned 
papal  editions,  together  with  a  defence  of  the  Belhim  Papale,  may  be  seen 
in  Mr.  James's  "Treatise  of  the  Corruptions  o!  Scripture,  Councils,  and 
Fathers,  by  the  Prelates,  Pastors,  and  Pillars  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  £?f 
the  maintenance  of  Popery,"  pp.  272—358.    London,  1688.  3vo. 


Sect.  III.  §  4.j 


THE  GOTHIC  VERSIONS. 


277 


3.  Manifest  contradictions,  or  differences  between  the  editions. 

Ex.  xxiii.  18.  Sixtine  Tua ,  Clementine  mea. 

Nmn.  xxxiv.  4.  S.  Ad  meridiem,  C.  A  mertdit. 

Deut.  xvii.  8.  8.  Inter  lepram  et  non  lepram,   C.   Inter  lepram  et 

le/iram. 

Josh.  ii.  18.  S.  Signuui  nonfuerit,  C.  EHgmtmfm 

iv.  23.  8.  Deo  nostra,  0.   Vestro. 

xi.  19  8.    Qu«  sc  nun  traderet,  C.  Qua  s«  fr« 

xiv.  3.  8.   7'uo,  (,'.    I/-  o 

1  Sam.  iv.  9.  8.  Nobis,  <      I 

xx.  9.  B.  .1  me,  C.  .4  fa. 

1  Kings  vii.  9.  S.  Jntrinse.cus,  C   Extrit 

Bab.  i.  13.  8.   Quare  tun  res. 

Hcb.  v.  ii.  s.  iiiirrjintuhilis,  C.  IninterprttabiU*' 

2  Pet.  i.  10.  8.  Indoctas,  C.  Doctas. 


Ex.  xxiv.  5. 

xxxii.  2H. 

'J  Sain.  xv.  7. 

1  Kings  iv.  42. 

2 Kings  xiv.  17. 

xxv.  19. 

eObron.  xJiL  17. 


4.  Differcncca  in  numbers. 

B.   Vitulot  duodeei  to,  0.  I 

B.  Trigenta  triainiUia,  0.  Vigenti  millia. 

S.    Uuatunr,  0.   Humliim  n'u. 

B,  (juim/ur  miiiiu,  C.  Ctumque  et  milte, 
S     Viginti  Quiw/ue,  C.  Quindecnu. 

S     .SV  r,  < '    Sexqgent'l. 

S.    Quinijuaginta,   C.   Uuingrnta. 

5.  Other  remarkable  differences. 


1  Sam.  iii.  2,  3.    S.  Necpoterat  vidrre.  lucernam  Dei  antequam  extin- 

gueretur. 
C.  Nee  poterat  videre. ;  lurerna  Dei  antequam  extin- 
gueretur. 
1  Kings  ii.  28.    8.  3ld  Solomonem,  C.  ./Id  TitoA. 

2  Kings  xv.  19.     S.  /n  tkersam,  C.  /n  terram. 

Judith  i.  2.  8.  Fecit,  ejus  muros  in  altitudinem  70  cubitus:  this  is 
one  of  those  places  where  paper  had  been  pasted 
on  the  text;  the  word  first  printed  was  latitudinem, 
and  altitudinem  was  printed  on  a  slip  of  paper,  and 
put  over  it,  C.  Latitudinem. 
Ibidem.  8.  Latitudinem,  30  ci^.  C.  Altitudinem,  30  cubitus. 
Job  xxxi.  7.    8.  jSV  secutus  est  oculus  meus  cor  meum,C.  Si  secutum 

et  o  ailos  meus  cor  meuvi. 
Psal.  xli.  3.    S.  Ad  Deum  fontem  vivum,    C.  Ad  Deum  fortem, 
vivum. 
Prov.  xix.  23.    S.   Quiaffiigitpatremetfugit  matrem,C.  Qui  qffligat, 
A-c.  etfugat,  tec. 
xx.  25.    S.  Devorare  sanctos.  C.  Derotare  sanctos. 
Ezek.  xiv.  22.     S.  Egredientur,  C.  Ingredienivir. 
BIrach  xxxviii.  25.    S.  Sapientiam  scribm,  C.  Sapientia  scriba. 
xlii.  9.     S.  Adultera,  C.  Adulla. 
Isaiah  xlvi.  12.    S.  Juslum,  C.  Arem. 

Jer.  rvii.  9.    S.  Cor  hominis,  C.  Bominum.* 

Besides  the  preceding  revisions  hy  papal  authority,  there 
have  been  several  others  executed  by  private  individuals ;  in 
which  the  Latin  Vulgate  has  been  so  much  corrected  from 
the  original  Hebrew  and  Greek,  that  they  have  in  some 
degree  been  considered  (though  erroneously)  as  new  transla- 
tions. Of  this  number  are  the  Latin  Bibles  published  by 
Clarius,  Eber,  and  the  Osianders. 

[i.]  Isidore  Clarius's  edition  of  the  Vulgate  first  appeared 
at  Venice  in  1542,  and  is  of  extreme  rarity :  it  was  reprinted 
at  the  same  place  in  1557  and  1564.  He  has  not  only  re- 
stored the  ancient  Latin  text,  but  has  also  corrected  it  in  a 
great  number  of  places  which  be  conceived  to  be  erroneously 
translated,  so  as  to  make  them  conformable  to  the  Hebrew 
original.  Although  he  corrected  inure  than  tight  thousand 
places,  as  he  states  in  his  preface,  yet  he  omitted  some,  lest 
he  should  offend  the  Roman  Catholics  by  making  too  many 
alterations  in  the  Vulgate  version. 

[ii.]  The  method  of  Clarius  was  followed  by  Paul  Eber, 
who  corrected  the  Vulgate  from  Luther's  German  version. 
His  edition  was  published  at  Wittemberg,  in  1565,  with  the 
addition  of  Luther's  translation  under  the  authority  of  Au- 
gustus, Elector  of  Saxony  ;  and  was  reprinted  in  157 4,  in  ten 
volumes,  quarto. 

iiii.]  The  edition  of  Luke  Osianoer  appeared  in  1">7^, 
has  since  been  very  often  reprinted  ;  as  also  has  a  Ger- 
man translation  of  it,  which  was  first  published  at  Stutgard 
in  1600.  Andrew  Osiander's  edition  was  ahJO  printed  in 
1600,  and  frequently  since.  They  have  both  corrected  tin 
Vulgate,  according  to  the  Hebrew  originals;  and  have  occa- 
sioned some  confusion  to  their  readers,  by  inserting  their 
emendations  in  a  character  different  from  that  in  which  the 
Vulgate  text  is  printed. 

4.  The  Vulgate  is  regarded  by  Papists  and  Protestants  in 
very  different  points  of  view:  by  the  former  it  has  been 
extolled  beyond  measure,  while  by  most  of  the  latter  it  has 
been  depreciated  as  much  below  its  intrinsic  merit.  Our 
learned  countryman,  John  Bois  (canon  of  Ely),  was  the  first 
who  pointed  out  the  real  value  of  this  version,  in  his  CoUatio 
Veterts  Interpretis  cum  Bezd  aliisque  reccntioribus.  (8vo.  1655.) 
Bois  was  followed  by  Father  Simon,  in  his  Histoire  Critique 
du  Texte  et  dts   Versions  du  Nouveau   Testament,  who  has 

1  Hamilton's  Introducnon  to  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  pp.  163—166. 


proved  that  the  more  ancient  the  Greek  manuscripts  and 
other  versions  are,  the  more  closely  do  they  agree  with  the 
Vulgate;  and  in  consequence  of  the  arguments  adduced  by 
Simon,  tin-  Vulgate  has  been  more  justly  appreciated  b^ 
biblic  d  critics  of  later  times. 

Although  the  Latin  Vulgate  is  neither  inspired  nor  infalli 
ble,  as  Morinus,  Suarez,  and  other  advocates  of  the  Romish 
church  have  attempted  to  maintain,  yet  it  is  allowed  to  be  id 
general  a  faithful  translation,  and  sometimes  exhibits  the 
of  Scripture  with  greater  accuracy  than  the  more 
modern  versions:  for  all  those  which  have  been  made  in 
modern  times,  by  divines  in  communion  with  the  church  of 
Rome,  are  derived  from  the  Latin  Vulgate,  which,  inconse- 
quence of  the  decree  of  the  Council  of  Trent  above  noticed, 
has  been  substituted  for  the  original  Hebrew  and  Greek  texts. 
The,  Latin  Vulgate,  therefore,  is  by  no  means  to  be  neglected 
by  the  biblical  critic :  and  since  the  Ante-Hieronymian  Latin 
translations  are  unquestionably  of  great  antiquity,  both  lead 
us  to  a  discovery  of  the  readings  in  very  ancient  Greek  manu- 
scripts, which  existed  prior  to  the  date  of  any  now  extant. 
Eyen  in  its  present  state,  notwithstanding  the  variations  be- 
tween the  Sixtine  and  Clementine  editions,  and  that  several 
passages  are  mistranslated,  in  order  to  support  the  peculiar 
dogmas  of  the  church  of  Rome,  the  Latin  V  ulgate  preserves 
many  true  readings,2  where  the  modern  Hebrew  copies  are 
corrupted.3 

II.  The  Gothic  Version  of  the  Bible  was  made  from  the 
Greek,  both  in  the  Old  and  in  the  New  Testament,  by  Ul- 
philas,^ a  celebrated  bishop  of  the  Maeso-Goths,  who  assisted 
at  the  council  of  Constantinople  in  359,  and  was  sent  on  an 
embassy  to  the  Emperor  Valens  about  the  year  378.  He  is 
said  to  have  embraced  Arianism,  and  to  have  propagated 
Arian  tenents  among  his  countrymen.  Besides  translating 
the  entire  Bible  into  the  Gothic  language,  Ulphilas  is  said  to 
have  conferred  on  the  Maeso-Goths  the  invention  of  the  Gothic 
characters.  The  character,  however,  in  which  this  version 
of  the  New  Testament  is  written,  is,  in  fact,  the  Latin  cha- 
racter of  that  age ;  and  the  degree  of  perfection,  which  the 
Gothic  language  had  obtained  during  the  time  of  Ulphilas. 
is  a  proof  tnat  it  had  then  been  written  for  some  time. 

The  translation  of  Ulphilas  (who  had  been  educated  among 
the  Greeks)  was  executed  from  the  Greek ;  but,  from  its 
coincidence  in  many  instances  with  the  Latin,  there  is  reason 
to  suspect  that  it  has  been  interpolated,  though  at  a  remote 
period,  from  the  Vulgate.  Its  unquestionable  antiquity, 
however,  and  its  general  fidelity,  have  concurred  to  give  this 
version  a  high  place  in  the  estimation  of  biblical  critics : 
but,  unfortunately,  it  has  not  come  down  to  us  entire.  The 
only  parts  extant  in  print  are,  a  fragment  of  the  book  of 
Nenemiah,  a  considerable  portion  of  the  four  Gospels,  and 
some  portions  of  the  apostolic  epistles.5 

The  most  distinguished  manuscript  of  the  Gothic  version 
of  Ulphilas  is  the  justly  celebrated  Codex  Argentecs,  now 

5 reserved  in  the  library  of  the  university  of  Upsal,  in  Swe- 
en.     It  contains  the  four  Gospels,  but  by  no  means  in  a 
perfect  state ;  the  following  are  the  principal  lacunae : — 
Matt.  i.  I— v.  15.  Mark  vi.  31 — 53.  Luke  x.  30— xiv.  9. 

vi.  33— vii.  12.  vii.  17— 20.  xvi.2l.— xvii.3 

x.  1— 23.  xii.  38.— xiii.  16.  xx.  37— end. 

xi.  25.— xrvi.  7.  xiii.  29.— xiv.  4.        John  i.  1.— v.  45. 

xxvii.  19—42.  xiv.  16—11.  xi.  47.— xii.  1. 

xxviii.  1— end.  xvi.  12— end.  xii.  49.— xiii.  11 

xix.  13 — end. 

This  manuscript  is  written  on  vellum,  and  has  received  the 
name  of  JSrgenteut  from  its  silver  letters:  it  is  of  a  quarto 
size,  and  the  vellum  leaves  are  stained  with  a  vii  'et 
colour  :  and  on  this  ground  the  letters,  which  are  all  uncial  or 
capitals,  were  afterwards  painted  in  silver,  except  the  initial 

*  Cappell  has  given  numerous  examples  in  his  Critica  Sacra,  lib.  ii.  2.  <,«. 
vii.— ix.  torn.  ii.  pp.-858— 893.  (edit.  Scharfenberg.) 

3  Tlir  preceding  account  of  the  Latin  versions  has  been  compiled  fiom 
is.  vol.  ii.  pp.  107 — 129.  Sender,  Apparatus  ad  Liberalem  Vet.  Test. 
Interpretationem,  pp.  308 — 314.  Carpzov.  Critica  Sacra,  pp.  671—706. 
Leuadcn,  Philologus  Hcbraeoniixtus,  pp.  1—10.  Bishop  Walton,  Prol.  c.  xi. 
pp.  170—507. ;  and  Viser,  Hermeneutica  Sacra  Novi  Testament!,  vol.  ii. 
part  iii  pp.  73—96.  See  also  Muntinghe's  Expositio  Critices  Veteris  Foj- 
deris,  pp.  U9— 156. ;  and  Hug's  Introduction,  vol.  i.  pp.464— 483.  For  the 
principal  editions  of  the  l^tin  versions  of  the  Scriptures,  see  the  Biblio- 
graphical Appendix  to  Vol.  II.  Part  I.  Chap.  I.  Sect.  V.  §  4.  [i.] 

«  "This,"'  says  Bishop  Marsh,  "is  an  original  German  name,  and  is  a 
diminutive  of  the  word  Wolf :  it  is  written  in  correct  German,  Wolfelein, 
but  corruptly  pronounced  Wolfila  or  Wulfila,  in  the  dialects  of  Switzer- 
land, Bavaria,  and  Austria,  to  which  that  of  the  Maeso-Goths,  who  likewise 
inhabited  the  banks  of  the  Danube,  is  nearly  allied."    Micnaelis,  vol.  it. 

Pa.r  Michaetik  vol.  ii.  part  i.  pp.  130-133.  H9-152.  Hug,  voh  i  F?-  498- 
513.  A  notice  of  the  principal  editions  of ^  Gothic  versions  will  be  found 
in  the  Buliooufhical  Appendix  to  Vol.  II.  V.^r  T.  Chap.  I.  Seot.  V.  S  4.  f  b 


ANCIENT  WESTERN  VERSIONS  OF  THE  SCRIPTURES. 


[Part  I.   Chap.  t\l 


and  a  few  other  passages,  which  are  in  gold,    throne  of  Sweden,  it   suddenly  and   unaccountably  disap- 


3r  and  back  of  the  volume  are  of  silver  embossed. 
-ie  deep  impression  of  the  strokes,  Ihre,  Michaelis, 
fg  are  of  opinion,  that  the  letters  were  either  imprinted 
i  h  warm  iron,  cut  with  a  graver,  or  cast  for  the  pur- 
pose, and  afterwards  coloured;  but  Mi.  Coxe  (with  whom 
the  late  eminent  traveller  Dr.  E.  D.  Clarke  seems  to  coin- 
cide), after  a  very  minute  examination,  was  convinced  that 
each  letter  was  painted,  and  not  formed  in  the  manner  sup- 
posed by  those  critics.  Most  of  the  silver  letters  have  become 
green  by  time,  but  the  golden  letters  are  still  in  good  preser- 
vation. We  have  no  knowledge  of  this  important  manuscript 
prior  to  the  discovery  of  it  in  the  abbey  of  Werden  in  West- 
phalia, whence  it  was  taken  to  Prague.  In  the  year  1648, 
when  that  city  was  stormed  by  the  Swedes,  it  fell  into  the 
hands  of  a  Swedish  count,  who  presented  if  t"  his  sovereign, 
(jtieen  Christina.  After  rem'-u'niiio-  •■•  in  ■  rime  id  her  lihrary, 
during  the  confusion  which   it  »•»•■'!(>  '•   h  •■    •'■   '<  arioa  of  t'e 


peared,  and  was  again  brought  to  light  in  the  Netherlands. 
Some  have  supposed  that  the  celebrated  Isaac  Vossius  receiv- 
ed it  as  a  present  from  the  queen ;  others  that  he  brought  it 
away  by  stealth.  After  his  death,  however,  it  was  purchased 
for  six  hundred  dollars  by  count  Magnus  Gabriel  de  la  Gardie, 
who  presented  it  to  the  university  of  Upsal,  where  it  at 
present  remains.  The  following  cut  is  a  faithful  fac-simile 
of  the  characters  of  the  Codex  Argenteus  :  it  was  traced  from 
the  manuscript  itself  for  the  late  Dr.  E.  D.  Clarke,  and  is 
the  most  correct  fac-simile  known  to  be  extant.  It  corres- 
ponds with  our  version  of  Luke  xviii.  17.  Verily,  I  say  unto 
you,  Whosoever  shall  not  receive  the  kingdom  of  God  as  a  litlk 
child,  shall  in  no  wise  enter  therein.  It  is  worthy  of  remark, 
that,  in  the  Codex  Argenteus,  the  Well  known  old  Saxon  ot 
Gothic  word  Barn  is  used  to  signify  the  original  word  Xlmtdy, 
a  little  child. 


iteVDS.  SA61   Nl 
>N^NDMKf  ^OlfDAANrA'RApA 

1BAKN.  NI   CiMilp 


er.inie   main 
the  zealous 


script  critics 
dvocates  for 


Concerning  the  age  of  this  vi 
are  by  no  means  agreed.  Some  i 
its  antiquity  have  maintained  that  it  is  the  very  copy  which 
Ulphilas  wrote  with  his  own  hand.  The  librarian  by  whom 
it  was  exhibited  to  Dr.  Clarke  stated  it  to  have  been  com- 
pleted about  the  end  of  the  fourth  century,  by  a  bishop  of 
Thrace,  in  tne  Gothic  language  used  at  that  time  in  Moesia. 
This  brings  its  age  very  nearly,  if  not  quite,  to  the  time  when 
Ulphilas  lived  :  but  it  is  not  likely — indeed  it  is  utterly  im- 
provable— that  the  only  copy  of  the  Gothic  translation  of 
the  Gospels,  which  is  now  extant,  should  be  precisely  the 
original.  What  proves  that  this  cannot  be  the  identical 
manuscript  of  Ulphilas,  is  the  fact,  that  several  various  read- 
ings have  been  discovered  in  the  margin,  a  circumstance 
which  clearly  shows  that  it  must  have  been  written  at  a  time 
when  several  transcripts  had  been  already  made. 

Some  fragments  of  the  Gothic  version  of  St.  Paul's  Epistle 
to  the  Romans  were  discovered  by  M.  Knittel,  in  the  year 
1756,  in  a  Codex  Rescriptus  belonging  to  the  library  of  the 
duke  of  Brunswick  at  Wolfenbuttel :  they  were  published 
oy  him  in  1762,  and  reprinted  in  1763,  in  4to.,  at  Upsal, 
with  notes  by  Ihre.  The  Brunswick  manuscript,  which  is 
on  vellum,  and  is  supposed  to  be  of  the  sixth  century,  con- 
tains only  the  following  passages,  viz.  Rom.  xi.  33 — 36. 
xii.  1—5.  17— 21.  xiv.  9—20.  xv.  3—13.  The  version  of 
Ulphilas  is  in  one  column,  and  a  Latin  translation  in  the 
other :  it  is  on  vellum,  and  is  supposed  to  be  of  the  sixth 
century.  In  the  eighth  or  ninth  century,  the  Origines  Isidori 
Hispalensis  were  written  'over  the  translation  of  Ulphilas ; 
but  the  ink  had  become  so  exceedingly  pale  as  not  to  admit 
of  deciphering  the  original  manuscript  without  great  diffi- 
culty.1 

In  the  year  1817,  a  most  important  discovery  was  made 
among  the  Codices  Rescripti,  in  the  Ambrosian  library  at 
Milan,  by  signor  Angelo  Mai.     While  this  indefatigable 

«  Michaelis,  vol.  ii.  pp.  130—153. 631-635.  Scmler,  pp.  70—72.  Viser,  Her- 
meneut.  Nov.  Test.  vol.  ii.  part  iii.  pp.  56-58.  Schoell.  Hisloire  Abrege  de 
la  Litterature  Grecqu-e,  torn.  ii.  p.  131.  Hug,  vol.  i.  pp.  488—493.  Coxe's 
Travels  in  Russia,  4c.  vol.  iv.  pp.  173— ISO.  edit.  1802.  Dr.  E.  D.  Clarke's 
Travels,  vol.  it  pp.  183,  184.  4to. 


explorer  of  ancient  literature  was  examining  two  Coaices 
Rescripti  in  the  Ambrosian  library,  he  was  surprised  with 
the  discovery  of  some  Gothic  writing  in  one  of  them  ;  which 
on  further  investigation  proved  to  be  fragments  of  the  books 
of  Kings,  Ezra,  and  Nenemiah.  The  discovery  thus  auspi- 
ciously made  stimulated  him  to  further  inquiries,  which  were 
rewarded  with  the  discovery  of  four  other  Codices  Rescripti 
containing  portions  of  the  Gothic  version.  He  now  asso- 
ciated in  his  researches  signor  Carolo  Ottavio  Castillionei ; 
and  to  their  joint  labours  we  are  indebted  for  a  specimen  and 
account2  of  these  manuscripts,  from  which  the  following 
particulars  are  abridged. 

The  first  of  these  five  Gothic  MSS.  (which  is  noted  S.  36.) 
consists  of  204  quarto  pages  on  vellum;  the  later  writing  con- 
tains the  homilies  of  Gregory  the  Great  on  the  Prophecies  of 
Ezekiel,  which  from  their  characters  must  have  been  executed 
before  the  eighth  century.  Beneath  this,  in  a  more  ancien 
Gothic  hand,  are  contained  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  to  the 
Romans,  1st  and  2d  Corinthians,  Ephesians,  Philippians,  Colos- 
sians,  1st  and  2d  of  Timothy,  Titus,  and  Philemon,  together 
with  a  fragment  of  the  Gothic  Calendar.  The  Epistles  to  the 
Romans,  Corinthians,  Ephesians,  and  to  Timothy,  are  very 
nearly  entire,  and  form  the  chief  part  of  this  manuscript :  of  the 
other  Epistles  considerable  fragments  only  remain.  The  titles 
of  the  Epistles  may  be  traced  at  the  heads  of  the  pages  where 
they  commence.  This  MS.  appears  to  have  been  written  by 
two  different  copyists,  one  of  whom  wrote  more  beautifully  and 
correctly  than  the  other ;  and  various  readings  may  be  traced 
in  some  of  the  margins  written  in  a  smaller  hand.  Entire  leaves 
have  been  turned  upside  down  by  the  retcriber  of  this  manu- 
script. The  annexed  fac-simile  ef  it  rep-rosents  the  commence- 
ment of  Paul's  Epistles  to  the  Ephesians,  and  may  be  thus  ren- 
dered :  The  Epistle  of  Paul  to  the  Ephetians  beginneth.  Paul, 
an  apostle  of  Jesus  Christ  according  io  the  -will  of  God,  to  the 
saints  -who  are  at  Ephesus. 

»  Ulphilse  Partium  Ineditarum,  in  Ambrosianis  Palimpeeetis  a  Angola 
Maio  repertarum,  Specimen,  conjunctis  curis  ejusdem  Maii  «t  CaroJi  O-v 
tavii  Castillionffii  editum,  Mediolani,  Regiis  Typis,  M.  DCCC,  XiX.  4to. 


8kct  ni.  §  ■*  j 


THE  SCLAVONIC,  OR  OLD  RUSSIAN  VERSION. 


279 


%'<. 


'    3 


The  second  MS.  also,  in  quarto,  and  noted  S.  45.,  contains 
156  passes  of  thinner  vellum,  the  Latin  writings  on  which  is  of 
the  eighth  or  ninth  century,  and  comprises  Jerome's  exposition 
of  Isaiah.  Under  this  has  been  discovered  (though  with  some 
difficulty,  on  account  of  the  thickness  of  the  Latin  characters 
and  the  blackness  of  the  ink)  the  Gothic  version  of  Saint  Paul's 
two  Epistles  to  the  Corinthians,  the  GalatJans,  Ephesians.  Phi- 
lippians,  Colossians.  the  two  Epistles  to  the  Thessalonians,  and 
to  Titus.  What  is  deficient  in  the  preceding  manuscript  is  found 
in  this,  which  has  some  various  readings  peculiar  to  itself,  and 
therefore  is  an  independent  codex. 

In  the  third  manuscript,  noted  O.  82.,  a  quarto  Latin  volume, 
containing  the  plays  of  Plautus,  and  part  of  Seneca's  Tragedies 
of  Medea  and  GEdipus,  signal  Mai  discovered  fragments  of  the 
Books  of  Kings,  Ezra,  and  Nehemiah.  This  discovery  is  pecu- 
liarly valuable,  as  not  the  smallest  portion  of  the  Gothic  version 
of  the  Old  Testament  was  known  to  be  in  existence  ;  and,  fur- 
ther, as  it  furnishes  a  complete  refutation  of  the  idle  tale  repeated 
by  Gibbon  after  preceding  writers,  viz.  that  Ulphilas  prudently 
suppressed  the  four  Books  of  Kings,  as  thiy  aright  ttsd  to  ini- 
Vol.  L  2  P 


tute  the  fierce  and  sanguinary  spirit  of  his  countrymen."  The 
date  of  the  Latin  writing  of  this  manuscript,  which  Mai  deci- 
phered with  great  difficulty,  is  not  specified  ;  but,  on  comparing 
his  specimen  of  it  with  other  engraved  specimens,  we  are  in 
dined  to  refer  it  to  the  eighth  or  ninth  century. 

The  fourth  specimen  (noted  I.  61.)  consists  of  a  single  sheet 
in  small  quarto,  containing  four  pages  of  part  of  Saint  John's 
Gospel  in  Latin,  under  which  are  found  the  very  fragments  of 
the  twenty-fifth,  twenty-sixth,  and  twenty-seventh  chapters  of 
Matthew's  Gospel,  wliieh  are  wanting  in  the  celebrated  manu- 
script of  the  Gothic  Gospels  preserved  at  Upsal,  and  usually 
known  by  the  appellation  of  the  Codex  Argenteus. 

The  fifth  and  last  manuscript  (noted  G.  147.),  which  has 
preserved  some  remains  of  Gothic  literature,  is  a  volume  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  ;  under  the  later  writ- 
ing have  lieen  discovered  some  fragments  of  ancient  authors, 
whose  names  si^nor  Mai  has  not  specified  ;  and  also  a  fragment 
of  a  Gothic  Homily,  rich  in  biblical  quotations,  and  the  style  of 
which  he  thinks  shows  that  it  was  translated  from  some  one  of 
the  fathers  of  the  Greek  church.  The  characters  of  this  manu- 
script bear  a  close  resemblance  to  those  of  the  Codex  Argenteus, 
at  Upsal,  which  was  executed  in  the  6ixth  century. 

The  manuscripts  above  described  are  written  in  broad  and 
thick  characters,  without  any  division  of  words  or  of  chap- 
init  with  contractions  of  proper  names',  similar  to  those 
(bund  in  ancient  Greek  MSS.  Some  sections,  however, 
have  been  discovered,  which  are  indicated  by  numeral  marks 
i  t  larger  spaces,  and  sometimes  by  large  letters.  The  Gothic 
writing  is  referred  to  the  sixth  century. 

The^portions  of  the  Gothic  version  of  the  Old  and  New 
Testament,  printed  by  signors  Mai  and  Castillionei,  are, 
1.  Nehemiah,  chap.  v.  verses  13 — 18.  chap.  vi.  14 — 19.  and 
vii.  1 — 3.  II.  A  Fragment  of  Saint  Matthew's  Gospel,  con- 
taining chap.  xxv.  38 — 46.  xxvi.  1 — 3.  65—75.  and  xxvii.  1. 
III.  Part  of  St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Philippians,  chap.  ii. 
22 — 30.  and  iii.  1 — 16.  IV.  Saint  Paul's  Epistle  to  'litus, 
chap.  i.  1 — 16.  ii.  1.;  and  V.  verses  11 — 23.  of  his  Epistle 
to  Philemon.  The  Gothic  text  is  exhibited  on  the  left-hand 
page,  and  on  the  right-hand  page  the  editors  have  given  a 
literal  Latin  translation  of  it,  together  with  the  Greek  origi- 
nal. These  are  succeeded  by  fragments  of  a  Gothic  Homily 
and  Calendar,  with  Latin  translations,  Gothic  alphabet,  and 
a  glossary  of  new  Gothic  words  which  they  have  discovered 
in  the  passages  which  they  have  printed.  In  1829  signor 
Castillionei  published  the  fragments  of  Ulphilas's  version 
of  the  second  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians. 

III.  The  Sclavonic,  or  Old  Russian  Version,  was  also 
made  from  the  Greek,  both  in  the  Old  and  New  Testaments. 
It  is  ascribed  to  the  two  brothers,  Cyril2  (or  Constantine, 
surnamed  the  Philosopher  on  account  of  his  learning)  and 
Methodius,  sons  of  Leo,  a  Greek  nobleman  of  Thessalonica, 
who,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  ninth  century,  first  preached 
the  Gospel  among  the  Moravo-Sclavonians :  but  it  is  ques- 
tionable, whether  these  missionaries  translated  the  whole*  of 
the  sacred  code,  or  whether  their  labours  comprised  only 
the  books  of  the  New  Testament  and  the  Psalms  of  David. 
Dr.  Dobrowsky  (who  has  bestowed  more  pains  on  the  criti- 
cal study  of  the  Sclavonic  Scriptures  than  any  person  now 
living)  is  of  opinion  "  that,  with  the  exception  of  the  Psalms, 
no  part  of  the  Old  Testament  was  translated  at  so  early  a 
period.  So  much,  however,  is  certain,  that  the  book  of 
Proverbs  must  have  been  translated  before,  or  in  the  twelfth 
century,  as  the  frequent  quotations  made  from  it  by  Nestor 
(author  of  the  Russian  Chronicle,  who  died  in  1156)  agTee, 
on  the  whole,  with  the  common  text.  The  books  of  Job,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  Prophets,  and  the  apocryphal  books  of 
\\  isdom  and  Eccle&iaaticua,  appear  to  have  been  done  in 
Servia,  in  the  thirteenth  or  fourteenth  century;  and  the  Pen- 
tateuch and  remaining  books  in  the  fifteenth,  either  in  Russia 
or  Poland,  at  which  time  the  whole  were  collected  into  one 
volume,  and  arranged  according  to  the  order  of  the  books  in 
the  Bohemian  Bible,  printed  in  1488  or  1489."    The  extreme 

i  Decline  and  Fall,  vol.  vi.  p.  269.  .  .     ,,  on, 

»  To  this  Cyril  is  ascribed  the  invention  of  the  Sclavonic  letters i .  .  "ul 
ii  is  manifest,  this  invention  consisted  in  nothing  more  than  ">e  aaapiauon 
of  the  uncial  characters  of  the.  Greek  alphabet,  so  far  as  the) -went,  to  e* 
press  the  sounds  of  the  new  language,  with  the  addition i  of  ce n a.n  omer 
fetters,  borrowed  or  changed  from  other  alphabets,  l.°nm*"  "P 'f  the  let. 
ciency.  He  also  substituted  Sclavonic  for  the  ™"nwiaa  names  of  the  let 
ten ;  on  which  account  the  alphabet  has  been  called  %*£l™^l .  i 
name."  Dr.  Henderson's  Biblical  Researches  and  Trails  in  Kus^  p. 
67.  (London,  18860  In  pp.  60-102.  the  leaded  '«  el er  hasp  ven  anex 
tended  and  very  interesting  account  of  '£e  &cia\onic  i«  g  a* 
literature,  from  which  the  present  notice  of  the  Sclavonic  version  is  ahno.es 


280 


QUOTATIONS  FROM  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 


[Part  I.  Chap.  HI 


rarity  and  recent  date  of  MSS.  of  the  entire  Sclavonic  Bible 
greatly  corroborated  this  hypothesis  of  Dr.  Dobrowsky,  re- 
specting the  late  execution  of  this  version  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment.1 Dr.  Henderson  has  shown,  by  actual  collation,  that 
the  Sclavonic  text  of  the  Old  Testament,  in  the  editio  prin- 
ceps  of  the  Bible  printed  at  Ostrog  in  1581,  was  made  with 
the  assistance  of  the  Vulgate  or  some  ancient  Latin  MSS. 
found  in  the  Bulgarian  monasteries,  or  that  it  was  at  least 
revised  and  altered  according  to  them ;  and  he  is  of  opinion 
that,  if  this  edition  were  carefully  collated,  it  would  yield  a 
rich  harvest  of  various  readings,  some  of  which  might  prove 
of  essential  service  to  a  future  editor  of  the  Septuagint.2 

According  to  Professor  Hug,  the  Sclavonic  version  exhi- 
bits the  text  of  the  Constantinopolitan  recension.  Dr.  DV 
browsky  pronounces  it  to  be  a  very  literal  translation  from 
the  Greek,  the  Greek  construction  being  very  frequently 
retained,  even  where  it  is  contrary  to  the  genius  of  the  Scla- 
vonian  language ;  and  in  general  it  resembles  the  most 
ancient  manuscripts,  with  which  it  agrees,  even  where  their 
united  evidence  is  against  the  common  printed  reading. 
"  It  contains  at  least  three  fourths  of  the  readings  which 
Griesbach  has  adopted  into  his  text"  [in  his  critical  edition 
of  the  New  Testament].  "Where  he  has  few  authorities, 
the  Sclavonic  mostly  corroborates  the  authority  of  the  textus 
receptus ;  and,  where  a  great  agreement  obtains  among  the 
ancient  MSS.  in  favour  of  a  reading,  it  joins  them  against 
the  common  editions.  It  varies  from  Theophylact  as  often 
as  it  agrees  with  him,  and  has  neither  been  altered  from  him 
nor  the  Vulgate  ;"3  and  it  possesses  few  or  no  lectiones  si7i- 
gulares,  or  readings  peculiar  to  itself.4  From  an  edition  of 
this  version,  printed  at  Moscow  in  1614,  M.  Alter  selected 
the  readings  of  the  four  Gospels,  and  from  a  manuscript  in 
the  imperial  library,  the  readings  of  the  Acts  and  Epistles, 
which  are  printed  in  his  edition  of  the  Greek  New  Testa- 
ment. (Vienna,  1787,  2  vols.  8vo.)  Dr.  Dobrowsky  states 
that  these  various  lections  are  given  with  great  accuracy, 
but  that  those  which  Matthai  has  selected  from  the  Revela- 
tion are  erroneous  and  useless.  Griesbach  has  given  a  cata- 
logue of  the  Sclavonic  manuscripts  collated  for  his  edition 
of  the  New  Testament,  communicated  to  him  by  Dobrow- 
sky.5 

IV.  Anglo-Saxon  Version. — Although  Christianity  was 
planted  in  Britain  in  the  first  century,  it  does  not  appear  that 
the  Britons  had  any  translation  of  the  Scriptures  in  their 
language  earlier  than  the  eighth  century.  About  the  year 
706,  Adhelm,  the  first  bishop  of  Sherborn,  translated  the 
Psalter  into  Saxon ;  and  at  his  earnest  persuasion,  Egbert 
or  Eadfrid,  bishop  of  Lindisfarne,  or  Holy  Island,  soon  after 
executed  a  Saxon  version  of  the  Four  Gospels.6  Not  many 
years  after  this,  the  learned  and  venerable  Bede  (who  died 
a.  d.  735)  translated  the  entire  Bible  into  that  language. 
There  were  other  Saxon  versions,  either  of  the  whole  or  of 
detached  portions  of  the  Scriptures,  of  a  later  date.  A  trans- 
lation of  the  book  of  Psalms  was  undertaken  by  the  illus- 
trious King  Alfred,  who  died  a.  d.  900,  when  it  was  about 
half  finished ;  and  Elfric,  who  was  archbishop  of  Canterbury 
in  995,  translated  the  Pentateuch,  Joshua,  Job,  Judith,  part 
of  the  book  of  Kings,  Esther,  and  Maccabees.  The  entire 
Anglo-Saxon  version  of  the  Bible  has  never  been  printed : 
King  Alfred's  translation  of  the  Psalms,  with  the  interline- 
ary  Latin  text,  was  edited  by  John  Spelman,  4to.  London, 
1640;  and  there  is  another  Saxon  interlineary  translation 
of  the  Psalter,  deposited  in  the  Archiepiscopal  Library  at 
Lambeth.  Of  the  Four  Gospels,  there  have  been  three 
editions  printed ;  an  account  of  which  will  be  found  in  the 
Bibliographical  Appendix  to  Vol.  II.,  Part  I.  Chap.  I. 
Sect.  V.  §  4.  [iv.] 

The  Anglo-Saxon  version  being  evidently  translated  from 
the  Old  Latin,  Michaelis  is  of  opinion  that  it  may  be  of  use 
in  determining  the  readings  of  that  version ;  and  Semler  has 
remarked,  that  it  contains  many  readings  which  vary  both 
from  the  Greek  and  Latin  texts,  of  which  he  has  given  some 

»  Dr.  Henderson's  Biblical  Researches  and  Travels  in  Russia,  pp  73  74 

*  Ibid.  p.  88.  _  •  Ibid.  pp.  89,  90. 

«  Dr.  Henderson  corroborates  this  account  of  Dr.  Dobrowsky,  and  states 
that  this  version  "  may  be  considered  as  one  of  the  most  verbal  ever  exe- 
cuted. Not  only  is  every  word  and  particle  scrupulously  expressed,  and 
made,  in  general,  to  occupy  the  same  place  in  the  translation  that  it  does 
in  the  original,  but  the  derivation  and  compounds,  as  well  as  the  gram- 
matical forms,  are  all  successfully  imitated."  (Ibid.  pp.  91,  92.) 

»  Michaelis,  vol.  ii.  pp.  153 — 158.  636,  637.  Griesbach,  Prolegomena,  vol. 
i.  pp.  cxxvii. — cxxxii.  Beck,  Monogrammata  Hermeneutices  Novi  Testa- 
menti,  pp.  108,  109.    Hug,  vol.  i.  pp.  513—517. 

«  The  manuscript  of  this  translation  is  now  deposited  in  the  Cottonian 
Library  in  the  British  Museum  (Nero,  d.  iv.) :  Mr.  Astle  has  given  a  speci- 
men of  it  in  plate  xiv.  of  his  "  Origin  and  Progress  of  Writing,"  and  has  de- 
rciibed  it  in  pp  100,  101. 


examples.  Dr.  Mill  selected  various  lections  from  this  ver- 
sion :  which,  from  the  difference  of  style  and  inequalities 
observable  in  its  execution,  he  ascribes  to  several  authors : 
it  is  supposed  to  have  been  executed  in  the  eighth  century.7 
*p*  On  the  application  of  ancient  versions  to  the  ascer- 
taining of  various  readings,  see  pp.  286,  287.  infra. ;  and  on 
the  benefit  which  may  be  derived  from  them  in  the  intex- 
pretration  of  the  Scriptures,  see  Part  II.  Book  I.  Chap.  II. 
Sect.  I.  §  2.  of  this  volume. 


SECTION  IV. 

ON  THE  AUTHORITY   OF  ANCIENT   EDITIONS  OF  THE    SCRIPTURE, 
CONSIDERED  AS  A  SOURCE  OF  THE  TEXT  OF  THE  OLD  AND  NEW 

TESTAMENTS. 

The  first  and  fundamental  editions,  whether  of  the  Old  or  of 
the  New  Testament,  are  of  equal  authority  with  the  manuscript 
from  which  they  were  derived.  Referring  the  reader  to  the 
Bibliographical  Appendix  to  Vol.  II.  for  a  detailed  account 
of  the  various  editions  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,^  we 
may  here  remark  that  almost  all  other  editions  of  the  Old 
Testament  owe  their  origin  either  to  that  of  Soncino,  printed 
h>1488,  to  that  of  Brescia  in  1494,  which  was  followed  by 
the  Complutensian  Polyglott  in  1517 ;  or  lastly,  to  the  second 
Bomberg  edition  printed  at  Venice  in  1525-26.  Almost  all 
editions  of  the  Hebrew  Bible  are  masoretical,  that  is,  have 
the  masoretic  notes  and  vowel  points,  a  few  only  excepted, 
in  which  corrections  have  been  introduced  from  manuscripts. 
Among  the  latter,  De  Rossi  reckons  all  those  which  preceded 
the  second  Bomberg  edition,  that  of  1525-26.  All  the  later 
editions  he  terms  masoretic,-  the  non-masorttic  editions  are 
the  more  valuable. 

With  respect  to  the  New  Testament,  after  a  few  detached 
portions  had  been  separately  printed,9  two  Editiones  Principes 
of  the  entire  New  Testament  (both  derived  from  manuscripts 
alone)  were  published  in  the  sixteenth  century,  viz.  that  of 
Erasmus,  and  that  in  the  Complutensian  Polyglott,  the  editors 
of  which  availed  themselves  of  only  a  few  critical  aids  in 
arranging  the  Greek  text.  According  to  one  or  other  of  these 
fundamental  editions,  many  other  editions  were  printed  in  the 
course  of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries.  Among 
the  editions  printed  about  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century 
those  of  Robert  Stephens10  claim  a  special  notice,  from  his 
having  collated  many  manuscripts  which  had  not  before  been 
consulted.  The  text  of  Stephens's  editions  was  reprinted 
several  times.  Theodore  Beza,  however,  was  the  first  who 
undertook  a  new  revision  of  the  text  of  the  New  Testament, 
with  the  aid  of  a  more  copious  critical  apparatus  than  his 
predecessors  had  enjoyed.  Beza's  text,  which  .was  first 
published  in  1582,  became  the  basis  of  numerous  minor  edi- 
tions, until  the  publication  of  the  editions  printed  by  the 
Elzevirs  at  Leyden,  in  1624  and  1633,  the  text  of  which  is 
formed  partly  after  that  of  Beza  and  of  Stephens ;  and  which, 
from  its  general  adoption  in  the  majority  of  subsequent  edi- 
tions, has  received  tne  appellation  of  the  textus  receptus. 


SECTION  V. 

ON  THE  QUOTATIONS  FROM  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT  IN  THE  WORKS 
OF  THE  FATHERS  OF  THE  CHURCH  AND  OTHER  ECCLESIASTICAL 
WRITERS. 

A  Fourth  source  of  the  text  of  Scripture  is  the  Quotations 
made  from  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  in  the  writings  of 
the  Fathers  and  other  Ecclesiastical  Writers. 

*  Johnson's  Hist.  Account  of  English  Translations  of  the  Bible,  in  Bishop 
Watson's  Collections  of  Theological  Tracts,  vol.  iii.  pp.  61—63.  Bp.  Marsh's 
Michaelis,  vol.  ii.  pp.  158.  637.  Kortholt,  pp.  351—353.  Semler,  Apparatus 
ad  Lib.  Novi  Test.  Interp.  pp.  72,  73. 

»  See  Bibliogr.  App.  to  Vol.  H.  Part  I.  Chap.  I.  Sect.  I.  for  an  account  of 
the  editions  of  the  Old  Testament ;  and  Sect.  IK.  for  an  account  of  the  e± 
tions  of  the  New  Testament. 

»  The  earliest  portion  of  the  New  Testament,  printed  in  Greek,  is  the 
hymns  of  Mary  and  of  Zacharias  in  Luke  i.  46—55.  68—80.  They  are  found 
in  the  appendix  to  an  edition  of  the  Book  of  Psalms  in  Greek.  Venice 
1486,  in  quarto.  These  portions  were  followed  by  the  first  six  chapter) of 
Saint  John's  Gospel  in  the  appendix  to  the  Aldine  edition  of  Gregory  Nazi 
anzen's  poems,  translated  into  Latin.  Venice,  1504.  4to.  Verses  1—14.  of 
the  first  chapter  of  Saint  John's  Gospel  appeared  at  Tubingen  in  1514  •  ana 
in  1520  Melancthon  edited  Saint  Paul's  Epistle  to  thn  Romans  at  Wittem- 
berg,  in  8vo.  The  little  demand  for  the  original  text  of  the  New  Testament, 
at  that  period,  has  been  attributed  to  the  univenwl  acquiescence  in  the  use 
of  the  Latin  Vulgate  version,  of  which  there  ivut  numerous  bJitions  printed 
at  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  and  at  the  commencement  of  the  sixteenth  cen 
tury.    Schott,  Isagoge  ad  Libros  Novi  Foederis,  p.  632. 

»•  Paris,  1546,  1549,  1550,  1568.    Geneva.  1551. 


SXCT.    V.] 


IN  THE  WORKS  OF  ECCLESIASTICAL  WRITERS. 


•281 


Among  the  ancient  Fathers  of  the  church,  those  are  par- 
ticularly worthy  of  atti  ntion  and  collation  who  wrote  in  the 
Greek  language;  because  they  spoke,  and  read,  ami  wrote 
that  very  language  in  which  the  sacred  writings  of  the  New 
Testament  were  originally  composed.  The  phrase  and  dic- 
tion "1"  those  writings  h  ere,  thi  n  fore,  familiar  t'>  them  ;  they 
tmt ii r  i ' '  \   expressed  tl  in  the  Scripture  style  and 

language.  When  they  referred  to  any  texts  of  Script 
discoursed  mere  at  I  rg<  upon  them,  they  would  of  course 
lie  guided  by  the  original  Greek  of  the  New  Testament,1  and 
not  liy  -.my  version  which  had  been  made,  and  which  might 
possibly  vary  from  it :  whereas  the  Latin  fathers  being  accus- 
t  im<!  only  to  the  Latin  version,  it  is  as  much  to  be  expected 
that  they  should  conform  their  language,  quotations,  and 
comments  to  it ;  though,  perhaps,  upon  some  occasions,  and 
rding  to  their  ability,  taking  notice  also  of  the  Greek 
original.     A  Latin  lather  will  he  an  evidence  for  the  Latin 

version,  when-  he  takes  no  express  notice  of  tin-  Greek;   and 

according  to  the  clearness  and  fulness  of  that  evidence,  we 
may  argue,  that  the  Latin  version,  or  some  copy  or  copies  of 
it,  had  that  reading  in  his  time,  which  is  cited  by  him.  And 
this  m  i\  deserve  to  be  attended  to  with  regard  to  any  omis- 
sions in  the  Greek  MSS.  which  the  Latin  may  ho  thought  to 
have  BUpplied;  but  still  the  testimony  of  the  Latin  father  in 
this  ease  wilj  prove  nothing  more  than  the  reading  of  a  Latin 
n  :  by  what  authority  that  version  is  supported  is  a 
matter  of  further  inquiry.  '  Indeed  where  it  can  be  shown 
that  a  Latin  father  followed  no  particular  version,  but  trans- 
lated directly  for  himself  (as  Tertullian  and  Cyprian  have 
frequently  done) ;  this  brings  as  somewhat  nearer  to  some 
manuscript  in  the  original  language,  and  may  be  considered, 
according  as  it  shall  happen  to  be  circumstantiated,  as  a  dis- 
tinct testimony  Pot  the  reading  of  some  Greek  manuscript  in 
particular.  The  Greek  fathers  generally  quote  the  Old  Tes- 
tament from  the  Septuagint  version.  Origen  and  Jerome  are 
the  only  fathers  who  certainly  made  use  of  Hebrew  manu- 
scripts ;  and  their  evidence  is  equivalent  to  that  of  manuscripts 
of  tluir  age. 

Upwards  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  fathers  and  other 
siastical  writers,  besides  Catena?  (or  expositions  of  por- 
tions of  Scripture  compiled  from  collections  out  of  several 
authors],  are  enumerated  by  Professor  Scholz,  as  having 
cited  the  New  Testament,  either  from  the  original  Greek,  or 
from  the  ancient  Ante-Hieronymian  Latin,  and  from  the 
Syriac  versions.  (Those  fathers  who  confined  themselves 
exclusively  to  the  use  of  the  Latin  Vulgate  are  designedly 
omitted.)  Among  the  ancient  writers,  the  critical  testimo- 
nies of  the  following  are  justly  valued,  viz. : — in  the  second 
century,  Ireneus  and  Clemens  Alexandrinus ;  in  the  third  cen- 
tury, ( irigen  ;  in  the  fourth  century,  Gregory  bishop  of  Nyssa, 
Gregory  bishop  of  Nazianzum,  and  Chrysostom  bishop  of 
Constantinople;  in  the  fifth  century,  Cyril  of  Alexandria, 
Theodoret,  and  Isidore  of  Pelusium  ;  in  the  eleventh  century, 
Theophylact;  and  in  the  twelfth  century,  Euthymius  Ziga- 
benus. 

As  the  criteria  laid  down  by  Michaelis  and  other  eminent 
critics,  for  determining  the  text  of  Scripture  from  quotations 
of  it  in  the  writings  of  the  Fathers,  more  properly  belong  to 
the  subject  of  Various  Readings  (see  pp.  SJ80,  289.  infra), 
the  following  remarks  on  the  relative  value  of  the  testimo- 
nies contained  in  the  works  of  the  writers  just  (numerated, 
may  lie  found  worthy  of  attention  : — 

1.  Iuen.eus. — It  is  to  he  regretted  that  so  f>  w 

of  this  fatlu  r\s  writings  are  now  extant  in  the  original  Greek. 
\\  ha!  lias  been  transmitted  to  us  has  been  found  only  in  an 
ancient  Latin  version,  the  author  <4'.  which  appears  to  have 
inserted  the  quotations  made  by  Irensus  from  some  ancient 
Latin  translation  of  the  Scriptures,  or  has  rendered  them 
inaccurately.  It  is  evident,  however,  from  those  passages 
which  are  cited  in  the  original  Greek,  that  this  father  made 
use  of  different  manuscripts;  and  though  lie  sometimes  coin- 
cides with  the  Alexandrine  recension,  yet  he  most  frequently 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopoiitan  recension. 

2.  Clemkns  Alexandrinus  mostly  cites  the  New  Testa- 
ment from  memory;  hut  those  passages  which  he  has  given 
accurately  agree  with  the  manuscripts  of  the  Alexandrine 
family.  Griesbaoh  has  given  a  collection  of  the  passages 
quoted  by  Clemens  and  Origen,  collated  with  the  common 
or  vulgate  Greek  text,  in  the  second  volume  of  his  Symbols 
Criticae,  pp.  -2-21 — 620. 

3.  Origen  used  the  Alexandrine  text,  of  which  he  had 

»  Dr  Perriman's  Dissertation  on  1  Tim.  iii.  16.  pp.  28,  29. 


many  manuscripts.  His  readings  are  known  from  the  refor- 
matio by  subsequent  ecclesiastical  writers  to  his  copies 
of  the  Scriptures,  as  well  as  from  his  own  quotations,  and 
also  from  fragments  inserted  in  the  Greek  Catenae,  and 
ascribed  to  him. 

I,  ">.  The  quotations  which  are  to  be  found  in  the  writings 
of  GaiOORV  hi-!,  .a,  and  Gregory  bishop, of  Nazi- 
an/.um, chiefly  agree  with  the  Constantinopoiitan  recension 
Scholi  i  these  authors  have  Do  interwoven  passages 
of  Scripture  in  their  works,  that  they  cannot  be  easily  de- 
tached; consequently  hut  few  various  readings,  and  those 
not  very  important,  are  to  be  gleaned  from  them. 

G.  Great  caution  is  requisite  in  making  use  of  the  quota- 
tions of  Chrvsostom,  bishop  of  Constantinople;  for  though 
in  his  admirable  commentaries  on  the  New  Testament,  he 
very  frequently  adduces  the  very  words  of  the  sacred  writers, 
yet,  distracted  by  the  multiplicity  of  business  in  which  he 
was  engaged,  or  borne  away  by  his  ardour  in  writing,  he  has 
cited  a  ^rent  number  of  passages  from  m<  mory.  Conse- 
quently, he  has  confounded  together  similar  passages  of  the 
same  author  or  of  different  writers:  in  some  instances  he  has 
changed  a  text  which  he  had  just  before  quoted  correctly, 
and  very  often  he  follows  Origen.  The  text,  therefore,  which 
is  found  in  Chrysostom's  works,  sometimes  agrees  with  the 
Constantinopoiitan,  and  sometimes  with  the  Alexandrine  re- 
cension.  The  entire  writings  of  this  father  were  collated  by 
Matthffii ;  and  select  passages  by  Scholz. 

7.  Cyril  of  Alexandria  faithfully  follows  the  Alexandrine 
text. 

8.  Theodoret,  bishop  of  Cyra  in  Syria,  in  his  commenta- 
ries for  the  most  part  agrees  with  the  received  text,  though  he 
has  sometimes  rashly  followed  either  Origen  or  Chrysostom. 

9.  Isidore  of  Pelusium  agrees  with  ffie  manuscripts  of  the 
Alexandrine  family. 

10.  Theophylact,  archbishop  of  Bulgaria,  in  his  com- 
mentaries on  the  Gospels,  Acts,  and  Epistles,  mostly  agrees 
with  the  received  text,  but  he  also  has  many  Alexandrine 
readings. 

II.  Lastly,  Euthymius  Zigabenus  for  the  most  part 
agrees  with  the  Constantinopoiitan  text  in  his  commentaries 
on  the  Gospels,  which  are  chiefly  collected  from  the  writings 
of  Basil,  Gregory  of  Nazianzum,  and  Chrysostom.2 


SECTION  VI. 

ON  THE  VARIOUS  READINGS  OCCURRING  IN  THE  OLD  AND  NEW 
TESTAMENTS. 

§    1.    ON    THE    CAUSES    OF    VARIOUS    READINGS. 

I.  The  Christian  faith  not  affected  by  -what  are  called  van- 
ous  readings. — II.  Nature  of 'various  readings. — Difference 
between  them  and  mere  errata. — III.  JK'otice  of  the  principal 
collations  and  collections  of  various  readings. — IV.  Causes 
of  various  readings: — I,*  The  negligence  or  mistakes  of 
transcribers ; — 2.  Krrors  or  imperfections  in  the  manu- 
script copied  ; — 3.  Critical  conjecture  ; — 4.  Wilful  corrup 
tions  of  a  manuscript  from  party-motives. 

I.  The  Old  and  New  Testaments,  in  common  with  all 
other  ancient  writings,  being  preserved  and  diffused  by  trans- 
cription, the  admission  of  mistakes  was  unavoidable;  which 
increasing  with  the  multitude  of  copies,  necessarily  produced 
a  great  variety  of  different  readings.  Hence  the  labours  of 
learned  men  have  been  directed  to  the  collation  of  manu- 
scripts, with  a  view  to  ascertain  the  genuine  reading  ;  and  the 
result  of  their  researches  has  shown,  that  these  variations  are 
not  such  as  to  affect  our  faith  or  practice  in  any  thing  mate- 
rial :  they  are  mostly  of  a  minute,  and  sometimes  of  a 
trifling,  nature. '  "  The  real  text  of  the  sacred  writers  does 
w  (since  the  originals  have  been  so  long  lost)  lie  in  any 
single  manuscript  or  edition,  but  is  dispersed  in  them  all.  It 
is  competently  exact  indeed,  even  in  the  worst  manuscript 
now  extant ;  nor  is  one  article  of  faith  or  moral  precept  either 
perverted  or  lost  in  them.'"3  It  is  therefore  a  very  ungrounded 

»  Bchott,  Isagoge  in  Nov.  Test.  pp.  620,  631.  Scholz,  Nov.  Test.  Prolegom. 
pp.  rxlv.  cxlii.  cxlvii.  rl.  rxlvi.cli. 

»  Dr.  Bentley's  Remarks  on  Free-thinking,  rem.  xxxii.  (Bp.  Randolph'* 
Enchiridion  Theologicuiii.  vol.  v.  p.  103.)  The  various  readings  that  affect 
doctrines,  and  require  caution,  are  extremely  few,  and  easily  distinguished 
bv  critical  rules  ;  and  where  they  do  affect  a  doctrine,  other  passages  con- 
firm and  establish  it.  See  examples  of  this  observation  in  Michaelis,  vol. I 
p.  266.,  and  Dr.  Nares's  Stride  es  oil  the  Unitarian  Version  of  the  NewTc3 
tament,  pp.  219—221. 


282 


CAUSES  OF  VARIOUS  READINGS 


[Part  I.  Chap   III 


fear  that  the  number  of  various  readings,  particularly  in  the 
New  Testament,  may  diminish  the  certainty  of  the  Christian 
relio-ion.  The  probability,  Michaehs  remarks,  of  restoring 
the  genuine  text  of  any  author,  increases  with  the  increase  of 
the  copies;  and  the  most  inaccurate  and  mutilated  editions  oi 
ancient  writers  are  precisely  those,  of  whose  works  the  fewest 
manuscripts  remain.1  Above  all,  in  the  New  Testament,  the 
variou  j  show  that  there  could  have  been  no  collu- 

sion ;  but  that  the  manuscripts  were  written  independently 
of  each  other,  by  persons  separated  by  distance  oi  time,  re- 
moteness of  place,  and  diversity  of  opinions.  This  extensive 
independency  of  manuscripts  on  each  other  is  the  effectual 
check  of  wilful  alteration  ;  which  must  have  ever  been  imme- 
diately corrected  by  the  agreement  of  copies  from  various  and 
distant  regions  out  of  the  reach  of  the  interpolator.  By  far 
riii  greatest  number  of  various  readings  relate  to  trifles,  many 
of  which  cannot  be  made  apparent  in  a  translation;  and,  of 
the  rest,  very  few  produce  any  alteration  in  the  meaning  of  a 
tentence,  still  less  in  the  purport  of  a  whole  paragraph.  Thus 
we  hav»  A*!TJ  lor  A*t/;tf ;  luMfwvTct  for  ~S,o\oy.m». ;  k-m  for  St;  K*ya> 
for  K-xt  eye*  (A '9"  for  and  I J  ;  ^attoiv  for  ihxtro-m  ;  Kuptw  for 
Qkc  ;  hxhooTiv  for  A«Aii<ra'3-.v  ;  Marm;  for  Mai/<r«c  ;  and  yivio-d-a>  for 
ytnrb-oo;  all  which  in  most  cases  may  be  used  indifferently. 

In  order  to  illustrate  the  preceding  remarks,  and  to  convey 
an  idea  of  their  full  force  to  the  reader,  the  various  readings 
of  the  first  ten  verses  of  St.  John's  Gospel  are  annexed  in 
Greek  and  English; — and  they  are  particularly  chosen  be- 
cause they  contain  one  of  the  most  decisive  proofs  of  the 
divinity  of  our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ. 


Common  Reading. 


Ver.  1.  'O  \oyt>(  ft 
ITPOi;  tow  0sov. 

The  Word  was  with 
God. 


Various  Readint 


2.     Ow 


f.%1 


jrpoj  Tin  @lt>v. 

The  same  was  in  the 
beginning  with  God. 

3.  Ev  ivt«  fail)  HN. 
In  him  was  life. 

4.  Kxi  J,    £i»i|  i,v  to   ipffi; 

And  the  life  was  the 
light  of  men. 

-  the  light  op  msn. 


The  darkness  compre 
hended  it  not. 


That  all  men  might  be 
lieve  through  him. 


9.   EfX"t"vov    si;    TON 


Tim  cometh  into  the 
world. 


He  was  in  the  world. 


EN  r.  8s»— in  God. 


estin— IS  life. 


omitted. 


The  light  was  the  life 


AuroN— HIM  not.       { 


In  hunc  mundnm 
into  this  world. 


hoc  mundo- 
world 


Clemens 
nus. 


The  MSS.  47.  and  64. 
of  Griesbach's  notation  ; 
Matthaei's  19. 

The  Codex  Bezre,  Ori- 
gen,  Augustine,  Hilary, 
and  other  fathers. 

The  fragment  of  St. 
John's  Gospel,  edited  by 
Aldus,  Clemens  Alexan- 
drinus,  and  Origen. 

B.  The  Codex  Valiea- 
nus. 

B.  The  Codex  Vatica- 
nus,  the  MSS.  13.  and 
114*.  of  Griesbach,  three 
other  MSS.  of  less  note, 
and  Theodotus. 

The  MS.  235.  of  Gries- 
bach, the  Aldine  Frag- 
ment of  St.  John's  (Jos- 
pel,  Ireneeus,  and  Hilary. 

The  Vulgate  and  Italic 
(or  old  Ante-Hierony- 
inian)  Versions,  Tertul- 
lian,  Cyprian,  Hilary, 
Ambrose,Augustine,and 
other  fathers. 

The  MSS.  of  the  old 
Latin  Versions,  denomi- 
nated the  Codices  Ve- 
ronensis,  Vercellensis, 
Brixiensis,  and  Corbei- 
ensis,  edited  by  Blanchi- 
ni  and  Sabatier;  Irenaj 
us,  Cyprian,  Ambrose, 
once,  Augustine,  repeat- 
edly. 


On  the  whole,  these  various  readings,— though  not  selected 
from  any  single  manuscript,  but  from  all  that  have  been  col- 
lated, together  with  the  ancient  versions  and  the  quotations 

»  Michaelis's  Introduction  to  the  New  Testament,  vol.  i.  pp.  203— 268  "In 
profane  authors,"  says  Dr.  Bentley,  "(as  they  are  called),  whereof  one 
manuscript  only  had  the  luck  to  be  preserved,— as  Velleius  Paterculus 
among  the  Latins,  and  Hcsychius  among  the  Greeks,— the  faults  of  the 
scribes  are  found  so  numerous,  and  the  defects  so  beyond  all  redress  that 
notwithstanding  the  pains  of  the  learnedest  and  acutesl  critics  for  two  whole 
centuries,  those  books  still  are,  and  are  likely  to  continue,  a  mere  heap  of 
errors.  On  the  contrary,  where  the  copies  of  any  author  are  numerous, 
though  the  various  readings  always  increase  in  proportion,  then  trie  tejet, 
by  an  accurate  collation  of  them  made  by  skilful  and  judicious  hands,  is 
ever  the  more  correct,  and  comes  nearer  to  the  true  words  of  the  author." 
Remarks  on  F  se-tliinkiue,  in  Enchirid.  Theol.  vol.  v.  i.  158. 


from  the  fathers, — nowhere  contradict  the  sense  ol  the  evan 
gelist ;  nor  do  they  produce  any  material  alteration  in  the. 
text.2 

IT.  However  plain  the  meaning  of  the  term  "  Varmu 
Reading"  may  be,  considerable  difference  has  existed  among 
learned  men  concerning  its  nature.  Some  have  allowed  the 
name  only  to  such  readings  as  may  possibly  have  proceeded 
from  the  author  ;  but  this  restriction  is  improper.  Michael- 
is's distinction  between  mere  errata  and  various  readings  ap- 
pears to  be  the  true  one.  "  Among  two  or  more  different 
readings,  one  only  can  be  the  true  reading  ;  and  the  rest  must 
be  either  wilful  corruptions  or  mistakes  <  f  the  copyist."  It 
is  often  difficult  to  distinguish  the  genuine  from  the  spurious  ; 
and  whenever  the  smallest  doubt  can  be  entertained,  they  all 
receive  the  name  of  various  readings  ;  but  in  cases  where 
the  transcriber  has  evidently  written  falsely,  they  receive  the 
name  of  errata. 

III.  Human  life  is  too  short  to  allow  of  a  thorough  exami 
nation  of  all  those  monuments  which  are  indispensably  neces- 
sary to  sacred  criticism,  in  addition  to  the  many  other  sub- 
jects which  are  equally  worthy  of  attention.  But,  as  many 
iearned  men  have  from  time  to  time  investigated  different 
documents,  extensive  collections  of  various  readings  have 
gradually  been  formed,  of  which  the  critic  should 
himself. 

With  regard  to  the  Old  Testament,  some  beginnings  were 
made  by  those  ancient  Jews  to  whom  we  owe  the  rejections 
and  corrections  of  the  scribes,  and  other  observations,  ahead  • 
noticed  in  pp.  201,  202,  203.  of  this  volume.  More  recently 
the  rabbis  Todrosi,  Menahem,  and  Norzi,  collected  a  larg<  r 
apparatus.3  Sebastian  Munster  was  the  first  Christian  edit,  r, 
who  in  1536  added  some  various  readings.  Not  many  m<  n- 
are  found  in  Vander  Hooght's  edition,  printed  in  1705  ;  bi  I 
in  the  subsequent  editions  of  John  Henry  Michaelis,  in  1720, 
and  of  Houbigant  in  1753,  the  critical  collation  of  various 
readings  was  very  considerably  enlarged.  At  length,  afti  r 
many  years  of  unremitting  toil,  Dr.  Kennicott  produce.; 
edition  of  the  Hebrew  Bible,  printed  at  Oxford  in  1776 — F(», 
which  contained  various  readings  collected  throughout  Eu- 
rope, from  six  hundred  and  fifteen  manuscripts,  from  fifty  ■= 
two  editions,  and  from  both  the  Talmuds.  From  this  i  ; 
ratus  De  Rossi  selected  the  more  important  readings  ; 
after  collating  seven  hundred  and  thirty-one  other  manu- 
scripts and  three  hundred  editions,  and  examining  fully  the 
ancient  versions  and  hooks  of  the  rabbins,  even  in  manuscript, 
he  published  all  the  various  readings  he  bad  observed,  in  fou  r 
volumes,  quarto,  in  1784 — 88,  at  Parma,  to  which  he  added 
a  supplement  or  scholia,  in  1798.  As  the  price  of  their  pul  - 
lication  necessarily  places  them  out  of  the  reach  of  ven 
many  biblical  students,  the  reader,  who  is  desirous  of  aval  i 
ing  himself  of  the  results  of  their  laborious  and  learned  re- 
searches, will  find  a  compendious  abstract  of  them  in  Mr. 
Hamilton's  "  Codex  Criticus."    (London,  1821,  8vo.) 

For  the  Septuagint  Version,  the  principal  collation  of 
various  readings  will  be  found  in  the  edition  commenced  by 
Dr.  Holmes,  and  completed  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Parsons,  at  Ox- 
ford, in  1798 — 1827,  in  six  volumes,  folio. 

For  the  New  Testament,  the  principal  collations  are 
those  of  Erasmus,  the  editors  of  the  Complutensian  and  Lon- 
don Polyglotts,  Bishop  Fell,  Dr.  Mill,  Kuster,  Bengel,  Wet- 
stein,  Griesbach,  Matthaei,  and  Scholz.  The  collations  of 
three  hundred  and  fifty-five  manuscripts,  besides  ancient  ver- 
sions and  quotations  from  the  fathers,  were  given  in  Dr. 
Griesbach's  edition  ;  and  in  that  of  Dr.  Scholz  we  have  the 
collations  of  six  hundred  and  seventy-four  manuscripts,  viz. 
three  hundred  and  forty-three,  which  were  collated  by  his  pre- 
decessors, and  three  hundred  and  thirty-one,  which  for  the 
first  time  were  collated  by  himself.4 

IV.  As  all  manuscripts  were  either  dictated  to  copyists  or 
transcribed  by  them,  and  as  these  persons  were  not  superna- 
turally  guarded  against  the  possibility  of  error,  different  read- 
ings would  naturally  be  produced  : — 1.  By  the  negligence  or 
mistakes  of  the  transcribers  ;  to  which  we  may  add,  2.  The 
existence  of  errors  or  imperfections  in  the  manuscripts 
copied;  3.  Critical  emendations  of  the  text;  and,  4.  Wilful 
corruptions  made  to  serve  the  purposes  of  a  party.  Mistakes, 
thus  produced  in  one  copy  would  of  course  be  propagated 

»  Christian  Observer  for  1807,  vol.  vi.  p.  221.  Novum  Testauiemum,  « 
Scholz,  torn.  i.  p.  345. 

«  An  account  of  their  labours  is  given  by  Dr  Kennicott  in  lus  Dissertalio 
Generalis,  pp.  11 1—131.,  and  by  De  Rossi,  in  bis  Van.    Lectiones,  pp.  39— 43. 

*  Detailed  accounts  of  the  critical  editions  of  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ments, above  mentioned,  will  be  found  in  the  IIi^iochaphical  Appendix 
lo  Vol.  II.  Part  I.  Chap.  I.  Sect.  I.  and  III. 


Sn  i.  VI.  §  1.] 


IN  THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENTS. 


283 


through  all  succeeding  copies  made  from  it,  each  of  which 
might  likewise  have  peculiar  faults  of  its  own  ;  so  that  vari- 
ous readings  would  thus  he  increased,  in  proportion  to  the 
number  of  transcripts  that  were  made. 

1.   Various  readings  have  l>/>  u  occasioned  by  the  Neglig 
■ir  Mivj'aklcs  ok  the  Transcribers 

(1.)  When  a  manuscript  it  dictated,  whether  to  me  or  to 
teveral  copyists,  the  party  dictating  might  not  ipenkvith  suf- 
dcient  clearness ;  he  might  read  carelenly,  and  even  utter 
worth  that  were  not  in  his  manuscript.;  he  might  pronounce 
different  word*  in  the  same  manner.  The  copyist,  therefore, 
who  should  follow  such  dictation,  would  necessarily  produce 
different  readings.  One  or  two  example-;  will  illustrate  this 
remark. 

In  Eph  iv.  19.  Si   Paul,  speaking  of  the  Gentiles,  while  without  the  Gos- 
.  .,  thai  being  past  feeling,  they  gave  th 

ness.     For  •»t|Xyi|»orij  poet  Jo-tins,  (which  III''  conti 

genuine  reading),  several  manuscripts,  versions,  and  fathers  rea  I  »»nXiri. 
>«!,-,  being  without  hops.  Dr.  Mill  is  of  opinion,  thai  this  lection  proceeded 
from  tome  ignorant  copyist  who  had  in  ins  mind  Sainl  Paul's  account  of  the 
Qentilei  In  Eph  ii,  12  where  he  said  thai  they  had  no  hop.-  i\*lia  h* 
■%omf,  But  for  tills  opinion  there  hi  no  foundation  whatevi  i .  The  ancient 
copyists  were  not  in  general  men  of  such  subtile  genius,  li  is  therefore 
most  probable  thai  the  word  «»V  rueofif  crept  in  from  a  mis-pronuncia- 
tion mi  ii,,.  pari  of  tiir  persona  dictating.  The  same  remark  will  account 
for  the  reading  of  v*'"',  young  childrt  n,  instead  '.ml  Thess. 

II.  7.,  which  orciirs  in  many  manuscripts,  ami  also  in  Beveral  versions  and 
lathers,  Bui  tin-  scope  ami  context  of  this  passage  prove  that  ■  i  -  •  •  cannot 
be  tin'  original  reading,  li  is  the  Thessalonians,  whom  the  apostle  considers 
'dren,  andhimself  and  fellow  labourers-asthe  nurse.  Il>  could 
nil  therefore  with  any  propriety  say  that  he  >v:i<  among  them  as  a  little 
child,  while  he  himself  professed  to  be  their  nurse. 

(2.)  Further,  as  many  Hebrew  and  Greek  litters  are  simi- 
lar  both  in  sound  anil  inform,  a  negligent  or  illiterate  copyist 
might,  and  the  collation  of  manuscripts  has  shown  that  such 
transcribers  did,  occasion  various  readings  by  substituting  one 
word  or  letter  for  another. 

As  the  permutation,  i,r  interchanging,  of  rowel  point  li  Iters,  and  even 
entire  words,  which  are  to  be  found  in  Hebrew  m  iniHcripts,  are  copiously 
treated  by  Muntinghe,1  the  following  instance  will  suffice  to  show  how  easily 
various  readings  may  thus  be  produced: — 

Judg.  vi ii.  16.  He  taught  the  men  of  Sticcoth.-  Instead  of  JH'1  he  taught, 
Houbigant  reads  CHM  lie  tore:  and  this  reading  is  nol  only  agreeable  to 
what  Gideon  had  threatened  in  the  Beventh  verse,  but  is  also  supported  by 
the  Septuagint,  Chaldee,  Syriac,  Vulgate,  and  Arabic  versions.  The  He- 
brew text  might  have  heen  easily  corrupted  in  this  place  by  the  change  of 
t  (shin)  into  p  (sin);  letters  which  arc  very  similar  to  each  other." 
Of  the  permutations  in  Greek  MSS.  the  Codex  CoKonianus  of  the  book 

[1<  .-~;s  presents  many  very  sinking  examples. 

Thus,  b  and  M  are  interchanged  in  Gen.  xliii.  II.  o-mvi-iv  is  writtenfor 

c.p.;.v.--i — I   and  K,  as  yuv>tyoi  for  xuvnyoj,  x.  'J.  ;  ami  ■  r,  intra  fxKix  for 

xi.  10.— i"  and  N,  as  iruyxo-.}nuT»><  for  j-uxxo^ovtrm,  xxxiv.  30. — I"  and 

X,  as  Sp*-/,.u*rx  for  Sfxyfixrx,  xxxvii.  0.— A  and  A  as  K,x..ucvx.ou,-  for  K=  J. 

■■   if,  xv.  19.  ;  and  i  contra  Ai*..,u  for  a.ik*.u,  xxxvi.  2. — A  and  N,  asNf- 

'',  x.  9  — A  and  T,  as  Arxr  for  AtxS,  x.  10..  <fcc— 2  and  Z,  as 

for  Xx^xi,  xxii.  22. ;  and  »<xx*pii.'ou<rii.  for  pixxpurewriv,  xxx.  13. — 

•  and  X,  Oxo(iX  for  O/.0(jJ,  xxvi.  20.— «  and  T,  xjros-pa^HTi   for  avsrpa. 

•    i   9.-  KandX,  asKx>.x*  forXx\x^,  x.  11.;  and  »»z  for  tux,  xiii.  9.— 

Hand  ♦,  as  u?i{»pHT«i   for  urri;,p>iTxi,  xxxix.  9.     Sometimes  consonants 

the  end  of  the  words  apparently  for  the  sake  of  euphony ;  as 

for  X^.;*,  xiv.  15.— yjvxixxv  for  >-uvxixx,  xi.  13. — EoiX»t  for  Bj',Kx, 

M  is  generally  retained  in  the  different  flexions  of  the  verb  *.»^C«vt», 

i  the  future  /.>•/»'>  ,ux<,  M*»+»»t*»i  xiv.  23,  24,  tfce.  and  in  the  aorist,  \xj<<?. 

■    ni.  I      And  also  in  the  word  rvftwmpaKiip$iiK,  xix.  17.     This  also 

is     '111111011  in  the  ChiIpz  Viiticnrius.    Sometimes  a  double  consonant  is  ex- 

■1  by  a.single  one,  and  vice  versa:  lor  instance,  mtirifxovTH  forivnni- 

«3»rx,  v.  'j.,  and  Bmaap  for  Eivaap,  x.  10.  ;  »i»-'<  for  l-.r.Ki*,  xxiv.  -17,  &c. 

The  Vowels  are  often  interchanged  ;  for  instance,  A  and  E,  as  mro-ipx- 

«""-x  for  TiTT»pi«rx,  vii.  4.,  «*x,->i  for>'*r<i,xzL  11. — A  and H, as  «>■■£•« 

ni.  0.,  /Ax-^xifn  for  iJLx-/(,%,fx,  xxvii.  40.— E  and  H,  as  lyi/o  for 

"l"l.«»,  XXV.  29.,  xvuirnxir-jx  for  in7»iif7i!,  xxviii.  12.— H   and   I,    as  Kir.o. 

for  Kinoi,  x.  4.,  iMxh  for  «X.ixi,  xhX.  11. — Hand  lor  -»X"»,  vl. 

r  Tiuux,  xxi.  21.— O  and  T.  as  !irp»j,  for     .  .   .  •,  m.   17._o 

and  a,  as  PtaCad  for  PoaiSniS,  x.  11. --The  Vowels  me  often 

with  the  Diphthongs}  for  instance,  Al  and  E,  as  xr:>.!v<rso"5x.  for  »tix,». 

rix.  2,  ».i.ij«»i  for  xv..,>xi,  xxii.  2,  raiiicu  for-.V.rv,  xxxv.  27., 

i  <•  for  xxTx^iTi,  xiii.  33. — El  and  A,  a<  >  m  .  for  j-'px,  xv.  15.— El 

■  urinur,  xviii. 5.  — El  and  H,  as  itfiu  and  «*«i»,  xviii.  19.— 

Ft  and  I.  as  ;jji;ihii  for  -xp.., -««..,  xviii.  8.;  yvva«xi  :   for  yuvaixtaa,  xviii 

II..  'ut.;  (or  -uinc,  xxxi.41., xf.tov  for  «pu»,  xv.9.  &c  —  01  and  H,  al 

for  *.»6m,  xxxi.  50—  ot  and  H,  as  vKnfnt  for  '*■*(  ».-,  *X\  ii  27.  ;  and,  lastly, 

l>I    and  -.',  BS  xxrxpoupivouj  for  <ir>f„«,.:n.-|   lli 

The  manuscripts  of  the  NewTestamenl  abound  with  similar  instances  of 
I'-riinilations. 

Thus  we  meet  with  A.u.vxJx.u  for  A.uivxVx^,  m  Ma"  i.  I.;  Axn^  for 
*Xi'P,  in  Malt  i.  M  ;  >•■  M     |    xi   2.  ; 

Mxt-xv  for  Mxr.-xr,  in  Luke  III.  24. ;  pxpxv  b*  foriu.px,  •,.  in  Luke  xiv.  34.  ; 
■mirov  for  tut:.  ,  in  John  xx.  25  ;  Mips  for  «»>«•,  In  Rom.  jdi.  II  :  ^-.j.5  for 
AariiS,  in  Matt.  i.  1.,  and  in  many  other  p  kssages.  The  reader  will  And  nu- 
merous other  examples  in  the  elder  Hlchaalis's  DUsertalion  on  various 
readings.*  Permutations  of  this  kind  are  very  frequent  in  ancient  manu- 
scripts, and  also  in  inscriptions  on  coins,  medals,  Btones,  pillars,  and  other 
monuments  of  antiquity 

1  Brevis  Expositio  Critices  Veteris  Foederis,  pp.  87 — 108. 

*  Dr.  A.  Clarke,  on  Judg.  viii.  10. 

*  Dr.  Holmes's  Edition  to  the  Septuagint,  vol.  i.  Prasf.  cap.  ii.  $  i. 

'  X,  Christianl  Benedicti  Michaelis  Tractatio  Critica  de  Variis  Leclloni- 
•ius  NoviTesumenU.  pp.  8—10.    Halte  Magdeburjicaj,  1749,  4to- 


(3.)  In  like  manner  the  transcribers  might  have  mistaken 
the  line  on  -which  the  copy  before  them  was  written,  for  part  of 
a  letter  ;  or  they  might  have  mistaken  the  lower  stroke  of  a 
letter  for  the  line  ;  or  they  might  have  mistaken  the  true  sense 
of  the  original,  and  thus  have  altered  the  reading  ;  at  the  same 
time  they  were  unwilling  to  correct  such  mistakes  as  they  de- 
tected, lest  their  pages  should  appear  blotted  or  defuced,  ana 
thus  they  sacrificed  the  correctness  of  their  copy  to  the  beauty 
of  its  appearance.  This  is  particularly  observable  in  Hebrew 
manuscripts. 

(4.)  Jl  person  having  written  one  or  more  words  from  a 
wrong  place,  and  not  observing  it,  or  not  choosing  to  erase  it, 
might  return  to  the  right  line,  and  thus  produce  an  impropei 
insertion  of  a  word  or  a  clause. 

Of  this  we  have  a  striking  instance  in  John  vii.  2G. — Do  the  rulers  know 
rxMJjjs),  that  this  is  the  very  Christ  ("i.^i  i  Xpi,-os,  truly  the 
Christ)  I  The  second  aM>;»{  is  wanting  in  the  Codices  Vaticanus,  Canta 
brigiensis  (or  Codex  Beza;),  Cy'prius,  Btepbanl  t,  OT  Regius  62,  Nanianus, 
and  Ingolstadiensis,  in  numbers  1,  13,28,40,03,09,  110,  118,  and  124,  of 
Griesbach's  notation,  and  nine  other  manuscripts  of  less  note,  which  are  not 
specified  by  him  ;  it  is  also  wanting  in  the  manuscripts  noted  by  Hatthel 
With  the  letters  a,  1,  s,  and  10,  in  all  the  editions  of  the  Arabic  version,  in 
Wheeloc's  edition  of  the  Persian  version,  in  the  Coptic,  Armenian,  Sclavo- 
nic, and  Vulgate  versions  ;  and  in  all  the  copiesof  the  Old  Italic  version,  ex- 
cept that  of  Brescia.  Origin,  Epiphanius,  Cyril,  Isidore  ofPelusium,  t'hry- 
sostom,  and  Nonnus,  among  the  ancient  fathers;  and  Grotius,  Mill,  Bengel, 
Bishop  Pcarce,  and  Griesbach,  among  the  modern  writers,  are  all  unani- 
mous in  rejecting  the  word  »>.>idao{.  The  sentence  in  1  Cor.  x.  28.  Tcu  yx( 
Kupiou  >i  yn  xx.  to  rr\>if^ixx  «utm;,  The  earth  is  the  Lord's  and  thejulness 
thereoj,  is  wanting  in  the  Codices  Alexandrinus,  Vaticanus,  Cantaorigien- 
Bis,  Hasileensis,  lloreeli,  Harleianus  No.  5804,  and  Seidelil,  and  in  Nos.  10, 
17,  28,  40,  71",  73,  and  SO,  of  Griesbach's  notation  ;  it  is  also  wanting  in  the 
Syriac  version,  in  Erpenius's  edition  of  the  Arabic  version,  in  the  Coptic, 
Sahidic,  Ethiopic,  Armenian,  Vulgate,  and  Old  Italic  versions,  and  in  the 
quotations  of  the  lathers,  Johannes  Damascenus,  Ambrosiaster,  Augustine, 
Isidore  of  Pelusium,  and  Bede.  Griesbach  has  left  it  out  of  the  text,  as  a 
clause  that  ought  most  undoubtedly  to  be  erased.  There  is,  in  fact,  scarcely 
any  authority  to  support  it ;  and  the  clause  is  superfluous  ;  in  all  probability 
it  was  inserted  from  the  twenty-sixth  verse,  which  is  word  for  word  the 
same. 

(5.)  When  a  transcriber  had  made  an  omission,  and  after' 
wards  observed  it,  he  then  subjoined  what  he  had  omitted,  and 
thus  produced  a  transposition.5 

Thus,  Matt.  v.  4.  is  subjoined  to  5.  in  the  Codex  Bezae,  in  the  Vulgate  ver- 
sion, and  in  the  quotation  of  Jerome.  Luke  xxiii.  17.  is  omitted  in  the  Co- 
dices Alexandrinus,  Vaticanus  Cyprius,  and  Stephani  x,  in  the  Coptic  and 
Sahidic  versions,  and  in  the  Codex  Vercellensis  of  the  Old  Italic  version  • 
and  it  is  subjoined  to  the  nineteenth  verse  in  the  Codex  Bezx. 

In  like  manner,  Rom.  i.  29.  is  very  different  in  different  copies. 

In  the  Textus  Receptus  or  common  editions,  we  read,  «5>x.x,  it^^ix, 
iravr.pix,  *rx.t en; ix,  xxxix, — unrighteousness,  Jornicalion,  wickedness,  co 
vetotisness,  maliciousness. 

In  the  Codex  Alexandrinus  and  Ethiopic  version,  we  read,  «J>xi'»,  »ov*p.x 
xxxix,  jr>.iov£»ix, — unrighteousness,  wickedness,  maliciousness,  covetous 
ness. 

In  the  Codex  Claromontanus,  we  read,  «Jixi«,xa«n,  ipxn",  ^uti-a- 
unrighteousness,  maliciousness,  covetovsness. 

In  the  Vulgate  version,  we  read,  iniquitate,  malitia,Jornicatione.  aran 
lia,  nequitia,  whence  it  is  evident  that  the  authors  of  that  translation  read 

a-T*<*x,  TTOvxpia,  rropvnx,  ;r\tovi$;ix,  xxxia.      And 

The  order  of  the  words  in  the  Syriac  version  shows  that  its  authors  read, 

xSixix,  jropvux,  irovnpix,  xxxix,  txi:x;i», — unrighteousness,  Jorniculion, 
wickedness,  maliciousness,  covetousness. 

(6.)  Another  cause  of  various  lections  in  Hebrew  manu- 
scripts referable  to  this  head,  is  the  addition  of  letters  to  the 
last  word  in  the  lines  in  order  to  preserve  their  symmetry  ,• 
and  in  Greek  manuscripts  omissions  are  frequently  occasioned 
by  what  is  called  c/uciiri/,*jrcv  (homocoteleuton),  or  when  a  word 
after  a  short  interval  occurs  a  second  time  in  a  passage.  Jtere, 
the  transcriber  having  written  the  word  at  the  beginning  of  the 
passage,  on  looking  at  the  book  again  from  which  he  copies, 
his  eye  catches  the  same  word  at  the  end  of  the  passage,  and 
continuing  to  write  what  immediately  follows,  he  of  course 
omits  intermediate  words. 

This  fact  will  account  for  the  omission  of  the  concluding  sentenceof  Matt 
v.  19.,  and  the  whole  of  verse  30.,  in  the  Codex  Beza?,  and  also  1  John  ii.  23. 

Again.  In  Malt.  XXviii.  9.  the  words  ajrayyuX.*.  toi;  /i>5i|txi;  xiitiv  (to  tell 

his  disciples),  are  omitted  from  the  same  cause,  in  the  Codices  Vaticanus 
and  Besss,  in  the  MSS.  by  Griesbach  numbered  10, 33,  49,  59,  60,  09,  119,  142', 
225,  287,  the  Evangelisteria  numbered  1,  13,  15,  17,  32,  in  the  second  of  the 
Barberini  MBS.,  and  in  those  noted  d.  and  q.  by  Matthaji ;  as  well  as  in  the 
Bvriac.  Arabic  (as  printed  in  the  London  Polyglott),  Persic.  Coptic.  Arme- 
nian, Vulgate  Latin,  Saxnn,  and  Old  Italic  Versions  (except  the  manpscr;;/, 
of  l!i  esr ia),  and  by  the  fathers  Origen,  Chrysostorn.  Jerome,  and  Angus 
tine.  And  Mark  ix.  20.  is  omitted  in  the  Codices  Vaticanus  1209,  Stephen/ 
i.  Vaticanus  354,  and  the  MSS.  by  Griesbach  numbered  2,  27.  63,  04.  121 
157,  in  Matthsi's  17,  in  the  Coptic  Version,  the  Codex  Saneermanensis  2 
of  the  Italic  Version,  in  the  printed  editions  of  Aldus  and  Frobenius,  and  b» 
Theophylact. 

(7.)  As  all  the  most  ancient  manuscripts  were  written  in 
capital  letters,  and  without  any  spaces  between  words,  or  even 
sentences,  syllables  are  frequently  omitted  or  repeated.  S*, 
careless  or  ignorant  transcribers  have  very  often  mistaken  the 
notes  of  abbreviation,  which   are  of  frequent  occurrence  in 

'  Dr.  Gerard's  Institutes  of  Biblical  Criticism,  p.  238. 


*84 


CAUSES  OF  VARIOUS  READINGS. 


[Paht  I.  Chap.  III. 


ancient  ma7iuscripts.  A  few  specimens  of  such  abbreviations 
are  given  in  the  preceding  part  of  this  volume. 

From  this  source  probably  originated  the  reading  in  1  Pet.  ii.  3.  of  Xp.ro; 
(Christ)  instead  of  XWcj  {gracious),  which  occurs  in  the  Mi>>..by  Qries- 
bach  numbered  40,  68,  and  others  of  less  note,  in  Matthaei's  g,  in  some 
printed  editions,  and  also  in  the  verse  as  cited  by  Clemens  Alexandrinus, 
Gregory  Nazianzen,  and  Procopius,  and  by  Theophylact  in  his  commentary 
on  this  text.  The  reading  in  the  manuscript  whence  the  transcriber  made 
his  copy  must  have  becn"xlf,  which,  not  being  understood  by  him,  he 
altered  into  Xpirof. 

(8.)  Lastly,  the  ignorance  or  negligence  of  transcribers  has 
been  a  most  fruitful  source  of  various  readings,  by  their  having 
mistaken  marginal  notes  or  scholia  for  a  part  of  the  text.  It 
was  not  unusual  in  ancient  manuscripts  to  -write  in  the  margin 
an  explanation  of  difficult  passages,  or  a  -word  synonymous  to 
that  in  the  text,  but  more  usual  and  more  easily  understood,  or 
■with  the  intent  of  supplying  a  seeming  deficiency  ;  any  or  all 
of  -which  might,  in  the  copies  taken  from  the  manuscript  in 
•which  these  notes  were  -written,  be  easily  obtruded  on  the  text 
Uself. 

Thus,  to  Matt.  vi.  33.  some  copies,  as  well  as  the  fathers  Clemens  Alex- 
andrinus, Origen,  and  Eusebius,  add  the  following  clause,  as  having  been 
uttered  by  Jesus  Christ:— An-tn-:  ti  feiyx\x.,  x*i  t«  (iipxa  opm  jrpoo-r^;- 

TiTXi'    XX*    CftlTEITE    Ttf   B7TCUpXVl3t    XXI    T «   iTTtytiX    TTpOITTf  JjlTeTX  I    VfilV  '. Seek 

ye  great  things,  and  little  things  shall  be  added  unto  you;  and  seek  ye 
heavenly  things,  and  earthly  things  shall  be  added  unto  you.  But  this 
addition  is  manifestly  a  gloss. 

So,  in  Mark  vii.  35.,  after  he  spake  plain,  the  following  sentence  is  added 
in  MS.  90  of  Griesbach's  notation  :— Kxi  i\xmi  tvKoyuv  tov  Stov,— and  he 
spake,  praising  God.  That  the  man  did  this,  we  may  readily  conclude  ; 
but  this  sentence  was  not  added  by  the  evangelist.  It  was  evidently  a  gloss. 

Again,  in  Luke  vii.  16.,  after  the  sentence  God  hath  visited  his  people,  the 
words  3«s  xyxSov,  for  good,  are  added  in  the  manuscripts  by  Griesbach 
noted  M.  13, 50,  69,  71,  106, 114,  and  eight  others,  in  Matthaei's  x,  in  the  Syriac 
(as  printed  in  the  London  Polyglott),  in  the  Armenian,  and  in  all  the  Arabic 
versions,  and  in  the  Codices  Veronensis,  Vercellensis,  Corbeiensis,  Colber- 
tinus4051,  San-germanensis  1,  and  Forojuliensis,  of  the  Old  Italic  version. 
But  it  is  manifestly  a  gloss,  and  is  rejected  as  such  by  Dr.  Mill  and  Gries- 
bach. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  the  differences  caused  by  these  or  similar 
additions  do  in  no  respect  whatever  affect  any  point  of  faith  or  morality. 
Several  eminent  critics,  for  instance,  are  of  opinion  that  the  controverted 
clause  in  1  John  v.  7,8.  crept  into  the  text  in  this  manner;  because  it  is  not 
found  in  any  ancient  manuscripts,  nor  in  the  writings  of  the  fathers  who 
disputed  against  the  Arians.  The  evidence  for  the  passage  in  question  is 
fully  considered  in  Vol.  II.  Part  VI.  pp.  366—376.  But,  for  the  sake  of  argu- 
ment, let  us  suppose  it  to  be  an  omission  in  the  manuscripts  where  it  is 
wanting,  or  an  addition  to  those  where  it  occurs;  it  cannot  in  any  way  be 
prejudicial  to  the  Christian  faith  ;  because,  whatever  sense  we  may  put 
upon  that  passage,  the  same  truth  being  must  clearly  and  indisputably  taught 
in  other  places  of  the  New  Testament,  there  is  no  more  occasion  for  adding 
it,  than  there  is  inconvenience  in  omitting  it. 

2.  Errors  or  Imperfections  in  the  manuscript  from  which 
a  transcriber  copied,  are  a  further  source  of  various  readings. 

Besides  the  mistakes  arising  from  the  strokes  of  certain  letters 
being  faded  ar  erased,  others  of  a  contrary  nature  may  arise  from 
the  transparency  of  the  paper  or  vellum,  whence  the  stroke  of  a 
letter  on  one  side  of  the  leaf  may  seem  to  be  a  part  of  the  letter 
on  the  other  side  of  the  leaf,  and  in  this  manner  O  may  be  taken 
for  e. 

According  to  Wetstein,  this  very  accident  happened  to  Mill,  in  examining 
the  celebrated  passage  (1  Tim.  iii.  16.)  in  the  Codex  Alexandrinus.  Mill  had 
asserted  in  regard  to  the  OC  in  this  manuscript,  that  some  remains  of  a 
stroke  were  still  visible  in  the  middle  of  the  omicron,  and  concluded  there- 
fore that  the  word  was  properly  8C.  But  Wetstein,  who  examined  this 
manuscript  more  accurately,  could  discover  no  trace  of  any  stroke  in  the 
omicron,  but  took  notice  ofa  circumstance  which  he  supposes  led  Mill  into 
error.  On  the  other  side  of  the  leaf,  directly  opposite  to  O,  is  the  letter  C, 
in  the  wordeTCGBeiA,  the  middle  stroke  of  which  is  visible  on  the  former 
side,  and  occupies  the  hollow  of  O.  Wetstein,  having  made  the  discovery, 
called  several  persons  to  witness,  who  confirmed  the  truth  of  it.  But  this 
hypothesis  of  Wetstein's  has  been  questioned  by  Dr.  Woide,1  and  has  been 
most  clearly  disproved  by  Dr.  Berriman.'  In  order  to  discover  the  genuine 
reading  of  a  manuscript  where  the  letters  are  faded,  Michaelis  recommends 
the  critic  to  have  recourse  to  such  as  are  related  to  n,  either  in  time,  place, 
or  character,  and  if  possible  to  those  which  were  immediately  copied  from 
it  while  the  letters  were  still  legible.  Velthusen  and  Griesbach  are  unani- 
mous in  regard  to  the  propriety  of  this  rule,  but  in  their  application  of  it  to 
I  Tim.  iii.  16.  they  have  drawn  directly  opposite  conclusions.  Those  who 
endeavour  to  supply  what  time  has  destroyed,  and  venture  to  write  anew 
the  remnant,  or  seeming  remnant,  ofa  faded  stroke,  are  guilty  of  an  act 
that  deserves  the  highest  censure :  the  Codex  Alexandrinus,  Codex 
Ephrem,  and  Codex  Claromontanus,  have  all  suffered  in  this  manner,  but  the 
authors  of  these  amendments  have  deprived  their  successors  of  the  means 
Df  judging  for  themselves,  and  have  defeated  the  end  which  they  intended 
to  answer. 

Again,  the  omission  of  a  passage  in  an  ancient  manuscript,  which  the 
writer  added  afterwards  in  the  margin,  might  lead  a  copyist  into  error, 
unless  it  was  particularly  marked  in  what  part  of  the  text  the  passage  ought 
to  be  inserted.  Many  manuscripts  are  still  extant,  in  which  omissions  are 
in  this  manner  supplied,  especially  in  those  preserved  at  Moscow,  which 
Mat'hrei  has  extracted  and  accurately  described  in  his  critical  edition  of 
the  New  Testament. 

3.  A  third  source  of  various  readings  is  Critical  Conjec- 
ture, or  an  intended  improvement  of  the  original  text. 

"  In  reading  the  works  of  an  author  of  known  literary  reputa- 
tion we  ascribe  grammatical  or  orthographical  errors,  if  any  are 

•■  Novum  Testamentum  Graecum,  e  Codice  MS.  Alexandrino ;  Praefat. 
487.  p.  xxxi. 
»  Critical  Dissertation  upon  1  Tim.  iii.  16.  pp.  153—160. 


to  be  found,  rather  to  a  mistake  of  the  printer  than  to  a  want  of 
knowledge  in  the  writer.  In  the  same  manner  the  transcriber  of 
a  manuscript  attributes  the  faults  of  his  original  to  the  error  of  a 
former  copyist,  and  alters  them  as  he  supposes  they  were  written 
by  the  author.  But  if  he  carries  his  critical  conjectures  too  far, 
he  falls  himself  into  the  error  which  he  intended  to  avoid."  This 
may  be  done  in  various  ways. 

(1.)  Thus  the  transcriber  may  take  an  expression  to  be 
faulty  -which  in  reality  is  not  so  ;  or  he  may  mistake  the  sense 
of  the  author,  and  suppose  that  he  has  discovered  a  grammati- 
cal error,  when,  in  fact,  he  himself  construes  falsely  : — or  the 
grammatical  error  intended  to  be  corrected  actually  proceeded 
from  the  author  himself3 

(2.)  Further,  some  critical  copyists  have  not  only  corrected 
ungrammatical  or  inaccurate  expressions,  but  have  even  con- 
verted inelegant  into  elegant  phrases  ;  and  they  have  likewise 
omitted  words  that  appeared  to  them  superfluous,  or  the  differ- 
ence of  which  they  did  not  understand. 

Thus,  in  Mark  vii.  37.  Teuj  x\ct\cv;,  the  dumb,  is  omitted  as  superfluous 
in  Griesbach's  MS.  28.  (Colbertinus  4705.  orColbertinus  2.  of  Dr.  Mill's  no- 
tation.) So,  in  Mark  x.  19.  M>i  «*ros-iip>,o->i;,  defraud  not,  is  omitted  in  the 
Codices  Vaticanus  and  Cyprius,  and  in  eighteen  other  manuscripts,  as  well 
as  in  the  Armenian  version,  and  also  in  Theophylact.  It  seems  included  ,n 
mi  xxvyiK,  do  not  steal,  and  does  not  occur  in  the  other  Gospels.  Once 
more,  xiyovTos,  saying,  (Matt.  i.  22.),  is  omitted,  because  the  transcriber 
deemed  it  an  unnecessary  addition  after  the  words,  that  which  was  spoki  u 
of  the  Lord  by  the  prophet. 

(3.)  But  of  all  the  sources  of  various  lections  which  are 
referable  to  this  head,  the  most  ample,  according  to  JMichaelis, 
and  the  most  productive  of  spurious  passages  in  the  JVew  Tes- 
tament,  is  the  practice  of  altering  parallel  passages  so  us  tn 
render  more  perfect  their  conformity  to  each  other.  The  Gos- 
pels in  particular  have  suffered  in  this  way  ;  and  Saint  Pauls 
Epistles  have  very  frequently  been  interpolated,  in  order  to 
make  his  quotations  from  the  Old  Testament  harmonize  with 
the  Septuagint  version,  -where  they  differed  from  the  exact 
words  of  the  latter. 

Two  or  three  instances  of  alterations  from  parallel  passages  will  confirm 
this  remark. 

Thus,  in  Matt.  xii.  8.  For  the  son  of  man  is  lord  even  of  the  sabbath-day, 
xxi,  even,  is  omitted  in  eighty-seven  manuscripts,  and  in  several  printed 
editions,  as  well  as  in  the  Syriac,  Arabic,  the  Persic  in  Bp.  Walton's  Poly. 
glott,  the  Coptic,  Armenian,  Sclavonic,  and  Italic  versions,  and  also  in  the 
passage  as  quoted  byTertullian,  Cyprian,  Origen,  Chrysostom,  Euthymius, 
and  Theophylact.  It  has  been  added  from  the  parallel  passage  in  Mark  ii. 
28.  or  in  Luke  vi.  5. ;  and  is  justly  rejected  by  Griesbach  as  an  interpola- 
tion. In  Matt.  xii.  35.  r>i>  xxpSix;,  of  the  heart,  is  wanting  in  one  hundred 
and  seven  manuscripts  as  well  as  in  several  printed  editions,  and  in  the  Ara- 
bic, Persic,  Sclavonic,  Anglo-Saxon,  Old  Italic,  and  Vulgate  version  ;  it  is 
also  wanting  in  the  passage  as  cited  by  Origen,  the  author  of  the  Dialogue 
against,  the  Marc  ionites,  Gregory  Nazianzen,  Gregory  of  Nyssa.  Chrysos- 
tom, Theophylact,  Cyprian,  Lucifer,  Hilary,  andAmbrosiaster.  II  has  been 
inserted  from  the  parallel  place  in  Luke  vi.45. 

The  clause  in  Matt,  xxvii.  35.  Ivx  a-j.>!pcu5>j  to  pifSev  (that  it  might  beful 
filled  which  was  spoken),  &c.  to  the  end  of  that  verse,  is  omitted  in  one 
hundred  and  sixty-one  manuscripts  in  the  Syriac  MSS.  and  also  in  some 
Syriac  editions,  in  the  Arabic  version  both  MSS.  and  also  as  printed  in  Bp. 
Walton's  Polyglott,  in  the  Persic  version  of  the  Polyglott,  in  all  the  manu- 
scripts, and  in  most  printed  editions  of  the  Coptic,  Sahidic,  Ethiopic,  and 
Sclavonic  versions,  in  most  MSS.  and  editions  of  the  Vulgate  Latin  version, 
in  several  MSS.  of  the  old  Italic  version  ;  and  likewise  in  tue  verse  as  cited 
by  Chrysostom,  Titus  of  Bostra,  Euthymius,  Theophylact.  Origen,  the  old 
Latin  translator  of  Irenaeus,  Augustine,  and  Juvencus.  This  clause  has 
been  interpolated  from  John  xix.  24.  Griesbach  justly  omits  it  as  decidedly 
spurious. 

Numerous  similar  interpolations  have  been  made  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apos- 
tles, by  these  supposed  amendments ;  and  where  the  same  story  is  related 
more  than  once,  transcribers,  and  more  frequently  translators,  have  sup- 
plied from  the  one  what  seemed  to  be  deficient  in  the  other.  Not  to  multi- 
ply examples  unnecessarily  in  illustration  of  this  last  remark,  it  will  be  suffi- 
cient to  compare  the  narrative  of  Saint  Paul's  conversion,  as  related  by 
Saint  Luke  (Acts  ix.),  with  the  apostle's  own  account  of  it  in  Acts  xxii.  and 
xxvi.  ;  and  also  the  two  narratives  of  the  conversion  of  Cornelius,  described 
in  Acts  x.  and  xi. 

(4.)  Lastly,  some  critics  have  altered  the  text  of  the  New 
Testament  in  conformity  to  the  Vulgate  version  ;  but  various 
readings,  which  are  evidently  derived  from  this  source,  art 
utterly  undeserving  of  attention. 


*  With  regard  to  these  corrections  of  grammatical  errors,  Michaelis  hap 
laid  down  the  four  following  rules  ;  viz. 

"  1.  In  those  passages  where  we  find  only  an  apparent  grammatical  error, 
the  seemingly  erroneous  reading  may  be  generally  considered  as  the  genu- 
ine, and  the  other  readings  as  corrections,  and  therefore  spurious. 

"2.  Real  grammatical  errors,  in  the  works  ofa  correct  and  classical 
writer,  are  justly  ascribed  to  a  mistake  of  the  copyist,  and  the  same  senti 
ments  may  be  entertained  of  an  author  of  less  eminence,  when  among  seve- 
ral copies  one  or  two  only  have  the  false  reading. 

"3.  But  when  expressions  that  deviate  from  the  strictness  of  gramma* 
are  found  in  the  writings  of  an  author  who  had  not  the  advantage  ofa  leameo 
education,  and  was  totally  regardless  of  the  accuracy  of  his  style,  not  in 
single  but  repeated  instances,  and  retained  in  a  very  great  number  of 
manuscripts,  they  must  be  attributed,  not  to  the  transcriber,  but  the  author. 

"4.  When  one  grammatical  error  in  particular  .<  trequently  found  in  on« 
and  the  same  writing,  as  the  improper  use  of  the  nominative  in  the  book  of 
Revelation,  no  doubt  can  be  made  that  it  pi  Meed*  I  from  the  author  him- 
self."—Michaelis  vol.  i.  p.  306. 


Sect.  VI.  §  2.] 


SOURCES  WHENCE  THE  TRUE  READINGS,  &c. 


2ft6 


4.  Wilful  Corruptions,  in  order  to  serve  the  purposes  of  a 
party,  wh'lhrr  orthodox  or  heterodox,  arc  another  s<Airce  of  vari- 
ous reading*. 

Among  the  ancient  heretics  no  one  has  been  n  edwith 

falsifying  the  sacred  text,  in  order  to  support  Ins  t<  nets,  nor  baa  IDf  one 
more  justly  deserved  thecenaurc,  which  baa  been  bestowed  upon  au 
warrantable  conduct,  than  Uarcion  ^  el  Mlchaelii  baa  shown  that 
deviations  from  the  text  in  common  use  are  not  wilful  corruptions,  but  that 
many  of  them  arc  really  various  readings;  and  li>:  baa  exculpated  the  Alius 
from  the  same  charge,  li  is,  however,  well  known  thai  Uarcion  caused  tin- 
first  two  chapters  of Sainl  I  ippear  from  his  copy, 

Luke  iv.  'Si,  3S,.'J'J.    In  Luke  viil.  19,  he  also  expunged  the  words  i  "mi"1 
•  •  i)n;n  «-jtcu,  his  mother  and  brethren.  In  Mark  xv  28,  instead  of^ir* 
m«,««»  tKcyia  ;,,  he  woe  numbered  with  the  transgressors,  thi 
r-ail  n  «f  d»,  dead,  in  order  to  support  their  hypothesis,  that  Christ's  body 
»»<  an  aerial  form  and  not  human, 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  a  bet  that  some  corruptions  have  been 

designedly  made  hy  those   who  BIB   termed  orthodox,  und  have 

inbeoqucntlj  been  preferred  when  so  made,  in  order  to  favour 

some  received  opinion,  or  to  preclude  an  objection  against  it.  As 

this  is  a  source  of  various  readings  (we  believe)  but  little  known, 

and  less  considered,  we  shall  adduce  two  or  three  examples  from 

PfafFs  dissertation   on  various  readings,  who  has  considered  the 

subject  ut  length. 

(1.)  Mark  xiii.  32.  OuJi  o  oiof.    These  words  are  omitted  in  some  manu- 

.  by  some  ol  the  fathers,  because  they  thopght  it 

red  the  Arians.   Ambrose,  who  nourished  in  the  fourth  century,  states 

thai  many  manuscripts  in  ins  time  omitted  them. 

'  |  Lake  I.  35.     After  ytwmfuttr,  the  words  ■*  <j-°"  have  been  added  in 

J  manuscripts  in  the  Byrlac,  Persic,  Arabic,  Ethiopic,  and  other 

ions,  as  well  as  In  nomerous  quotations  of  the  fathers,  in  opposition 

lo  the  Butychians,  who  denied  the  two  natures  of  Jesus  Christ. 

(3.)  I, iikC  xvii.  13.    The  whole  verse  is  omitted  in  the  Alexandrian  and 

ilher  manuaci  ipl  -,  becau  te  sonic  orthodox  Christians  Imagined  that 

mtion  of  an  angel's  strengthening  our  Saviour,  during  his  agony  in 

the  garden,  detracted  from  his  Deity. 

(1  )  l  Cor.  xv.  5.  Saint  l'aul  asserts  that  Christ  appeared  after  his  resur- 
rection to  the  tteelve,  ««s  iuSixm,  though  at  that  lime  two  of  the  number 
were  wanting,  Thomas  being  absent,  and  Judas  Iscariot  being  dead  Some 
manuscripts  therefore  read   ■    >*»,  eleven,  lest  the  sacred  historian  should 

■ged  with  falsehood,  though  every  attentive  readerof  the  New 
ment  knows  that  the  apostle,  in  writing  this,  used  the  figure  called  lyneo- 
doche,  in  which  a  part  is  put  tor  the  whole. 

Matt.  i.  18.  Hf>'v  >;  oruwix,&,.v  xutou;  {before  they  came  togtther),  and 
25.  »vtiis  rt«  jrpsToro/.ov  (her  first  born),  are  in  some  copies  designedly 
1,  lest  any  should  doubt  the  perpetual  virginity  of  Mary  the  mother 
ofChrist. 

§  2.    SOURCES    WHENCE    THE    TRUE    READINGS    ARE    TO    BE 
DETERMINED. 

1.  Manuscripts. — II.  The  most  ancient  and  the  best  editions. — 
III.  .Indent  versions. — IV.  The  writing's  of  Josephus  (for 
the  Old  Testament). — V.  Parallel  passages. — VI.  Quota- 
tions from  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  in  the  works  of  the 
fathers. — VII.  Critical  conjecture. 

The  causes  of  various  readings  being  thus  ascertained,  the 
next  step  is  to  consider  the  Sources  whence  the  true  read- 
ing  IS  TO  CE  DETERMINED. 

The  legitimate  sources  of  emendation  are,  l.  Manuscripts 

2.  The  most  ancient  and  best  Editions  ;  .'{.  Ancient  versions 
(and,  for  the  Old  Testament  in  particular,  the  Samaritan  text 
of  the  Pentateuch,  together  with  the  Masora,  and  the  Tal- 
mud); 1.  The  Writings  of  Josephus  (tor  the  Old  Testa- 
ment) ;  ->■  Parallel  Passages  ;  6.  Quotations  from  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments  in  the  works  of  the  Fathers  ;  7.  Frag- 
ments of  Heretical  Writings;  and,  8.  Critical  Conjecture. 
But  these  various  sources  are  all  to  he  used  with  great  judg- 

i  and  caution,  as  being  fallible  criteria  ;  nor  is  the  com- 
mon reading  ever  to  be  rejected  but  upon  the  most  rational 
grounds. 

I.  Manuscripts. — Having  already  [riven  some  observa- 
tions on  the  age  of  manuscripts,  together  with  an  account  of 
some  of  the  most  ancient,'  it  will  onlj  be  necessary  that  we 
should  in  this  place  otl'er  a  few  hints  concerning  their  relative 
value,  and  the  application  of  them  to  the  determination  of 
various  readings. 

1.  In  general,  then,  we  may  affirm  that  the  present  Copies  of 
the  Scriptures  of  the  Old  and  .\"  /'  lament,  under  the 
guardianship  of  the  Jewish,  Samaritan,  .ind  Christian  churches, 
agreeing  in  every  thing  essential,  are  of  the  same  authenticity 
afid  authority  with  the  original  autographs i  notwithstanding 
the  errors  that  have  crept  into  them,  from  whatever  cause. 

2.  The  number  of  manuscripts,  however,  is  not  so  much  to  be 
considered,  as  their  quality,  antiquity,  and  agreement  with  the 
most  ancient  interpreters  ;  for  the  true  reading  may  be  pre- 
served in  a  single  manuscript. 

3.  Those  mariuscripts  are  to  be  accounted  the  best,  which  are 
<*ott  consonant  with  those  used  by  the  ancient  interpreters  t 

"  See  an  account  of  the  principal  Hebrew  and  Greek  MSS.  in  pp.  218 
JtGO.  of  this  volume. 


anrf,  with  regard  to  the  Old  Testament,  in  particular,  M.  de 
Rossi  states,  that  those  manuscripts  are  in  every  case  preferable 
which  have  not  been  tampered  with  by  the  JMasoretes,  ana 
which  have  the  Chaldee  paraphrase  interjected,  in  alternate 
verses. 

4.  .'llthough,  other  things  being  equal,  the  more  ancieu'.'.y 
and  accurately  written  manuscripts  are  to  be  preferred,  yet  u 
recent  and  incorrect  copy  may  often  have  the  better  reading 
because  it  may  have  been  transcribed  from  an  excellent  ana 
ancient  copy. 

5.  An  accurate  manuscript  is  preferable  to  one  that  is  negli- 
gently written. 

Various    readings,  therefore,   particularly  in  the  Hebrew  Scriptures, 

i  e  found  in  manuscripts  transcribed  by  a  learned  person,  or  for  a 

learned  person,  from  some  celebrated  or  corrected  copy,  are  to  be  pre- 

fei  i  •  i  to  those  written  for  private  use  ;  and  the  readings  found  in  ancient 

an. I  unpointed  manuscripts,  written  for  the  use  of  the  synagogue,  are  bet 

n  i  .oretic  exemplars. 

C.  The  first  erased  reading  of  a  manuscript  is  not  always  un 
error  of  the  copyist,  nor  is  the  second  substituted  one  always 
the  better  reading.  Both  are  to  be  tried  by  the  touchstone  of 
the  ancient  versions,  and  in  the  Pentateuch  by  the  Samaritan 
text  also. 

7.  Other  things  being  equal,  Michaelis  states,  that  a  Lection 
arium  in  not  of  equal  value  with  a  manuscript  of  the  same  an 
tiquity  that  contains  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  complete, 
because  in  the  former  the  text  was  frequently  altered,  accord- 
ing to  the  readings  which  were  most  approved  at  the  time  when 
it  was  written  ;  though  Lectionaria  sometimes  have  readings 
of  great  importance.2 

8.  In  reckoning  up  the  number  of  manuscripts  for  or  against 
any  particular  reading,  it  will  be  necessary, 

FlBST,  To  distinguish  properly  between  one  manuscript  and 
another,  that  the  same  MS.  be  not  counted  twice  over,  and 
consequently  ose  pass  for  two. 

This  (it  is  now  ascertained)  was  the  case  with  the  Codex  Bezae,  which  has 
been  proved  to  be  the  same  which  was  the  second  of  Stephens's  MSB 
marked  8,  and  not  two  distinct  manuscripts.  Wherever,  therefore,  a  num- 
ber of  manuscripts  bears  evident  marks  of  having  been  transcribed  in 
on,  thai  is.  each  of  them  being  first  a  copy  taken  from  another, 
ami  then  an  original  having  a  copy  taken  from  it,  or  where  all  are  taken 
from  one  common  original,  they  are  not  to  be  considered  as  funds] 
many  different  instances  of  various  reading,  but  should  be  estimate 
as  our,  whose  authority  resolves  itself  into  that  of  the  first  man;, 
Inattention  to  this  circumstance  has  contributed  to  increase  the  number 
of  various  readings  beyond  what  they  really  are.  But  though  two  manu- 
scripts, one  of  which  is  copied  from  the  other,  can  be  admitted  only  as  a 
idence,  yet,  if  a  word  is  faded  in  the  more  ancient  one,  it  mav 
lie  supplied  from  that  which  is  more  modern.  Manuscripts  which,  though 
not  immediately  copied  from  each  other,  exhibit  a  great  uniformity  in 
their  readings,  Beem  to  be  the  produce  of  the  same  country,  and  to  have, 
as  it  were,  the  usual  readings  of  that  country.  A  set  of  manuscripts  of 
this  kind  is  to  be  considered  as  the  same  edition,  in  which  it  is  of  no  im- 
portance to  the  authenticity  of  a  reading  whether  five  hundred  or  five  thou- 
sand copies  be  taken.  Numbers  alone,  therefore,  decide  nothing  in  the 
present  instance. 

Secondly,  We  must  carefully  observe  what  part  of  the 
Scriptures  the  several  manuscripts  actually  contain,  and  in 
what  respects  they  are  defective. 

There  are  few  MSS.  extant,  which  contain  either  the  Old  or  the  New 
Testament  entire,  ami  have  been  transmitted  to  us  without  loss  and  damage. 
Of  the  MSS.  of  the  Old  Testament,  which  have  been  described  in  pp.  2\S, 
219.  supra,  not  one  is  complete;  and  with  regard  to  the  New  Testament,  we 
iready  seen  that  the  Codices  Alexandrinus,  Vaticanus,  and  Lcices- 
are  mutilated.  Other  MSS.  contain  the  Gospels,  or  the  Gospels  and 
Acts  of  the  Apostles;  others,  the  Acts  and  Pauline  Epistles,  or  the  Catholic 
I  or  both;  ot hers  have  the  Epistles  by  themselves;  and  there  are 

several  manuscripts  which  contain  the  whole  of  the  New  Testament  except 
pocalypse  ;  to  which  are  to  be  added  the  Lectionaries,  or  select  por- 
tions of  the  New  Testament,  which  were  read  as  lessons,  or  Epistles  and 
Gospels  in  the  service  of  the  church.  Now  it  is  absolutely  necessary  that 
we  observe  the  state  and  condition  of  MSS.,  in  order  that  we  may  avoid 
false  conclusions  and  inferences  from  the  non-production  of  a  manuscript 
for  a  various  reading  by  any  editor  of  the  New  Testament,  who  professedly 
gives  an  account  of  the  various  readings  of  MSS..  as  if  it  therefore  did  not 
vary,  v.  hen  in  reality  the  text  itself  was  wanting  therein;  and  also  in  order 
re  >  n.  i  cite  a  M.S.  in  favour  of  any  reading,  where  in  truth  such 
MS  has  no  reading  at  all.  From  inattention  to  this  obvious  rule.  Ann  li  tie* 
rued  the  tirsl  Codex  of  Stephens,  the  Complutensian,  Cardinal  Xine 

os's,  and  that  of  Alcala,  as  so  many  different  manuscripts,  when,  in 
fact,  there  was  but  one  and  the  same  printed  edition. 

Thi  it  n lt.  We  must  also  observe  whether  the  MSS.  have 
been  entirely  and  exactly  collated. 

lines,  perhaps,  only  the  more  noted  and  important  texts  have  been 
I.  This  was  the  case  with  the  Codex  Claroiuontanus.  as  collated 
by  Besa,  and  also  with  the  MSS.  of  the  Apostolic  Epistles  in  die  Archiepisco- 
pal  Library  at  Lambeth,  which  have  only  been  collated  for  the  controverted 
clause  in  1  John  v.  7.  Sometimes  also  it  happens  that  MSS.  have  come  late 
into  the  hands,  of  editors  of  the  New  Testament,  after  the  printing  was 

»  In'roduction,  vol.  ii.  p.  161. 

»  Amelotte,  the  bitter  enemy  of  the  icarned  and  pious  Port-Royalists, 
published  a  French  translation  of  the  New  Testament  in  four  volumes,  8vo., 
in  the  vears  1666— 1668.    In  his  notes  he  boasted  of  having  consulted  all  the 
manuscripts  in  Europe,  which  he  afterwards  confessed  he  had  not  seen 
Chalmers's  Biographical  Dictionary,  vol.  ii.  pp.  95—97. 


286 


SOURCES  WHENCE  THE  TRUE  READINGS 


[Part  I.  Chap.  Ill 


begun,  and  consequently  only  part  of  the  various  lections  have  been  exhibit- 
ed. This  was  the  case  both  with  Dr.  Mill  and  with  Griesbach  in  their  critical 
editions.  Again,  it  sometimes  happens  that  a  manuscript  has  been  collated 
in  the  beginning,  but,  from  some  accident  or  other,  the  collation  of  it  has  not 
been  completed.  This  was  the  eas»  with  the  Codex  Cypnus,  of  which  we 
had  no  entire  collation  until  Dr.  Scholz  printed  one  at  the  end  ofhisDisser- 
tation  on  that  manuscript,'  and  also  with  the  Codex  Montlortiauus,  which 
was  collated  in  the  Gospels  and  most  parts  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and 
in  part  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hoinans.  Nor  had  we  any  complete  collation 
if  it,  until  the  Rev.  Dr.  Barrett  printed  one  at  the  end  of  his  fac-simile  of 
.he  Codex  Rescriptus  of  Matthew's  Gospel,  now  preserved  in  the  library 
of  Trinity  College,  Dublin.*  It.  is  therefore  absolutely  necessary  that  we 
should  inquire  into  these  particulars,  that  we  may  not  be  deceivi  il  our- 
selves, or  deceive  others,  by  alleging  an  authority  that  has  never  been 
examined. 

II.  The  best  and  most  ancient  printed  Editions,  an  account 
of  which  is  given  in  the  Appendix  to  Volume  II.  are  so  far 
only  to  be  admitted  in  evidence,  as  they  are  immediately  taken 
from  manuscripts.  The  various  readings,  however,  which 
they  contain,  are  not  to  be  neglected,  particularly  those  of  the 
Hebrew  Bibles  printed  in  Rabbi  Ben  Chaim's  or  Hajim's 
Masoretical  edition.  In  the  New  Testament,  as  the  readings 
found  in  all  the  early  printed  editions  rest  on  the  authority  of 
a  few  manuscripts  which  are  not  always  the  most  ancient, 
the  concurrence  of  all  these  editions  cannot  confer  great  autho- 
rity on  the  readings  adopted  by  them,  in  opposition  to  others 
which  appear  to  be  well  supported. 

III.  The  ancient  Versions  (of  which  an  account  has 
already  been  given),  though  not  tree  from  error,  nevertheless 
afford  important  assistance  towards  determining  the  true 
readings  of  passages,  as  they  show  what  readings  their 
authors  considered  to  be  genuine  :  but  it  is  necessary  that  we 
consult  only  correct  texts  of  such  versions. 

1.  Ancient  Versions  are  a  legitimate  source  of  emendation, 
unless  upon  collation  ive  have  reason  to  conclude  that  the  trans- 
lators of  them  -were  clearly  mistaken. 

One  or  two  examples  will  illustrate  this  remark.  In  James  v.  12.  many 
MSS.,  the  Arabic  of  the  London  Polyglott,  the  Armenian  and  the  Sclavonic 
versions,  as  also  the  Monk  Antiochus,  Oecumenius,  and  Theophylacf,  read 
!>«  i»>i  Mj  urroxpicriv  miTvtTi,  lest  ye  fall  into  hypocrisy.  But  the  Codices 
Alexandrinus  and  Vaticanus,  and  several  other  manuscripts,  besides  the 
printed  editions,  and  the  Syriac,  Arabic  (as  edited  by  Erpenius),  Coptic, 
Ethiopic,  Vulgate,  and  other  versions,  all  read  the  clause  as  it  appears  in 
our  authorized  English  version,  which  is  unquestionably  the  true  reading. 
viz.  ivx  p-i  •"  xpio-.K  ct£(t>|ts,  lest  ye  fall  into  condemnation.  Again,  in 
t  Pet.  v.  13.  we  read,  ac-n'tr*.  u^*,-  *  tv  B^/Sv*.^!  crwix.Kix.Tti.  Here  some 
word  is  evidently  to  be  supplied,  in  order  to  complete  the  sense.  Dr.  Mill 
conjectures  that  Peter's  wife  was  intended.  But  the  word  txx\tin*,  church, 
is  found  in  the  margin  of  two  manuscripts  (4.  and  33.  of  Griesbach's  nota- 
tion), and  in  the  Syriac,  Arabic,  Armenian,  and  Vulgate  versions.  It  ought 
therefore  to  be  received  into  the  text.  It  is  very  properly  supplied  in  Italic 
characters  by  the  learned  and  venerable  translators  of  our  authorized 
English  version,  who  render  the  verse  thus  : — The  church  that  is  at  Baby- 
lon, elected  together  with  you,  saluteth  you.  Once  more,  in  2  Pet.  ii.  2.  the 
apostle,  predicting  the  false  teachers  who  would  corrupt  the  church  by 
their  destructive  doctrines,  says,  that  many  shall follow,  ««*■•»  -rai;  xttiuKu- 
»«s,  their  destructions,  that  is,  their  pernicious  ways  (as  our  translators  have 
rendered  it),their  heresies  of  destruction  or  destructive  opinions,ment\oned 
in  the  preceding  verse.  This  reading,  however,  is  only  found  in  the  MSS. 
43.  and  65.  of  Griesbach's  notation  (both  of  the  twelfth  century),  and  in  a 
few  others  of  no  note.  But  instead  of  it,  we  read,  x<rs^yei=tt;,  that  is, 
lasciviousness  or  uncleanness,  in  the  Codices  A.  B.  C.  (Alexandrinus,  Vati- 
canus, and  Ephremi);  and  in  more  than  fifty  other  manuscripts,  most  of 
which  are  among  the  most  ancient,  correct,  and  authentic.  This  is  also  the 
reading  of  both  the  Syriac,  all  the  Arabic,  the  Coptic,  Ethiopic,  Armenian, 
Sclavonic,  and  Vulgate  versions,  and  of  the  fathers  Chrysostom,  Theophi- 
lus,  Oecumenius,  and  Jerome.  The  word  aa-ayiin;,  lasciviousness,  is, 
therefore,  beyond  all  doubt,  the  true  reading,  and  is  very  properly  printed 
as  such  by  Griesbach  ;  and  it  points  out  the  nature  of  the  heresy  intended 
by  the  apostle.  It  was  a  sort  of  antinomianisin.  The  heretics  alluded  to 
pampered  and  indulged  the  lusts  of  the  flesh ;  and  if  the  Nicolaitans  are 
meant,  it  is  very  applicable  to  them,  for  they  taught  the  community  of 
wives,  &c. 

2.  Ancient  manuscripts,  supported  by  some  of  the  ancient 
versions  and  by  the  sense,  render  a  reading  certainly  right, 
though  it  be  not  found  in  the  more  modern. 

In  Isa.  lviii.  10.  we  read,  If  thou  draw  nut  thy  s'mlto  the  hungry.  This, 
Bishop  Lowth  remarks,  is  a  correct  rendering  of  the  present  Hebrew  text, 
but  it  is  an  obscure  phrase,  and  without  example  in  any  other  place.  In- 
stead, however,  of  "IfBJ  (N»p«BHeK)  thy  soul,  eight  manuscripts  (three  of 
which  are  ancient)  read  IDrT?  (LaHeMeK)  thy  bread;  and  so  it  is  rendered 
in  the  Syriac  version.  The  proper  reading  thereof  is,  draio  out  (or  bring 
forth)  thy  bread.  The  Septuagint  version  expresses  both  words,  n»  ap-rov 
i*  ti(5  ^ix>is  o-ou,  thy  bread  from  thy  soul.* 


»  Scholz,  Curse  Criticre  in  Historiam  Textus  Evangeliorum,  pp.  80—90. 
The  collation  of  the  Codex  Cyprius,  in  this  publication,  is  very  incorrectly 
given,  as  Dr.  Scholz,  being  absent  from  the  press  on  his  Biblico-Critical 
Travels,  could  not  correct  the  proof-sheets.  He  has,  however,  given  the 
various  readings  of  this  manuscript  with  the  utmost  fidelity  and  accuracy 
practicable,  in  the  first  volume  of  his  Critical  Edition  of  the  Ntuv  Testament. 

»  Barrett,  Evangelium  secundum  Matthaum  ex  Codice  Rescripto  in 
Bibliotheca  Collegii  SS.Trinitatis  juxta Dublin.    Appendix,  pp.5— 35. 

»  Gerard's  Institutes,  p.  271.  Lowth's  Isaiah,  vol.  ii.  p.343.  Another  emi- 
nent commentator,  however,  defends  the  common  reading  and  rendering. 
He  is  of  opinion,  that  the  emendation  above  proposed  is  a  gloss,  and  shoufd 
uot  be  adopted.  "  To  draw  out  the  soul  in  relieving  the  poor,  is  to  do  it  not 
»f  constraint  or  necessity,— but.  cheerfully,  and  is  both  nervous  and  ele- 
gant. His  soul  pities,  and  his  hand  gives."— (Dr.  A.  Clarke  on  Isa.  lvhi.  10.) 


3.  The  concurrence  of  the  ancient  versions  is  sufficient  to 
establish  a  reading  as  certainly  right,  -when  the  sense  or  parallel 
place  shows  both  the  propriety  of  that  reading,  and  the  corrup- 
tion of  what  is  found  in  the  copies  of  the  original. 

Thus,  in  Prov.  xviii.  21.  (22.  of  English  version)  we  read,  Whoso  findeth 
a  wife,  findeth  a  good  thing.  This  is  not  true  in  every  instance  ;  it  contra- 
dicts other  maxims  of  the  inspired  writer,  as  Dr.  Kennicott  has  shown,  who 
is  sufficiently  eloquent  on  this  occasion.  He  therefore  conjectured  that 
Solomon  originally  expressed  himself  thus ;  he  that  findeth  a  good  wife, 
findeth  a  good  Hung,  and  obtaineth  favour  from  the  Lord.  This  reading 
derives  a  strong  continuation  from  the  fact,  that  the  epithet  for  good  is  uni- 
formly found  in  the  Septuagint  Greek,  the  Syriac,  Arabic,  and  Vulgate  ver- 
s'ons.  It  is  likewise  found  in  two  ancient  manuscript  Chaldee  paraphrases 
i.f  the  Book  of  Proverbs  (one  of  which  is  at  Cambridge,  and  the  other  in  the 
King  of  Prussia's  library  at  Berlin).  All  these  concurring  testimonies, 
together  with  the  necessary  sense  of  the  text  itself,  prove  that  the  Hebrew 
originally  read,  and  ought  to  be  so  restored,  He  that  findeth  a  good  wife. 
findeth  a  good  thing* 

4.  The  Samaritan  Pentateuch,  -which  is  only  a  different 
copy  of  the  same  original  text,  being  more  ancient  than  th^ 
Babylonish  captivity,  and  religiously  preserved  in  the  ancient 
Hebrew  characters,  is  a  legitimate  source  of  emendation. 
Although  it  differs  in  many  places  from  the  present  Hebrew 
text,  and  these  differences  have  been  made  objections  against 
its  authority,  because  it  has  been  taken  for  granted  that  it 
must  be  wrong  wherever  it  is  not  conformable  to  the  Hebrew  ; 
yet  as  this  assumption  proceeds  on  the  erroneous  supposition  of 
the  absolute  integrity  of  the  Masoretic  copies,  it  ought  not  to 
be  regarded. 

Bauer  has  given  a  considerable  number  of  rules  for  the  appli- 
cation of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  to  the  determination  of  vari- 
ous readings,  which  he  has  illustrated  by  examples,  for  the  whole 
of  which  we  have  not  room.  The  following  are  such  of  his 
remarks  as  are  of  most  general  application  : — 

(1.)  Where  the  Samaritan  text  has  the  larger  sections  repeated  from  the 
other  chapters  of  the  Pentateuch,  it  is  interpolated,  and  the  Hebrew  text 
is  on  no  account  to  be  corrected  from  it. 

(2.)  Where  the  Samaritan  text  contains  readings  in  support  of  the  peculiar 
dogmas  entertained  by  the  Samaritans,  there  it  is  to  be  considered  as 
altered  by  the  fraud  of  that  sect. 

(3.)  Where  the  Samaritan  text  more  strictly  follows  the  rules  of  grammar, 
avoiding  enallages  of  number  and  gender  ;  and  on  the  other  hand,  where 
the  Hebrew  text  departs  from'those  rules,  not  frequently  expressing  the 
enallage  both  of  number  and  gender  ; — in  such  cases  the  reading  of  the  He- 
brew text  is  preferable  to  that  of  the  Samaritan. 

(4.)  Where  the  Samaritan  text  contains  a  clear  reading,  which  removes 
any  difficulty  or  obscurity,  by  the  addition  of  a  single  word  or  phrase,  there 
it  has  evidently  been  corrected  by  the  Samaritan  doctors,  and  the  reading 
of  the  Hebrew  copies  is  to  be  preferred.  The  application  of  this  and  the 
preceding  canon  to  most  of  the  corrections,  which  Houbigant  conceived 
might  be  drawn  from  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch,  will  show  that  those  cor- 
rections are  of  no  value  whatever. 

(5.)  Where  a  reading  in  the  Samaritan  text  departs  from  that  of  the  He 
brew  text,  in  the  guttural  letters,  the  true  reading  is  to  be  found  in  the  latter. 

(6.)  A  various  reading  in  the  Samaritan  text,  which  appears  to  be  derived 
from  the  resemblance  of  the  shape  of  the  letters,  is  to  be  rejected. 

(7.)  A  reading  in  the  Samaritan  text  which  is  entirely  unsupported  by  the 
authority  of  the  Masoretic  copies,  and  of  the  ancient  versions,  is  not  to  be 
regarded  as  the  true  one,  and  is  not  preferable  to  the  Masoretic  reading. 

(8.)  If  the  Samaritan  text  agrees  with  the  Septuagint  version  (as  frequently 
is  the  case),  their  testimony  is  to  be  considered  but  as  one,  from  the  very 
close  affinity  subsisting  between  them. 

(9.)  A  various  reading  of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  is  of  the  greatest 
value  when  it  is  confirmed  by  the  ancient  versions  of  Aquila  and  Symma- 
chtis,  by  the  Syriac  version,  the  Chaldee  paraphrase,  and  the  best  and  most 
ancient  Hebrew  MSS.  Thus,  in  Gen.  xxii.  13.  instead  of,  behold  behind  him 
inK  (achcr),  the  Samaritan  reads  "in*  (ach<jd),  one,  and  with  this  reading 
agree  the  Septuagint  and  Syriac  versions,  the  Targum  or  Chaldee  para 
phrase  of  Onkelos,  and  twenty-nine  of  the  manuscripts  collated  by  Dr. 
kennicott,  together  with  thirteen  of  those  collated  by  De  Rossi.  The  pro- 
per rendering,  therefore,  of  this  verse  is,  And  Abraham  lifted  up  his  eyes 
and  looked  ;  and  behold  a  ram  caught  in  a  thicket  by  his  horns. 

The  two  following  canons  are  selected  from  Dr.  Gerard's  Institutes  ol 
Biblical  Criticism  (pp.  270, 271.),  with  a  few  corrections  : — 

(10.)  Readings  in  the  Pentateuch  supported  by  the  Samaritan  copy,  a  few 
Hebrew  MSS.,  the  ancient  versions,  parallel  places,  and  the  sense,  are  cer- 
tainly right,  though  they  are  not  found  in  the  generality  of  Hebrew  manu- 
scripts nor  in  editions. 

Thus  in  Gen.  1. 25.  after  ye  shall  carry  up  ?ny  bones  from  hence,  the  parallel 
text  in  Exod.  xiii.  19.,  twelve  manuscripts,  the  Samaritan  text,  the  Septua- 
gint, Syriac,  Arabic,  and  Vulgate  versions,  all  add  with  you.  The  words, 
therefore,  are  part  of  the  text,  and  are  very  properly  incorporated  in  it  by 
Dr.  Boothroyd,  in  his  new  translation  of  the  Scriptures. 

In  Lev.  ix.21.  the  common  reading  is,  as  Moses  commanded :  but  in  thirty 
manuscripts,  the  Samaritan  text,  the  Septuagint  and  Arabic  versions,  and 
the  Targum  of  Onkelos,  we  read,  as  Jehovah  commanded  Moses;  which 
unquestionably  is  the  true  reading,  and  is  supported  not  only  by  these 
authorities,  but  also  by  the  whole  chapter  itself. 

(11.)  Readings  in  the  Pentateuch,  supported  by  the  Samaritan  text,  ancient 
versions,  parallel  places,  and  the  sense,  are  certainly  right,  though  they  are 
not  found  in  any  (or  in  only  one)  Hebrew  manuscript  now  extant. 

Thus  in  Gen.  ii.  24.  we  read,  and  they  shall  be  one  flesh  ;  but  it  is  they 
two  in  the  Samaritan  text,  and  in  the  Septuagint,  Syriac,  Old  Italic,  Vulgate 
and  Arabic  versions,  compared  with  Matt.  xix.  5.  Mark  x.  8.  1  Cor.  vi.  16 
Eph.  v.  31.,  Philo  Judaeus,  Tertullian,  Epiphanius,  Jerome,  ami  Augustine 
In  Exod.  vi.  20.  after  she  bare  him  Aaron  and  Moses,  '  and  Miriam  their 
sister,"  is  added  in  the  Samaritan  text,  the  Septuagint,  and  Syriac  versions, 

«  Kennicott's  Second  Dissertation  on  the  Hebrew  Text,  pp.  139—192.  Dr 
Gerard  lias  given  four  additional  instances  <"    he  above  rule.     Instit'itea 
I  pp.  272.  -73. 


Sect.  VI.  §  2.] 


ARE  TO  BE  DETERMINED. 


287 


mid  in  one  manuscript.  There  is  no  doubt  but  that  it  forms  parts  of  the 
sacred  text.    Again,  In  Exod.  xii.  40.  wi  yourning  of  th>-  chil- 

dren qf  Israel,  who  dwelt  in  Egypt,  loaa/our  hundred  and  thirty  yean, 
Hut  this  is  ii. it  true,  *  -r  it  was  only  two  hundred  and  fifteen  years  ',  and  ll 
contradicts  QaJ.  ill.  17.  which  says,  that  it  was  only  four  hundred  and  thirty 
years  from  the  calling  of  Abraham,  two  hundred  |  which 

d  before  the  going  Into  Egypt.    (Compare  Qen.  mi  1  xvii.  1.  21.  xxv. 
^ti.  and  rlvll.  9.)  The  following  it  the  verse  as  ll 
edtl ■  "i  the  Samai  Itan  Pentateuch,  confirmed  by  the  Alexandi  Ian  manu 

cripi  of  the  Septuagint  Now  the  sojourning  of  the  children  of  Israel  and 
of  their  fathers,  which  they  sojourned  In  the  land  of  Canaan  and  tn  theland 

;/  Egypt,  was/our  hundred  and  thirty  years.    This  is  the  true  reading, 
and  removes alJ  doubi  and  obscurity.    It  Is  proper  to  remark,  thai  I 
three  examples  ol  additional  pa    ages  from  the  Samaritan  texl  are  intro- 
duced  by  Dr.  Boothroyd  Into  the  text  of  his  tranalahon  ol  the  Bible. 

5.  Such  ancient  versions  as  were  immediately  made  from  the 
original  are  proper  sources  of  emendation,  -when  our  present 
Hebrew  and  Greek  manuscripts  disagree  ;  and  their  respective 
vabie  is  in  proportion  to  their  priority  of  date,  their  being 
mad.-  from  accurate  exemplars,  their  being  literal  translations, 
and  their  being  confirmed  by  one  another,  and,  as  far  as  re- 
spects the  Pentateuch,  by  the  Samaritan  text  ;  for  the  sole 
distent  ef  versions,  unsupported  by  other  authorities,  consti- 

only  a  dubious  lection. 

Before,  however,  we  admit  any  varion  -  reading  into  the  text  on  theautho- 

n  an.  i.  Hi  version,  we  musi  be  certain  that  the  text  of  such  version 

i  been  corrupted.    Amino  various  reading  can  be  derived  from  the 

modern  Latin  Versions  of  the  (in-'-k  or  Oriental  versions,  which  are  given 

.   [nils,  lii-cause  the  Latin  translators  have  in  some  instances 
mistaken  the  .sense  of  such  Oriental  versions. 

6.  The  Greek  version  of  the  Old  Testament,  called  the  Sep- 
tnugint,  being  the  most  ancient  and  illustrious,  is  preferable  to 
the  Old  Syriac  version  of  the  same  portion  of  Scripture  ;  but 
the  Old  Syriac  version  of  the  JVt-rw  Testament,  being  executed 
at  the  close  of  the  apostolic  age,  and  consequently  the  most 
ancient  of  all  the  translations  of  the  New  Testament,  is  prefer- 
able to  every  other  version  of  it. 

i  eadings  pointed  oat  by  the  Greek  version  are  sometimes  the  genu- 
ine lections,  even  when  they  are  not  found  111  any  Hebrew  iiianuscri|ils  now 

For  Instance,  in  i»'n.  Iv.  B.  we  read.  And  Cain  said  to  Ainl  his 
brother;  And  it  came  to  pass.ichen  they  were  in  the  field,  frc.  Here  there 
is  a  manifest  deficiency  in  all  the  Hebrew  MSS.  and  printed  editions.  The 
translators  of  the  authorized  English  version,  not  being  able  to  find  that  any 
thing  was  said  on  this  occasion,  ventured  to  intimate  that  there  was  a  con- 
on,  indefinitely,  and  therefore  rendered  the  first  clause  of  the  verse, 
and  Cain  talked  with  Abel  his  brother.  The  deficiency,  which  exists  in 
all  the  MSS,  and  editions,  is  supplied  in  the  Septuagint  version,  which  is 
supported  by  the  Samaritan  text,  the  Syriac  and  Vulgate  Latin  versions,  the 
iwo  Chaldee  Targums,  the  Greek  translation  of  Aqulla,  and  by  the  passage 
as  cited  by  Philo  :  all  of  which  supply  the  deficient  words,  Let  us  go  out  into 
the  field.  There  is  no  doubt,  therefore,  that  ihey  form  pari  of  the  original 
text,  and  that  the  verse  ought  to  be  translated  thus  :— And  Cain  said  unto 
Abel  his  brother,  Let  us  go  out  into  the  field.  And  it  came  to  pass,  when 
they  were  in  the  field,  that  Cain  rose  up  against  Abet  his  brother,  and  slew 
him. 

Vgain,  in  Acts  xiii.  18.  we  read  about  the  time  of  forty  years  suffered  he 
.?f>>i<r»v)  their  manners  in  the  wilderness;  that  is,  he  dealt  Indul- 
rently  with  them.  However  the  Israelites  provoked  Jehovah,  he  mercifully 
With  and  endured  them.  On  which  clause  we  find  in  the  margin  of 
our  authorized  version  the  following  conjecture:  <3r.  posroipspHfiv,  per- 
haps for  irpofoaapimif,  bore  or  fed  them  as  a  nurse  bear elhOTfeedeth her 
child.  This  conjecture  is  confirmed  by  the  Codices  Al  ■-.  i  i!iinus,Ej)hremi, 
and  Basileensis,  and  fuurothers  of  less  note,  as  well  as  by  the  Syriac,  Ara- 
bic, Coptic,  and  Ethiopic  versions,  and  the  quotations  in  some  of  the  fathers; 
all  of  which  read  irf.oc-ojopi.Tn-,  he  nourished  and  fed  them,  or  bore  them 
about  in  his  arms  as  a  tender  nurse  does  her  child.  This  reading  agrees 
excelhnlly  with  the  scope  of  the  place,  and  is  at  Nest  of  equal  value  with 
that  in  the  commonly  received  text.  Griesbach  has  therefore  admitted  it, 
*..  I  excluded  the  other.  Both  readings,  indeed,  when  rightly  understood, 
nearly  the  same  sense;  but  the  latter  is  the  most  expressive,  and 
agrees  best  with  St.  Paul's  discourse,  and  with  the  history  to  which  he 
alludes  The  same  form  of  expression  occurs  in  Exod.  xi.x.  i.  Num.  xi.  12. 
Li    >.:.:.  3,  1.  and  lxiii.  9. 

7.  The  Oldest  Latin  Versions  of  the  New  Testament,  being 
of  very  high   antiquity,  notwithstandi  mtain  some 

false  readings,  are  nevertheless  of  great  value,  because  they 
lead  to  a  discovery  of  the  readings  in  very  ancient  Greek 
manuscripts,  that  existed  prior  to  the  date  of  any  that  are  now 
extant.  The  Vulgate,  for  instance,  in  its  present  state,  being 
(as  we  have  already  seeti)  a  mixture  of  the  Old  Italic  version, 
and  that  of  Jerome,  points  out  the  state  of  the  original  text, 
partly  in  the  first  and  partly  in  the  fourth  century,  and  it  gives 
great  authority  to  those  readings  which  it  clearly  indicates  : 
it  also  contains  several  which  are  preferable  to  the  present 
readings,  and  are  supported  by  some  of  the  best  and  oldest 
ma7iuscripts. 

Thus  the  literal  rendering  of  Jer.  Ii.  19.  is— Ik  is  the  former  of  all  things, 
and  the  rod  of  his  inheritance,  which  is  unintelligible.  The  venerable 
translators  of  our  authorized  version  have  suppln  1  bra  I  is  the  n 
most  probably  from  the  parallel  sentence  in  Jer.  x.  10.  ;  and  that  this  is  the 
true  reading  is  evident  from  the  Vulgate  version,  which  reads  et  Israel 
iceplrum  haredilatis  ejus,  and  also  from  the  Chaldee  paraphrase,  which  is 
further  supported  by  twenty-three  manuscripts  collated  by  Dr.  Kenni- 
oolt.» 


8.  The  Syriac  version  being  very  literal,  ascertains  clearly 
the  readings  which  it  followed,  to  which,  on  account  of  its  anti 
quity,  it  gives  great  authority  ;  and  it  has  preserved  some, 
that  appear  to  be  genuine. 

Thus  in  28am.  xv.  7.  we  read,  It  came  to  pass  after  forty  years,  which 
is  manifestly  erroneous,  though  supported  by  the  commonly  printed  Vul- 
rate,  the  Beptutudnt,  and  the  Chaldee.  David  relgaed  only  forty  years,  and 
it  we  follow  the  text,  the  n  hellion  of  Absalom  would  follow  long  after  the 
death  Ol  David  In  order  to  obviate  this  difficulty,  some  commentators  have 
proposed  to  date  from  the  lime  When  David  was  first  anointed  by  the  pro- 
phet  .Samuel.  Hui  the  Syria  •  version  (which  is  confirmed  by  the  Arabic 
.  ■■>■/  Joiephus,  by  the  Slxtine  edition  of  the  Vulgate,  byjeveraJ 
manuscripts  of  the  and  by  Theodoret),  reads  four.   Most 

learned  men  are  of  opinion  that  Q'jmK  (AitBAYiM)./brfy,  is  an  error  for 
JJ31H  (Aunn)four.   Accordingly,  Dr.  Hnolhroyd  has  adopted  the  reading  of 
at  the  end  of  roun  years,  in  his  new  ver- 
sion of  the  Old  Testami  nt 

9.  El  ery  deviation  in  the  ancient  versions,  both  of  the  Ola 
and  A'etv  Testaments,  is  nut  to  be  considered  as  a  proof  of  .. 
various  reading  in  the  originul  manuscript  whence  it  wus 
taken  ;  for  the  translator  may  have  mistaken  the  original 
word,  or  he  may  have  given  it  a  signification  different  from 
what  it  bears  at  present,  and  this  is  the  case  particularly  with 
the  Septuagint, 

10.  One  or  a  few  ancient  versions  may  render  a  reading 
probable,  when  it  is  strongly  supported  by  the  sense,  connec- 
tion, or  parallel  places,  in  opposition  to  one  that  does  not  agree 
with  these,  though  found  in  other  versions  and  in  manuscripts. 

Thus,  in  Gen.  xiv.  20.  we  read,  And  he  gave  tithes  of  all.  This  leaves  it 
uncertain  whether  Melchizedek  or  Abram  gave  tithes.  It  rather  se.  i 
lie  the  former,  but  it  was  the  latter.  In  Heb.  vii.  4.  as  well  as  the  Samai  itan 
text,  and  the  Septuagint  version,  we  have  Abram  gave  to  him  a  tithe  of  all, 
if»»i'  kutjj  "Aifx/x  £ix«ti|v  *!70  mtrtm •  which  is  probably  the  genuine 
reading. 

Again,  in  Isa.  xl.  5.  we  read,  All  flesh  shall  see  together,  which  is  an 
imperfect  sentence.  The  translators  of  our  authorized  version  have  sup- 
plied it,  referring  to  the  glory  of  God  mentioned  in  the  preceding  part  of 
the  verse.  This  omission  is  ancient,  being  prior  to  the  Chaldee,  Syriac, 
and  Vulgate  versions:  but  all  the  copies  of  the  Septuagint  version  and  the 
parallel  passage  in  Isa.  lii.  10.  reads,  shall  see  the  salvation  of  our  (rod, 
which  lection  is  acknowledged  by  Luke.  (iii.  G.)  Bishop  Lowth  therefore 
considers  it  as  genuine,  and  has  admitted  it  into  the  text  of  his  translation 
of  Isaiah. 

1 1.  The  concurrence  of  all  or  most  of  the  ancient  versions, 
in.  a  reading  not  found  in  manuscripts  now  extant,  renders 
such  reading  probable,  if  it  be  agreeable  to  the  sense,  though 
not  absolutely  contrary  to  it.2 

Thus,  In  1  Sam.  ix.  7.  we  read,  \17iat  shall  we  bring  the  man  B^N1? 
(La-isn)l  In  one  of  the  manuscripts  collected  by  Dr.  Kennicott  (No.  182.  a 
manuscript  of  the  fourteenth  century),  we  read  D\"l7*tn  Z'^H1}  (la-ish 
h-ei.ohim),  to  the  man  of  God?  which  is  confirmed  by  the  Chaldee  para- 
phra  ie,  and  by  the  Septuagint,  Syriac,  Vulgate,  and  Arabic  versions,  and  is 
probably  the  genuine  reading. 

12.  Of  the  Chaldee  paraphrases,*  when  manuscripts  vary 
those  are  to  be  preferred  which  are  the  most  ancient,  and  whic1 
have  not  been  corrected,  according  to  the  present  J\fasoreti. 
text. 

13.  The  Jlfasora,*  Talmud,  aiul  Talmudical  writers  are  also 
sources  of  emendation,  but  of  no  great  authority  in  readings 
of  any  moment. 

With  regard  to  the  Masora,  that  reading  only  is  to  be  admitted 
from  it  which  is  supported  by  ancient  versions,  and  is  in  perfect 
harmony  with  the  context,  the  analogy  of  language,  and  parallel 


1  Gerard's  Institutes,  p.  87.  Kennicott's  Second  Dissertation,  pp.  439, 
♦40  and  his  Dissertatio  Generalis,  §41-  at  the  end  of  the  second  volume  of 
his  Ci    •■-'  Edition  nfthe  W«Ww  Bible. 


In  Isa.  ix.  2  (Heb. ;  3.  of  English  version)  we  read,  Thou  hast  multipliea 
the  nation,  and  not  the  joy.  The  Ketib  has  tvi  (la)  not,  with  which  the 
Vulgate  version  and  that  of  Symmachus  agree  ;  but  the  Keri  reads  lS  (lo) 
to  him,  or  it,  that  is,  the  nation ;  and  with  this  agree  the  Chaldee  paraphrase, 
the  Septuagint,  the  Vulgate  version,  the  readings  in  the  text  of  fifteen  manu- 
scripts collated  by  Dr.  Kennicott,  and  six  of  those  collated  by  M.  de  Rossi 
The  latter  reading  is  not  only  best  supported,  but  it  is  also  excellently  in 
unison  with  the  preceding  verse.  Bishop  Lowth  has  therefore  adopted  it, 
and  translates  thus — Thou  hast  multiplied  the  nation,  thou  hast  increased 
their  joy. 

Readings  derived  from  the  Talmud  and  Talmudical  writers  are 
only  to  be  admitted,  when  they  expressly  cite  the  Hebrew  text, 
and  when  their  readings  are  confirmed  by  manuscripts.  In 
judging  of  the  various  lections  obtained  from  the  Jewish  writers, 
those  which  are  collected  from  the  Talmud  (though  few  in  num- 
ber) arc  of  great  value,  and  equal  to  those  furnished  by  Aquila, 
Symmachus,  the  Syriac  version,  and  the  Chaldee  paraphrase. 
But  such  as  are  derived  from  the  commentaries  and  lexicons  of 
the  Rabbins,  who  lived  between  the  tenth  and  thirteenth  centu- 
ries, are  (according  to  Prof.  Bauer)  to  be  accounted  equal  with 
the  readings  of  manuscripts.5  

»  Gerard's  Institutes,  pp.  230,  281.  where  several  additional  examples  are 
given,  for  which  we  have  not  room.  .... ._«... 

»  See  an  account  of  the  Chaldee  paraphrases,  pp.  ^62— 2*«.  ufthie  Volume 
•See  an  account  of  the  Masora  in  pp.  201,  202.  supra  and  of  the  Talmud 
in  Pari  II  Book  I.  Chap.  II.  Sect.  II.  $6.  infra,  of  this  volume 
-  —  ....  444,  44S. 


288 


SOURCES  WHENCE  THE  TRUE  READINGS 


[Paut  I.  Chap.  Ill 


IV.  As  Josephus  derived  his  representations  of  sacred 
history  principally  from  the  Hebrew  text,  the  collation  of 
his  writings  will  be  found  a  valuable  aid  in  the  determination 
of  various  readings  in  the  Old  Testament. 

1.  Thus,  in  2  Sam.  viii.  17.,  according  to  the  Hebrew  text,  we  read  that 
Zadok  the  son  of  Ahitub  and  Ahimelech  the  son  of  Abiathar  were  the 
priests ;  which  statement  is  directly  contrary  to  1  Sam.  xxii.  20.  and  xxiii. 
6.,  where  Abiathar  is  expressly  termed  the  son  of  Ahimelech,  But  Jose- 
phus,' when  he  says  that  David  appointed  Zadok  to  be  priest,  together  with 
Abiathar,  appears  tn  have  read  ttie  Hebrew  words,  much  more  correctly, 
thus  transposed  : — And  Zadok  the  son  of  Ahilub  and  Abiathar  the  son  of 
Ahimelech  were  the  priests.  Dr.  Boothroyd  has  properly  adopted  this 
rendering:1  in  the  hislory  of  David,  we  never  read  of  Ahimelech  being 
priest,  but  the  name  of  Abiathar  frequently  occurs. 

2,  In  1  Sam.  vi.  19.  we  read  that  the  Lord  smote  fifty  thousand  and 
seventy  of  the  inhabitants  of  Heth-shemesh  for  looking  into  the  ark;  which 
number,  in  the  Arabic  and  Syriac  versions,  is  five  thousand  and  seventy. 
Three  of  the  manuscripts  collated  by  Dr.  Kennicott  (of  the  twelfth  century), 
and  Josephus,3  read  seventy  men  only,  and  omit  fifty  thousand.  Seventy 
is  evidently  the  true  number;  for,  as  Beth-shemesh  was  but  a  "small 
village,"  it  is  improbable  that  it  could  contain  so  many  as  fifty  thousand 
inhabitants.* 

V.  Parallel  Passages  afford  a  very  material  help  in  de- 
termining various  readings,  where  all  other  assistance  fails. 
Cappel5  and  Dr.  Kennicott''  have  shown  at  great  length  what 
use  may  be  made  of  parallel  passages,  in  order  to  ascertain 
the  genuine  reading  where  it  may  be  dubious,  or  to  restore  it 
where  it  may  be  lost.  Professor  Bauer  has  given  an  abstract 
of  Cappel's  collection  of  parallel  passages  in  pp.  235 — 238. 
of  his  Critica  Sacra,-  zv.d  two  or  three  instances  will  show 
the  importance  of  them  in  ascertaining  a  true  reading  in  the 
New  Testament. 

In  Matt.  i.  4.  not  fewer  than  fourteen  manuscripts  and  two 
of  the  fathers  read  A/utvxJx/u,  Aminadain;  but  the  parallel  pas- 
sage in  1  Chron.  ii.  10.  has  Aminadav,  which  therefore  is  the 
genuine  reading  of  the  Evangelist.  Again,  in  Matt,  xxvii.  46. 
instead  of  Ka/uLt  (lama),  many  MSS.  read  heijux.  (leima),  xt/uut 
(lima),  or  mju*.  (lema)  ;  but  a  reference  to  Psal.  xxii.  2.  (Heb. ; 
or  1.  of  English  version)  shows  that  ku/ao.  is  the  proper  reading. 
Once  more,  in  Matt.  ii.  23.  the  common  reading  is  Na£a^er 
(Nazarer);  but  in  the  Codices  C.  E.  K.  (Ephremi,  Basileensis 
B.  VI.  21.  and  Cyprius),  and  many  other  MSS.  of  less  note, 
besides  several  printed  editions,  and  the  Coptic,  Armenian,  Italic, 
Vulgate,  and  Anglo-Saxon  versions,  and  also  in  the  quotations 
of  Eusebius  and  Cyril,  we  read  Na^apeS-  (JVazarern).  And  that 
this  is  the  true  reading  is  evident  from  comparing  the  numerous 
other  passages  of  the  four  Gospels  in  which  this  place  is  called 
Arazareth,'a.rii  not  Nazaret. 

i.  Where  parallel  passages,  together -with  the  sense,  support 
the  reading  of  ancient  manuscripts,  they  show  that  such  read- 
ing is  perfectly  right. 

Thus  in  Isa.  lxi.  4.  we  read,  they  shall  build  the  old  wastes:  but  the  sen- 
tence is  incomplete,  as  we  know  not  who  are  the  builders.  After  they 
shall  build,  four  MSS.  (two  of  which  are  ancient)  add  "]CC  (MOMacH)  they 
that  spring  from  thee;  and  this  reading  is  confirmed  by  lviii.  12.  where 
the  sentence  is  the  very  same,  this  word  being  added.  Bishop  Lowth 
therefore  receives  it  into  the  text,  and  translates  the  sentence  thus: — 
And  they  that  spring  from  thee  shall  build  up  the  ruins  of  old  times. 

2.  In  a  text  evidently  corrupted,  a  parallel  place  may  sug- 
gest a  reading  perfectly  genuine.1 

Thus,  in  the  common  printed  editions  of  Judg.  vii.  18.  we  read,  Say,  of 
the  Lord  andof  Gideon.  This  is  defective.  The  venerable  English  trans- 
lators have,  with  great  propriety,  supplied  the  sword,  2~ti1  (HeReB)  from  the 
successful  exploit  of  Gideon,  related  in  v.  20.  The  word  which  those 
learned  but  much  traduced  men  thus  supplied  from  a  parallel  place  proves 
to  be  right;  for  it  is  found  in  ten  manuscripts  besides  the  Chaldee  para- 
phrase, and  the  Syriac  and  Arabic  versions.  In  like  manner  they  have 
supplied  the  word  fourth  in  2  Kings  xxv.  3.  from  Jer.  lii.  6.  to  complete  the 
sense ;  and  this  supply  is  also  confirmed  by  the  different  versions. 

3.  To  determine  -with  accuracy  the  authority  of  parallel 
passages  in  the  Old  Testament,  they  should  be  divided  into 
four  classes  ;  viz. 

(1.)  Passages  containing  the  historical  narration  of  an  event  which  oc- 
curred but  once,  or  the  record  of  a  prayer  or  speech  but  once  uttered. 
Ex.  gr.  Josh.  xix.  50.  xxiv.  30.  comp.  with  Judg.  ii.  9.  2  Sam.  xxii.  with  Ps. 
xviii.  The  Book  of  Kings  with  that  of  Chronicles.  2  Kings  xxv.  with  Jer. 
lii.  2  Kings  xvni.  to  xx.  with  Isa.  xxxvi.  to  xxxix.  Isa.  ii.  2.  4.  with  Micah 
iv.  1—3. 

(2.)  Passages  containing  a  command,  and  either  a  repetition  of  it,  or  a 
record  of  its  being  obeyed:  Ex.  xx.  2—17.  with  Deut.  v.  6—22.  Ex  xxv  to 
xxx.  with  xxxvi.  to  xxxix.  Lev.  xi.  13—19.  with  Deut.  xiv.  12—18.  Ezekiel 
xii.  6.  with  7. 


i  Ant.  Jud.  I.  vii.  c.  v.  §  4. 

*  Dr.  Boothroyd's  New  Version  of  the  Bible,  on  2  Sam.  viii.  17. 
»  Ant.  Jud.  1.  vi.  c.  i.  §  4. 

«  Kennicott,  Diss.  i.  p.  532.  Diss.  ii.  p.  208.    Dr.  A.Clarke  and  Dr.  Booth- 
royd, on  1  Sam.  vi.  19. 

*  See  his  Critica  Sacra  (lib.  i.  cc.  hi.— xiv.),  vol.  i.  pp.  14—135.  8vo.  edition, 
with  Professor  Vogel's  notes. 

•  In  his  first  Dissertation  on  the  Hebrew  Text,  pp.  13.  79.  198.  444.  457. 
461.  481.  484.  502.  510. 

•  Gerard's  Institutes,  p.  273.    Where  the  reader  will  find  several  addi- 
tional illustrations  of  this  canon. 


(3.)  Proverbial  sayings,  or  expressions  frequently  repeated :  Num.  xxi. 
28,  29.  and  xxiv.  17.  with  Jer.  xlviii.  45,  46.  Ezek.  v.'  7.  with  xi.  12.  Jer.  v 
9.  and  29.  with  ix.  9.  Psalm  xlii.  5.  11.  with  xliii.  5.  Jer.  x.  25.  with  Psalm 
lxxix.  6,  7.    Jer.  x.  16.  with  li.  19.     Isa.  xxiv.  17,  18.  with  Jer.  xlviii.  43,  44. 

(4.)  Records  of  the  same  genealogies,  1  Chron.  with  several  chapter* 
of  Genesis,  and  Ezra  with  Nehemiah. 

In  any  such  passages  as  these,  where  there  is  a  difference  in 
numbers  or  names — where  there  is  more  than  a  verbal  differ- 
ence in  records  of  the  same  transaction — or  where  there  is  even 
a  verbal  difference  in  copies  of  the  same  prayer  or  speech,  in 
the  printed  text,  but  not  in  manuscripts  and  versions,  there  it  is 
erroneous,  and  ought  to  be  corrected.8 

VI.  Quotations  from  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  in  the 
Writings  of  the  Fathers  are  an  emendatory  source  which  is 
by  no  means  to  be  neglected ;  but  only  correct  editions  of 
their  works  should  be  consulted.  In  order  to  judge  of  the 
true  reading  of  any  text  of  Scripture,  from  any  quotation  of 
it,  with  which  we  meet  in  the  writings  of  the  fathers,  the 
following  criteria  have  been  laid  down,  principally  by  7.  D 
Michaelis : — 

1.  In  considering  the  testimony  of  a  single  father,  we  are 
in  the  first  place  to  inquire  in  -what  age  he  lived,  and  what 
were  his  abilities  P  Whether  he  was  a  person  of  learnin/r  and 
judgment,  of  accuracy  and  exactness,  or  otherwise  ?  And 
also  whether  the  treatise  or  work,  in  which  the  Scripturts  are 
so  quoted,  be  the  genuine  production  of  the  -writer  whose 
name  it  bears  ? 

2.  Wherever  it  is  certain  that  the  quotations  were  actually 
taken  from  manuscripts,  they  are  of  very  great  importance  in 
deciding  ore  the  authenticity  of  a  true  reading,  and  are  in 
general  to  be  preferred  to  any  manuscripts  of  the  Greek  Tes- 
tament now  extant,  the  oldest  of  which  cannot  be  placed  earlier 
than  the  end  of  the  fourth  or  the  commencement  of  the  fifth 
century. 

If  therefore  a  father,  who  flourished  in  the  fifth  and  subsequent  ages, 
has  a  particular  reading,  it  is  the  same  as  if  we  found  it  in  a  manuscript 
of  that  time. 

3.  As  the  fathers  have  frequently,  though  not  always,  quoted 
from  memory,  it  is  necessary  to  make  a  distinction  between 
those  passages  which  they  expressly  declare  that  they  have 
taken  literally  from  majiuscripts,  and  those  which  they  quot 
without  any  such  assurance. 

4.  We  are  not  therefore  to  reject  the  quotation  of  a  father, 
because  it  differs  from  the  common  text,  but  must  first  examine 
whether  it  cannot  be  discovered  in  manuscripts  of  the  New 
Testament ;  and  to  enable  those  who  have  access  to  manu- 
scripts to  make  this  comparison  with  as  much  ease  as  possible, 
we  should  endeavour  to  procure  the  most  accurate  and  copious 
extracts  from  the  writings  of  the  fathers. 

If  a  reading,  then,  which  had  the  appearance  of  being  an  error  of 
memory,  is  actually  discovered  in  manuscripts,  we  may  without  hesitation 

Eut  it  down  in  the  list  of  various  readings  :  its  antiquity  will  be  determined 
y  the  age  in  which  the  father  who  quoted  it  lived;  and  the  manuscripts 
which  contain  it  will  afford  a  secondary  evidence  of  its  age  and  authenti- 
city. But  we  must  not  judge  of  the  writings  of  all  the  fathers,  nor  of  all 
the  writings  of  the  same  father,  in  the  same  manner.  They  may  be  di- 
vided into  three  different  classes.  1.  Commentaries,  to  which  may  be 
referred  also  those  discourses  which  were  written  as  expositions  of  parts 
of  the  Bible.  2.  Works  of  education.  3.  Polemical  writings.  In  the  first 
it  is  evident  that  the  book  which  is  expounded  is  not  quoted  from  memory, 
but  the  author,  in  writing  his  commentary,  had  lying  before  him  a  manu- 
script of  the  Greek  Testament.  But  with  respect  to  the  polemical  writings 
of  the  fathers,  those  who  are  acquainted  with  their  mode  of  disputation, 
and  know  that  their  principal  object  is  sometimes  to  confound  their  adver- 
saries rather  than  to  support  the  truth,  will  refer  the  quotations  which 
appear  in  these  productions  to  the  lowest  class.  If  a  father  was  acquainted 
with  more  than  one  reading  to  a  passage,  he  would  certainly  quote  that 
which  best  suited  his  purpose,  and  with  which  he  could  most  easily  con- 
fute his  opponents.  It  is  therefore  not  sufficient  to  know  what  reading  he 
quotes,  but  we  must  likewise  consider  where  he  quotes  it;  and  those 
therefore  who  collect  various  readings  from  the  writings  of  the  ancient 
fathers  would  do  well  to  point  out  the  book,  chapter,  edition,  and  page,  in 
order  to  enable  the  reader  to  form  a  proper  judgment. 

5.  It  is  necessary  to  make  an  accurate  distinction  between 
a  quotation  properly  so  called,  and  a  passage  of  Scripture 
introduced  and  applied  as  part  of  a  discourse. 

For  if  a  writer,  in  treating  any  known  doctrine  of  the  Bible,  uses  the 
words  of  Scripture,  he  is  at  liberty  to  add  or  subtract,  to  contract  or  dilate 
them  in  a  manner  that  is  best  adapted  to  the  tenor  of  his  discourse.  But 
even  such  passages  are  not  unworthy  of  notice,  for  if  they  are  different  in 
different  manuscripts,  and  any  one  of  these  latter  coincides  with  the  former, 
the  coincidence  is  not  to  be  considered  as  a  matter  of  chance.  But  when 
no  manuscript  corroborates  the  reading  in  such  a  passage,  it  is  entitled  to 
no  voice  in  deciding  on  the  text  of  the  Greek  Testament. 

6.  In  collecting  readings  from  the  works  of  the  fathers,  an 
accurate  distinction  must  be  made  between  those  who  wrote  in 
Greek,  and  those  who  wrote  in  another  language. 

Properly  speaking,  the  former  only  are  to  be  considered  when  we  select 
readings  for  the  Greek  Testament,  and  the  lattc,  immediately  relate  to  the 


»  Hamilton's  Codex  Criticus  of  the  Hebrew  Bible,  p.  18. 


erc-r.  VI.  §  2.] 


ARE  TO  BE  DETERMINED. 


289 


text  of  the  version  from  which  they  are  quoted,  unless  particular  mention 
\>e  made  of  the  Greek,  or  the  writer,  like  Ji  rome,  made  ■  practice  of  cor- 
recting tlie  translation  of  his  country  from  the  original. 

7.  It  must  also  be  observed  -whether  a  Father  takes  notice 
of  a  text  only  once,  or  but  seldom,  or  very  often. 

For  a.  frequent  repetition  will  make  the  slighter  kinds  of  differ!  Dl  ■   di 
serving  of  more  attention;  whereat  a  tingle  Instance  or  two  of  thai  son 
will  be  the  more  easily  imputed  to  a  slip  of  the  memory,  or  a  casual 
mistake. 

8.  It  is  necessary  to  observe  whether  an  author  be  uniform 
and  consistent  -with  himself,  or  different  and  various. 

If  a  text  he  foond differently  expressed  by  the  same  author,  wo  shall 

often  be  at  a  loss  to  know  which  I stecmed  the  right:  and  sometimes, 

perhaps,  be  may  !"•  wrong  m  each;  and  yel  sometimes,  too,  i'  may  l>.- 
saail)  'ti  icovered,  thai  one  passage  was  designed  to  express  the  lexi  more 
exactly,  and  another  was  only  a  reference  bj  memory,  and  from  Lhi  nee 
proceeded  the  variation.    An  example  of  this  we  have  ia  <  Ihrysostom.    In 

mm.  Hi  upon  actsxx.SB  be  reads  it  i«**ii«-i»t 
Ood,  three  i"<»  <  (though  Dr.  Mill  cltei  him  there  for  the  reading  of  k.,.-.u 

bul  in  ins  comm hi  Eph.  Iv.  12.  he  casually  refers  to  lhi 

[uotei  H  probably  t.y  memory,  and  there  he  puts  It  down  i«»x.n«-<«» 
that  I     <  SkurcS  of  the  Lord. 

9.  Th»  writing*  of  the  Fathers  are  to  be  compared,  one  -with 
another;  and  an  iiu/uiry  must  be  instituted,  ivhat  testimony 
arises  from  them  upon  the  -whole. 

If  it  he  a  point,  of  which  they  generally  take  notice,  or  in  which  they  are 

agr I;  ii  we  meet  with  no  contrary  voice,  or  none  worthy  of  being  re- 

i,  or  with  some  who  argue  for  it,  while  others  criticise  or  comment 
upon  U,  this  will  affbrd  the  clearest  and  strongest  testimony  ihat  can  be 
either  desired  or  obtained. 

10.  We  must  compare  the  evidence  arising  from  an  exami- 
nation of  the  -writings  of  the  Fathers,  -with  that  which  appears 
to  be  the  reading  of  the  Greek  manuscripts  in  general,  and 
see  how  well  they  agree  together.  Where  the  JXfSS.  in  general 
and  the  Fathers  do  agree,  it  must  be  something  very  extraordi- 
nary that  will  make  it  reasonable  to  believe  that  they  are  alto- 
gether in  a  mistake.  Nay,  that  evidence  from  the  Fathers 
must  be  very  strong,  which  will  make  it  reasonable  to  think 
the  Greek  «WSS.  agreeing  in  general  among  themselves,  are 
mistaken. 

A  casual  citation  of  a  text  will  not  be  sufficient  to  prove  them  so  mis- 
taken, nor  a  bare  comment  upon  a  version,  where  it  varies  from  the 
iriginal:  much  less  will  this  do,  where  opposite  testimonies  can  be  pro- 
duced from  Greek  writers ;  and  especially  where  those  opposite  testi- 
monies are  so  lull  upon  the  point,  as  supposes  and  implies  that  they  found 
.':•■  reading  which  they  mention  in  the  Greek  copies  which  were  in  use  in 
their  lidvs.  if  any  instance  can  he  found  in  which  it  can  be  clearly  proved 
from  the  writinzs'ofthe  fathers,  that  the  general  and  allowed  reading  of  the 
Greek  copie  ■  ,n  the  early  ages  of  the  church  was  different  from  the  gene- 
ral reading  of  the  Greek  MSS.  in  our  days,  we  should  without  hesitation 
give  up  BUCh  general  reading  of  our  present  MSS.  Bul  it  is  very  question- 
al.!' whether  one  single  instance  of  this  sort  can  any  where  be  found;  and 
persons  who  raise  general  clamours  about  the  corruption  of  the 
manuscripts  of  the  sacred  writings,  unsupported  by  any  solid  proofs,  are 
no  more  to  be  heard,  but  still  more  to  be  condemned,  than  those  who 
speak  in  this  manner  of  the  writings  of  the  Fathers.  Hut  in  a  matter  of 
doubt  and  uncertainty,  where  the  MSS.  of  the  sacred  writings  in  the 
original  language  are  divided,  the  united  testimony  of  the  Fathers  will  turn 
the  scale  in  favour  of  the  side  for  which  they  appear,  and  will  more  power- 
fully establish  and  confirm  the  general  reading  of  the  Scripture  MSS.  where 
they  are  agreed.1 

11.  The  Fathers  having  in  general  quoted  the  Scriptures 
very  exactly,  as  they  had  it  in  their  copies,  whenever  a  read- 
ing followed  by  them  agreei  with  any  ancient  manuscript,  it 
is  in  all  probability  the  genuine  reading. 

Thus,  in  most  copies  of  Matt.  vi.  1.  we  read,  Take  heed  thai  you  do  not 
your  At.Ms  (sx.ii.usrui  ",-■)  :  Hut  in  the  Codices  Valicanus  and  Cantabrigien- 
sis,  and  three  or  four  other  MSS.  of  less  antiquity,  as  also  In  the  old  Italic 
and  Vulgate  Versions  and  most  of  the  Fathers,  we  read  "«c.™,,.  right- 
eousness, that  is,  acts  of  righteousness  This  reading  is  most  agreeable  to 
the  mode  of  speech  which  obtained  among  the  Jews,*and  consequently  is 
the  genuine  one.    Griesbach  has  therefore  inserted  ll  in  the  te  d 

Again,  in  Luke  x.  1.  we  read  that  the  Lord  appointed  otkei  seventy 
disciples.    The  Codices  Vatican u  .sis.  and  Medicsus  (No.  42. 

of  Griesbach's  notation),  together  with  the  Persian,  Armenian,  \ 
and  four  copies  of  the  <>M  Italic  versions,  read  iM«im  ho,  seventy- 
two;  ami  in  tins  reading  Ihey  are  supported  by  eleven  Fathers  principally 
if  the  Latin  or  Western  Church.  On  the  contrary,  all  the  other  MSS 
simply  :;'',«"i"i,  seventy,  in  winch  reading  they  are  supported  by  the 
i  Greek  Fathers,  Busebius,  Gregory  Bishop  of  Nyssa,  Cyril,  Buthy- 
mitis,  Theophylact,  andTheophanes,  and  by  tremens,  Tertullian,  Ambrose, 

Jero Damasns,  and  others  among  the   Latin  writers.    The  common 

reading,  therefore,  is  established  as  tin-  genuine  one  by  the  concurrence 
of  the  Fathers  with  MSS. 

Once  more,  in  John  i.  SB.  we  rend  thai  These  things  weri  don.-  in 
Bethabara.  This  lectn.ii  is  found  m  thirty-one  manuscripts,  in  the  printed 
editions,  in  the  Armenian  version,  and  a  late  exemplar  of  the  Sclavonic 
version,  and  is  preferred  by  Origen,  and  alter  him  by  Busebius,  Suidaa, 
Jerome,  and  others.  But  it  is  certain  that,  instead  of  Br. -»•"».  j.  we  ought 
to  read  B>i  jxvix,  Bethany,  which  won!  is  found  in  the  Codices  Alexandre 
nus,  Valicanus,  Ephreiiii,  Basileensis.  Harleianus  No.  5684.,  Seiilelii, 
Stcphani  »,  Stephani  -,  Regius  No.  2243*.  (now  49  )  and  Valicanus  354.,  in 
B.  and  V.  of  Matthsi's  notation,  in  upwards  of  one  hundred  other  MSS.  of 
less  antiquity,  and  in  the  Syriac,  Armenian,  Persic,  Coptic,  and  Vulgate 


•  Berriman's  Dissertation,  p.  38. 

*  That  the  Jews  in  the  time  of  Christ  understood  the  word  jxp-vt  a.xaio- 
«■«»,  righteousness,  in  the  sense  of  alms,  is  abundantly  proved  by  Mr.  John 
Gregory,  Works,  pp.  59,  60.  (London,  1684,  4to),  an!  especially  by  Dr. 
Lightfobt,  Works,  vol.  ii.  pp.  1S3,  154.  folio. 


versions,  and  in  three  MSS.  of  the  Sclavonic  version  Cone  of  the  twelfth, 
the  other  two  of  the  fourteenth  century).  The  reading  of  B>,  j*n»,  Bethany, 
is  also  confirmed  by  the  most  eminent  of  the  primitive  Fathers  prior  to  the 

up| 1  to  have  first  changed  the  reading);  and 

i-  unquestionably  the  genome  one     Griesbach  has  therefore  inserted  it 

in  the  i 

12.    The  total  silence  of  the   Fathers  concerning  a  reading, 
which  would  have  confirmed  their  opinion  in  a  controvertea 
point,  justly  renders  that  reading  suspicious,  unless  such  totai 
id  can  be  satisfactorily  accounted  for. 

Tins  negative  argument  against  a  reading  will  he  of  little  weight  where 
it  respects  the  writings  of  one  single  author  only  ;  and  where  it  is  founded 
only  upon  some  particular  part  ..I  his  works,  and  such  author  has  himself 
UUU  n  notice  Of  the  text  In  Other  places,  it  will  be  of  no  weight  at  all.  Nay, 
ii  I. iii  one  or  two  only  have  made  mention  of  a  text,  this  will  be  a  better 

proof  that  it  was  read'  in  their  days  than  any  omission  of  their  contempora- 
ries, or  of  those  that  lived  after  them,  will  be  a  proof  that  it  was  not.  But 
let  us  take  this  argument  In  the  Strongest  light,  and  let  the  utmost  possible 
be  made  of  il ;  it  can  only  furnish  matter  of  doubt  and  inquiry  ;  it  can  at 
no  I  amount  to  no  more  than  probable  and  presumptive  evidence,  and 
nothing  .an  be  positively  and  certainly  concluded  from  it.     One  plain  posi- 

tive  prooi  from  the  original  MSB,  or  the  ancient  versions  will  be  able  to 
weigh  it  down,  unless  it  can  be  shown  that  they  have  been  altered  and 
corrupted. 

VII.  The  fragments  of  heretical  Writings  are  not  to  be 
overlooked  in  the  search  for  various  readings  :  for  the  suppo- 
sition is  rash,  that  they  generally  corrupted  the  text  of  all 
parts  of  the  sacred  writings.3 

Although  Marcion  wilfully  corrupted  various  parts  of  such  books  of  the 
New  Testament  as  he  chose  to  admit  into  his  collection  of  canonical  books, 
vet  not  all  his  deviations  are  to  be  ranked  in  the  list  ol  wilful  corruptions. 
Hichaetts  therefore  divides  the  various  readings,  for  which  be  has  been 
branded  with  the  name  of  heretic,  into  the  three  following  classes  ;  viz. 

"  1.  Unwarranted  alterations  made  in  favour  of  Marcion's  own  system. 

"2.  Alterations  grounded  on  the  authority  of  manuscripts,  which  had 
various  readings  that  differed  from  the  common  text,  and  which  are  still 
retained  in  very  many  of  our  present  manuscripts. 

"3.  Readings  that  are  not  only  warranted  by  authority,  but  preferable 
to  the  text  of  our  own  common  editions." 

For  instance,  the  words  x%<  irpoT*oX>.>i5>i<riT*j  n-po;  t^v  ^waixx  avrri 
(and  shall  be  joined  unto  his  wife),  in  Eph., v.  31.,  were  omitted  by  Mar- 
cion ;  ami  Jerome*  was  of  opinion  that  the  passage  came  not  from  the 
hands  of  St.  Paul.  Again  Xpur-rov  (Christ),  which  is  the  reading  prefern  .1 
by  Marcion,  in  1  Cor.  x.  8.  is  most  probably  the  genuine  reading,  and  the 
other  reading  [Kvpmv,  Lord]  a  correction  of  a  copyist;  at  least  we  cannot 
ascribe  it  to  the  heterodoxy  of  Marcion,  as  it  affords  no  argument  in  his 
favour.  Xpio-rou  is  retained  by  Griesbach.  Michaelis  remarks  that  the 
readings  belonging  to  the  second  and  third  classes  are  of  importance  in  the 
criticism  of  the  New  Testarrrent.  Dr.  Mill  and  Wetstein,  and  after  them 
Griesbach,  have  given  all  the  readings  of  Marcion  which  could  be  disco- 
vered. Dr.  Scholz  charges  Epiphanius  with  falsehood,  in  affirming  that 
Marcion  corrupted  the  Epistles  to  the  Philippians,  Thessalonians,  and 
Phileini.ii,  and  be  states  that  Marcion  for  the  most  part  agrees  with  the 
Alexandrine  family  of  MSS. » 

VIII.  Critical  Conjecture  is  not  alone  a  legitimate 
source  of  emendation,  nor  is  it  at  all  to  be  applied,  unless 
the  text  is  manifestly  corrupted,  and  in  the  most  urgent  ne- 
cessity :  for  the  conjectural  criticism  of  an  interested  party, 
in  his  own  cause,  and  in  defiance  of  positive  evidence,  is 
little  better  than  subornation  of  testimony  in  a  court  of  law. 

1.  Conjectural  Headings,  strongly  supported  by  the  sense, 
connection,  the  nature  of  the  language,  or  similar  texts,  may 
sometimes  be  probable,  especially  when  it  can  be  shown  thai 
they  would  easily  have  given  occasion  to  the  present  reading; 
and  readings  first  suggested  by  conjecture  have  sometime* 
been  afterwards  found  to  be  actually  in  manuscripts,  or  in 
some  version. 

Thus,  iii  Gen  i.  8.  the  clause,  And  God  saw  that  it  was  good,  is^vanting 
to  complete  the  account  of  the  second  day's  work  of  creation,  but  it  is 
found  in  the  tenth  verse  in  the  middle  of  the  narrative  of  the  third  day's 
work  Hence,  many  learned  men  have  conjectured,  either,  1.  That  the 
sentence,  And  the  evening  and  the  morning  were  the  second  day,  has 
!..  en  transposed  from  verse  10.  to  verse  8. ;  or,  2.  That  the  clause,  And 
Ood  sair  that  it  iras  good,  has  been  transposed  from  verse  8  to  verse  10. 
The  lattei  conjecture  affords  the  most  probable  reading,  and  is  to  be  pre- 
ferred, b.nig  confirmed  by  the  Septuagint  version;  the  translators  o( 
which  most  evidently  found  this  clause  in  the  copies  which  they  used. 

2.  A  Conjectural  Reading,  unsupported  by  any  manu> 
scripts,  and  unauthorized  by  similarity  of  letters,  by  the  con- 
nection and  context  of  the  passage  itself,  and  by  the  analog) 
of  faith.  II  manifestly  to  be  rejected. 

In  the  address  of  James  to  the  apostles  convened  at  Jerusalem,  he  gives 
it  as  his  opinii  n  thai  they  should  write  to  the  believing  Gentiles  that  they 
abstain  frotn  //./'(///errs  of  idols,  and  fornication,  and  things  strangled, 
end  blood  (Acs  \v.  SO.)  As  the  question  related  to  the  ceremonial  and 
not  in  the  "'"  "-.  law,  the  celebrated  critic  Dr.  Bentley  conjectured  that  for 
.  should  read  y.nptiu;,  swine.'s flesh;  and  in  this 
conjecture  he  lias  been  followed  bv  Mr.  Reeves  in  the  Scholia  to  his  beau- 
tiful and  useful  editions  of  the  Bibie.  But  this  reading  is  supported  by  no 
manuscript  whatever,  nor  by  any  similarity  of  the  letters,  nor  by  the  con- 
textofthe  passage;  for  in  the  encyclical  letter  of  the  apostles  (ver.  25.) 
we  read/or/n'caiion.     If  x"r"*<  had  been  the  correct  lection  m  the  first 

J  Stuarts  Elements  of  Interpretation,  p.  119.  (Anrtover,  1822.) 
*  Hieronymi  Opera,  torn.  iv.  part  i.  p.  392.  ed  Marianay. 
»  kQchaelis's  Introduction,  vol.  i.  pp.  321,  322  Scholz,  Nov.  Test.  vol.  i 
Prolegom.  p.  cxlvi.  Dr.  Herwerden  has  given  numerous  instances,  in 
which  the  writings  of  the  apostate  Julian  are  useful  for  enabling  us  to 
judge  of  various  readings  in  the  Sepiuagint  version,  as  well  as  in  the  New 
Testament.    De  Juliano  Imperatore,  pp.  103-109.  Lugd.  Bat.  1827 


:yo 


GENERAL  RULES  FOR  JUDGING  OF  VARIOUS  READINGS 


[Pakt  I.  Chap.  III. 


ice,  it  would  have  been  unquestionably  retained  in  the  second.  And 
il  is  recollected  that  the  word  «pMi»,  which  in  our  version  is  ren- 

r  d  fornication,  means  not  only  the  crime  against  chastity  usually  so 
'  i-ul  also  adultery  and  prostitution  of  every  kind  (for  which  very 
many  of  the  feasts  of  the  idolatrous  Gentiles  were  notorious),  the  force  of 
the  apostolic  prohibition  will  be  evident;  and  the  genuineness  of  the  com- 
monly received  reading  will  be  established  in  opposition  to  Bentley's  arbi- 
ii  iry  conjecture.1 

No  one  should  attempt  this  kind  of  emendation  who  is  not 
most  deeply  skilled  in  the  sacred  languages;  nor  should 
critical  conjectures  ever  be  admitted  into  the  text,  for  we 
never  can  be  certain  of  the  truth  of  merely  conjectural  read- 
ings. Were  these  indeed  to  be  admitted  into  the  text,  the 
utmost  confusion  and  uncertainty  would  necessarily  be  cre- 
ated. The  diligence  and  modesty  of  the  Masorites  are  in  this 
respect  worthy  of  our  imitation  :  they  invariably  inserted  their 
conjectures  in  the  margin  of  their  manuscripts,  but  most  reli- 
giously abstained  from  altering  the  text  according  to  their 
hypotheses  :  and  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  their  example  has 
not  been  followed  by  some  modern  translators  of  the  Old  and 
New  Testament  (and  especially  of  the  .latter)  ;  who,  in  order 
to  -upport  doctrines  which  have  no  foundation  whatever  in 
the  sacred  writings,  have  not  hesitated  to  obtrude  their  con- 
jectures into  the  text.  This  is  particularly  the  case  with  the 
Greek  and  English  New  Testament  edited  by  Dr.  Mace  in 
1 789,  whose  bold  and  unhallowed  emendations  were  exposed 
by  Dr.  Twells,  and  also  with  the  editors  of  the  (modern  So- 
cinian)  improved  version  of  the  New  Testament,  whose  con- 
jectures and  erroneous  criticisms  and  interpretations  have 
been  most  ably  exposed  by  the  Rev.  Drs.  Nares  and  Lau- 
rence, the  Quarterly  and  Eclectic  Reviewers,  and  other  emi- 
nent critics. 


§  3.  GENERAL  RULES  FOR  JUDGING  OF  VARIOUS  READINGS  IN  THE 
OLD  AN,D  NEW  TESTAMENTS. 

Having  thus  stated  the  causes  of  various  readings,  and 
offered  a  few  cautions  with  regard  to  the  sources  whence  the 
true  lection  is  to  be  determined,  it  only  remains  that  we  sub- 
mit to  the  reader's  attention  a  few  General  Rules,  by  which 

AN  ACCURATE  JUDGMENT  MAY  BE  FORMED  CONCERNING  VARIOUS 
READINGS. 

1.  We  must  take  cafe,  that  we  do  notatterr.pt  to  correct  that 
'hich  does  not   require  emendation.      The  earlier  manuscript, 

caeteris  paribus,  is  more  likely  to  be  right  than  the  later,  because 
every  subsequent  copy  is  liable  to  new  errors. 

This  rule  will  prevent  us  from  being  misled  by  an  immoderate  desire  of 
correcting  what  we  may  not  understand,  or  what  may  at  a  first  glance  ap- 
'pear  to  be  unsuitable  to  the  genius  of  the  Hebrew  or  Greek  language,  or  to 
the  design  of  an  author.  Wherever,  therefore,  any  difficulty  presents  itself, 
it  will  be  necessary  previously  to  consider  whether  it  may  not  be  obviated 
in  some  other  manner,  before  we  have  recourse  to  emendation  ;  and  even 
ii  [Tenuously  to  acknowledge  our  ignorance,  rather  than  indulge  a  petulant 
licentiousness  of  making  corrections.  Exaj  lples  are  not  wanting  of  critics 
mi  the  sacred  writings,  who  have  violated  this  obvious  rule,  particularly 
Houbigant,  in  the  notes  to  his  edition  of  the  Hebrew  Bible. 

2.  That  reading  in  -which  all  the  recensions  of  the  best 
copies  agree,  and  which  is  supported  by  all  the  ancient  ver- 
sions, is  to  be  accounted  genuine. 

3.  Readings  are  certainly  right,  and  that  in  the  very  highest 
seme,  at  all  consistent  -with  the  existence  of  any  various  read- 
ing, which  are  supported  by  several  of  the  most  ancient  manu- 
scripts, or  by  the  majority  of  them, — by  all  or  most  of  the 
ancient  versions, — by  quotations, — by  parallel  places  (if  there 
be  any), — and  by  the  sense  ;  even  though  such  readings  should 
not  be  found  in  the  common  printed  editions,  nor  perhaps  in  any 
printed  edition.- 

Thus,  inthecotn n  printed  editions  of  1  Kings  i.20.  we  read,  And  thou, 

iv.y  Lord,  O  King,  ike  eyes  of  all  Israelare  upon  thee,  which  is  not  sense. 
Instead  of  nrW,  And  thou,  we  have  nnjj,  And  now,  in  ninety-one  of  the 
manuscripts  collated  by  Dr.  Kennicott,  in  the  Chaldee  paraphrase,  and  in 
toe  Arabic  and  Vulgate  versions.  This  is  the  genuine  reading,  and  is 
required  by  the  sense. 

Again,  in  Matt.  xxv.  29.,  we  read,  From  him  that  hath  not  shall  be  taken 
away  ;zen  that  which  he  hath,  x«  'o  exei  «p$*t$t<»,.  This  is  found  in  all 
i  e  ancienl  copies,  and  in  the  majority  of  manuscripts,  ant]  in  all  the  ver- 
sions but  one.  Bat  in  twenty-two  other  manuscripts,  and  in  the  Vulgate, 
as  well  as  in  some  copies  ol  the  Syria,-.  Sclavonic,  ami  Old  Italic  versions, 
and  six  Fathers,  we  read  o  Aokei  EXEIN,  that  which  he  seemeth  to  have 
But  :t  is  wrong,  and  has  been  corrected  from  Luke  viii.  18. 

4.  Greater  is  the  authority  of  a  reading,  found  in  only  a  few 
manuscripts  of  different  characters,  dates,  and  countries  than 
in  many  manuscripts  of  a  similar  complexion.  But,  of  manu- 
scripts of  the  same    family  or  recension,  the  reading  of  the 

1  Other  examples  of  unsupported  conjectural  emendations  may  be  seen 
in  Pritiilntrod.  ad  Lectionem'Novi  Testamenti,  p.  393. ;  Clerici  Ars  Critica 
torn.  ii.  part  iii.  sect.  i.  6.  16.  §11.;  and  in  Wetstein's  Prolegom.  ad  Nov' 
"r"*  pp.170,  etseo. 

.erard's  Institutes,  pp.  266—268. 


greater  number  is  of  most  weight.  The  evidence  of  manu- 
scripts is  to  be  weighed,  not  enumerated  ;  for  the  agreement 
of  several  manuscripts  is  of  no  authority,  unless  Men- genealogy 
(if  we  may  be  allowed  the  term)  is  known ;  because  it  is  possi- 
ble that  a  hundred  manuscripts  that  ?iow  agree  together  may 
have  descended  from  one  and  the  same  source. 

5.  Readings  are  certainly  right,  which  are  supported  by  a 
few  ancient  manuscripts,  in  conjunction  with  the  ancient  ver- 
sions, quotations,  parallel  places  (if  any),  and  the  sense; 
though  they  should  not  be  found  in  most  manuscript  or  printed 
editions,  especially  when  the  rejection  of  them  in  the  latter  can 
be  easily  accounted  for. 

(1.)  The  common  reading  of  Psalm  xxviii.8.  is,  7*AeLoRD  is  their  strength 
ID?  (l<jmo)  ;  but  there  is  no  antecedent.  In  six  manuscripts  and  all  the  ver- 
sions, however,  we  read  1DJ7?  (leammo)  of  his  people,  which  completes  the 
sense.  This  emendation  is  pronounced  by  Bp.  Horsley,  to  be  "unques- 
tionable :"  he  has  therefore  incorporated  it  in  the  text  of  liis  New  Version 
of  the  Psalms,  and  has  translated  the  sentence  thus  : — 
Jehovah  is  the  strength  of  his  people. 

(2.)  In  most  manuscripts  and  printed  editions  of  Eph.  v.  9.  we  read,  The 
fruit  of  the  Spirit  (jom  irvtvfixTos),  is  in  all  goodness,  and  righteousness, 
and  truth.  But  it  is  thefruit  of  the  light  (tou  $«>to;)  in  the  Codices  Alex- 
andrinus,  Vaticanus,  and  Claromontanus,  Augiensis,  San-germanensis,  and 
Boernerianus,  and  six  others  of  less  note,  as  well  as  in  the  Syriac  version, 
the  Arabic  version  edited  by  Erpenius,  the  Coptic,  Sahidic,  Ethiopic,  Arme- 
nian, Old  Italic,  and  Vulgate  versions ;  and  it  is  so  quoted  by  seven  of  the 
fathers,  ^wto^,  light,  is  therefore  considered  by  most  critics  as  the  true 
reading,  because  the  Spirit  is  not  mentioned  in  any  part  of  the  context ;  and 
this  reading  is  inserted  in  the  text  as  genuine  by  Griesbach.  The  connec- 
tion, indeed,  shows  that  this  last  is  the  true  reading,  which  was  altered  by 
some  unknown  copyist  or  critic,  because  it  was  uncommon,  from  Gal.  v. 
22.  As  light  (Eph.  v.  8.)  not  only  means  the  divine  influence  upon  the  soul, 
but  also  the  Gospel,  the  apostle  Paul  might  with  admirable  propriety  say, 
that  the  fruit  of  the  light  (that  is,  of  the  Gospel)  is  in  all  goodness,  and 
righteousness,  and  truth; — goodness,  aya&ajo-um,  in  the  principle  and  dis- 
position ; — righteousness,  Jixaioo-uvii,  the  exercise  of  tfiat  goodness  in  the 
whole  conduct  of  life  ; — and  truth,  «m5^'*,  the  director  of  that  principle 
and  of  its  exercise  to  the  glory  of  God  and  thegood  of  mankind. 

(3.)  Eph.  ii.  21.  Xiac-u,  *  oixoJo^,  The  whole  building.—  The  Codices  Vati 
canus,  Claromontanus,  San-germanensis,  and  Boernerianus,  besides  many 
others  of  less  ancient  date,  including  a  large  proportion  of  those  collated  by 
Matlhaei,  omit  the  article  k,  and  many  editors  adopt  this  reading:  among 
others,  Bengel  and  Griesbach  are  disposed  to  think  the  article  spurious. 
But  thus  the  sense  will  be  'every  building,'  which  the  context  will  not 
admit,  as  will  be  evident  by  looking  at  the  passage.  When  ni;  in  the 
singular  number  is  used  to  signify  that  the  whole  of  the  thing  implied  by  the 
substantive,  with  which  it  is  joined,  is  intended,  the  substantive  (as  in  the 
example  here  adduced)  has  the  article  ;  but  when  it  is  employed  to  denote 
that  m-ery  individual  of  that  species  is  spoken  of,  then  the  substantive  is 
anarthrous,  or  without  the  article.  The  common  reading,  therefore,  ought 
to  be  retained  :  and  this  is  one  of  the  instances  in  which  the  smaller  number 
of  MSS.  has  preserved  the  true  reading.' 

6.  Of  two  readi?igs,  both  of  which  are  supported  by  manu- 
scripts, the  best  is  to  be  preferred  ;  but  if  both  of  them  exhibit 
good  senses,  then  that  reading  ivhich  gives  the  best  sense  is  to 
be  adopted.  But,  in  order  to  determine  the  nature  of  the  -whole 
passage,  the  genius  of  the  writer,  and  not  the  mere  opinions 
and  sentiments  of  particular  interpreters,  are  to  be  consulted 

In  Psalm  ii.  C.  there  are  two  readings,  one  of  which  is  found  in  the  Maso 
retic  copies,  and  the  other  in  the  Septuagint  version.  The  former  may  be 
literally  translated  thus  : — Yet  will  I  anoint  my  King  upon  my  holy  hill 
of  Sion.  This  reading  is  supported  by  weighty  evidence,  viz.  the  Masora, 
the  quotation  of  it  in  Acts  iv.  27.,  the  Greek  versions  of  Aquila  and  Sy  mma- 
chus,  the  Chaldee  paraphrase,  and  Jerome.  The  other  leading,  which  is 
found  in  the  Septuagint,  may  be  thus  rendered  : — But  as  for  me,  by  him  1 
am  appointed  king  on  Sion,  his  holy  mountain.  Now  here  the  authority 
for  the  two  readings  is  nearly  equal :  but  if  we  examine  their  goodness,  we 
shall  see  that  theMasoretic  lection  is  to  be  preferred,  as  being  more  gram- 
matically correct,  and  more  suited  to  the  context. 

7.  A  good  various  reading,  though  supported  only  by  one  or 
two  witnesses  of  approved  character,  is  to  be  preferred. 

8.  In  the  prophetical  and  poetical  books  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, as  -well  as  in  the  New  Testament,  that  reading  is  best 
which  accords  with  the  poetical  parallelism. 

The  subject  of  poetical  parallelism  in  fully  considered  in  Part  II.  Book  II. 
Chap.  II.  infra.  The  application  of  this  canon  to  the  various  readings  of 
the  Old  Testament  has  long  been  recognised  ;  but  as  its  applicability  to  the 
New  Testament  is  not  so  obvious,  we  shall  illustrate  :'.  by  an  example  drawn 
from  the  latter. 

Thus  in  Matt.  vii.  2.  we  read, 

Ev  tu  yxp  xpivgrc,  xfuSqct (T$t. 

For,  with  what  judgment  ye  judge,  ye  shall  be  judged ; 

And  with  what  measure  ye  mete,  it  shall  be  measured  to  you  again. 
For,  avri,usTp>i  jijo-sTeei,  shall  be  measured  again,  (which  is  the  reading 
of  the  common  printed  editions,  of  the  manuscript  by  Matthaei  noted  with 
the  letter  H,  of  the  manuscript  13.  of  Griesbach's  notation,  of  the  Vulgate 
version,  of  some  manuscripts  of  the  Old  Italic  version  of  Polycarp,  of  Cle- 
ment of  Alexandria,  of  Origen  sometimes,  and  of  the  Latin  Fathers,  we  read 
M'-Tpy,  bwirxi,  shall  be  measured,  in  the  Codices  Vaticanus,  Harleianus  No. 
5684.,  Cyprius,  Stepbani  »,  Regius  22432(now  43),  and  Vaticanus  354.,  all  of 
which  are  manuscripts  in  uncial  characters  of  great  antiquity,  in  twelve 
manuscripts  in  smaller  characters,  by  Griesbach,  numbered  1.  17.  33.  77. 
108.  114.  117.  131.218.  236.  of  Professor  Birch's  Collation,  the  Evangelisteria, 
numbered  32.  and  36.,  and  seventy  other  manuscripts  of  inferior  note,  and 
by  the  manuscripts  distinguished  "by  Matthaei  with  the  letters  B  and  V  (both 
of  the  eighth  century),  a.  c.  and  d.  (all  of  the  tenth  or  steventh  century),  and 

»  Bp.  Middleton  on  the  Greek  Artii  A,  pp.  493. 133. 


btCT.  VI.  §  3.] 


IN  THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENTS. 


291 


by  eight  others  of  Mattheei's  manuscripts  of  less  note,  by  the  Armenian  and 
bthiopic  versions,  by  the  copies  ol  the  Old  Italic  version  preserved  at  Ve- 
rona, Vercelli.  Forli,  and  Toledo,  b)  Clement  of  Rome,  byOrigenom 
Hie  author  of  the  dialogue  against.  Marcion,  by  Theodoref.  Theophylact, 
Euthyuiius,  Chrysocepbalus,  and  other  Greek  writers.    The  reading  ol 
Bir^'j^iiii,  therefore,  being  supported  by  such  an  overwhelming 
of  evidence,  is  very  properly  introduced  into  the  text  by  Griesbach 
ferable  to  the  common  reading  ol  nrtt/urfninrirmt ;  ami  it  is  further 
demanded  by  the  parallelism,    For  xpi/»«n  (judgment),  «p»hti  (ye  judge), 
and  -,•  in  (ye  ihaU  be  fudged),  In  the  first  line,  require,  m  order  to 

preserve th<    flh     pel  lod,  M*TJ>"  (measure),  ftn  pin  (y> ■  measure), 

ami  ,u.ifi;mriui  (it  shall  be  meaeurt  d>,  in  (he  second  Line.' 

9.  Of  two  reading!  of  equal  or  nearly  equal  authority,  that 
m  to  be  preferred,  which  it  most  agreeable  to  the  style  of  the 
tucred  writer. 

li.  therefore,  one  of  two  readln  aentejhiblta  the  He- 

brew  Idiom,  It  is  preferable  to  one  thai  la  good  Greek,  because  the  latter 
baa  the  ol  some  Greek  writer  which  the  former 

does  not  present,  Thue  in  Jude  1.,  nyir/uift,  sanctified,  is  a  better  lec- 
tion than  >t}  -  •>!.">'  >«,  beloved ;  because  the  former  la  more  In  unison  with 

f  the  apostles  In  their  salutations,  and  kith  mentof 

II  26.  the  reading,  i£  ivet  ml/tartf,  qf  one  bl 
;,,  Qtu  (which  occurs  in  Rom.  is  10.),  because  It  la  in 

unison  with  the  Hebrew  style  ol  writing.  In  John  vi.  69.  the  common  read- 
ing, Thou  ail  the  Christ,  the  Son  oj  the  living  Qod,  -V-  '--  »  »»•«  • 

preferable  to  thai  ol  the  holy  one  of  Qod,  i  iy»t  ro«  eicv, 
winch  Griesbach  has  admitted  into  the  text,  omitting  row  C«»i  ,,  on  the 
authority  of  the  Codices  Vaticanus,  Ephremi,  Cantabrigiensis,  Slepnani  «, 
the  <  lopdc  version,  and  some  olber  authorities  ol  Less  note.  That  eminent 
critic,  indeed,  allows  thai  the  received  lection  is  nol  to  be  despised ;  but  we 
may  observe  thai  Its  genuineness  is  nol  only  confirmed  by  the  consentient 
testimonies  ol  many  M3S  ,  versions,  and  fathers,  but  also  from  the  facl  and 
from  the  style  ol  writing  adopted  by  the  Evangelists.  For  the  appellation  of 
holy  one  o/Qodie  nowhere  applied  to  our  Saviour,  except  In  the  con 
of  the  demoniac.  (Hark  1.3*.  Luke  iv.  64.)  In  Acts  i  v.  27.  30.  Jesualatermed 
iyio,-  watt,  holy  child;  but  nol  holy  one  of  Qod  On  the  contrary,  the  appel- 
lation of  Christ,  the  Son  of  Qod,  occurs  repeatedly  in  the  Now  Testament, 
and  especially  in  this  Gospel  ol  John  (I.  60. ;  49.  of  English  version,  and  xi. 
27.),  ami  is  elsewhere  expressly  applied  to  him  by  Peter.  Bee  Matt  wl.  lti. 
The  common  reading,  therefore,  of  John  vi.69.  is  to  be  preferred,  In  oppo- 
sition to  that  adopted  by  Griesbach, as  being  mo  to  the  style  ol 
the  sacred  writer. 

10.  That  reading  is  to  be  preferred  which  is  most  agreeable 
to  the  context,  and  to  the  author's  design  in  -writing. 

Every  writer,  and  much  more  a  divinely  inspired  writer,  is  presumed  to 
write  in  such  a  manner,  as  not  to  contradict  himself  either  knowingly  or 
willingly,  and  to  write  throughout  with  a  due  regard  to  the  order  and  con- 
nection of  things.  Now  in  Mark  i.  2.,  for  •»  «'!  t^ofsratc,  in  the  prophets, 
several  manuscripts  read"  H<r.«ix  r.-,  wfo^nrn,  in  the  prophet  Isaiah.  Both 
Mill  and  Griesbach  reject  the  common  reading.  But  as  the  context  shows 
that  the  Evangelist  cited  nol  one  bul  ticu  prophets  ;  viz.  Mai,  iii.  1  ,  and  Isa, 
xl.  3. ;  the  common  reading  ought  to  be  retained,  especially  as  it  is  supported 
by  the  Codex  Alexandnnus,  the  Ethiopic  and  Coptic  versions,  and  the  quo- 
tations of  many  fathers. 

11.  .i  reading,  whose  source  is  clearly  proved  to  be  errone- 
ous, must  be  rejected. 

12.  Of  two  readings,  neither  of  which  is  unsuitable  to  the 
sense,  either  of  which  may  have  naturally  arisen  from  ike  other, 
and  both  of  which  are  supported  by  manuscripts,  versions,  and 
quotations  in  the  writings  of  the  fathers ;  the  one  will  be  more 
probable  than  the  other,  in  proportion  to  the  preponderance  of 
the  evidence  that  supports  it :  and  that  preponderance,  admits  a 
great  variety  of  degrees.2 

In  Acts  xx.  28.  we  read,  Feed  the  church  of  God,  which  he  hath  purchased 
with  his  otcii  blood.     Of  this  sentence  there  are  nol  fewer  than  Six  various 

readings,  viz.  I.  TV  ixxxqa-im  rmXpirow.  the  church  of  Christ;  2,  T 

of  God.  which  lection  is  expunged  uy  Griesbach,  who  prefers,  3.  Tou  Kupiou, 
of  the  Lord.  This  reading  is  also  preferred  by  Wetslein  ;  4.  Tou  Kupiou  kmi 
fc»iou,  of  the  Lord  and  God,  which  Griesbach  has  inserted  in  his  inner  mar- 
gin ;  5.  Tou  Huu  k*.  Kvpiov,  of  the  God  and  Lord;  and  6.  Tou  Kupiou  e«ou, 
of  the  Lord  God;  in  order  to  determine  which  of  these  readings  is  to  be 
adopted,  it  is  necessary  briefly  to  review  the  various  authorities  which  have 
been  adduced  for  each. 

1.  T;u  Xr.,ou — Of  Christ.  This  reading  is  supported  by  no  Greek  MSS  ; 
but  it  is  found  in  the  jirinted  editions  of  the  Peschito  or  Old  Syriac  version, 
even  in  the  Vatican  copies  of  the  Nestorians.  This  reading  is  also  found  in 
the  Arabic  version  edited  by  BrpeniUS  (which  was  made  from  the  Syriac), 
and  it  seems  to  be  supported  by  Origen  (probably,  for  the  passage  is  ambi- 

guous),by  Athanasius,  the  anonymous  author  of  the  first  dialogue  against  the 
Macedonians,  Tbeodorat,  the  interpolated  Epistle  of  Ignatius,  Bs 

Fulgentius.     The  popish  synod  of  the   Malabar  Christians,  held  in   1899, 

under  the  direction  of  Mendoza,  the  Portuguese  archbishop  of  Qoa,  states 
that  the  Nestorians  inserted  tins  reading  at  the  instigation  of  the  devil, 
instigante  diabolo! 

2.  Tou  «<ou — Of  God.    This  is  the  common  reading.    It  is  supported  by 

that  most  ancient  and  vent  ra  lU  MS  .    H.  or  til  inuS,*  and  by 


•  Bp.  Jebb'S  S.i,- 1  ■  p.  HI.  In  pp.  J»j.  339—331.  of  the  same 
work  the  reader  will  find  other  instructive  examples  of  the  canon  above 
given. 

*  Gerard's  Institutes,  p 

»  From  Professor  Birch  (of  Copenhagen)  finding  nothing  noted  in  his 
collation  of  the  Codex  Yaticanus  respecting  the  reading  of  Bioo  (though  he 
expressly  says,  thai  if  any  variety  of  reading  had  taken  place  in  thi 
could  not  have  escaped  him,  as  he  intended  to  examine  this  remarkable 
place  above  all  others  in  all  the  manuscripts  that  came  in  his  way),  Gries- 
bach endeavours  to  set  aside  the  testimony  furnished  by  the  Vatican  manu- 
script. But  it  is  a  pact  that  Siou  is  the  reading  of  that  manuscript  :  for(l  ) 
it  WAS  there  in  17:R  when  it  was  collated  by  the  very  learned  Thomas 
Wagstaffe,  then  at  Rome,  for  Dr.  Berryman,  who  was  at  that  tune  i 
in  preparing  for  publication  his  work  on  the  genuineness  of  1  Tim.  iii  16. ; 
and  (2.)  eiou  IS  the  reading  of  the  Vatican  MS.,  for  a  transcript  of  it  xcas 
•-btained  by  Mr.  R.  Taylor  from  the  keeper  of  the  Vatican  library  for  the 


seventeen  others,  none  of  which  indeed  are  older  than  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury, ami  many  of  them  are  more  modern.  It  is  also  supported  by  two  MSS. 
o  or  old  Syriac  \  anion,  collated  by  Professor  Lee  for  his  edi- 
tion ot  the  Syi  lament;  and  which,  he  slates,  are  much  more 
ancient  than  those  upon  which  the  printed  text  was  formed.  This  reading 
is  also  found  in  a  very  ancient  Syriac  MS.  in  the  Vatican  Library,  in  the 
Latin  Vulgate,  the  Bthiopic,  according  to  Dr.  Mill,  though  (Jriesbach  thinks 
it  doubtful ;  and  it  is  quoted  or  referred  to  by  Ignatius,  Tertullian,  Athana- 
sius,  Basil,  Epinbanina,  Ambrose,  Chrysostorn,  Celestine  bishop  jf  Rome, 
Oecumenius,  i  aeopbylact,  and  eleven  other  fathers  of  the  Creek  and  Latin 
<  Inn  a,  beaidi  Synod  In  Trullo(held  a.  d.  680),  and  the  second 
Nicene  Synod  (held  a  r.  787). 

::.  T.u  Kupi-.u— 0/  the  Lora.  This  reading  is  supported  by  thirteen  manu- 
soripts,  vi/.  the  Codices  Alexandrinus,  Cantabrigiensis,  Ephremi,  and  Lau- 
dianus  (all  of  which  are  written  in  uncial  litters,  of  great  and  undisputed 
antiquity,  and  derived  from  different  and  independent  sources),  the  Moscow 

Ms.  winch  formerly  belonged  to  •  !hrysostom,  according  to  Matthci  (oi 

IV.  '.'.),  who  has  noted  it  v.  ith  the  ll  ttet   II   and  •  Igtll  Others  Of  less  note.    This 

reading  is  also  found  in  the  Coptic,  Sahidic,  in  the  margin  of  the  Fhiloxenian 

or  later  Byi  lac.  In  the  Old  Italic  as  contained  In  the  Codex  Cantabrigiensis, 

and  as  edited  t,y  Sabatler,  and  in  the  Armenian  The  Ethiopic 

exhibiting  the  reading  of  K»fn*f  Lord, 

but  its  evident  the  same  word  being  used  therein  for  both 

Lord  and  God.    Grie    I  SI  h  I  hinl:  1 1  DD  reads  Kupiou, 

from   the    COD  tnony  Ol   the  Coptic   and    Armenian   versions. 

Among  the  fathers,  this  reading  by  Euseblus,  Athan 

Chrysostorn   Ammonlus,  Maxima  I  icifi  r.  Jerome,  Au- 

gustine,  Sedulius,  Alcimue,  the  author  of  the  pretended  Apostolical! 
tutions,  and  the  second  Council  of  Carthage  (which,  however,  in  thl  Qret  *, 
reads  fcisou,  of  God).* 

i.  T.u  Kup.ou  x*.  9§tv— Of  the  Lord  and  Qod  This  reading  is  supported 
only  by  the  Codex  G.  (Passionel,  assigned  by  Blanchini  to  the  eighth,  but 
by  Montfaucon  to  the  ninth  century),  and  sixty-three  other  MSS.  ;  not 
which,  though  they  form  the  majority  in  point  of  number,  are  among  the 
most  correct  and  authoritative,  it  is  also  found  in  the  Sclavonic  version,  but 
it  is  not  cited  by  one  of  the  fathers  ;  and  is  printed  in  the  Compiuti 
and  Plantin  editions. 

5.  Tou  B(5u  x*i  Kupiou — Of  the  God  and  Lord.   This  reading  occ^i 

in  the  MS.  by  Griesbach  numbered  47.  ;  it  is  an  apograph  transcriber!  in  the 
sixteenth  century  by  John  Faber  of  Deventer  from  one  written  in  1293. 

6.  Tou  Kupiou  e«ou — Of  the  Lord  God.    This  reading  ij  found 
MS.  (96.  ofGriesbach's  notation)  of  the  fifteenth  century,  and  I 
Arabic  version  printed  in  the  Paris  and  London  Polyglotls;  an     it 
by  Theophylact  alone  among  the  fathers. 

Of  these  six  readings,  No.  2.  Tou  eiou,  Of  God,  No.  3.  Tou  Kup.-.u,  Of  the 
Lord,  and  No.  4.  Tou  Kupiou  x«i  fc>*ou,  Of  the  Lord  and  God,  are  best  sup- 
ported by  external  testimony,  and  it  is  the  preponderance  of  the  .  i 
adduced   for  each,  that  must  determine  which  of  them  is  tbi 
reading. 

1.  The  testimony  of  manuscripts  is  pretty  equally  divided  betw   • 
tin  ee  leadings. 

Though  Kupiou  is  supported  by  the  greater  n'.io;t;  ol  uncial  MSS 
the  t'odices  Alexandrinus,  Cantabrigiensis,  Ephremi.  and  Laud  us)  yet 
t;>ou  is  supported  by  the  Codex  Vaticanus,  which  is  of  the  highest  aullio 
rity  ;  and  Kupiou  xxi  Oscu,  though  deficient  in  this  respect  (for  G.  or  the  Co 
dex  Passionei,  as  we  have  noticed,  is  not  earlier  than  the  eighth  or  ninth 
century),  yet  it  is  most  numerously  supported  by  manuscripts  of  dim  rem 
families,  and  especially  by  the  Moscow  manuscripts,  and  by  tin  Complu- 
tensian  edition. 

2.  The  ar.cient  versions,  supporting  Bicu  and  Kupiou,  are  equal  to  each 
other  in  ^Liinber  indeed,  but  those  which  support  the  former  are  snperii  r 
in  weigh..  For  the  Latin  Vulgate,  the  Peschito  or  Old  Syriac,  and  the  Ethio- 
pic, in  favour  of  fcisou,  are  of  higher  authority  than  their  compete. 
Coptic,  Sahidic,  and  Armenian.  The  compound  reading  Kup.ou  x».  t-.-.u  is 
unsupported  by  any  but  the  Sclavonic  ;  which  is  closely  connected  with  the 
Moscow  manuscripts. 

3.  The  testimony  of  the  fathers  is  greatly  in  favour  of  ©<<u.     For 

a  considerable  number  of  counter-testimonies  in  favour  of  Kvpiou  is  oami  d 
b]  Wetstein,  and  copied  by  Griesbach;  yet  no-citations  from 
adduced  by  either,  which  leads  us  to  suspect,  that  their  testimony  is  either 
spurious,  slight,  or  else  refuted  by  the  express  citations  on  the  other  side. 
Thus,  the  objection  of  Athanasius  to  the  phrase  "the  blood  of  God,"  as 
"being  nowhere  used  in  Scripture,  and  to  be  reckoned  among  the  daring 
fabrications  of  the  Arians,"  recorded  by  W<  tstein,»  is  abundantly  refuted  by 
his  own  counter-testimony,  citing  the  received  reading  of  Acts  xx.  29.,  and 
by  the  frequent  use  of  the  phrase  by  the  orthodox  fathers,  Ignatius,  Ter- 
tullian, Leontius,  Fulgentius,  Bede,  Theophylact,  and  others  above  enume- 
rated. The  objection,  therefore,  was  urged  Inconsiderately,  and  probably 
in  the  warmth  of  controversy  ;  in  which  Athanasius  was  perpetually 
engaged  with  the  Arians,  his  incessant  persecutors. 

.  xxi  fcisou,  is  unsupported  by  the  fathers  before  Theophylact ;  and 
is  contradicted  by  his  testimony  in  favour  oft-'ov. 

From  this  abstract,  it  appears  to  the  writer  of  these  pages,  that  the  exter- 
nal evidence  preponderates,  upon  the  whole,  in  favourof  feicv  ;  and  this  is 
further  confirmed  by  the  internal  evidence.  For,  in  the  first  place,  the 
expression  i««>.»fi»  tou  ©icu,  church  of  God.  is  in  unison  with  the  style  of 
St.  Paul  ;•  and  it  occurs  in  not  fSwer  than  eleven  passages  of  his  epistles;1 
while  the  phrase  i<«).'r»  tou  Kupiou,  church  of  the  Lord,  occurs  nowhere 
in  the  New  Testament.  And  secondly,  «-"-•-'  might  easily  give  occasion  to 
r  readings,  though  none  of  these  could  so  easily  give  occasion  to 
wiou.  If  (as  Michaelis  remarks)  the  Evangelist  Luke  wrote  6eou,  the  origin 
of  Kupiou  arid  Xp..-:v  may  be  explained  either  as  corrections  of  the  text  or  as 
marginal  notes  ;  because  "the  blood  of  God"  is  a  very  extraordinary  ex- 
pression ;  but  if  he  had  written  Kup.ou,  it  is  inconceivable  how  any  one 
should  alter  it  inl  andontl        •'  r  supposition,  the  great  number 

of  various  readings  is  inexplicable.  It  seemsas  if  different  transcribers  had 
found  a  difficulty  in  the  passage,  and  that  each  corrected  according  to  his 
own  judgment 

second  London  edition  ofGriesbach's  Gre"k  Testament,  printed  by  him  in 
1818,  with  equal  beauty  and  accun 

*  Irensus  is  commonly  cited  as  aii  authority  f  r  the  reading  "•*»'"  : 
bul  Dr  Bui  ton  has  shown  that  much  use  cannoti  -  mode lof  bis  authority  m 
deciding  this  reading.    (Testimonies  of  Ante-Nicene  fathers,  p.  17.) 

«  See  canon  'x  in  'he  preceding  column. 
mpare  1  Cor.  i.  2.  x  32.  .xi  :■'  22.  xv.  9.  2Cor.  i.  I.  Gal.  I.  13.  IThess. 
ii.  14.  2Thess.  i.  1.  and  1  Tim  iii  5  15.  The  phrase  '"'■"f*"  "f^f", 
congregation  of  the  Lord,  is  of  freqn  -nl  occurrence  in  the  Septuagint  vei- 
mence  it  might  have  crepl  into  the  text  ol  Ihe  MsS.  that  support  it, 
particularly  of  the  Codex  Alexandrinus,  whicf  "*s  written  in  Egypt,  where 
the  Septua'gint  version  was  made. 


VARIOUS  READINGS  EN  THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENTS. 


ZU2 

Upon  the  whole,  then,  the  received  reading,  «*M<r.»  to«  e«ou,  churchof 
God,  is  better  sunported  than  any  of  the  other  readings,  and,  consequently 
we  may  conclude  that  it  was  the  identical  expression  uttered  by  1  aid,  and 
recorded  by  Luke.1 

13.  Whenever  two  different  readings  occur,  one  of  -which 
■seems  difficult  and  obscure,  but  which  may  be  explained  by  the 

help  of  antiquity,  and  a  more  accurate  knowledge  of  the 
language,  whereas  the  other  is  so  easy  as  to  be  obvious  to  the 
meanest  capacity,  the  latter  reading  is  to  be  suspected;  because 
the  former  is  more  in  unison  with  the  style  of  the  sacred  writers, 
which,  abounding  with  Hebraisms,  is  repugnatit  to  the  genius 
of  the  pure  or  strictly  classical  Greek  language. 

No  transcriber  would  designedly  change  a  clear  into  an  obscure  reading, 
nor  is  it  possible  that  an  inadvertency  should  make  so  happy  a  mistake  as 
lo  produce  a  reading  that  perplexes  indeed  the  ignorant,  but  is  understood 
and  approved  by  the  learned.  This  canon  is  the  touchstone  which  distin- 
guishes the  true  critics  from  the  false.  Bengel,  Wetstein,  and  Griesbach, 
critics  of  the  first  rank,  have  admitted  its  authority  ;  but  those  of  inferior 
order  generally  prefer  the  easy  reading,  for  no  other  reason  than  because 
its  meaning  is  most  obvious. 

14.  If  for  a  passage,  that  is  not  absolutely  necessary  to  the 
construction,  various  readings  are  found,  that  differ  materially 
from  each  other,  we  have  reason  to  suspect  its  authenticity ; 
and  likewise  that  all  the  readings  are  interpolations  of  trans- 
cribers who  have  attempted  by  different  methods  to  supply  the 
seeming  deficiency  of  the  original. 

This  rule,  however,  must  not  be  carried  to  the  extreme,  nor  is  a  single 
variation  sufficient  to  justify  our  suspicion  of  a  word  or  phrase,  though  its 
omission  affects  not  the  sense,  or  even  though  the  construction  would  be 
improved  by  its  absence  :  for,  in  a  book  that  has  been  so  frequently  trans- 
cribed as  the  New  Testament,  mistakes  were  unavoidable,  and  therefore  a 
single  deviation  alone  can  lead  us  to  no  immediate  conclusion. 

15.  A  reading  is  to  be  rejected,  in  respect  to  which  plain  evi- 
dence is  found  that  it  has  undergone  a  designed  alteration. 

Such  alteration  may  have  taken  place,  (1.)  From  doctrinal  reasons ;— (2.) 
Froun  moral  and  practical  reasons ;— (3.)  From  historical  and  geographical 
doubts  (Matt  viii.  28.  compared  with  Mark  v.  1.);— (4.)  From  thedesireof 
reconciling  passages  contradictory  with  each  other ;— (5.)  From  the  desire 
nf  making  the  discourse  more  intensive;  hence  many  emphatic  readings 
I,  r.r  originated ;— (6.)  From  the  comparison  of  many  manuscripts,  the 
readings  of  which  have  been  amalgamated  ;— (7.)  From  a  comparison  of 
parallel  passages.* 

16.  Readings,  which  are  evidently  glosses,  or  interpolations, 
are  invariably  to  be  rejected. 

(I.)  Glosses  are  betrayed,  1,  When  the  words  do  not  agree  with  the  scope 
and  context  of  the  passage  ;  2.  When  they  are  evidently  foreign  to  the  style 
of  the  sacred  writer ;  3.  When  there  is  evident  tautology  ;  4.  When  words, 
which  are  best  absent,  are  most  unaccountably  introduced;  5.  When  cer- 
tain words  are  more  correctly  disposed  in  a  different  place  ;  and,  lastly, 
when  phrases  are  joined  together,  the  latter  of  which  is  much  clearer  than 
the  former. 

(2.)  "An  interpolation  is  sometimes  betrayed  by  the  circumstance  of  its 
being  delivered  in  the  language  of  a  later  church.  In  the  time  of  the  apos- 
tles the  word  Christ  was  never  used  as  the  proper  name  of  a  person,  but  as 
an  epithet  expressive  of  the  ministry  of  Jesus,  and  was  frequently  applied 
as  synonymous  to  '  Son  of  God.'  The  expression,  therefore,  'Christ  is  the 
Son  of  God,'  Acts  viii.  37.  is  a  kind  of  tautology,  and  is  almost  as  absurd  as 
to  say  Christ  is  the  Messiah,  that  is,  the  anointed  is  the  anointed.  But  the 
word  being  used  in  later  ages  as  a  proper  name,  this  impropriety  was  not 
perceived  by  the  person  who  obtruded  the  passage  on  the  text." 

(3.)  ''If  one  or  more  words  that  may  be  considered  as  an  addition  to  a 
passage,  are  found  only  in  manuscripts,  but  in  none  of  the  most  ancient 
versions,  nor  in  the  quotations  of  the  early  fathers,  we  have  reason  to  sus- 
pect an  interpolation  "  In  Acts  viii.  39.  the  Alexandrian  manuscript 
reads  thus:  lTNA[AriONEnEi;ENEniTONErNOrXONANrEAO£AE]KT 
HPllA^ENTOYi'iAimiON— The  Spt.  [holy  fell  upon  the  eunuch,  but  the 
Angel]  of  the  Lord  caught  away  Philip.  The  words  between  brackets, 
Michaelis  thinks,  are  spurious  ;  and  Griesbach  decidedly  pronounces  them 
to  be  an  emendation  of  the  copyist.  They  are  found  in  six  manuscripts  cited 
bv  him,  but  these  are  not  ancient ;  and  they  are  also  in  the  Armenian  ver- 
sion executed  in  the  end  of  the  fourth  or  early  in  the  fifth  century,  and  in 
the  Sclavonic  version  executed  in  the  ninth  century.  We  are  justified, 
therefore,  in  stating  that  they  are  not  to  be  received  into  the  sacred  text. 

17.  Expressions  that  are  less  emphatic,  unless  the  scope  and 
context  of  the  sacred  writer  require  emphasis,  are  more  likely 
to  be  the  genuine  reading,  than  readings  different  from  them, 
but  which  have,  or  seem  to  have,  greater  force  or  emphasis.  For 
copyists,  like  commentators,  who  have  but  a  smattering  of 
learning,  are  mightily  pleased  with  emphases. 


[Part  I 


i  Nov.  Test,  a  Griesbach,  torn.  ii.  pp.  112—117.  and  Appendix,  p.  (34.) 2d 
edit.  (Hals  Saxonum,  1806.)  Dr.  Hales,  on  Faith  in  the  Trinity,  vol.  ii.  pp. 
ion — 131.  Michaelis's  Introduction  to  the  New  Testament,  vol.  i.  p.  335. 
Nolan's  Inquiry  into  the  Integrity  of  theGreek  Vulgate,  pp.  28(5—289.  516— 
r<18.  Dr.  N.  has  given  at  length  the  quotations  from  the  writings  of  the 
fathers  in  which  Wsou  is  found.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  Mr.  Wakefield, 
who  was  a  professed  and  conscientious  Socinian,  decides  in  favour  of  tou 
©eou,  of  God,  as  the  genuine  reading:  but  instead  of  rendering  the  words 
rou  iJiVj  itiuxTc;,  in  the  following  sentence,  "  with hia own  blood,"  he  trans- 
.atesthein  by  "  his  own  Son;"  and  he  adduces  some  passages  from  Greek 
and  Roman  writers,  to  show  that  «'>a  and  sanguis  (blood)  are  used  to  sig- 
nify asoii  or  near  relative.  If,  indeed,  Acts  XX.  27.  were  the  only  passage, 
where  the  phrase  "  purchasing  with  his  own  blood"  occurred,  we  might 
receive  this  saying  :  but  as  the  redemption  of  man  is,  throughout  the  New 
Testament,  ascribed  exclusively  to  the  vicarious  and  sacrificial  death  of 
Christ,  it  is  not  likely  that  this  very  unusual  meaning  should  apply  here — 
'Dr.  A.  Glarke,  in  loc.) 

»  Stuart's  Elements  of  Interpr.  p.  113. 


18.  That  reading  is  to  be  preferred,  which  gives  a  senst 
apparently  false,  but  which,  on  thorough  investigation,  proves 
to  be  the  true  one. 

19.  Various  readings,  which  have  most  clearly  been  occa- 
sioned by  the  errors  or  negligence  of  transcribers,  are  to  be 
rejected.  How  such  readiiigs  may  be  caused,  has  already  been 
shown  in  pp.  283,  284.  supra. 

20.  Lectionaries,  or  Lesson  Books,  used  in  the  early  Chris- 
tian church,  alone  are  not  admissible  as  evidence  for  various 
readings. 

Whenever,  therefore,  'm«"ov{,  Jesus,  <tSi\($t>i,  brethren,  or  similar  words 
(which  were  anciently  prefixed  to  the  lessons  accordingly  as  the  latter  were 
taken  from  the  Gospels  or  Epistles,  and  which  are  found  only  in  lectiona 
ries),  are  found  at  the  beginning  of  a  lesson,  they  are  to  be  considered  as 
suspicious  ;  and  fifty  manuscripts  that  contain  them  have  no  weight  against 
the  same  number  which  omit  them. 

21.  Headings  introduced  into  the  Greek  text  from  Latin 
versions  are  to  be  rejected. 

22.  A  reading  that  is  contradictory  to  history  and  geogra- 
phy is  to  be  rejected,  especially  -when  it  is  not  confirmed  by 
manuscripts. 

In  Acts  xii.  25.  we  read  that  Barnabas  and  Saul  returned  from  (i£J  Je- 
rusalem, where  seven  manuscripts,  two  manuscripts  (5.  and  7.)  of  the  Scla- 
vonic version,  and  the  Arabic  version  in  Bishop  Walton's  Polyglott,  have  i's, 
to  Jerusalem.  This  last  reading  has  been  added  by  some  ignorant  copyist, 
for  Barnabas  and  Saul  were  returning  from  Jerusalem  to  Antioch  with  the 
money  which  they  had  collected  for  the  poor  brethren. 

23.  That  reading  -which  makes  a  passage  more  connected  is 
preferable,  all  due  allowance  being  made  for  abruptness  in  the 
particular  case.  Saint  Paul  is  remarkable  for  the  abrupUiess 
of  many  of  his  digressions. 

24.  Readings,  certainly  genuine,  ought  to  be  restored  to  the 
text  of  the  printed  editions,  though  hitherto  admitted  into  none 
of  them  ;  that  they  may  henceforth  be  rendered  as  correct  as 
possible,  they  ought  likewise  to  be  adopted  in  all  versions  of 
Scripture :  and  till  this  be  done,  they  ought  to  be  followed  in 
explaining  it. 

Uohn  ii.  23.  The  sentence— 'O  i^oxo^v  ti»  Tio»,  ««  to*  ^xnfx  i%u, 
He  that  acknowledged  the  Son,  hath  the  Father  also—  being  wanting  in  the 
manuscripts  consulted  by  Erasmus,  is  omitted  in  all  his  editions,  and  is 
printed  in  Italics  by  the  translators  of  our  authorized  version,  to  show  that 
it  is  of  doubtful  authority  ;  but  that  it  is  genuine,  and  ought  to  be  restored 
to  the  text  without  any  mark  of  spuriousness,  is  evident  from  the  unques- 
tionable authorities  by  which  it  is  supported,  viz.  the  Alexandrian  and  Vati- 
can manuscripts,  and  the  Codex  Ephremi,  all  which  are  of  great  antiquity, 
besides  fourteen  others  enumerated  by  Griesbach,  which  were  written 
between  the  eleventh  and  thirteenth  centuries  ;  the  Peschito  and  Philoxe- 
nian  Syriac  versions,  the  Arabic  (edited  by  Erpenius),  Coptic,  Sahidic, 
Ethiopic,  Armenian,  and  Latin  Vulgate  versions.  It  is  also  quoted  by  Cle 
mens  Alexandrinus,  Origen,  Meletius,  Athanasius,  Cyril  of  Jerusalem, 
Cyril  of  Alexandria,  Theophylact,  Virgilius  bishop  of  Tapsus,  Pelagius, 
Cerealis,  and  Cassian.  It  is  further  quoted  in  substance,  in  Greek,  thus — 
'O  hfioKoysi  tov  Tiov,  x«>  toi/  n*Tsp  o^oKayti — [He  that  acknowledgeth  the 
Son,  acknowledgeth  the  Father  also]  by  Euthalius  and  Epiphanius ;  and,  in 
Latin  thus  : —  Qui  (or  et  qui,  or  qui  autem)  confitetwr  Fitium,  et  Filium,  el 
Patrem  habet, — by  Cyprian,  Hilary,  Faustinus,  Lucifer  bishop  of  Cagliari, 
Augustine,  Vigilius  bishop  of  Tapsus,  and  Bede.  This  clause  is  omitted'm 
the  Arabic  version  extant  in  Bishop  Walton's  Polyglott,  in  the  Harleian  MS. 
No.  1775,  preserved  in  the  British  Museum,  and  some  Latin  manuscripts. 
The  clause  in  question  is  certainly  genuine,  and  it  has  with  great  propriety 
been  restored  to  the  text  by  Griesbach,  Malthaei,  Knappe,  Schott,  Titmann, 
Vater,  Valpy,  and  Boissonade,  in  their  several  editions  of  the  Greek  text. 
And  it  ought,  in  all  future  editions  of  the  authorized  English  version,  to  be 
printed  in  Roman  type  as  an  integral  part  of  the  sacred  text ;  as,  indeed,  it 
has  been,  by  Dr.  Clarke  in  his  Commentary,  by  Dr.  Boothroyd  in  his  new 
Translation  and  Commentary,  and  by  Mr.  Nourse  in  his  edition  of  our 
authorized  English  version,  with  an  improved  punctuation  (New  York, 
1827).  In  addition  to  the  positive  evidence  above  adduced,  it  may  be  re- 
marked that  this  clause  not  only  seems  to  be  required  by  the  sense,  but  it 
also  corresponds  with  the  style  of  St.  John  ;  and  its  omission  is  undoubtedly 
to  be  ascribed  to  an  homa?oteleuton.» 

25.  Probable  readings  may  have  so  high  a  degree  of  evidence, 
as  justly  entitles  them  to  be  inserted  into  the  text,  in  place  of 
the  received  readings  -which  are  much  less  probable.  Such  as 
have  not  considerably  higher  probability  than  the  common 
readings,  should  only  be  put  into  the  margin :  but  they,  and  all 
others,  ought  to  be  iveighed  with  impartiality. 

26.  Readings  certainly,  or  very  probably  false,  ought  to  be 
expunged  from  the  editions  of  the  Scripture,  and  ought  not  to 
be  followed  in  versions  of  them,  however  long  and  generally 
they  have  usurped  a  place  there,  as  being  manifest  corruptions, 
■which  impair  the  purity  of  the  sacred  books. 

27.  Lastly,  since  it  is  admitted  in  the  criticism  of  the  Sacred 
Scriptures,  as  in  that  of  other  ancient  writings,  that  the  true 
reading  cannot  always  be  determined  with  absolute  certainty, 
but  that  only  a  judgment  as  to  what  is  more  probable  can  be 
formed,  it  is  evident  that  more  ought  not  to  be  required  in  this 
department,  than  can  be  performed ;  nor  should  a  positive 
judgment  be  given,  without  the  most  cat\,  ul  examination. 
And,  further,  if  in  the  criticism  of  profane   ttiihors  caution  and 


a  Griesbach,  Vater,  and  Dr   A.  Clarke  on  1  John  ii.  23 


quotations  from  the  old  testament  in  the  new. 


Chap.  IV.] 

modesty  should  be  used,  much  more  ought  every  thing  like 
rashness  or  levity  to  be  excluded  from  the  criticism  of  the 
Sacred  Volume. 


The  preceding  are  the  most  material  canons  for  determining 
various  readings,  which  are  recommended  by  t!i<:  united 
wisdom  of  the  most  eminent  biblical  critics.     They   have 


293 

been  drawn  up  chiefly  from  Dr.  Kennicott's  Dissertations  on 
the  Hebrew  Text,  De  Rossi's  Compendio  di  Critica  Sacra, 
and  the  canons  of  the  same  learned  author,  in  his  Prolego- 
mena so  often  cited  in  the  preceding  pages,  and  from  the 
canons  of  Bauer  in  his  Critica  Sacra,  of  Ernesti,  of  Pfaff, 
Pritiuo,  Witst.  in,  Griesbach,  Beck,  Muntinghe,  and,  above 
all,  of  Michaelis,  with  Bishop  Marsh's  annotations,  often 
more  valuable  than  the  elaborate  work  of  his  author.1 


CHAPTER  IV. 


ON    THE    QUOTATIONS    FROM    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT    IN    THE    NEW QUOTATIONS    IN    THE    NEW 

TESTAMENT    FROM    THE    APOCRYPHAL    WRITERS,    AND    FROM    PROFANE    AUTHORS. 


It  is  obvious,  even  on  the  most  cursory  perusal  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures-  that  some  passages  are  cited  in  other  subsequent 
passages  ;  and,  in  particular,  that  numerous  quotations  from 
the  Old  Testament  are  made  in  the  New.  In  these  refer- 
ences, there  is  frequently  an  apparent  contradiction  or  differ- 
ence between  the  original  and  the  quotation ;  of  which,  as  in 
the  contradictions  alleged  to  exist  in  the  Scriptures  (which 
are  considered  and  solved  in  the  second  part  of  this  volume), 
infidelity  and  skepticism  have  sedulously  availed  themselves. 
These  seeming  discrepancies,  however,  when  brought  to  the 
touchstone  of  criticism,  instantly  disappear;  and  thus  the 
entire  harmony  of  the  Bible  becomes  fully  evident.  The 
appearance  of  contradiction,  in  the  quotations  from  the  Old 
Testament  that  are  found  in  the  New,  is  to  be  considered  in 
two  points  of  view,  namely,  1.  As  to  the  external  form,  or  the 
words  in  which  the  quotation  is  made  ;  and,  2.  As  to  the 
internal  form,  or  the  manner  or  purpose  to  which  it  is  applied 
by  the  sacred  writers. 

A  considerable  difference  of  opinion  exists  among  some 
learned  men,  whether  the  evangelists  and  other  writers  of 


the  New  Testament  quoted  the  Old  Testament  from  the  He- 
brew, or  from  the  venerable  Greek  version,  usually  called  the 
Septuagint.  Others,  however,  are  of  opinion,  that  they  did 
not  confine  themselves  exclusively  to  either ;  and'  this  appears 
most  probable.  The  only  way  by  which  to  determine  this 
important  question,  is  to  compare  and  arrange  the  texts 
actually  quoted.  Drusius,  Junius,  Glassius,  Cappel,  Hoff- 
man, Eicnhorn,  Michaelis,  and  many  other  eminent  biblical 
critics  on  the  Continent,  have  ably  illustrated  this  topic ;  in 
our  own  country,  indeed,  it  has  been  but  little  discussed. 
The  only  writers  on  this  subject,  known  to  the  author,  are 
the  Rev.  Dr.  Randolph,  formerly  Regius  Professor  of  Divi- 
nity in  the  University  of  Oxford,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Henry  Owen, 
and  the  Rev.  Thomas  Scott  (the  titles  of  whose  publications 
will  be  found  in  the  Bibliographical  Appendix  to  the  second 
volume)  ;2  but  they  have  treated  it  with  so  much  ability  and 
accuracy,  that  he  has  to  acknowledge  himself  indebted  to 
their  labours  for  great  part  of  his  materials  for  the  present 
chapter.3 


SECTION  I. 


ON    THE    EXTERNAL    FORM    OF    THE    QUOTATIONS    FROM    THE    OLD   TESTAMENT    IN    THE    NEW. 

$    1.    TABLES    OF    THE     QUOTATIONS     FROM    THE    HEBREW    SCRIPTURES    AND    FROM    THE    SEPTUAGINT    GREEK    VERSION,    IN    THI 

ORDER    IN    WHICH    THEY    OCCUR    IN    THE    NEW    TESTAMENT.4 


I.  Isa.  vii.  14. 

:  Skijoj;  ids'  nxnpi  p  pV?m  n-v\  nD^rn  run 

Behold,  a  virgin  shall  conceive,  and  bear  a  son, 
and  shall  call  his  name  Iinnianucl. 


2.  Micah  v.  2. 

'oVm  nwA  tjjs  nmoN  DrvWra  hpni 

Cut  thou,  Bethlehem  Ephratah,  though  thou 
be  little  among  the  thousands  of  Judah,  yet  out 
of  thee  shall  he  come  forth  unto  me,  that  is  to  be 
ruler  of  Israel. 


Hos.  xi.  1. 
I called  my  son  out  of  Egypt, 


Isa.  vii.  14. 
l£ou  j)  :rxp9ivoj  tv  yxtrrpi  XjiiJ/itxi,!  xxi  ti^itxi 

Ul'Olf,    XXI  XX\|0-|*;    TO    OVOfAJL   XUTOV    EuuXl'O  U  f,  K. 

Behold  the  virgin  shall  conceive,  and  bear  a 
son,  and  thou  shall  call  his  name  Emmanuel. 


Micah  v.  2. 

Kxi  o-v  Bi|9xit.u  oixo;  Efpxix,  o^iyocrrof  tl  T0« 
llval  ■>  xiXiao-ii/  IiuTx;  ix  o-cu  i*a>  i5i\iuo-it»i, 
tou  iivxi  M(  upzlvTX  tcu  la-fxr.K. 

But,  as  for  thee,  Bethlehem,  thou  house  of 
Ephratha,  art  thou  the   least  [or,  too   little],  to 

m  ■  (iu»-  of  the  thousands  of  Judah  1    Out  of    of  thee  shall  come  a  governor  that  shall  rule  mv 
thee  shall  one  come  forth  to  me,  to  be  the  ruler     people  Israel, 
of  israel. 


Matt.  i.  23. 
Ijov  n  irxpUvOf  iv  yxa-rpi  iju,  xx.  TijjiTai  ui»», 

XXI   XX\IT0UIT'*  TO   OVO/UX  auro-j    Zp/xxttuiiK. 

Behold,  a  virgin  shall  be  with  child,  and  shall 
bring  forth  a  son ;  and  they  shall  call  his  name 
Emmanuel. 

Matt.  ii.  6. 
Kxi  cu  B«8&I1J>,  y»  louJx,  »»J«^»;  i».«x'0-tii  it 
iv   toi$    r>ytfiOTiv    Iou£x*   ix  erov   yxp   i\t >.juo-it»* 

f^'.UUIv:,-,  00-TI£  TTOl/UXVf  *  TOV  X.fllOl'  /*0U  TOV  IfTpXItX.t 

And  thou,  Bethlehem  in  the  land  of  Judah,  art 
not  the  least  among  the  princes  of  Jm'ah  :  for  out 


Bos.  xi.  1. 

Eg    At*,  vttcj  /uiTtxxKurx  TXTfXV* 

I  call  id  his  children  uui  of  Egypt. 


Matt.  ii.  15. 

E*   Aiyu-rTOu  ixxXccrx  tov  ui'ov  fxOv.t 

Out  of  Egypt  have  I  called  my  son. 


i  A  Bibliographical  Notice  of  the  principal  Treatises  on,  and  Collections 
af,  Various  Readings,  will  be  fbtmd  in  the  Appendix  to  the  Becond  Volume, 
Part  II.  Chap.  111.  Sbct.  IV.  §§  2,  3. 

■»  Part  II.  Chap.  III.  Sect.  III. 

»  Besides  the  publications  of  the  writers  above  mentioned,  the  author  has 
constantly  availed  himself  of  the  researches  of  Drusius  (Parallels  Sacra), 
in  the  Sth  volume  of  the  CriticiSacri ; — of  Cappel' B  Critics  Sacra,  lib.  ii.  (In 
vol.  i.  pp.   136—172.  of  Prof.  Vogel's  edition) ;— of  G  P 

Sacra,  part  ii.  pp.  1387.  etseq.  (ed.  Dathii);  and  of  Mil  traduction 

to  the  New  Testament,  translated  l>v  Bishop  Marsh,  (vol.  L  pp  300 
—493.)    Dr.  Gerard's  Institutes  of  Biblical  ('riiicism  have  also  been 
sionally  referred  to,  as  well  as  Schlegelius's  DI  igto  sanguinis 

et  Prophet  irk  circa  eum  allegata,  In  the  Thesaurus  Dissertation um  Exegcti- 
carum  ad  Nov.  Test.  torn.  ii.  pp.  309 — 340. 

*  In  the  first  edition  of  this  work,  the  author  had  simply  given  the  refer- 
ences to  these  quotations.  They  an-  now  Inserted  at  length,  in  order  to  save 
the  student's  time,  and  also  to  enahle  him  more  readily  to  compare  the  He- 
brew and  Greek  together;  and  the  English  version  of  the  passages  is 
annexed  for  the  convenience  of  the  mere  English  reader.  Tht>  text  of  the 
Septuagint  is  that  termed  the  Vatican  :  and  where  there  are  any  material 
variations  in  the  Alexandrine  text,  they  are  briefly  noticed.  The  English 
version  of  the  Septuagint  is  given  from  Mr.  Thompson's  Anglo-American 
Tanslation  (with  the  exception  of  two  or  three  passages  that  have  been 


altered  to  make  them  more  literal),  entitled  "The  Holy  Bible,  containing 
the  <  lid  and  New  Covenant,  commonly  called  the  Old  and  NewTestamcnt, 
translated  from  the  Greek.    Philadelphia,  1808."    In  four  volumes,  8vo. 
k  'E;;'.  Codex  Alexandr. 

•  Ksxj«ii(  is  the  reading  of  the  Codex  Bezae  and  other  MSS.,  besides 
several  of  the  fathers. 

i  This  quotation  agrees  exactly  neither  with  the  Hebrew  nor  with  the 

-int.    The  only  material  difference  is  that  the  evangelist  adds  the 

negative  -   ?.-u, .,  which  is  in  neither  of  them.     But  the  Syriac  translation 

reads  i'  with  an  interrogation,  Num  parva  est    Art  thou  little?    And  so 

Archbishop Newcome  has  rendered  it: 

And  thou,  Bethlehem  Ephrata, 

Art  thou  too  little  to  be  among  the  leaders  of  Judah  1 

Out  of  thes  shall  come  forth  unto  me 

One  who  is  to  be  a  ruler  in  Israel.  . 

The  question,  he  observes,  implies  the  negative,  which  is  inserted  in  Matt, 
ii.  6.  and  also  in  the  Arabic  version.  Both  the  Hebrew  and  the  Greek,  as 
they  now  stand,  are  capable  of  being  pointed  interrogatively.  And  it  is 
w  rthy  of  remark,  that  the  Codex  Cantalirigiensis  reads^  not .interroga- 
tively insti  ad  of  ">»»/«•>«,  in  which  it  is  followed  by  the  Old  Italic  version 
and  by  Tertullian,  Cyprian,  and  other  Latin  lathers. 

•  This  rendering  ofthe  evangelist  agrees  with  the  Greek  versions  of  Syn-. 
machus  and  Theodotion. 


294 

4.  Jer.  xxxi.  15. 

»30  *?m  onnnn  ^3  \-ij  jjwm  nma  ?ij5 

A  voice  was  heard  in  Hamuli,  lamentation,  and 
bitter  weeping  :  Rachel  weeping  to r  her  children, 
refused  to  be  comfort  ;d  forhcrchildren,becauae 

they  were  not. 

5.  Psal.  xxii.  6.  lxix.  ?,  10.    Isa.  lii.  liii.    Zech.  xi. 
12,  13. 


C.  Isa.  xl.  3-5. 

stnjra  vwy  i"11^  I"1"1  uo  "dids  ix-np  Sp 

-ypa1?  a'Daini  iwd1!  3pyn   rrni   V?ob» 

*c   »p   nm   lao-ho   wn  mm   m33  m?.m 

:  -ot  mm 

The  voice  of  him  thatcrieth  in  the  wilderness, 
Prepare  ye  the  way  of  the  Lord  ;  make  straight 
in  the  desert  a  highway  for  our  God.  Every 
valley  shall  be  exalted,  and  every  mountain  and 
hill  shall  be  made  low:  and  the  crooked  shall  be 
made  straight. ;  and  the  rough  places  plain.  And 
the  glory  of  the  Lord  shall  be  revealed  ;  and  all 
flesh  shall  see  it  together 


TABLES  OF  QUOTATIONS  FROM 


[Part  I.  Chap.  IV 


Jer.  xxxi.  15. 


oup,uc 


/•Px,ux„x5u 
'PaXlA.   xrro 


>  xXbuS/cou,  xxi 

>]9s\i  Trxuo-xcr- 


Matt.  ii.  18. 

♦uvu  iv  'Tx/xs  uxouirSii,  £p>|V0;,  xxi  x>.xu5/*0;    «.»: 
otvffiOf   sroXu;,  'PuxiX  x\xiou<r«  u  texix   xuth;, 
sxi*  ijri  toij  uioi;  ttuTiij,  in  oux  inriir.  xxi  oux  n6t>.s  ?rxpxx>.^5)|n«i)  in  oux  eio-i.» 

There  was  heard  at  Rama,  a  sound  of  lainenta-  In  Rama  was  there  a  voice  heard,  lamentation, 

lion,  and  weeping  and  wailing  :  Rachel,  weeping  and  weeping,  and  great  mourning,  Rachel  weep 

*r  her  children,  refused  to  be  comforted,  be-  ing/or  her  children,  and  wouldnot  be  comforted, 

cause  they  are  not.  because  they  are  not. 

Matt.  ii.  23. 

On-io;  irXiipaiJn  to  puSiv  Six  Tool/  jrpo^Tcov,  Jt< 
Nx£<upxio;  xX>)6>io-iToei.» 

That  it  might  be  fulfilled  which  was  spoken  by 
the  nronhets.  He  shall  be  called  a  Nazarene. 


Isa.  2d.  3—5. 

<t>u>vi)  /Souivto;  ii>  Ti|  tpr,/tw  '£xcifiir«Ti  tijv  ISov 
Kup*ou,  <u5e*x;  jtoieits  tx;  TpiSou;  tou  Qiou  *i/«uiv. 
ITxc-a-    <pupxy%    TrA^jpwS^o-ETXi,    x^i    -sretv    opo;    xx-* 

/30UV0;  Tt*?T£»l'W$>)<r£T0ei*  XXI  |(TTX*  -CTaVTCt  T*  0~X0*.*X 
Si;  EuJsiXV,  XXI  >|  Tp«%f  IX  El;  5TiJl«.«  Kxi  o^Sijo-eTKi 
i)  So^X  Kup*0U,  XX*  0\J/ST«*  7TXCTX  0"xp^  TO  CTyjT»]ptO|l 
TOU    ©EOU. 

A  voice  of  one  crying  in  the  wilderness,  Pre- 
pare the  way  of  the  Lord ;  make  straight  the  roads 
for  our  God.  Every  valley  shall  be  filled  up  ;  and 
every  mountain  and  hill  be  levelled.  And  all  the 
crooked  places  shall  be  made  a  straight  road,  and 
the  rough  way  smooth  plains.  And  the  glory  of 
the  Lord  will  appear;  and  all  flesh  shall  see  the 
salvation  of  God. 


Matt.  iii.  3.  Mark  i.  3.  Luke  iii.  4— «. 

*a>v>|  |6ou)vto;  ev  T^  ipv,p.w  '£.T0ijuxo-xrt  t>|v  jSov 
Kupiou,  «u9s*x;  ttoieite  tx;  TpiSou;  xurou.i  rixo-oi 
(p«px^-£  TrkypjiSyrrtTXt,  xxi  T?'xv  opo;  xxi  j3ouvo; 
T«7reivui6>jo"tTx* '  xxi  £0"t«*  tx  ctxoXix  ei;  euSsixv, 
XXI  xi  Tpx%six*  si;  o^ou;  httxg.      Kxi  c-ySTXi  Trxtrx 

<TXf>%   TO  0-tOT^piOV  TOU  ©E0U.« 

The  voice  of  one  crying  in  the  wilderness,  Pre- 
pare ye  the  way  of  the  Lord,  make  his  paths 
straight.  Every  valley  shall  be  filled,  and  every 
mountain  and  hill  shall  be  brought  low  ;  and  the 
crooked  shall  be  made  straight,  and  the  rough 
ways  shall  be  made  smooth ;  and  all  flesh  shall 
see  the  salvation  of  God. 


Matt.  iv.  4.  Luke  iv  4. 

OuX    IT*  XpTuJ    jUOVWJ     ^(TIT*I     Xv'tpwTTO;,    xKK*    ii 
XVT*   pyftxTl   £X7rOpEU0/<SVU>  SlX  ft  rOjUXTC;   ©SOU. 


7.                            Deut.  viii.  3.  Deut.  viii.  3. 

WHD'Sa-'yjj  O  niKn  mm  roS  urhrrby  xb  °UIC  •»'  "P™  f*°<"»  ?<io-£t*.  i  »v»f^os,  xkx' 

UXVTl       CV,UXTl       TW       £  X7TOp£U0iUe  V  U)       dl«        (TTOWfll 

nin^iJ  e(ou. 

Man  doth  not  live  by  bread  only,  but  by  every  Man  shall  not  iive  (,y  bread  only,  but  by  every       Man  shall  not  live  by  bread  alone,  but  by  every 

word  that  proceedeth  out  of  the  mouth  of  the  word  that  proceedeth  out  of  the  mouth  of  God.        word  that  proceedeth  out  of  the  mouth  of  God. 
Lord  doth  man  live. 


8.  Psal.  xci.  11,  12. 

tyaTrfraa   i-ictf1?  iS-nw    vdnSd    »a 
:  ih}-\  jaw  f|un-jD  "\)wv<i  WDirby 

For  he  shall  give  his  angels  charge  over  thee, 
to  keep  thee  in  all  thy  ways.  They  shall  bear 
thee  up  in  their  hands,  lest  thou  dash  thy  foot 
against  a  stone. 

9.  Deut.  vi.  16. 

D3>n'?N  nirp-riN  lDJn  nS 
Thou  shalt  not  tempt  the  Lord  thy  God. 


10. 


Deut.  vi.  13. 

n3j?n  mm  nth  thSn  nini-nx 


Thou  shalt  fear  the  Lord  thy  God,  and  serve 
him. 

11.  Isa.  ix.  1,2. 

:D'un  S^j  pTn  ~\iy  o-n  i"n  Taan  jnnKm 
fiNS  ^3B"  VnJ  iin  int  "ftwia  D^Vnn  oj?n 

At  the  first  he  lightly  afflicted  the  land  of  Zebu- 
lun,  and  the  land  of  Naphtali,  and  afterwards  did 
more  grievously  afflict  her  by  the  way  of  the  sea, 
beyond  Jordan,  in  Galilee  of  the  nations.  The 
people  that  walked  in  darkness  have  seen  a  great 
light ;  they  that  dwell  in  the  land  of  the  shadow 
of  death,  upon  them  hath  the  light  shined. 

12.  Isa.  liii.  4. 

Our  infirmities  he  hath  borne  :  And  our  sor- 
rows he  hath  carried  them.  (Bp.  Lowth.) 


Psal.  xci.  11, 12. 

*Ot*  toi;  xyyeKot$  xutou  jvt£>-6itmi   sripi   <rou, 

tou  Stxqvkx^xi  tre   tv  7rx<rxts  txi;   oo^oif  cou-  Etti 

%tlfulV    xpouo-l    <T£(     ^IJWOTf     !Tf0O-X0\)/II{     jrpOJ    X.I&0" 
tov  ttoSx  O"0U. 

For  he  will  give  his  angels  a  charge  concerning 

thee,  to  keep  thee  in  all  thy  ways.    With  their  _ 

hands  they  shall  bear  thee  up,  lest  thou  shouldest  thee  up,  lest  at  any    time  thou  dash  thy  foot 

at  any  time  strike  thy  foot  against  a  stone.  against  a  stone 


Matt.  iv.  6. 

'Ot*,...toi;  xyytXOiq  «utou  £VT£\£it«i  7r£p* 
rou,  xcci  Ejri  %£ipouv  cepouiri  trij  ptijrOTt  5rpoo-xo>J/>i( 
rpoc  \tSov  tov  7roSx  trov. 

For  ....  he  shall  give  his  angels  charge  con- 
cerning thee  ;  and  in  their  hands  they  shall  bear 


Deut.  vi.  16. 

OUX    £X7T£ipX(T£iS   XupiOHTOV    ©S0V   (TOU. 

Thou  shalt  not  tempt  the  Lord  thy  God 


Matt.  iv.  7. 

OuX   £X7T£ipXO-£t;    K'J  f)  I  0  V    TOV  ©SOV  COU. 

Thou  shalt  not  tempt  the  Lord  thy  God. 


Deut.  vi.  13.  Matt.  iv.  10. 

Kupiov  tov  ©iov  irou   coGiic-aMO-^,   xxi   «utu»   fzovjt  Kupiov  tov  ©sov  <rou  ?rpoo-xuv>jc-fii£,  XX*  «UTW  ftovm 

X«Tp£UO-£lf.1  xxTpsucrsi;. 

Thou  shalt  fear  the  Lord  thy  God,  and  serve  Thou  shalt  worship  the  Lord  thy  God,  and  him 

him  alone.  only  shalt  thou  serve. 


Isa.  ix.  1,  2. 

X«ipx  ZxfiovXuiv  »|  yq  Ntq$x\iifi,  xxi   o<  \015ro1 

0*    T>|V    TTXfXXlXV   Ajll     T^lfXV   TOU     IopJxvOU    Tx\l\XlX 
TUJV  eOvwV.        *0  A.X0C    6  •n-OpEUp/iSVOC*  fiV    (TXOTE*,    I^ETS 

Cfai;  fityx-  01*  xxtojxouvte;  ev  %oupxt  o-xix  S-xvxtou, 
910;  Kx/t^tl  s?  u^xc. 

Willi  regard  to  the  region  of  Zabulon,  the  land 
of  Nephthalim,  and  the  rest  who  inhabit  the  sea 
shore,  and  beyond  Jordan,  Galilee  of  the  nations ; 
ye  people  who  wark  in  darkness,  behold  a  great 
light !  and  ye  who  dwell  in  a  region,  the  shade  of 
death,  on  you  a  light  shall  shine. 


Isa.  liii.  4. 

OuTOf    TJJ     i^uxpTlxf    Ji|UjJV    fEpsi,  X*l     ■=TEp*     >|,fc«JV 

This  man  beareth  away  our  sins,  and  for  us  he 
is  in  sorrow. 


Matt.  iv.  15,  16. 
r>i  ZxSou^tuv,  xx<  yv,  NEip-J^XEiiUj  oJov  §x\xtrtr*i$t 

JTEpXV   TOU    IOpSxvOU,   TKXl\XlX   TU)V     s5v:uV.        'O   \X<1( 
0     XX$r,f*£V0S     EV     (TXOTE*     ElJs      <p0JC     fiiyx,     XX*     TOlf 

xx9>i^svois  ev  xuifxxxi  o-xix  S-xvxtou  (feu;  avETEiXtr 

KUTOIC.IO 

The  land  of  Zabulon,  and  the  land  of  Nephtha 
lira,  by  the  way  of  the  sea,  beyond  Jordan,  Gali- 
lee of  the  Gentiles;  the  people  which  sat  in  dark- 
ness saw  great  light :  and  to  them  which  sat  in  the 
region  and  shadow  of  death,  light  is  sprung  up. 


Matt.  viii.  17. 

Auto*;  t«j  ce<r$ivEiac  y^fjauv  eA-osGe,  xxi  tx;  voo-ouc 

l€x<TT0to~£V. 

Himself  took  our  infirmities,  and  bare   our 
sicknesses. 


t  Ilxp*x>M,9>,vx'.    Codex  Alexandr. 

»  The  quotation  in  Matthew  agrees  very  nearly  with  theHebrew,  butnot 
with  the  beptuagint.  Dr  Randolph  thinks  it  might  possibly  be  taken  from 
son  e  other  translation.    (On  the  Quotations,  p.  27.) 

'  As  the  evangelist  cites  the  Prophets  in  the  plural  number,  it  is  highly 
probable  that  this  passage  is  not  a  quotation  from  any  particular  prophet, 
but  a  citation  denoting  the  humble  and  despised  condition  of  ihe  Messiah,  as 
described  by  the  prophets  m  general,  and  especially  by  the  prophet  Isaiah. 
(See  Dr.  Hunt's  sermon  on  Matt.  ii.  23.,  at  the  end  of  his  "  Observations  on 
several  passages  in  the  Book  of  Proverbs."  pp  170—193)  Though  the 
words,  heshallhecalle.la  Nazarene,  are  not  to  be  found  in  the  writings  of 
the  prophets,  yet  as  the  thing  intended  by  them  is  of  frequent  occurrence, 
the  application  is  mad.'  with  sufficient  propriety.  The  Israelites  despised 
the  Galileans  in  general,  bul  especially  the  Nazarenes;  who  wen>  so  con- 
temptible as  to  Be  subjects  ol  ridicule  even  to  the  Galileans  themselves. 
Hence,  Nazarene  was  a  lerm  of  reproach  proverbially  given  to  anv  despi- 
cable  worthless  person  whatever.  Wherefore  since  the  prophets  (particu- 
larly those  above  referred  to)  have,  in  many  parts  of  their  writings  foretold 
that  the  Messiah  should  be  rejected,  despised,  and  traduced,  they  have  in 
reality  predicted  that  he  should  be  called  a  Nazarene.  And  the  evangelist 
justly  reckons  Christ's  dwelling  in  Nazareth,  among  other  things,  a  com- 
pletion of  these  predictions;  because,  in  the  course  of  his  public  life  the 
circumstance  of  his  having  been  educated  in  that  town  was  frequently 
•bjected  to  him  as  amatter  of  scorn,  and  was  one  principal  reason  why  his 
tountr «-men  would  not  receive  him.  (John  i.  46.  and  vii.  41.  52.)  Dr.  Mac- 


knight's  Harmony,  vol.  i.  p.  53. 8vo.  edit.  See  also  RosenmQller,  Kuinoel,  and 
other  commentators  on  this  text. 

«  'OJouc  /.six;.    Codex  Alexandr. 

•  Tou  ©sou  WW.    Codex  Alexandr. 

«  This  quotation  agrees  in  sense,  though  not  exactly,  with  the  Hebrew, 
and  also  with  the  Septuagint.  The  whole  of  it  occurs  in  Luke  iii.  4 — 6.  and 
the  first  part  in  Matt.  iii.  3.  and  Mark  i.  3. 

1  npoo-xuv>)o-Ei;.    Codex  Alex.  »  KxS^svo;.    Codex  Alex. 

»Kxio-xix.    Codex  Alex. 

10  These  words  are  not  an  exact  translation  of  the  Hebrew  ;  and  Dr.  Ran- 
dolph observes  that  it  is  difficult  to  make  sense  of  the  Hebrew  or  of  the 
English  in  the  order  in  which  the  words  at  present  stand.  But  the  dilfi 
culty,  he  thinks,  may  easily  be  obviated,  by  removing  the  first  six  words  o( 
Isa.  ix.  and  joining  them  to  the  former  chapter,  as  they  are  in  all  the  old 
versions :  And  then  the  words  may  be  thus  rendered :  As  the  former  time 
made  vile,  or  debased,  the  land  of  Zabulon,  and  the  land  of  Nephtali,  so  the 
latter  time  shall  make  it  glorious.  The  way  of  the  sea,  #c.  A  prophecy 
most  signally  fulfilled  by  our  Saviour's  appearance  and  residence  in  these 
parts.  The  evangelist,  from  the  first,  part  of  the  sentence,  takes  only  the 
land  of  Zabulon,  and  the  land  of  Nephthalim.  What  follows  is  an  exact 
a-nd  almost  literal  translation  of  the  Hebrew:  onlv  forOWnn,  walked,  is 
putxxS->„usvo;,  sat.  How  properly  this  prophecy  is  cited,  and  applied  to  our 
Saviour,  see  Mr.  Mede's  Disc,  on  Mark  S  14.  1 K  Br.  Lowth's  Comment  on 
Isa.  ix.  and  Bishop  Lowth's  translation  Utandoiph  on  the  Quotations. 
n.  29.-! 


8ect.  I.  §  I.] 

K).  Hos.  vi.  5. 

nar>6)  >mon  iDn  >a 
desired  mercy  and  not  sacrifice. 

14.  Mai.  iii.  1. 


THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  IN  THE  NEW. 

Hob.  vi.  C. 
Exios  5iV*>  n  iuo-ixv. 

1  desire  mercy  rallier  than  sacrifice. 


295 


Behold  I  will  send  my  me  '  Iw  shall 

prepare  the  way  befol 

v5.  i   1 — 4. 

<nnj   wo)  nnm  n>na  lanonw  »T3JJ  p 
N#  nSi  pfV  M1?  :  xm>  omjV  ucj'D  vVjj  *nn 
-\i2Z"<   n1?  yim  rup  :  iVlp    pna    pog»*"»6i 

•  nun   IWJW   ncx1?   ruaa^   m1?   rvrj   nntt'Di 
:  V-\-v>  D^NiminVi 

Behold  my    n  rani  whom  i  uphold,  mine  aleo! 

delighted,  i   I  have  put  my 

spirit  upon  hi  1 1"-'  forth  judgment  to 

Hi,.  <;,  •  ,:i  aol  cry,  nor  lift,  up,  dot 

his  voice  i"  be  heard  In  the  stri 

i  r I  shall  he  ool  break  :  and  1 1 1 » -  smoking 

,il  be  not  quench :  be  shall  bring  forth 
judgment  unto  truth.    Ho  shall  nol  fail  nor  be 
till  be  have  Bel  judgment  in  the 
earth:  snd  the  islet  Bhall  wait  i"<>r  bis  law, 


Mai.  iii.  1. 
Uso  i£»!roo-Ti*.x.»>  to»  ayytKov  xiou,  kii  i*-i(A.i- 
ij'irai  oStv  Jrfti  npOTMirov  fiou. 

Behold  I  BM  d  forth  my  messenger,  and  he  will 
examine  the  w.ty  before  me. 

Isa.  xiii.  1 — 4. 

IxxwS   o  -»,{  JUOU,   avTiKt^QiroH   jtuTSV  lTpx*>.    0 
ItUurt;  /xou-  ^poo-i St  Jxto  xurov  j  \}<ux>l  /">"'  tSmxx 

TO  -OHUXXX  i|0U  It'»UTO»,  Kf  KTIW  TO  If  I^HiriV  I  JoiTll. 

Ou  xlxpxJlTXi,  cull  xvarn,  OuJi  xxouo-  Jho-itx  i  i£u> 
i]   ^UIVX.  XUrSV,      Kx^x.uOV  Ti  jV.xr/xl»OV  ou  o-wvTpuJ/n, 

xxi   ».ivov  xxttvi^o/iivov  ou  o-^io-ii,   a\x.x  n;  *M- 

■j-nx"     IJOIO-II     xpiO"IV Kxi     1:71     Tiu    OVO/XXT1     XUTCU 

i  Jvi)  l(.T,;uni'. 

Jacob  is  my  servant,  I  will  uphold  him  ;  Israel 
is  my  ciiusrii  one,  my  soul  hath  embraced  him. 

1  have  put  my  spirit  upon   him;   hi'  will  publish 

judgment  to  the  nations:  he  will  nut  cry  aloud, 
with  vehemence,  nor  will  his  voice  be 
heard  abroad,  a  bruised  ,  i  ed  in-  will  not  break, 
nor  will  he  quench  Bmoklng  Sax,  but  will  bring 
forth  judgment  unto  truth,— and  in  bis  name  shall 
s  trust  (or  hope). 


ir, 


Isa.  vi.  9,  10. 


Isa.  vi.  9—11. 

Axox  axouTiTi,  xxi  ou  xt«  o-ukxti,  xxi  /3xi;toi/t<s 
(S^i-yin,  xxi  cu  xi*  'Sin.     E?rx-/,vv$>i  yxf  '*i  xxpjix 

T0U   X.X0U    TCUT0U,    XXI    TOlf   (tlTiV    XUTjjV   £Xpt«J    X.X0U- 

o-xv,  xxi  tou{  Oij9xX.xiou;  ixx,ui<utxi,  (Ui^TroTi  iJiuo-i 
TOI;  0<?5X>..<XOi;,  XXI  T0l{  t»o-n»  axouo-jjo-i,  XXI  T« 
tanfia  a-jvjitri,  xxi   f ;rio-Tp£T"x,o-i1  xxi    ixo-i/xxi  xu- 

T0U«. 

By  hearing,  ye  shall  hear,  though  ye  may  not 
understand;  and  seeing,  ye  shall  see,  though  ye 
may  not  perceive.  For  the  heart  of  this  people 
is  Btopifl)  il:  ami  their  ears  are  dull  of  hearing; 
and  they  have  shut  their  eyes,  that  for  a  while 
they  may  not  see  with  their  eyes,  and  hear  with 
their  ears,  and  understand  with  their  hearts,  and 
return  that  I  may  heal  them. 

Psal.  lxxviii.  2. 
Af0i;-.«  <w  TrxfxZ-.Kxt;  to  o-toxix  juou,  954yJottKi 

wpOsA.»|XxxTX  xj'  xpx^. 

I  will  open  my  mouth  in  a  parable  ;  I  will  utter        I  will  open  my  mouth  in  parables  ;  I  will  utter 

dark  sayings  of  old. 


:  ^jnrrSm  int  wyi  warr^m  pice  ij?di^ 
-|d  Btffl  vj'pi  naan  pjntil  ntn  cyn-31?  jdbti 

3BM     \*2*     133^1     JD«"     VJIN31     VJ'J?3     FW* 

:  A  ND-11 

Hear  ye  Indeed,  bol  understand  not :  And  see 
ye  indeed,  but  perceive  nor.  Make  the  heart  of 
ilns  people  I'.n.  and  make  their  •■yes  heavy,  and 
shut  their   eyes;  |,  si   they  see  with  their  eyes, 

and  hear  with  their  ears,  and  understand  with 
their  heart,  and  convert,  and  be  healed. 


17.  Psal.  lxviii.  2. 

:oip-'J2  nrrn  njrs.x  <o  ^vd2  nnriDM 


jark  sayings  of  old 


19.  Isa.  xxix.  13. 

«Si  >jn33  vnott'31  vo3  ntn  oj?n  cjj  ^3 
:  mD^D  D>!fj«  nixD  ^n«  opint  \-im  <jco  pm 

'l'bis  people  draw  near  me  with  their  mouth, 
ind  with  (heir  lips  do  honour  me,  but  have 
removed  their  heart  far  from  me  :  and  their  fear 
towards  me  is  taught  by  the  precept  of  men. 

19.  Gen.  ii.24. 

S3-11     1CN    PHI     V3.N-PN     C'mji     ]}-hy 

:-iriN  nso^  vrsi  m^fts 


Therefore  shall  a  man  leave  his  father  and  his 
mother,  and  shall  cleave  unto  his  wife,  and  they 
shall  be  one  tlesh. 

20.  Exod.  xx.  12— 1G. 

i\hid  *6  nx-in  n1?  ^D^<-^N1  y3N-nN  n33 

:  ipc  -iy  "una  n;yn  k1?  3JJ.-1  nS 

Honour  thy  father  and  thy  mother.  Thou  shalt 

not  kill.   Thou  shall  not  commit  adultery.    Thou 

shall  not  steal.  Thou  shall  not  bear  false  witness 

against  thy  neighbour. 

°l.  I.  '.   xix.  IS. 

lira  "ijn1?  nsnNi- 

Thou  shall  love  thy  neighbour  as  thyself. 


TlXJX   T5 


rx 


Exod. 

xx.  12— 1G. 

ipX    <T3U,    KX'      TY.V     UV 

I 

iptf     7 

ou- 

-O'J 

Oj«>| 

;•    O'j    fCWHUn< 

l( 

•     Ou 

t' 

■-  5 ;  • 

Matt.  ix.  13.  xii.  7. 

E\ICK    5l\«J,  xxi   OU  JUTIXI-. 

I  will  have  mercy,  and  not  sacrifice. 

Matt.  xi.  10.  Mark  i.  2.  Luke  vii.  27. 
Ifou,  »y«  xtoo"tiX.A.w  tci  *;, 


■p.  «s. 

r-Mirov  0*01  c;  xxTafxivxc-i*  t>;i/  coov  o-oi  xxx^pco-oiv 

Behold  I  send  my  messenger  before  thy  face, 
which  shall  prepare  thy  way  before  thee. 

Matt.  xii.  13—21. 

Uou,  i  jrxif  /usu,  iv   rfirurx  0  xyx»«T0f  xxiu,  lit 

CV  lui.Xl-O-IV    >|    V^U^I)     ItVV  bv.Tu    TO     3THU/XX    ,UIU     I -' 

xutcv,  xxi  xpio-iv  toi{  iSvio-iv  xrrxyytKii.  Oux 
ifio-ii,  cuoi  xfxuyxo-ii,  ouil  xx'.uo-ii  Tl|  IV  TXI( 
jrXxruxi;  Ti«  MUS*    "»«»■      KxXxxxov   TunlTpiij. 

/XIVOV   OU    XXTIX^U,    XXI     ).IV.V     TU^OIXIVOV    OU    O"*i0"ll' 

i»,{    xv    ix»x>.n  n{    nx:,-    t«(    tfitrir'     Kxi   i»    ti» 

OVO/aXTI   UUTOU   I^V>«    l>.T,'.U7,.» 

Behold  my  ■errant  whom  I  have  chosen,  my 
beloved  in  whom  my  soul  is  well  pleased  I  will 
put  my  spirit  upon  him,  ami  be  Shall  show  judg- 

im-nt  to  the  Gentiles,    He  shall  not  strive  nor 

cry  ;  neither  shall  any  man  hear  nis  voice  in  the 
streets.     A  bruised  reed  shall  he  not  break,  and 
smoking  flax  shall   he  not  quench,  till 
forth  judgment  unto  victory.     And  in  I ,. 
shall  the  Gentiles  trust.     . 


Matt.  xiii.  14,  15.    Acts  xxviii.  26,  27.   Ma-k  iv.  12. 
Luke  viii.  10. 

AX0I|    XXGVTITI,    XXI    OU   flK    ITWr.Tf  XXI     £>.!:T:  »T!{ 

,3\ii|<tTi,  xxi  eu  /u»  iJhti.     Ewxv,u»5h  yuf  r,  xxpjia 
tou  Xxou  tcutou,  xxi  tcu;  ujo-i  cxp.«f  ^xourxv,  xxi 

Tiu,"      C^5x>.,U0'Jt      XUTWV     IXX/XAturXV,     /i*7Ti: 

TCI,"      0?  JX\/X0I,-,     XXI      Tl,;     OJTIW      XX-.UO-JXTI,     XXI    T» 

xxp^ix    o*uvwO"ij     xxi     irriTTpiiJ/wci,     xxi     ixo-c/xxi 
auT0»;.I 

By  hearing  ye  shall  hear,  and  shall  not  tonder- 
stand  ;  and  seeing  ye  shall  see,  and  shall  nol.  per- 
ceive :  for  this  people's  heart  is  waxed  gross,  and 
their  ears  are  dull  of  hearing,  and  their  eyes  they 
have  closed ;  lest  at  any  time  they  should  t-ee 
with  their  eyes,  and  hear  with  their  ears,  aad 
should  understand  with  their  heart,  and  shoa't' 
be  converted,  and  I  should  heal  them. 

Matt.  xiii.  35. 
Avoijiu  «v  7rxpx6o>.xi;  to  o-tcxix   ix:u,   ifiu;c/xxi 
xexpu/xxievx  xtto  xxtxSoXmj  xocxxou. 

I  will  open  my  mouth  in  parables ;  I  will  utter 
things  which  have  been  kept  secret  from  the 
foundation  of  the  world. 


Isa.  xxix.  13. 

Eyyt£tt  /xoi  o  \xo$   outoj   iv  tui   ctojuxti    xutou, 

XXI    IV    T0l>    X»l\(0-Il/    XUTiOV    TI/XxiO-l   /XI,    >1    Ji    XXfSlX 
XUTWV   TOfipw    X7Tt%H  Xir'  I/X0U'  /XXTMl/  St    (TlSovTXI  /Xlj 

StSxrxovTti'lvrxKuxrx  xvSpjorrwv  xxi  SiSxcxxKtx;. 

This  people  draw  near  to  me  with  their  mouth  ; 
and  with  their  lips  they  honour  me,  but  their 
heart  is  far  from  me:  And  in  vain  do  they  wor- 
ship me,  teaching  the  commands  and  doctrines 
of  men. 

Gen.  ii.  24. 

'El/IXSV  T0UT0U  XXTXXll\J/£l  X vScm^;  T5V  TXTtfX 
XUTOU  XXI  TljV  /X>|TSpX,  XXI  JTpO  <TX  0  >.X.«9xO-f  T  XI  Tp0$» 
T*,V  ^Ul'XIXX  XUTCU"  XXI  I0"0VT«I  0?  SvO  11$  0"XpXX 
/XIXV. 

Therefore  a  man  shall  leave  his  father  and 
mother,  and  shall  cleave  to  his  wife  ;  and  they 
two  shall  be  one  flesh. 


/xxpTup»:o-!  i;. 

Honour  thy  father  and  thy  mother. — Thou 
shall  not  commit  adultery. — Thou  shall  not  steal. 
—Thou  shall  not  commit  murder.— Thou  shalt 
not  bear  false  witness. 

Lev  i 

Kxi  uy  x-rr,THi  Tlv  v/.^re.v  c:u  -Li    trixvTiv. 


Matt.  xv.  8,  9. 
Zyyifyt  jxoi  o  >-xo;  ouTOf  tio  o-tc/xxti  «ui«r,  xxi 
tci;    X"*-'<T'    /"    ti/xx-  i>.   Si    xxp5ix    xut* 
xviXli  xtr'  i/xou'/xxtxv  St  ouSovtxi  /xi,  JiJxo-x'.vti; 
Ji^xo-xxXixc,  ivtx\/xxt»  xv5p*:T<uv.« 

This  people  draweth  nigh  unto  me  witli  their 
rrouth,  and  honoureth  me  with  their  lips  :  but 
their  heart  is  far  from  me.  But  in  vain  do  they 
worship  me,  teaching  for  doctrines  the  com- 
mandments of  men- 
Matt,  xix.  5. 

EVIKEV  T0UTCU  XXTXA.EI'ytl  Xv5px,T0f  T0V  ^XTi;x* 
XXI     TUV    »T!pX,    XXI      ip  =  O-X0>.>.fl5»O-|TXI     TX     J-V'-XHI 

xutou'  xxi  io-ovtxi  of  oou  ii>  rxpxx  polar.  1 

For  this  cause  shall  a  man  leave  father  and 
mother,  and  shall  cleave  to  his  wife ;  and  they 
twain  shall  be  one  flesh. 

Matt.  xix.  18,  19 

Ou    ^oviuo-nf  Ou    /xoi    x<uo-u;'    Ou  xMyn;'   Ou 

iJ/luTs.uxpTup^c-li; '      Ti/xx    TOv    rrxTipx    0*01   xxi  Try 

XOlTlfX. 

Thou  shall  do  no  murder :  thou  shalt  not  com- 
mit adultery  :  thou  shalt  not  steal :  thou  shalt  not 
bear  false  witness:  honour  thy  father  and  thy 
mother. 

Matt.  xix.  19.  xxii    i- 

Ayxrr^o-li;  tov  —}.v,riiv  0"0u  w;  o-jxutov. 


And  thou  sh.dt  love  thy  neighbour,  as  thyself.  Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbour,  as  thyself. 


■  This  quotation  differs  from  the  Hebrewand  ail  the  old  versions  in 

two  particulars  :  the  words   vpo    mforwwtu  t»«    are   added,  and  what   is   in 

Hebrew  ,^os.  befor Is  rendered  ip<«-poa-5iv  rav.eVbrethee.    F 

of  this  difference  ii  is  nol  easy  to  account)  bothy  supposing  some 
corruptions  crept  into  the  ancient  copies ;  the  s,-ns-.>  is  much  the 
(l)r.  Randolph  on  the  Quotations,  p.  28.) 

»  This  quotation  by  no  means  agrees  with  the  ~ 
authors  have  obscured  this  prophecy  by  adding  the  words  Joe  h  and  /«- 
raeZ,  which  are  not  in  the  original  Hebrew.    It  is  probablytaken  from  some 

old  translation  agreeing  very  nearly  with  the  Hebrew.     Th ily  ,! 

is  in  the  words  f«;  »  ,<:>'.,  ,,.  nxoc  tw  x;.<r.,-.  But  if  by  BEi'D  we  un- 
derstand the  cause  under  trial,  then  to  send  forth  his  cause  unto  truth, 
will  be  to  carry  the  cause,  and  vindicate  its  tniih:  whii  h  agrees  in  sense 
with _ixGx\>,  ii;  «ixoc  r»»  xpir.v.    (Dr.  Randolph  on  the  Quotations,  p.  SB.) 

*  This  quotation  is  taken  almost  verbatim  from  the  Septuagint,  which 
has  «»r»,  after  my^aX/xoue  in  the  Codex  Alexandr.  In  the  Hebrew  Ihe 
sense  is  obscured  by  false  pointing.  If,  instead  of  reading  it  in  the  \ 
imperative  mood,  we  read  it  in  the  indicative  mood,  the  sense  will  be  ;  ye 
*"iu  hear  but  not  understand :  and  ye  shall  see  but  nol  perceive.  This 
Vol.  I.  2R 


lialh  made  their  heart  fat,  and  have  made  their  ears  heart/  ana 
shut  thi  ii  <  vs.  ace.  which  agrees  in  sense  with  ihe  Bvangelisl  and  with  the 
Septuagint,  as  well  as  with  the  Syriac  and  Arabic  versions,  but  not  with 

:i  Vulgate.  Wo  have  the  same  quotation,  word  for  word,  in  Acts 
x  win  86.  Mark  and  Luke  refer  to  the  same  prophecy,  but  quote  it  only 
in  part.     (Dr.  Randolph,  p.  29.) 

»  The  quotation  in  this  passage  of  St.  .Matthew's  Gospel  approaches 
nearer  to  the  Septuagint  than  to  the  Hebrew  text,  especially  in  the  clause 
pxtr,  o,  ti*o,tx.  ,u! — in  vain  do  thei/  worship  me:  which  is  found  in  the 
Septuagint,  bul  not  in  the  Hebrew  and  it  is  retained  by  the  Evangelist. 
The  verbal  differences,  however,  show  that  an  exact  quotation  was  not 
intended.  (Scott.)  Griesbach's  reading  makes  the  quotation  still  less  exact, 
and  shows  that  Ihe  MSS.  of  the  Greek  Testament  were  sometimes  altered 
from  the  Septuagint 
»  The  Codex  Alexandr.  has  t,  yuvx.x.  for  -p:  T"'  TgV"*** 

*  Autou  is  added  by  the  Codex  Ephremi  and  other  MSS. 

1  This  quotation  agrees  with  the  Hebrew-,  excepting  that  the  word  for  {wo 
is  there  omitted.  But  it  ought  to  be  inserted  in  the  Hebrew  text,  as  we 
have  already  seen  in  p.  286.  supra. 

•  Ou  ijoviuo-ii;-  ou  •xoixiuo-iic'  ou  xju^n?.    Codex  Alexandr. 


296 

22.  Zech.  ix.  9.  (and  see  Isa.  Ixii.  11) 

run   oSiPiTTO    »jpyi  \vna  iN»  "'Su 
nion-Vy  33-n  v?  wn  pis-ni  pnx  i1?  nu>  ^Sd 
:  nunN-p  tjtVjm 

Rejoice  greatly,  O  daughter  of  Zion  ;  shout,  O 
daughter  of  Jerusalem  ;  behold,  thy  king  corneth 
unto  thee.  He  is  just  and  having  salvation,  lowly, 
and  riding  upon  an  ass,  even  upon  a  colt  the  foal 
of  an  ass. 

23.  Psal.  viii.  3.  (2.  of  English  version.) 

Out  of  the  mouths  of  babes  and  sucklings  thou 
hast  ordained  strength. 


TABLES  OF  QUOTATIONS  FROM 


[Part  I.  Chap.  IV 


2i 


Psal.  cxviii.  22,  23. 


nKD  :  nJD  »nt>  rirwi  owan  idnd  pN 
:  uwpa  nN^fij  N>n  nN»  nrim  nw 

The  stone  toAtcA  the  builders  refused,  is 
become  the  head  stone  of  the  corner.  This  is 
the  Lord's  doing,  and  it  is  marvellous  in  our  eyes. 

25.  Exod.  iii.  6. 

prm  >rr?N  DmaN  \v;n  y3N  ^n  ^3JN 
app»  tiSni 

I  am  the  God  of  thy  father,  the  God  of  Abra- 
ham, the  God  of  Isaac,  and  the  God  of  Jacob. 

26.  Deut.  vi.  5. 

ItPDrSsai  n.331?  biz  "vrV?N  mm  nN  ronNi 

:  -pND-^Sl 
Thou  shalt  love  the  Lord  thy  God  with  all  thine 
heart,  and  with  all  thy  soul,  and  with  all  thy 
might. 

27.  Psal.  ex.  1. 

T3W  rvtt>N~1JJ   WD^  3B>  "01N1?  mm  ONJ 

:  t^jt;  Din 

The  Lord  said  vmto  my  Lord,  Sit  thou  at  my 
right  hand,  until  I  make  thine  enemies  thy  foot- 
stool. 

28.  Zech.  xiii.  7. 

>»»xn  psum  njrvrnN  y\ 

Smite  the  shepherd,  and  the  sheep  shall  be 
scattered. 

29.  Zech.  xi.  13. 

vnp*  *wn  ^n  tin  Tswrtii  wiV^n 
n<3  >nn  "v^ew  rjD3n  a^tf  nnpNi  ot^jjd 
:  -mvrVN  mm 

Cast  it  unto  the  potter ;  a  goodly  price  that  I 
was  prized  at  of  them.  And  I  took  the  thirty 
pieces  of  silver,  and  cast  them  to  the  potter  in  the 
house  of  the  Lord. 


Zech.  ix.  9. 

XxipE   o-?o$px,  Suyocrip  ZiW  x»puo-o-f, 
'Itpoua-aMju'   iScv,    i    Bxo-iXfu;     o-ou     sp%(T«i     <rci 
Jixxio;  xxi  r»^»'«uro(  wpjcuj,  xxi  «?ri6iS>|Xui{  es-i 

utto£u}--iov  XXI  7TU)X0V   VlOV. 

Rejoice  exceedingly,  O  daughter  of  Sion ;  make 
proclamation,  O  daughter  of  Jerusalem.  Behold, 
thy  king  is  coming  to  thee  ;  he  is  righteous,  and 
having  salvation.  He  is  meek,  and  mounted  on 
an  ass,  even  a  young  colt. 

Psal.  viii.  2. 

Ex  <TTO|U*T0$    VMfflcuv    XXI    S>|X.»£ovTCIIV    »XTI|pTIO-<« 

xivov. 

Out  of  the  mouth  of  babes  and  sucklings  thou 
hast  perfected  praise. 

Psal.  cxviii.  22,  23. 

Ai8ov  ov  xjrfiJoxi/txo-xv  oi  oixoJo/iOuvTs;,  outo; 
iyivvv\$>\  £i;  xi<px/.>iv  ywvittf  -aotpu.  Kupiou  syivETO 
duTii,  xm  io-ti  S-xUjuxo-tx  sv  oojo'xa./eoi;  iipuiv. 

The  stone,  which  the  builders  rejected,  the 
same  is  become  the  head  of  the  corner.  This 
was  from  the  Lord  (or,  the  Lord's  doing) ;  and  it 
is  wonderful  in  our  eyes. 

Exod.  iii.  6. 

Eyco  iifti  o  ©jo;  tou  jrxTpo;  o-ou,  ©105  ASpxx/e, 
xxi  ©eo;  Io-x«x,  xxi  ©so;  IxxooS. 

I  am  the  God  of  thy  father,  the  God  of  Abra- 
ham, and  the  God  of  Isaac,  and  the  God  of  Jacob. 

Deut.  vi.  5. 

Ayamo-si,-  Kupiov  tov  ©eon  o-ou  tg  oMt  t>j; 
Jixvoix;*  o-ou,  xxi  e£  oMS  t>i;  ij/uxis  <rou,  xxi  eg 
o*.»;  t»i;  Juvx/eEiu;  o-ou. 

Thou  shalt  love  the  Lord  thy  God  with  thy 
whole  understanding,  and  with  thy  whole  soul, 
and  with  thy  whole  might. 


Matt.  xxi.  5 

uy*Tep  Ei.txte  t»  SuyxTpi  Si>r'   Uou,  0  Bxo-iXiu;  o-o» 

tpX'T<"  ,°"0',  srpxuf,   xeet   I7Ti6s6>|x<»;   sjti    oiu,  x*t 
17uj\ov  ui'ov  u7ro£uyiou,l 

Tell  ye  the  daughter  of  Sion,  Behold  thy  king 
cometh  unto  thee,  meek  and  sitting  upon  an  ass, 
and  (.more  correctly,  even)  a  colt  the  foal  of  an 
ass. 


Matt.  xxi.  16. 

Ex  (TT0/1XTO;  VlfSriuJV  XXI  ShAX^OVToiv  XXTl]pTir«. 

envoy. 

Out  of  the  mouth  of  babes  and  sucklings  Um)u 
hast  perfected  praise. 


Psal.  ex.  1. 

raj  Xupiiu  /iou,    XxSou  sx    Jfgioiv 
ou;   sxfipou;   o-ou  uwottoS'iov    twt 


Matt.  xxi.  42. 


El5T£V    0   Kupi 
/tov,    iaig    «v   ^1 

TToS'u,!'   O*0U. 

The  Lord  said  unto  my  Lord,  Sit  at  my  right 
hand,  until  I  make  thine  enemies  thy  footstool. 


Zech.  xiii.  7. 

ITxTc<^0tf  tov  -croi/UEvx,   x«i  5'iatrxop7rie-£j)0*oi'Tc«i 

TX  5Tpo6s6T«  Tlj;  -ff0l/iv»j;.4 

Smite  the  shepherd,  and  the  sheep  of  the  flock 
shall  be  scattered  abroad. 

Zech.  xi.  13. 

KaJs;  teuTOu;  115  to  ^loveuTiipiov,  xai  (rxiyo/tcti 
Ei  foxijuov  so-tiv,  ov  Tposrov  £cToxijii»o-8))v  uTrep  «ut«,v" 
xxi  tKtt&ov  tou,-  TpixxowT*  ecpyupou;  x«i  cviEaXov 
sutouc  fi;  tov  oixov  Kupiou,  ll(  to  ^wveuTifpiov. 

Put  them  into  the  smelting  furnace,  and  I  will 
see  whether  it  is  proof,  in  like  manner  as  I  have 
been  proved  by  them.  So  I  took  the  thirty  pieces 
of  silver,  and  threw  them  down  in  the  house  oi 
the  Lord,  for  the  smelting  furnace. 


Luke  xx.  17. 

OlXO^OjtCOU 


Acts 


Mark  xii.  10. 
iv.  11. 

Ai5cv  cv  0.771  Joxi,uxo-xv  oi  o  i  x  o  a  o/ji  3  u  vt  £  ;,  Outo; 
yfvviiS"  e'i  xiq>xK>iv   ycovix;-  ■na.p*.  Kupiou  jytviTO 

C6UT»f,  X06I  SO-TI    ^XU/tXO-T)J  IV   0$  jx\/*0l;  fl^UUIV. 

The  stone  which  the  builders  rejected,  tho 
same  is  become  the  head  of  the  corner:  this  it 
the  Lord's  doing,  and  it  is  marvellous  in  our  eyes 


Matt.  xxii.  32.  Mark  xii.  26.  Luke  xx.  37. 

"Eyui  nut  o  ©£0;  ACpxayu,  xxi  o  ©to;  Io-otax,  xxi  I 
©so;  Ixxwg. 

I  am  the  God  of  Abraham,  and  the  God  of  Isaac, 
and  the  God  of  Jacob. 

Matt.  xxii.  37.  Mark  xii.  30.  Luke  x.  27. 

Ayxirtiritf  Kupiov  tov  ©iov  o-ou  eKl  t>j  xxpSi* 

O-OU,  XXI  EV   oKq    T)\   4/U%l)  O-OU,  XSSI  EV   okij  T»J    cVlXVOIX 
(TOU. 3 

Thou  shalt  love  the  Lord  thy  God  with  all  thy 
heart,  and  with  all  thy  soul,  and  with  all  thy  mind 


Matt.  xxii.  44.  Mark  xii.  36.  Luke  xx.  42. 

Ei?r£v  o  Kupio;  tco  Kupiw  jwou,  Kxfiou  EX  £e£iu)V 
/tou,  taig  av  Hoi  tou;    £^;8pou;  o-ou   usroa-ojiov    Ttov 

TroSuiV  TOV, 

The  Lord  said  unto  my  Lord,  Sit  thou  on  my 
right  hand,  until  I  make  thine  enemies  thy  foot- 
stool. 

Matt.  xxvi.  31. 

IIxTaJ-u)  tov  'EroijUEvcc,  xcci  5'iao-xop?rio-fi>|0-ET**  T» 

7Tpo£«T«  Tlj;    TT0I/4VI];. 

I  will  smite  the  shepherd,  and  the  sheep  of  the 
flock  shall  be  scattered  abroad. 

Matt,  xxvii.  9,  10. 

Kxi  e>.«6ov  Tee  TpixxovTx  apyupia,  t»v  ti/»>|v  tc» 

TETI/<»J/i£V0U,  OV   IXlfi^TX  VTO    X5T0    UltDV    Io-pXll\.        Kx  I 

E^texcev   xutx    ei;    tov    aypov   tou    xfpx/cEu;,  xxda 

CUTETX^E  fJLQl   KupiO;.* 

And  they  took  the  thirty  pieces  of  silver,  tbe 
price  of  him  that  was  valued,  whom  they  of  the 
children  of  Israel  did  value :  and  gave  them  for 
ihe  potter's  field,  as  the  Lord  appointed  me. 


»  This  quotation  seems  to  be  taken  from  two  prophecies,  viz.  Isa.  lxii. 
11.  where  we  read,  Say  ye  to  the  daughter  of  Zion,  behold  thy  salvation 
cometh— and  from  Zech.  ix.  9.  The  latter  part  agrees  more  exactly  with 
the  Hebrew  than  with  the  Septuagint;  only  both  Saint  Matthew  and  the 

Septuagint  seem  to  have  read  UJJ»  meek,  instead  of  U^  afflicted.  •  (Dr. 
Randolph  on  the  Quotations,  p.  29.) 
a  XxpJix;.    Codex  Alexandr. 

»  The  Vatican  edition  of  the  Septuagint  here  translates  1331?,  by  th; 
Jixvoix;  o-ou  (thy  understanding).  But  the  Alexandrian  edition  renders 
it  th;  xxp<Tix;  o-ou  (thy  heart).  St.  Matthew  takes  in  both,  but  puts  -i>ux>i 
(s0iu  b.etween;  he  also  puts  iv  5m  for  e£  oMs  agreeably  to  the  Hebrew  ; 
and  he  leaves  out  the  latter  clause,  with  all  thy  strength.  St.  Mark  and 
?ii  n  ^Tee  entirelv  wi,h  St-  Matthew,  only  they  add  the  latter  clause. 
(Dr.  Randolph.)  The  variation  from  the  Septuagint  and  Hebrew  does  not 
m  the  least  affect  the  meaning.  Mr.  Scott  thinks,  with  great  probability, 
that  the  Evangelists,  under  the  teaching  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  gave  the  mean- 
ing ot  this  nrst  and  great  commandment  in  the  most  emphatical  )angua<-e, 
without  intending  either  implicitly  to  quote  the  Septuagint,  or  literally  to 
translate  the  Hebrew.  «--=—»  j 

■  *  ,Ih!S,iS  the  reaflr,g  of  'he  Alexandrine  MS.  of  the  Septuagint,  except- 
ing that  the  evangelist  reads  w»t«|»,  I  will  smite,  instead  of  T»4»v.  The 
Arabic  version  agrees  with  Saint  Matthew;  and  Drs.  Randolph  and  Owen 
both  think  it  probable  that  the  Hebrew  ought  to  be  read  IK  instead  of  "in, 
for  it  fo  lows  in  the  first  person,  I  will  turn  mine  hand,  &c.  See  Honoi- 
gant  in  loc.  Kennicotl'sDissertatioGeneralis,  §44.  Randolph  on  the  Quo- 
tations, p.  30.    Owen  on  the  Modes  of  Quotation   p  54 

•  This  citation  is  a,kten,.iei?,  witn  no  sma»  difficulty.  The  prophecy  is 
cited  from  Jeremiah  :  but  in  that  prophet  no  such  prophecy  is  to  be  found. 
In  Zech  xi.  13.  such  a  prophecy  is  found,  but  neither  do  the  words  there 
perfectly  agree  with  Saint  Matthew's  citation.  Some  critics  are  of  opinion 
that  an  error  has  crept  into  Saint  Matthew's  copy ;  and  that  i-o  has  been 
written  by  the  transcribers  instead  of  Zi%.  or  that  the  word  has  been  inter 
polated.  And  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  the  word  is  omitted  in  the  MSS  bv 
Griesbach  numbered  33.  (of  the  eleventh  or  twelfth  century)  and  157  (of 
the  twelftr.  century),  in  the  later  Syriac  and  in  the  modern  Greek  ver- 
sions, one  or  two  MSS.  of  the  old  Italic  version,  some  manuscripts  cited 
by  Augustine,  ind  one  Latin  MS.  cited  by  Lucas  Brugensis.  Griesbach's 
MS.  22.  (of  th«  eleventh  century)  reads  Zx%«piou,  which  word  is  also  found 
In  the  margin  of  the  later  Syriac  version,  and  in  an  Arabic  exemplar  cited 
by  Bengel  in  his  Critical  Edition  of  the  New  Testament.  Origen,  and  after 
Via  Eusebius,  conjectured  that  this  was  the  true  reading.    Other  eminent 


critics  have  thought  that  the  ninth,  tenth,  and  eleventh  chapters  of  what  ia 
called  Zechariah's  Prophecy  were  really  written  by  Jeremiah,  and  they 
have  certainly  assigned  very  probable  reasons  for  such  opinion  both  from 
the  matter  and  style.  (See  Dr.  Hammond  on  Heb.  viii.  9.  Mede's  Works, 
pp.  786—833.  Bp.  Kidder's  Demont.  of  Messiah,  part  ii.  p.  196,  &c.  Lowth, 
PrEelect.  Poet.,  Lect.  xxi.  See  also  Volume  II.  Part  VI.  Chap.  Vn.  p.  288., 
where  reasons  are  assigned  to  show  that  these  chapters  were  actually  writ- 
ten by  Zechariah.)  It  is,  however,  most  likely,  that  the  original  reading 
of  Matthew  xxvii.  9.  was  simply,  that  which  was  spoken  by  the  prophet, 
Jix  tou  jrpoipiiTou,  without  naming  any  prophet.  And  this  conjecture  is 
confirmed  by  the  fact  that  Saint  Matthew  often  omits  the  name  of  the  pro- 
phet in  his  quotations.  (See  Matt.  i.  22.  ii.  5.  xiii.  35.  and  xxi.  4.)  Bengel 
approves  of  the  omission.  It  was,  as  we  have  already  shown  (see  pp.  212, 
213.  of  this  volume),  the  custom  of  the  Jews,  to  divide  the  Old  Testament 
into  three  parts  :  the  first,  beginning  with  the  Law,  was  called  the  Law  ; 
the  second,  commencing  with  the  psalms,  was  called  the  Psalms  ;  and  tha 
third,  beginning  with  the  prophet  in  question,  was  called  Jeremiah  :  con 
sequently,  the  writings  of  Zechariah,  and  of  the  other  prophets,  being  in- 
cluded in  that  division  which  began  with  Jeremiah,  all  quotations  from  it 
would  go  under  this  prophet's  name.  This  solution  completely  removes 
the  difficulty.  Dr.  Lightfoot  (who  cites  the  Baba  Bathra  and  Rabbi  David 
Kimchi's  Preface  to  the  prophet  Jeremiah  as  his  authorities)  insists  that 
the  word  Jeremiah  is  perfectly  correct,  as  standing  at  the  head  of  that  di- 
vision from  which  the  evangelist  quoted,  and  which  gave  its  denomination 
to  all  the  rest.  With  regard  to  the  prophecy  itself,  if  in  St.  Matthew's 
Gospel,  for  scWxv,  they  gave,  we  read  sSuxx,  I  gave,  which  is  the  reading 
of  the  Evangelisteria,  24.  and  31.  of  Griesbach's  notation  (both  of  the  ele- 
venth century),  and  of  both  the  Syriac  versions,  the  evangelist's  quotatifin 
will  very  nearly  agree  with  the  original.  That  we  should  read  eJioxx,  1 
gave,  appears  further  to  be  probable  from  what  follows, — x«8x  o-uvetx?- 
hoi  Xupio;,  as  the  Lord  commanded  me,— Kxi  exxSov  tx  TpixxovTx  xp^up.x, 
xxi  ecWx  xutx  ei;  tov  xypov  tou  xEpx.ufoo;-  and  I look  the  thirty  pieces  of 
silver,  and  I  gave  them  for  the  potters  field.  The  translation  is  literal, 
excepting  only  that  "WWl  is  rendered  xypov  tou  xspx^scu;-  and  HliT  n>3 
is  omitted ;  and  the  same  is  also  omitted  in  some  ancient  MSS.  (See  Ken- 
nicoot's  Dissertatio  Generalis,  §  49.  p.  21.)    The  words  tuv  ti/^v  tou  te- 

TI,U>|,UEv0U   iv   ETI,U>1TXVT0     X!T0    UliUV    Io-pX>|>.   and  XXCfX     (TUVETXJ-E   fiO  I    KupiO;   aT6 

added  to  supply  the  sense,  being  taken  in  sense,  and  very  nearly  in  words, 
from  the  former  part  of  the  verse  ;  this  latter  clame  is  in  the  Arabic  ver- 
sion. Dr.  Randolph  on  the  Quotations,  p.  30  Novum  Testamentum,  a 
Griesbach,  torn.  i.  p.  134.  Dr.  Lightfoot's  Hon*.-  H>  'jraicse  on  Matt,  xxvii.  9. 
(Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  265.) 


Sect  I.  §  1.] 

30.  Psal.  xxii.  19.  (18.  of  English  version.) 

:  *r\\3  vvd>  'po1?  Sjn  onS  nja  ipSrv 

They  part  my  garments  among  them,  and  cast 
lots  upon  my  vesture. 

31.  Psal.  xxii.  2.  (1.  of  English  version.) 

unary  noS  ^»  ^h 

My  Cod,  my  God,  why  haht  thou  forsaken ) 


32.  Isa.  liii.  IS, 

And  he  was  nambered  with  the  Iran  igreuora. 


THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  IN  THE  NEW. 


297 


33  Biod  xiii.  2. 

Dnv*?a  i3o  -naa-Sa  »S-tf-tp 

Whatsoever  opencth  the  womb — both  of  man 
and  of  beast,  it  is  mine. 

«4.  Lev.  xii.  8. 

nit>  '32  w  in  onrr'ntf 

Two  turtles  or  two  young  pigeons. 
35.  Isa.lxi.  1,2. 

t:oS  \-in  nw>  ncD  jy  ^j?  mrv  u-in  nn 
a'uc1?  Nnp"?  BV"»"WlS  fan1?  'jnV^  dmjp 
jwrrw    mpS    :  nip    npo   onion1?!   im 

nw1? 
The  Spirit  of  the  I.oun  Coin's  upon  me,  because 
tie  Lord  bath  anointed  me  to  preach  good  tidings 
into  the  meek,  he  hath  lent  me  to  bind  up  the 
oroken  hearted,  to  proclaim  liberty  to  the  cap- 
tives, and  the  opening  of  the  prison  to  them  that 
are  bound  :  to  proclaim  the  acceptable  year  of 
the  Lord. 


Psal.  xxi.  18.  (xxii.  18.  of  English  Bible.) 
&ttfitptr*vT3  rx  l/xxrtx  >iou  ixuroig,  xxi  uri  to* 

i'^xtit/iov  /uou  iCxXov  xKv.pcv. 

They  have  parted  my  garments  among  them, 
and  for  my  vesture  have  cast  lots. 

\  xii.  1. 

.,-,  o  ©io;^*ou,  wpoo-xif  f*61,  »v*rf  i/xxti- 
Mticm»  ; 

O  God,  my  God,  attend  to  me  !  Why  hast  thou 
forsaken  me  1 

Isa.  liii.  18, 
Kxi  iv  toi,"  xvo/ioi,-  ikcyttrin. 

And  he  was  numbered  among  the  transgres- 
sors. 

Exod.  xiii.  2. 

AyiXTCV  flQt     TTXV  ITp'MTOT'.XOV    JTpttfTOyiVlf,   0**01- 

roiyov  irxirxv  paTpxr. 

Consecrate  to  me  every  first-born, that  openeth 
every  womb. 

Lev.  xii.  8. 

Auo  Tfxjydvxi  i)  Svo  vioo*o"ous  7r$pttTTtpjiv. 

Two  turtle-doves  or  two  young  pigeons. 
Isa.  lxi.  1,  2. 

-     IIviu/*x     Kupiou    fsr'jfii,    O'j     iivixiv     ixfttrt    jxi* 

Rvxyy  tKt£tr-jxt  ;ttui%oi$  xtTHrrxKxt  /hi,  ix<rx<ryxt 
TOuf  irvvTiTpi/zfttvliv;  Tljv  xxpjixv,  Xlipu£xi  xi%;/x- 
Xuitoi;  serio-'v,  xxi  Tu^A-ci;  xvxGA.S'y-ii'-      Kx*.io-xi 

IVIXOTOV    JCvptOU    SlXTOV. 

The  Spirit  of  the  Lordi*  upon  me,  for  the  busi- 
ness for  which  he  hath  anointed  me.  He  hath 
sent  me  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  the  poor,  to  heal 
the  broken-hearted,  to  preach  deliverance  to  the 
captives,  and  recovering  of  sight  to  the  blind,  to 
proclaim  the  acceptable  year  of  the  Lord. 


Matt,  xxvii.  35.  John  xix.  25. 

Ai!/4|0IO*XVTO    TX  IftXTtX  f*1V    ItfUTOlf,  XXI   IITITOV 

i'/ixTto-/*oy  ftov  iZxKov  xKtjpov. 

They  parted  my  garments  among  them,  ana 
upon  my  vesture  did  they  cast  lots. 

Matt,  xxvii.  46. 
H\»,   HX.I,    kxftx    <rxixx$xvi  ;    tout'    iotti,    ©ii 

fltV,    ©II    |UOU,  IWXTI    III   iyXXTl/.l7Ti;  J« 

Eli,  Eli,  lama  sabachthanil    That  is  to  say, Mr 
God,  rny  God,  why  hast  thou  forsaken  me  1 

Mark  xv.  28.  Luke  xxii.  37. 
Kxi  ftiTx  ayo/Mi*  iKoyirin. 

And  he  was  numbered  with  the  transgressors 


Luke  ii.  23. 

Oiyov    f.«TO«i 


•J" 


Kupi 


IIxv    apo-lv 
xX«5«o-it»ii. 

Every  male  that  opencth  the  womb  shall  be 
called  holy  to  the  Lord. 

Luke  ii.  24. 

Ztuyc;  TfuyOvuv  n  o"uo  vtomvs  'StpiTTIfjuv. 

A  pair  of  turtle-doves,  or  two  young  pigeons. 
Luke  it.  18,  19. 

Itviv/ix  Kupiou  lir'  ifti,  oil  ivlxlv  ijcp »«"«   M'  '"xy- 

ytki<£lT$Xt    STwXtHi'  X7ti TTXKXt    /JLl    (X0-XO-3X*    TCU( 

o-v»TiTpi/«/iivou{  ti|»  xxpiixv,  x«uj;xi  xiy./xxkv 
TO15  afio-iv,  xxi  tuCXoi{  svxjfiiyiv,  [xjtco-tiiA.* 
TiSpxur/itvou;  uifirirjl  K<puJxi  ivixurov  Kupisv 
Jixtoi/.J 

The  Spirit  of  the  Lord  is  upon  me,  because  he 
hath  anointed  me  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  the 
poor,  he  hath  sent  me  to  heal  the  broken-hearted 
to  preach  deliverance  to  the  captives,  and  re- 
covering of  sight  to  the  blind,  to  set  at  liberty 
them  that  are  bruised,  to  preach  the  acceptable 
year  of  the  Lord. 


36.  Psal.  Ixix.  10.  (9.  of  English  version.) 

'jnSaN  -jrvo  nuip^S 
The  zeal  of  thine  house  hath  eaten  me  up. 

37.  Psal.  lxxviii.  31. 

:  ID1?  }PJ  D'DC"|.ni 
And  liad  given  them  of  the  corn  of  heaven. 

38.  •  Isa.  liv.  13. 

mm  niD1?  -pa-Sai 
And  all  thy  children  shall  be  taught  of  the  Lord. 

39.  Isa.  xii.  3. 


<0.  Psal.  lxxxii.  6. 

DDK  0\-f?N   »mCK  >tH 
I  have  said,  Ye  are  gods. 

41.  Zech.  ix.  9. 

Sec  the  passage,  in  No.  22.  p.  290.  supra. 


12.  Isa.  liii.  1. 

:  nnba  >v-^y  mm  jmn  unjDC1?  j^dkh  'd 

Who  hath  believed  our  report!    And  to  whom 
hath  the  arm  of  the  Loud  been  revealed? 


Psal.  lxviii.  9.  (Ixix.  9.  of  English  Bible.) 

'O    £h\0£  T3U  0IX0U  0-OU  XXTffajl  fit. 

Zeal  for  thine  house  hath  consumed  me. 

Psal.  lxxviii.  24. 

Kxi  xfnv  oupxvou  i^wxtv  sutoi;. 

And  he  gave  them  the  bread  of  heaven. 
Isa.  liv.  13. 

Kxi  rrxvTxg  touj  ui'ouj  itou  JiJojxtou;  Qiou. 

Even  thy  sons,  all  instructed  of  God. 


Psal.  lxxxii.  6. 

Eytti  H7TXt  5lOI  X0*TI. 

I  said,  Ye  are  gods. 

Zech.  ix.  9. 
Sec  the  passage  in  No.  22.  p.  296.  supra. 


John  ii.  17. 

'O  £*A.C5  too  oixou  o-ou  xxriQxyi  ft:. 

The  zeal  of  thine  house  bath  eaten  me  up. 

John  vi.  31 . 

ApTOv  «x  tou  oupxvou  ii»m  xuTOif  $xyuv 

He  gave  them  bread  from  heaven  to  eat 
John  vi.  45. 

Kxi  io-ovtxi  itocvti;  £io~xxtoi  tou  ©iou 

And  they  shall  be  all  taught  of  God 


'O  a-io-riM 


John  vii.  38. 

lyK!,  X* jiuf  «I3TI»  'm  yp»e?H     WOI 


Isa.  liii.  1. 

Kupu,  ti;  in-io-Tiuo-i  t»  axoi)  i;/iw  ; 

Kxi  i  jSpx^iuov  Kupiou  Tivl  x.-r<xxX.uf  Sx  ; 

Lord,  who  hath  believed  our  report  ? 
And  to  whom  hath  the  arm  of  the  Lord  been 
reveali  A  (<>r  made  manifest)? 


^01  ix  hj  »;du;  uutou  ^iuo-ouo-iv  OSxtcj  ^COVTOt. 

He  that  believeth  on  me,  as  the  Scripture  hath 
said,  out  of  his  belly  shall  flow  rivers  of  living 
water. 

John  x.  34. 

Ey<o  U7rxt  ■S'loi  10-Ti. 

I  said,  Ye  are  gods. 

John  xii.  15.  (See  Matt.  xxi.  5.  p.  296.  supra.) 
Mi)  $o6ou,   juyxrif  2i:cv  ijcu,  0  Bxe-iMue   o-0« 
«P%itxi,  xxjyi/itvof  m  irwXov  Jfflu.t 

Fear  not,  daughter  of  Sion ;  behold  thy  kin| 
cometh,  sitting  on  an  ass's  colt. 

John  xii.  38.  (and  see  Rom.  x.  16.) 

Kupil,    TIJ    in-10-TIUO-l   Tl|    Xl'-H    KHJ.V   • 

Kxi  0  (Spxxiwv  Kupiou  tivi  xs-ixx>.u*3i)  j 
Lord,  who  hath  believed  our  report? 
And  to  whom  hath  the  arm  of  the  Lord  b«ei 
revealed? 


'  This  is  taken  from  the  Hebrew,  hut  the  words  are  Syriac  or  Chaldee, 
SabachthaoJ  is  the  word  now  in  the  Chaldee  Paraphrase.     (Dr.  Randolph, 

»  The  Codex  Coislinianus  196,  (No  34.  of  Srleabach'a  notation),  of  the 
eleventh  century,  omits  the  words  printed  between  brackets. 
»  This  quotation  la  made  exactly  from  theSeptuagint,asfarastheworda 

x'XP**-»toi,-  xnriv.  deliverance  to  the  captives ;  and  it  accords  with  the 
Hebrew,  except  that  the  word  Jehovah  twice  occurs  there,  which  is  omit- 
ted in  the  Septuaglnl  and  by  the  evangelist  Bur.  instead  of  the  Hebrew 
clause,  translated  the  opining  of  the  prison  to  them  that  are  bound,  we 
read  •  .-  •-  «»«C»ji1/i».  recovering  or  sight  to  the  blind ;  which  words  are 
adopted  by  St  Luke,  b  bo  a. ids.  x^o-rnxxi  Ti.}pxuo>ivou$  ■*  «;io-i,  setting 
at  liberty  them  that  are  bruited,  which  words  do  not  appear  in  the  Septua- 
flint.  The  difference  between  this  quotation,  as  it  appears  in  Lake  Iv.  16. 
and  the  original  Hebrew,  Is  itms  accounted  for— Jesus  Christ  doubtless 
read  the  prophel  Isaiah  in  Hebrew,  which  was  the  language  constantly 
used  in  the  Synagogue ;  bul  the  evangelist,  writing  fox  the  use  of  the  Hel- 
lenists (or  Greek  .lewsi,  who  understood  and  used  only  the  Septuagmt  ver- 
sion, quotes  that  version,  which  on  the  whole  gives  the  same  sense  as  the 
Hebrew.  Le  Clerc,  I>r  ('wen,  and  Hichaelis  are  of  opinion  that  they  are 
either  a  different  version  of  the  Hebrew,  and  inserted  from  the  margin  of 
the  evangelical  text,  or  else  that  they  are  a  gloss  upon  it,  taken  from  Isa. 
Will.  6.  where  the  very  words  occur  in  the  Greek,  though  the  Hebrew teU 
is  very  different.  The  Arabic  version  agrees  nearly  with  the  evangelist. 
The  Hebrew  appears  formerly  to  have  contained  more  than  we  now  find 
in  the  manuscripts  and  printed  editions.  (Scott,  Randolph.) 
,  '  ^n®re  are  no  words  answering  to  these  cither  in  the  Septuagint,  or  in 
tie  Hebrew.    It  is  indeed  no  citation,  but  only  a  reference  or  allusion. 


The  Jewish  writers  inform  us  that,  on  the  last  day  of  the  Feast  of  Taber- 
nacles, it  was  usual  to  pour  water  on  the  altar,  to  denote  their  praying  then 
for  the  blessing  of  rain,  the  latter  rain,  which  was  then  wanted  against 
their  approaching  seed-time:  This  water  they  drew  out  of  Siloah,  and 
brought  it  with  great  pomp  and  ceremony  to  the  temple,  playing  with  their 
instruments,  and  singing,  and  repeating  the  words  of  the  prophet:  TI7M 
joy  shall  ye  draw  water  out  of  the  wells  of  salvation.  (Isa.  .xii.  3.)  Our 
Lord,  according  to  his  usual  custom,  takes  occasion  from  hence  to  instruct 
the  people;  and  applies  this  ceremony  and  this  scripture  to  himself:  He 
signifies  to  them  that  the  water  here  spoken  of  was  to  be  had  from  him 
alone — If  any  man  thirst,  let  him  come  unto  me,  and  drink:  He  that  be- 
lirveth  in  me,  as  the  Scripture  hath  said,  out  of  his  belly  shall  flow  rivers 
of  Hang  water. — The  word  xoi».ix,  here  translated  belly,  signifies  a  hol- 
eptacle,  and  may  properly  be  used  for  such  cisterns  or  reservoirs 
as  were  usually  built  to  receive  the  waters  issuing  from  their  fountains: 
The  meaning  then  is,  that  every  true  believer  shall,  according  to  this  scrip- 
ture, repeated  by  the  people  on  this  occasion,  abound  with  living  water, 
have  within  him  such  a  cistern,  as  will  supply  living  water,  both  for  his 
own  and  others'  use  :  What  is  signified  by  water  we  are  informed  in  the 
next  verse,  viz.  the  gifts  of  the  Spirit :  The  like  metaphor  our  Lord  makes 
use  of,  John  iv.  10.  And  in  the  prophetic  writings  (see  Isa.  xliv.  3.  Iv.  I. 
Ezek.  xxxvi.  25—27.  Zech.  adv.  8.)  it  is  often  peculiarly  used  to  signify  the 
sifts  and  graces  of  the  Spirit  to  be  conferred  under  the  gospel  dispensation 
(Dr.  Randolph,  p.  31.)  ,  .   .      . 

»  This  differs  both  from  the  Septuagint  and  the  Hebrew,  and  also  from 
the  citation  in  Matt.  xxi.  5.  The  evangelist  either  followed  some  other 
translation,  or  chose  to  express  briefly  the  sense,  but  not  the  words  of  the 
prophet.  (Ibid.) 


298 


43.  Isa.  vi.  9,  10. 

See  the  passage  No.  1G.  p.  295.  supra. 


TABLES  OF  QUOTATIONS  FROM 

lsa.  vi.  9,  10. 
See  the  passage  in  No.  16.  p.  295.  supra. 


[Paiit  I.  Chap.  V 


295. 


upi  a.) 
trap* 
ispjux,. 


John  xii.  40.  (See  Matt.  xiii.  11,  15.  1 

XIV    X'JTuiV  TVfV    XXpJlXV     ivX    / 

f*oift  xxi  voijo-oo-i  th  xxpJix,  <«  ,-.T:pi;.ri,  xxi 

He  hath  blinded  their  eyes  and  hardened  liicir 
heart;  that  they  should  nol  see  with  their  eyes, 
nor  understand  with  their  heart,  and  he  con- 
verted, and  I  should  heal  them. 


14.  Psal.  xli.  9. 

:  app  *by  y>-iJn  >DnS  bitt* 

Mine  own  familiar   friend,  which  did 

eat  of  my  bread,  hath  lift  up  his  heel  against  me. 

45  Psal.  cix.  3.  (See  Psal.  xxxv.  19.  and  lxix.  4.) 

They  ....  fought  against  me  without  a  cause. 

46.     .Psal.  xxii.  19.  (18.  of  English  version.) 
i  b-nj  i^qi  ^'nS-^yi  on1?  >-ua  ■\pbn> 

They  part  my  garments  among  them,  and  cast 
lots  upon  my  vesture. 

47         Exod.  xii.  46.  (See  Psal.  xxxiv.  20.) 

:  u-i-atJTTN1?  oxjn 

Neither  shall  ye  break  a  bone  thereof. 
48.  Zech.  xii.  10. 

npvwN  riN  >7K  wccii 

They  shall  look  on  him  whom  they  pierced. 
(Archbp.  Newcome's  version.) 


49.     Psal.  lxix.  26.  (25.  of  English  version.) 
(And  see  Psal.  cxix.  8.) 

:  2Vi  w~?n  DrvSnfro  nntPJ  on-va-Tin 

Let  their  habitation  be  desolate,  and  let  none 
dwell  in  their  tents. 


Psal.  xli.  9. 

'O  ITStuHl  KfT0U{  U0V  IjUiJ-altHH  its'  I. fit  irTtpvitr- 

J»ov. 

He,  who  ate  of  my  bread,  hath  lifted  up  his  heel 
against  me. 

Psal.  cix.  3. 

E7ro\iftii<rttv  /it  S'jifixv. 

They  fought  against  me  without  cause. 

Psal.  xxii.  18. 

AiE/tspio-avTO  tx  \fixrix  /tou  exvT0i;t  kxi  mi  to* 
ificxTtTftov  /tou  eSxXov  xKxpov. 

They  parted  my  raiment  among  them,  and  for 
my  vesture  they  did  cast  lots. 

Exod.  xxii.  46. 
And  ye  shall  not  break  a  bone  thereof. 

Zech.  xii.  10. 

E^-i?A.s-yovT«i  irpo;  /t£,  xvY  isv  xctTa>p%i)0-KVT0. 

They  will  look  to  me  instead  of  the  things,  con- 
cerning which  (or  against  which)  they  have  con- 
temptuously danced. 


Psal.  lxix.  25. 


rtv>)5>iT 


tTTXVXig   KUTctlV    >fpi)/i«,/iSV>l,  XXI    tV  T0<5 

(Tx-ivui/ixa-iv  MuTtuv  fxv\  i<r\n  o  XitTOixuiv. 

Let  their  tent  (or  habitation)  be  desolate,  and  in 
their  dwellings  no  inhabitant. 


John  xiii.  18. 

'O  Tf'JjycuV  fi.tr'  iftZ'J  T0V  XpTOV,  £  77  >j  p  i  I'  BJt"  i  fit  TKV 
•VTtfVXV   KUTOU. 

He  that  eateth  bread  with  me,  hath  lifted  ap  his 
heel  against  ine. 

John  xv.  25. 
Eftia-xtrxv  fj.t  G^cufMaev.ft 

They  hated  me  without  a  cause. 
John  xix.  24. 

Ai£/t£pio"ccvT0  rx  iftxrix  /tou  ixvroigt  xxt  t  —  i  t  cv 
l/iXTttr/zov  fzov  e£x\ov  KXifpov. 

They  parted  my  raiment  among  them,  and  for 
my  vesture  they  did  east  lota 


Oo-tcuv 


John  xix.  36. 


A  bone  of  him  shall  not  be  broken. 

John  xix.  37. 

"O^ovtxi  £(5  cv  e~£Kevtiio-xv.4 

They  shall  look  on  him  whom  they  pierceo. 
Acts  i.  20. 

rtv>)6>)Ttt>  4   itmM;  auTOu  Epn/toj,  xxi  fix  to—to,  J 

XXTOIX'jiV  tV  (XUTq.I 

Let  his  habitation  be  desolate,  and  let  no  mac 
dwell  therein. 


50.  Psal.  cix.  8. 

:  "vin  npi  imps 
Let  another  take  his  office. 

51.  Joel  iii.  1—5.  (ii.  28—32.  of  English  version.) 

ittO-Ss  by  wittim  "\\avx  p-nntx  aw 
namna  jiD?m  nvo?n  DarjpfDaTuai  Dn<ja  ixaji 
D^a  mnsttrr^jn  w-\2yrrby  01  :  wv  rvuna 
DiDira  dmhdid  'nrui  :  wrnN  iiscx  nnnn 
TtrnS  ion"  CDirn  :  \vy  nncni  b>ni  ot  pxai 
:K"»uai  71-un  run'  av  xia  >JD7  di1?  anw 
abw  nw  D£>a  mtp'-tips  7a  aw 


And  it  shall  come  to  pass  afterward,  that  1  will 
pour  out  my  spirit  upon  all  flesh  ;  and  your  sons 
and  your  daughters  shall  prophesy,  your  old  men 
shall  dream  dreams,  and  your  young  men  shall 
see  visions.  And  also  upon  the  servants  and  the 
handmaids  in  those  days  will  I  pour  out  my  spirit. 
And  I  will  show  wonders  in  the  heavens  and  in 
the  earth,  blood  and  fire,  and  pillars  of  smoke. 
The  sun  shall  be  turned  into  darkness  and  the 
moon  into  blood,  before  the  great  and  the  terrible 
day  of  the  Lord  come.  And  it  shall  come  to  pass, 
that  whosoever  shall  call  on  the  name  of  the 
Lord  shall  be  delivered. 


Psal.  cix.  8. 


TllV    t7riTX07T>!V 


Acts  i.  20. 

T0U  KxZat    ETSpQg 


And  let  another  take  his  office  [orbishoprick].         His  bishoprick  let  another  take. 


Joel  ii.  28—32. 

Kxi  s<j-t«i  /»(ta  txut*,  xxi  ex%e«>  «;ro  tou  jti/eu/ix. 

T0g  /tOU  tTTt  7TXTXV  TxpxXj  XXI   TJ-p0  $t\T  tVtTjJtTl  V  0l'  O|0l 

'jfiaiVj    xxi    XI    SvyxTtp's    u/touv,   xoei    of   -ErpEO-SuTEpoi 


'J/XWV   opXTBtg    O-^/OVTa 


ovg   SavKoug  /xov 


Tot;   Jou\as    ^ou   iv   tki{   Ji/ttpxi; 

txxtu  xtto  tou  ■avtv/txTOg  fiov.    Kxi  Sjia-ai  Tspxrct  tv 

Oupavio,    XXI  £7TI  T>l;  yx;    Xlfix  XXI  -crup    XXI    XTftlSx 

xx7rvov.  cO  Jj^ioj  fitTxrrrpx^i\<rtrxi  £i$  cicoto^  xxi 
i\  trtKxvit  tig  xtfix,  ■srpiv  t\6tw  -r^v  y\fapxv  Kupi?v  r>iv 
fityxKt\vf  xxt  t-7ripxv/\.   Kxi  es-txi,  zrxg  bg  xv  tvrixx- 

\EtrXTXI  TO    OVOfiX    KupiOU    0-w5^(T£TMI. 


And  it  shall  come  to  pass  after  those  things, 
that  I  will  pour  out  a  portion  of  my  spirit  upon  all 
flesh ;  and  your  sons  and  your  daughters  shall 
prophesy ;  and  your  old  men  shall  dream  dreams, 
and  your  young  men  shall  see  visions.  And  on 
rny  servants  and  on  my  handmaids  in  those  days 
I  will  pour  out  a  portion  of  my  spirit.  And  I  will 
exhibit  wonders  in  the  heavens  and  on  the  earth, 
blood  and  fire,  and  smoky  vapour.  The  sun  shall 
be  turned  into  darkness,  and  the  moon  into  blood, 
before  the  coming  of  the  great  and  illustrious  day 
of  the  Lord.  And  it  shall  come  to  pass,  that  who- 
soever shall  call  on  the  name  of  the  Lord  shall  be 
saved. 


Acts  ii.  17—21.  (See  Rom.  x.  13.) 
K*i  eo-txi  iv  txi{  £0-5J«t«i;  yfttpxig*  (Ktya  i 
©£»?),  £*%=*  et;I'0  T0«  ■sviuftXTOg  ftiv  171 1  ttxtxi 
trxpxx' xxi  —  po?>|T£uirouo-iv  01  uioi  v/*<*>v  xxi  xi  &v 
yxrspsg  ujWjm-jXxi  01  v£xvi<rxoi  vfixv  bpxctig  ovf/ov 
T6SI,  xtxi  01  zrpt<TtZvrt po  1  u/xcui*  tvv7rvtx  svvT?vtxtrQvt 
(TOvrxi.  Kxi  yt  tTrt  tovj  d^Ou^ous  j"°v  XXI  iTTI  T^(^ 
&ou\xg  ,uou,  iv  TX15  'xfttpxig  ixtivxig  £x%£^  x^o  t-.-j 

57VtU/iXTOO-^0U        [X*l       57p0?l)T£UO-01JO-|].1  Kx  I      JlUCTjJ 

T£pXT«  IV  T:o   oupxwu,    oe»a>,  x*i    trxfttix   t-i    t>j;    yvg 

XXTUi}  xlflX  XXt  "CTUp  XMI  XTfll$X  XX7TV0V.  'O  >]\I05 
/<£Trt0-rpXil10-£TXI    £15   0-XOTO^,   XXI     Jj    tTSKt\Vt\    £IJ   xifitX, 

7rpiv  n  £\6flv  t>jv  fj^Epxv  KuplOu  Tv\v  /xiyxK^v  XXI 
STTiqxvx.  K«i  ttrrxij  sxg  bg  xv  1 7rix  x/.ttri  rut  11 
ovo(«^  KupioUj  TM^tr&Txt . 

And  it  shall  come  to  pass  in  the  last  days  (saith 
God),  1  will  pour  out  of  my  spirit  upon  all  flesh  : 
and  your  sons  and  your  daughters  shall  prophesy, 
and  your  young  men  shall  see  visions,  and  your 
old  men  shall  dream  dreams  :  And  on  my  servants 
and  on  my  handmaidens  I  will  pour  out  in  those 
days  of  my  spirit :  and  they  shall  prophesy.  And 
I  will  show  wonders  in  heaven  above,  and  signs 
in  the  earth  beneath,  blood  and  fire,  and  vapour 
of  smoke.  The  sun  shall  be  turned  into  darkness, 
and  the  moon  into  blood,  before  that  great  and 
notable  day  of  the  Lord  come.  And  it  shall  come 
to  pass  that  whosoever  shall  call  on  the  name  of 
the  Lord  shall  be  saved. 


52  Psal.  xvi.  8— 11. 

:  taiDN-'ra  wd<d  •o  T>Dn  njj1?  aw  >rmB> 
:  tmab  jasM  n^a  ix  maa  bw  ^b  aoe>  \zb 
r\w-\b  YH'on  inn  ab  Sini?1?  ia»cj  aTjtn-N1?  »3 
:  yiD  n«  ninniv  yzv  Qi>n  m«  ijy^iin  :  nns> 


Psal.  xvi.  8—11. 

IIpoup<ii/ti|i>   tov  Kupiov  ivtavTiiiv  /xeu   Ji«  ■n-xvrog, 

OTI  £X  Sl^liUV  /lOV    £0-TIV,  IVX  ftX    tTXXtuiiu.     AliX   TOUTS 

»ju<pp«iiAl]  vj  xxpo^ioo  ftov,  xxt  KyxKKtXTXzo  vt  yKunrvx 
ftov'  6ti  Se  xxi  t\  irxpz  /tou  xxToto-x^vwo-fi  err*  sXttiSi. 
'Oti  oux  £yx»T»\£nJ/si;  t>|i;  \}/u%>iv  fto"  £i?  xShv, 
ouj£  Sjatrug  tov  oo-iov  o-ou  iJeiv  SixfGapxv.  Zyvw- 
pirxg  hoi  bSovg  ^co^s-  ■zrkxputrug  y.i  £UJpoo-uv>i;  i"£t* 
tou  5rpocrco7rou  o-ou. 


Acts  ii.  25—28. 

rtpoajpoj^iiv  rev  Kupiov  tvui7riov  pav  Six  7rxvTCg,bi  i 
ex  Jijiuiv  /tou  eo-tiv,  ivx  fty  trxKiuiiu.  Aix  tout' 
Eu^pxvS>i  y\  xxp^ix  /tou,  xxi  >j^-«\\ixo-«ro  ^  yKuTtrx 

JUOU*  ETI    St  XXI    V,  0-XpZ   ]LL0V  XJ6T«0-X>5l<W<rEi  E7T*  l\7TI$*' 

"Oti    oux  £yxxTxX£i-,J/si;  Ttiv  ^iu%nv   /tou  £is-   x£c:', 

OUO^E   ^OJO-flC  TOV    00-IOV   (TOU    i^EIV   ^IMC^Sop^V.      EyVUIpl- 

crxgftoi  o?ou»  <^io>i,--  •srXtipjjo-Ei;  fit  EUOJpoo-uviis  /tsT* 


i  The  evangelist  has  here  given  us  the  sense  of  the  prophet  in  short :  If 
we  suppose  that  *.»oe  oUTos  (as  it  is  in  the  Hebrew  Din  Oyn)  is  to  be  un- 
derstood as  the  nominative  case  before  TE,»»j.„e»  (it  bein"  not  unusual 
for  words  that  signify  a  multitude  to  be  oined  with  pluraf  pronouns  or 
adjectives),  and  read  *t«  with  an  aspirate,  the  citation  will  be  a  good 
translation  of  the  original,  only  somewhat  abridged.  (Dr.  Randolph  on 
Quotations,  p.  31.)  r 

»  This  quotation  agrees  both  with  the  Septuagint  and  with  the  Hebrew, 
except  that  what  the  former  renders  £7ro\E/t^o-iv  (fought  asainst)  is  by 
the  evangelist  rendered  ihityiq-xv  (they  hated).  Or  possibly  the  passage  in- 
tended to  be  cited  may  be  Psal.  xxxiv.  (xxxv.  of  English  Bible)  19.  where  the 
Psalmist  speaks  of  those  who  were  his  enemies  wrongfully  :— /utouvte; 
us  J«.psav,  who  hate  me  without  cause.  (Randolph,  Scott.) 

»  This  gives  the  sense  both  of  the  Septuagint  and  the  Hebrew,  except 
that  it  expresses  in  the  passive  voice  what  is  there  spoken  in  the  active. 
Or  it  may  be  taken  from  Psal.  xxxiv.  20.  where  it  is  expressed  passively] 
thus:—  Tooioo-tS  ctuTiuv  e'v  £$•  auTicv  ou  TuvTpiS>io-Er*..  He  keepeth  all  their 
bones ;  not  one  of  them  shall  be  broken.  (Randolph,  p.  32.) 


*  It  is  evident  that  the  evangelist  here  plainly  read  V?N  (Aim)  instead  of 
%btl  (me)  in  the  Hebrew:  But  so  also  read  thirty-six  Hebrew  MSS.  and  two 
ancient  editions.  And  that  this  is  the  true  reading  appear*  by  what  fol- 
lows— and  they  shall  mourn  for  him.  On  the  authority^of  these  manu- 
scripts, Archbishop  Newcoine  reads  and  translate?  V7M  him.  (Minor  Pro- 
phets, p.  3.30.  8vo.  edit.) 

*  This  agrees  in  sense,  though  not  in  words,  with  the  Septuagibt,  which 
is  a  literal  translation  of  the  Hebrew.  The  only  difference  is,  that  the 
apostle  applies  to  a  particular  person,  what  was  spoken  by  David  of  hi* 
enemies  in  the  plural.  (Dr.  Randolph,  p.  32.) 

*  The  Codex  Vaticanus  reads  ustx  "»'«  for  -■>'  ■"■'-  itr%*Ta.ti  5«£paic. 

«  The  words  between  brackets'are  omitted  in  the  Codex  Rez;e,  and  also 
in  the  quotation  of  this  passage  by  Jerome. 

»  This  quotation  is  taken  from  the  Septuagi  I  but  differs  in  several  re- 
spects from  the  Hebrew.  For,P,12'  is  put  -  -  i  ",">■".  The  Vulgate  here 
agrees  with  the  Septuagint;  the  Syriac  mm  •  ;haldee  versions,  with  the 
Hebrew.     The  Arabic  differs  from  them  all :  for  this  difference  It  is  no 


gBCT.  L  ^  i.j  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  IN  THE  NEW.  29fr 

I  have  set  the  Lord  always  before  me  ;  because        I  foresaw  the  Ix.nl  continually  before  me,        I  foresaw  the  Lord  always  before  my  face,  for 


53.  Deut.  xviii.  1").  19. 

>n3T  •?«  yoa^-N1?  "WH  ts»Nn  rvni  pjjDB'P  v^n 

1DJJD  WW  OJN  'DC'3  W  "C'N 


The  I. oni)  thy  Qod  will  raise  op  onto  thee  ■  pro 
phet  from  the  mi'lst  ofthee,  of  thy  brethren,  like 
until  me  ':  unto  him  shall  ye  hearken.- —  Ind 
it    shall   COme   lii   pass,   that  whosoever  will  DOl 

learken  unto  my  words  whioh  be  shall  ipeak  In 
(ny  name,  I  will  require  it  of  him 


:>{.  Gen.  xxii.  19. 

:  y-iNn  mvi  ^3  lints  isisnni 
Ami  in  thy  seed  shall  all  the  nations  of  the 
earth  be  blessed. 


with  thy  presence  wilt  till  me  with  joy 


Deut.  xviii.  15.  19. 
Ilj.-,  iJbtiiv  ix  i«  a$iK<p<»*  rov,<i{  tiAi,avx<rT>t<rn 

o-oi   Kvpioj  o  H105  o-ou-  «utou  «xou<ri(r$i Kxi 

0  xv$^u.to;  hi  i«v  n*  «xouim  00-ot  «v  XxXhtx  i  wpo. 
e«f«(   IXIIVOf  IJTI  T<1  Ov0/<»TI  /»o«,  iy«i  i*f.x»o-»  l£ 

XUTOU. 

Tin;  Lord  thy  God  will  raise  up  for  thee,  from 

among  thy  brethren,  a  prophet  like  unto  me  ;  to 

him  shall  ye  hearken.—  And  whosoever  will  not 

:i  In  what  that  prophet  shall  speak  in  my 

name,  1  will  execute  vengeance  on  him. 


Gen.  xxii.  13. 

Kxi  iviuXoj-ii^iiirovTxi  m  t»  <r;rip/ixTi  <rou  jtxvt* 

And  in  thy  seed  shall  all  the  nations  of  the  earth 
be  blessed. 


with  thy  countenance. 


Acts  iii.  22,  23. 

Itpoipi|T>|v  u/uiv  xvxo-txo-ii  Kupiof  i  810;  upta*  ix 
tm  «jiX$-.»v  vfi»v,  if  iff  xutou  «xouo-i<r  ji  xxtx 
it«vt»  o<r»  xv  XxXi|<ri|  opoj  v/«*J.  Eo-txi  Ji,  j«m 
W»'/.l,    '.T'(    "i   *"l    "'""I    T0U    5rpoif»TCU   !«••»•« 

l£oXO.JpiU  JBTITXI  IX  TOU  XltOU.I 

A  prophet  shall  the  Lord  your  God  raise  up 
unto  you,  of  your  brethren,  like  unto  me:  him 
shall  ye  hear  in  all  things  whatsoever  he  shall  say 
unto  you.  And  it  shall  come  to  pass,  that  every 
soul  which  will  not  hear  that  prophet,  shall  be 
destroyed  from  among  the  people. 

Acta  iii.  23. 

Kai  t<u  o-?rippxTi  o-ou  iviuXoyH-Jno-ovTai  itjmi  xi 

UXTflll    T»{   y««. 

And  in  thy  seed  shall  all  the  kindreds  (i.  e. 
nations,  as  being  deriied  from  one  common 
ancestor)  of  the  earth  be  blessed. 


SB.  Psal.  ii.  1,  2. 

i3^n>  :p^  IMF  dtn1?!  tru  wi-\   hd1? 

Why   do  the  nations    raze,   and    the    people 
a  vain  thing  1   The  kings  of  the  earth  set 
themselves,  and  the  rulers  take  counsel  together, 
Gfainst  the  Lord,  and  against  his  Anointed. 


56.  Gen.  xii.  1. 

»in,vSx  y3N  rv2Di  imVram  -|!nxa  "]b~-\b 

:  -|N-1K    "ItPK 

Get  thee  out  from  thy  country,  and  from  thy 
kindred,  and  from  thy  father's  house,  unto  a  land 
that  I  will  show  thee. 

57.  Gen.  xv.  13,  14. 

upi  onspi  orh  nV  pN3  -ijn?  rprr<  ina 
nay  "W>n  mjh  pn  dji  :  rov  man  jj3-in  dpn 
:  Svu  cans  \nx<  p-nrwi  is.in  jt 


■U»T.  .?(. 

IIxpio-ri|o-xv 

o-jhix'ho-xh 
tcu  Xpio- 


Psal.  ii.  1,  2. 

xv  i6wi),  »»'  >-a0'  i/mXiTijirxv  xi 
Sxo-iXnj  th?  yiu,   xai    01   «pj&o 


Acts  iv.  25,  26. 
'IvxTiiffu«Jx»i5n(,  xxiXxoii^iXiriirxvxim; 
ITxpt«-Ti|0-xv  01    /Sxo-iXn;  TS|    yK,-,  xxi    ei   ap^oi/Tif 

O-umx'HT^V   l»l   TO    «PTO   XXTX  TOU   Kuf  I0U.   X  t»  1  X  X  T  » 
TOU    XflO-TOU  XUTOU. 

Why  did  the  nations  rage,  and  the  people  ima-  Why  did  the  heathen  rage,  and  the  people  ima- 
gine (or  meditate)  vain  things  1  The  king  of  the  gine  vain  things.  The  kmgs  of  the  earth  stood  up, 
earth  stood  up  (or  combined),  and  the  rulers  and  the  rulers  were  gathered  together,  against 
assembled  together  against  the  Lord  and  his  the  Lord  and  against  his  Christ  (i.  e.  Messiah,  or 
Anointed.  Anointed  one). 


Acts  vii.  3. 
EJixS-i    fx  n;  yMj  o-ou,  xxi  ix  t«;  trvyyiv 
ou,«  xxi  Jiupo  ii;  yv\v}  «|»  avo-oi  Jngi". 


Gen.  xii.  1. 
ix  T«  J-H?  «■««  K="  **  T|I5  OTiyyinmj  «"ou, 

J    0IX0U  TCU    TXTpOf  O-OU'  X»l   SlUfO    tl(  T«W 

.  _»o-oi  Jlljiu. 

Depart  from  thy  land,  ind  from  thy  kindred,  Get  thee  out  of  thy  country,  and  from  thy 
and  from  the  house  of  thy  father,  and  come  to  the  kindred,  and  come  into  the  land  which  1  shall 
land  which  I  will  show  thee.  show  thee. 


>"" 


Gen.  xv.  13,  14. 

01X011  IITTX,  TO  O-TTIO/UX  O"0U  IV  y>|  OUX  II 
0"OVO"IV  elUTOUfj  XXI  XXXajO"0UO"lv  XUTO 
VUJO"OUO"IV    tCUTOUJjTITOXXOO-IX  ITM.    To   $ 

JouXiuo-ouo-i,  xpivu  (y«'  pttT*  Si  txu 
t»Tixi  wSt  fteru  xn-oo-xiui);  n-oXXx;. 


I$V0{, 

x  .5.. 


Acts  vii.  6,  7. 

'Oti  io-txi  to  o-Trtppx  XUTOU  srxpsixov  IV  yx  «X- 
XOTpix,  xxi  JouXuio-ouitiv  XUTOj  XXI  XXXW0~0U0"'V  «th 
TiTpxxoo-i«.  Kxi  to  ;5vo;,  <i  ixv  JouXiuo-ioo-i,  xpivm 
(VII  |l7llo6iO{'«UI  fliT<Kl>r>  iJiXiuo-ovtxi,  XXI 
XxTpiUO-OvO-l   /»0I   IV  TIU  TOffB  TOUTlU.* 


That  thv  seed  shall  be  a  stranger  in  a  land  thai  Thy  seed  shall  sojourn  in  a  land  not  their  own.  That  his  seed  should  sojourn  in  a  strange  land, 

is  not  theirs,  and  shall  serve  them,  and  they  shall  And  they   shall  be  enslaved  and  afflicted,  and  and  that  thev  should  bring  them  into  bondage, 

afflict  them  four  hundred  years.    And  also  that  humbled,  four  hundred  years.    But  the  nation  and  entreat  them  evil  four  hundred  years.     And 

nation  whom  they  shall  serve  will  I  judge:  and  which  they  shall  serve  I  will  judge  ;  and  after  that  the  nation,  to  whom  they  shall  be  in  bondage,  will 

afterwards  shall  they  come  out  with  great  sub-  they  shall  come  out  hither  with  much  wealth.  I  judge,  said  God  :  and  after  that  shall  they  come 

stance.  forth,  and  serve  me  in  this  place. 


68.  Gen.  xlvi.  27. 


Gen.  xlvi.  27. 

ITxo-xi   v^u%xi   Oixou   IxxiuS    a?  no-iX5ouo-»i   <!T» 

xxuiS  115   Al^U7rT0V,  1^UX*'    iS^O^IIJXOVTXWIVTI. 

All  the  souls  of  the  house  of  Jacob,  which  came        All  the  souls  of  Jacob's  house,  that  went  with 
into  Egypt,  were  threescore  and  ten  souls  him  jnt0  Egyptj  weTt  8eventy-five  souls. 


Acts  vii.  14. 

A»oo-tiiXx;  Jl  Ijoo->i?  ^ITIXXXITXTO  TOV  VXTtfX 
kutou  IxxwS  xxi  srxo-xv  T»v  o-uyyimxv  xutou  iv 
>J/u%xis  iS^cui^xcvtx—  ivTI. 

Then  sent  Joseph,  and  called  his  father  Jacob 
to  him,  and  all  his  kindred,  threescore  and 
fifteen  souls. 


(See  Josh.  xxiv.  32.) 


00.  Amos  v.  SB—JO 

m*  D'i?3"W  131D3  ^l?-o^a'Jn  r.njDi  O'rutn 

yV3  PN)  D33SD  P130  PN  DrttWSI    :  ^wTUTt    P'3 

ipVjrn  :  03*7  dp'^j;  nc'N  dstiVn  330  D3,Dt7X 
p'i'ai1?  rwhm  D3T1K 


Acts  vii.  16. 
,pxx/»  Ti/irt   xpyupi 


T«pa     TciJV 


Amos  v.  25,  26. 

Ml|   O-^X-^IX     XXI    iuO-IXJ   TTpOO-HViyXXTI     .U3I,    0  I  X  C  j 

to-pxaX,  Tio-o"xpxxovT*  ith  iv  tii  ipn^ui;  Kxi  xviXx- 

ClTI   TI|V   0-X!!H|V  TOU  MoXO%,    XXl    TO    XTTfOV   TOU    JlOU 
U/UMJV    'Pxi^XV,     TOVf      TU^OUJ      XUTaiV      0'J{     ITTOHI^XTI 

ixuroi;*  xxi  juitoixkou/ux;  in-ixuvx  Ax^xo-xoi. 


O    UJVI)0-XT 

ui'jv  E/x/jop  tou  Uujciji.4 

That  Abraham  bought  for  a  sum  of  money,  of 
the  sons  of  Emrnor,  the  father  of  Sychem. 

Acts  vii.  42,  43. 

M>1  ff^xyii  XXI  ZV(Tt%S  VrfOTUVtyXXTi  flQt  I  TM 
TlffO-XpXXOVTX  IV  TM  IftfU-M,  OIXOj  Io-pXHX  }  Kxi  XVI- 
XxeiTi    TBV    O-XXVXV    TOU    MOXOX,     X»l     TO     XTTpOV    TOU 

Jtcu  :fijuv  '  Pi^cxv,  tou;  Tun-:u,- o-.;  in-oiv.o-XTi  vpO' 
s-xuviiv  xutoi;'  xxi  plTOixiu  lf*x;  i.-tixsivx  BxCuXui- 

VOf.i 


easy  to  an'ount.  Again,  for  ,H03,  my  glory,  is  put  >  ;  \.-<ttx  f*:v,  my 
tongue.  The  Septuagint,  Vulgate  (which  version  of  the  l'salms  was  made 
from  the  Septuagint,  being  the  Old  Italic  correcteili,  and  Arabic,  agree  with 
the  apostle;  the  Chaldee  and  Syriae  with  the  Il-lnew  I'or  3?3C  is  put 
Muanij ."-.  Here  again  the  Vulgate,  Arabic,  and  Septnaginl  agrea  The 
Syriac  reads  satiabor ;  the  true  reading,  Dr.  Randolph  conjectures,  might 
perhaps  bo  J73U'K,  which  the  Septuagint  might  translate  according  to  the 
sense  wX»p»o-ii{  ,«;.  These  are  but  trifling  differences ;  the  BUM  impor- 
tant is  that  ^,^,D^)  Holy  One,  in  the  plural  number,  la  trans]  ited  hy  the 
fieptuagint  and  cited  by  the  apostle,  and  applied  to  our  Saviour  in  the  sin- 
gular, tov  5tuv  o-ou,  Thine  Holy  One.  Tins  reading  is  confirmed  by  the 
keri,  or  marginal  reading,  by  ail  the  ancient  versions,  and  by  one  hundred 
and  eighty  of  the  best  Hebrew  MSA,  and  it  la  required  hy  the  sense.  The 
Masorites  have  marked  their  own  reading  as  doubtful.  Bee  Kennicotfs 
Dissert.  I.  p.  496.,  and  also  his  Dissertatio  Generalis,  §  17.  Randolph,  p.  32. 
Owen,  p.  71. 

'  This  expresses  the  sense  both  of  the  Hebrew  and  Septuagint,  but  not 
the  words ;  it  may  possibly  be  taken  from  son  e  other  translation  or  para- 
phrase. (Dr.  Randolph,  33.) 

•  The  Codex  Laudianus  and  some  other  MS3.  after  these  words  add.  xxi 
■*  tou  oixou  tou  Txrpo;  o-ou.  as  in  the  Septuagint. 


»  It  seems  to  have  been  Stephen's  design  to  give  a  short  account  of  the 
conduct  of  God  towards  the  children  of  Israel.  In  this  he  does  not  confine 
himself  to  the  words  of  Moses,  but  abridges  his  history,  and  sometimes 
adds  a  clause  bv  way  of  explication.  The  present  citation  agrees  very 
nearly  with  the  Hebrew.  It  onlyadds,  t'-x-tv  o  ©so; :  and  again,  xx<  XsTpiv- 
o-ouTi  ^oi  iv  tm  TOT*  TtuT.  :  which  seems  to  refer  to  v.  16.  where  it  is 
said,  they  shall  come  hither  again.  (Dr.  Randolph  on  the  Quotations,  p.  33.) 

*  In  this  quotation  there  is  a  very  considerable  error  in  the  copies  of  the 
New  Testament ;  and  some  commentators  have  supposed  that  Abraham's 
purchase  of  a  piece  of  land  of  the  children  of  Heth,  for  a  sepulchre,  waa 
alluded  to.  But  this  is  clearly  a  mistake.  It  is  most  probably  as  Bishop 
Pearce  (in  loc.)  and  Dr.  Randolph  (p.  33.)  have  conjectured  that  A'f**u  '■ 
an  interpolation,  which  has  crept  into  the  text  from  the  margin.  If,  'J!pre' 
fore,  we  omit  this  name,  the  sense  will  run  very  clearly  thus :—  So  •™co* 
went  down  into  Egypt  anddied,  he  and  our  fathers.  And  they  (our  fathers) 
were  carried  oxer  into  Sychem,  and  laid  in  the  sepulchre,  which  he  (Jacob) 
bought  for  a  sum  of  money  of  the  sons  of  Emrnor  the  father  of  Sychem. 
See  Josh.  xxiv.  32.  and  Dr.  Whitby  on  Acts  vii.  16.  . 

»  This  seems  to  be  taken  from  the  Septuagint,  though  with  some  varia- 
tion. The  only  considerable  difference  is  that  we  here  read  BxtuXxvo*, 
Babylon,  instead  of  Ax.«xo-xou,  Damascus,  in  the  Septuagint.  the  Hebrew 
and  all  the  ancient  versions  read  Damascus,  as  also  do  one  or  two  manu- 
scripts ;  and  this  seems  to  be  the  true  reading.    The  heptuagint  agrees  in 


300 

Have  ye  offered  unto  me  sacrifices  and  offer- 
ings, in  "the  wilderness,  forty  years,  O  house  of 
Israel  1  Bui  ye  have  borne  the  tabernacle  of  your 
Moloch  and  Chiun,  your  images,  the  star  of  your 
god  which  ye  made  to  yourselves.  Therefore  I 
will  cause  you  to  go  into  captivity  beyond  Da- 
mascus. 


TABLES  OF  QUOTATIONS  FROM 

Did  you,  O  house  of  Israel,  offer  to  me  burnt- 
offerings  and  sacrifices  forty  years  in  the  wilder- 
ness? You  have,  indeed,  taken  up  the  tent  of 
Moloch,  and  the  star  of  your  god  Raiphan — those 
types  of  them  which  you  have  made  for  your- 
selves. Therefore  I  will  remove  you  beyond 
Damascus. 


[Part  I.  Chap.  V 

O  ye  house  of  Israel,  have  ye  offered  to  me 
slain  beasts  and  sacrifices,  forty  years  in  the  wil- 
derness? Yea,  ye  took  up  the  tabernacle  oi 
Moloch,  and  the  star  of  your  god  Remphan, 
figures  which  ye  made  to  worship  tfiec  and  I 
will  carry  you  away  beyond  Babylon. 


CI.  Isa.  lxvi.  1,  2. 

'Sn  Din  pirn  wdd  d'dsp n  mm  idn  rw 
:  'nmjD  DipD  rmxi  ^-uan  -ib>n  no  nt->« 
nnitvp  >t  nSN-^a-nNi 

Thus  sailh  the  Lord,  the  heaven  is  my  throne, 
and  the  earth  is  my  footstool :  where  is  the  house 
that  ye  build  unto  me  1  And  where  is  the  place 
of  ray  rest?  For  all  those  things  hath  mine  hand 
made. 


vOf, 


jgT  Isa.  lxvi.  1,  2. 

Out™;  \tyti  Kupio;  'O  oupxvos  /tou  if 
yq  vTsOTToSiOv  tcov  TToSiav  f*ov  proioi*  OIXOV  O*xo£o/«H 

O-lTl  jttO*  J    XX*   IT0I0S  T05T0S    TIJS    XXTXTTXUOTf  <&>S    JUOU  J 

Hxvtx  yxp  T«»r«  inoiYttrtv  y  %f'p  pou. 

Thus  saith  the  Lord,  The  heaven  is  my  throne, 


'  O   ovp 

TToSttiV    jUOU*    7T010V     0*X 
XvplOf  X    T<{    TOTO5  TX 

%sip/icu  ETroiijcrs  raun 


Acts  vii.  49,  50. 
0s  fcoi   Spoi/os,   ^  Jf  yt,   vaajzottov  tw» 
oJo,u>:o-iti  /to*  ;  Kiyf 

■7TXU<7tjlf  ^ou;  Ou%.    « 


Heaven  i'«  my  throne,  and  earth  is  my  footstool . 


and  the  earth  my   footstool.     What  sort  of  an  what  house  will  ye  build  me  ?  saith  the  Lord  :  or 

house  will  ye  build  me?    And  of  what  sort  shall  what  is  the  place  of  my  rest?    Hath  not  my  hand 

be  the  place  of  my  rest?    For  all  these  things  my  made  all  these  things  ? 
hand  hath  made. 


62.  Isa.  liii.  7,  8. 

h^i  hdSnj  jtoj  "OdV  Vn-ci  Sav  nas1?  nti>a 
'D    nirnw  np1?  tsetf  ddi  ixjjd  :  vs   nns> 
:D"n  pxD  itjj  >a  nnia" 

He  is  brought  as  a  lamb  to  the  slaughter ;  and 
as  a  sheep  before  her  shearers  is  dumb,  so  he 
openeth  not  his  mouth.  He  was  taken  from  prison 
and  from  judgment;  and  who  shall  declare  his 
generation  ;  for  he  was  cut  off  out  of  the  land  of 
the  living. 

63.  (See  Psal.  lxxxix.  20.  and  1  Sam.  xiii.  14.) 


(54.  Psal.  ii.  7. 

Tkou  art  my  Son,  this  day  have  I  begotten  thee. 


Isa.  liii.  7. 

*£is    srpoSxTOi/   fisr*    <r<pxyyfv   nxSvi,    xxt  tuj   xfivo; 

tVXVTtOV  T0U  X£  ipOVT0£  x^&ovos,  0VTWJ  OUX  xvoiytt  TO 
(TTOftX.       El»  TX    TXTTUVuKrtl   V\  XfHT'f    KUT0U    (fp^X'  T  *|l» 

ysvtxv  xutou  t*s  o^x^a-fTx*  ;  6t«  xtpsTx*  xwo  ths 
5"l?  i  £w»  xutou. 

He  was  led  as  a  sheep  to  the  slaughter,  and  as 
a  lamb  before  its  shearer  is  dumb,  so  he  openeth 
not  his  mouth.  In  his  humiliation  his  legal  trial 
was  taken  away.  Who  will  declare  his  manner 
of  life  ?  Because  his  life  was  taken  from  the  earth. 


Psal.  ii.  7. 

Tjoj  /aov  ii  0-v,  tyu  o-x/cEpov  ytyevvqxx  crs. 

Thou  art  my  Son,  this  day  have  I  begotten  thee. 


65.  Isa.  lv.  3. 

amnion  in  non  d*?w  rvna  D31?  nmato 


Isa.  lv.  3. 

Kxt  Sixdytro/txi  v/xtv  & i -xSr/z.i'v  xiajvtov  — Tit  atrtx 
Axu.J  tx  trio-Tot. 

I  will  make  an  everlasting  covenant  with  you,        And  I  will  make  with  you  an  everlasting  cove- 
even  the  sure  mercies  of  David.  nant, — the  gracious  promises  to  David,  which  are 

faithful. 


Acts  viii.  32,  33. 

"Us   n-poSxTov   nri    <ryxyv\v   yix$*,,   '■*'   w;   a/tvog 

IVXVTI0V      TOW     X'iipOVTOC      XUT0V     XfpCUlOS,     0UTU»S      0UX 
XVOtytl     TO    O'TOJXX    CtUTOU.        Bv  TM   TotTTf  IVUJ0-£l    XVT&V 

ii  xpio-i{  kutou  >)p8>|'  tiik  Je  ysvtav  mt«u  tij  Siiiyyi 

CiTXl   J    0TI    06(pETfl6l    X7TQ    Tq$    y^  V)    ^UIV)    OtUTOU.l 

He  was  led  as  a  sheep  to  the  slaughter,  an,] 
like  a  lamb  dumb  before  his  shearer,  so  opened 
he  not  his  mouth.  In  his  humiliation  his  judg- 
ment was  taken  away,  and  who  shall  declare  his 
generation  1  for  his  life  is  taken  from  the  earth. 

Acts  xiii.  22. 

EupOV  AxSl 8  T0V  T0U  Iso-0-eSI,  XvSfX  XXTX  TMV  XXp. 
Sixv  /tou,  os  -D-Oi>jo-£*  TTXVTX  rot  Sp\w*-xtx  /toy. 

I  have  found  David  the  son  of  Jesse,  a  man  after 
my  own  heart,  which  shall  fulfil  all  my  will. 

Acts  xiii.  33. 
os  /*ou  £*  o-u,  tyui  o-qfitpov  yeytvvqxx  o~£. 

Thou  art  my  Son,  this  day  have  I  begotten  thee. 
Acts  xiii.  34. 

A  oo-u)  vfilv  TX   00"i«  Ax&iS  TX   -Crt0"Ta. 

I  will  give  you  the  sure  mercies  of  David. 


66.  Hab.  i.  5. 


.SX£^»T£,      XX. 

aviO-Surfi*  Jiot*  tpyov 

(J  v/tuiV.    0  0U  /<>J     T3"i0-- 


Acts  xiii.  41. 

e$povHT«i,»    xosi    5-j6Uftaj(TXT£,     x« 
£pyou  tya,  ipyxfypxi  ev  T*i{  ijfic 

cj*  0U /J!)    JT-IO-TfUO-HTe,  £XfTI(£xSl>; 


Hab.  i.  5. 

iS'STf      0(       XOSTfleflSpOVHTOSt,      x». 

-&XU/*XO*XT£  $xvfix<rix.  xxi  xfl 
:  j0D^-':>  1J>DNH  N1?  DS^DO     £y«.  l(y*C*it*i  *v  t»!S  wtt* 

T£U(T>|T£,    £XV   T1J  £X  SlttyifTXI . 

Behold  ye,  among  the  heathen,  and  regard,  and       Behold,  ye  despisers,  and  view  intently,  and 

wonder  marvellously;  for  I  will  work  a  work  in  be  amazed  at  wonderful  things,  and  vanish  (or  for  I  work  a  work  in  your  days,  a  woik  which  you 

your  days,  which  ye  will  not  believe,  though  it  be  perish).    For  in  your  days  I  am  doing  a  work,  shall  in  no  wise  believe,  though  a  man  declare  ii 

told  you.  which  ye  will  not  believe,  though  one  tell  you.  unto  you. 


lf£T<      01       XX- 
X$XV10-6>)Tf  •  OT 

pxi;  u/toiv,  £pyo 
Behold,  ye  despisers,  and  wonder  and  perish  : 


37.                           Isa.  xlix.  6.  Isa.  xlix.  6. 

nxp— iy  >njnt!"   nvrh   dmj   iinS  ynr\i\  t£Se,xx  n  u,  c?«j5  t6v*v,  ™u  «»K«  <r.  £.s-  »■» 

;nNr|  P«»V  3-S  .075.TOV  T«  y«. 

I  will  also  give  thee  for  a  light  to  the  Gentiles,  I  have  appointed  thee  for  the  light  of  the  na-       i  have  set  thee  to  be  a  light  of  the  Gentiles,  that 

that  thou  may  est  be  my  salvation  unto  the  ends  tions,  that  thou  mayest  be  for  salvation  to  the    thou  shouldest  be  for  salvation  unto  the  ends  of 

of  the  earth.  furthest  parts  of  the  earth.                                       the  earth. 


Acts  xiii.  47. 

TlSflXX    o-s   US    (pcoS  «8fuiv,  T0U 

t*ii  ius  so-^xtov  tiis  yn$.* 


68.  Amos  ix.  11,  12. 

ttvui  nSojn  vft  r\x~r\n  n*p«  man  ova 
:dSijj  ^do  irruai  o»p«  rnDini  i-T-xio-nN 

:  nNr  na»j;  mm-DNj  omSj;  'Diy  Kipj-icN 

In  that  day  will  I  raise  up  the  tabernacle  of 
David,  that  is  fallen;  and  I  will  close  up  the 
breaches  thereof,  and  I  will  raise  up  his  ruins, 
and  I  will  build  it  as  in  the  days  of  old  :  That  they 
may  possess  the  remnant  of  Edom,  and  of  all  the 
heathen,  which  are  called  by  my  name,  saith  the 
Lord,  that  doeth  this. 


Amos  ix.  11,  12. 

El>  T«  tptpX  IXflVl)  XVXO-TIJO-UJ  THV  (TXIfVllV  AxUlJ 
TV]V  7T£7TTMXvlXVf  XXI  XV0 IX  0  $0/XqtT<M  TX  ■^TfTTToJXOTX 
XUT(JS,  XX*  TX  XXTEO-XX/t^WEVX  XUTtJS  XVX0-TJJ0"UJ,  XX* 
XVOiXO^O/illO-W  XUTMV,  XxSaJS  B»l  f),«£px*  TDU  X*twf0S' 
'O^JJS  £X(^VJTl]0--.eO-*V  0*  XXTX*0*7T0*  TUIV  XvSpi)7r<tiV 
XXI  7TXVTX  TX  eSvjf,  £(p*  0US  £T*X£X\MTXt  TO  OV0/4X 
|K0U  f!z'  XUT0VS,    \iyil    KupiOS    0    5T0HUV   STXVTX    TXUTX. 

In  that  day  I  will  raise  up  the  tabernacle  of 
David,  which  hath  fallen;  I  will  rebuild  those 
parts  of  it  which  have  fallen  to  decay,  and  repair 
what  have  been  demolished.  I  will  indeed  rebuild 
it  as  in  the  days  of  old,  that  the  rest  of  mankind 
may  seek  [the  Lord],  even  all  the  nations  who  are 
called  by  my  name,  saith  the  Lord,  who  doth  all 
these  things. 


Acts  xv.  16, 17. 

McTX  TXUTX  XVXO'Tpflf'W,  XX*  XV0  *X0  Sdft  X  <T03  T>JV 
O-XXVqV  Ax6*5"  THV  T3-E7TTWXUIXV,  XX*  TX  XXTttTXX/A- 
ftSVX  XUTHS  CtVOiXOJoACHO-!*),  XX*  XVOpSuJO-UJ  XUTMV 
'OtTuj;  XV  £X^VJTH0"U>0"*V  0(  XXTXVO*^01  TWV  X\>5p.i}7rwv 
T0V  KupiOV,  XX*  5TXVTX  TX  l&Vlf  t<p'  OUS  £  7TIX  £«\t|TX  i 
TO   OV0ACX  /xy  £7r'  XUT8S,    Xf^E*    KuptOS   C  "UOIimv  TXUTX 

•n-xvTx.l 

After  this  I  will  return  and  build  again  the 
tabernacle  of  David,  which  is  fallen  down  ;  and  I 
will  build  up  again  the  ruins  thereof,  and  1  will  set 
it  up  :  that  the  residue  of  men  might  seek  after 
the  Lord,  and  all  the  Gentiles  upon  whom  my 
name  is  called,  saith  the  Lord,  who  doeth  all 
these  things. 


99.    Exod.  xxii.  27. 


Thou   shalt  not  . . 
people. 


8.  of  English  version.) 

:-iNn  vh  tdj?3  to:fji 
..  curse  the  ruler  of  thv 


Exod.  xxii.  28 

Ap%0VTX  rou  \xou  <rou  ou  xxxus  £ps*£. 

Thou  shalt  not  speak  evil  of  the  ruler  of  thy 
people. 


Acts  xxiii.  5. 

Ap%0vrx  T0U   X.X0U   o-ou   0VX   £p£»S  XXXaj;. 

Thou  shalt  not  speak  evil  of  the  ruler  of  Ui) 
people. 


sense,  -.hough  not  literally,  with  the  Hebrew.  'Px.cjxv,  or  'Ts^xv,  was  the 
name  of  the  same  idol  in  Effypt,  which  was  called  JV3  (chiun)  in  Syria, 
and  represented  the  planet  Saturn.  See  Hammond,  Lud.  de  Dieu.  Annot. 
Lowth  on  Amos  v.  25  : Spencer  de  Leg.  Heb.  1.  iii.  c.  3.  Michaelis,  Sup- 
plem.  ad  Lex.  Heb.  p.  1225  (Randolph,  p.  34.)  The  apparent  variance  be- 
l-w,inn  }  u  Pr?Pnet  and,  Stephen  is  of  no  moment  j  as  the  prophecy  was 
fulfilled  by  Salmaneser,  king  of  Assyria,  carrying  the  people  of  Israel  both 
beyond  Damascus  and  Babylon,  into  the  cities  of  the  Medes  See  2  Kin»s 
xvii.  6.  (Dr.  Randolph.)  ° 

•  The  quotation  is  here  made  from  the  Septuagint  with  no  material  varia- 
tion ;  the  pronouns  xutov  and  xurou  {him  and  his)  are  added  by  the  sacred 
historian;  the  latter  twice.  The  variation  from  the  present  Hebrew  text 
is  greater,  but  not  so  great  as  to  effect  the  general  import  of  the  passage. 
(Scott,  Randolph.)  This  quotation  agrees  exactly  with  the  Alexandrine  MS 
of  the  Septuagint.  Some  MSS.  of  the  Acts  follow  the  Alexandrian,  and 
some  the  Vatican  MS. 


»  Some  MSS.  add  xxi  £7r*g>.E^xT£  after  xxtx^oi/htx.,  as  inthe  Septuagint 

»  'O  is  the  reading  of  nineteen  MSS.,  five  of  which  are  of  the  greatest 
antiquity. 

*  This  quotation  is  the  reading  of  the  Alexandrine  copy  of  the  Septua- 
gint, and  is  a  literal  rendering  of  the  Hebrew,  merely  omitting  the  pronoun 
my;  salvation,  instead  of  my  salvation.  The  Vatican  MS-  differs  very 
much. 

«  This  quotation,  in  general,  seems  to  be  taken  from  the  Septuagint,  but 
with  several  verbal  variations.  The  passage,  however,  varies  more  mate- 
rially from  the  Hebrew,  especially  in  the  clause,  That  the  residue  of  men 
may  seek  after  the  Lord;  which,  in  the  authorized  English  version  from 
the  Hebrew,  is  rendered,  That  they  may  possess  the  remnant  of  Edom, 
The  Septuagint  translators  evidently  read  WW*  (rtDRCBHU>  not  WT" 
(yiroshu)  and  01K  (adsm)  not  DHK  (edcm)  ;  and  the  quotation  of  it  by  the 
apostle  or  the  evangelical  historian,  according  '"  that  reading,  g'ves  great 
sanction  to  it.  (Scott.) 


flKT.  I.    §  I.] 

70  Hab.  ii.  4. 

:  mm  ipjidk3  pnw 
The  Just  shall  live  by  his  faith. 


THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  IN  THE  NEW. 

Hab.  ii.  4. 
O  <Ti  imin;  la  ziitti  jij  pou  £»«-itx.. 

But  the  just  shall  live  by  faith  in  me. 


71.  bo.  lii.  5 

:  fNJD  'DK'  DVn**73  -pom 
My  naaie  continually  every  day  ia  blasphemed. 


72.  Psal.  Ii.  6.  (4.  of  English  version.) 

r^fiifa  nam  i"Oia  p-un  jpoV 
That  thou  mightest  be  justified  when  thou 
spealcest,  and  be  clear  v.  hen  thou  judgest. 

75.  Gen.  xv.  6. 

:  np"T*  i1?  navrm  nwa  pun) 

And  he  believed  In  the  Lokd,  and  he  counted 
t  to  him  for  righteousness. 

74.  Peel  xiv.  1—3. 

twua-^a  ipprn  ovatfc  nw  :  awwp  p« 

■a  Van  :  dentin  mri  S'as'D   ty'n  nwb 
:  ins  oj  »'M  JHTfiPp  p«  inVxj  nm 

Thrrr  (|  none  that  doeth  good.  The  Lord 
looked  down  from  heaven  upon  the  children  of 
men  ;  to  see  if  there  were  any  that  did  under- 
sell.1  and  sock  (.'oil.  They  are  all  gone  aside; 
they  are  ati  together  become  filthy :  Mere  is  none 
that  doeth  good,  no,  not  one. 


73. 


Psal.  v.  10.  (9.  of  English  version.) 

)\p>irv>  DISS'S  onj  nine— op 


Rom.  i.  17. 

'O  ii  J.xx.o,-  sx  wio-tiwji  j^o-infi. 
The  ju6t  shall  live  by  faith. 


Isa.  hi.  o. 

AT  vf*i  £.a  3TXVT0S  TO  ovo/»x  /u.-.u  if.xa-jr./ttfrxi 

IV    T1IJ  iJUCTI. 

On  your  account  my  name  is  continually  re- 
viled among  the  nations. 


Rouv  ii.  24. 
To  yap  ovo/«x  tou  feliou  ii'uyuaj  a\x<rQtfHiTm>.  it 

TO.;  I7VIO-..S 

For  the  name  of  God  is  blasphemed  among  the 
Gentiles  through  you. 


Psal.  Ii.  I.  Rom.  iii.4. 

'Otuij    av    Jixxi«>5i|«    iv    tsi;    Koyotf     trou,    s»i  'Oj«;    xv    <T.xx.i»5>i{   iv    TOif    \oyo.j    trsu,    xai 

riaanii  iv  ru  xp  .vio-Sxi  tri.  v.xxeriu  iv  t»  xp.vio-i*.  o-i.i 

i  hat  thou  mayest  he  justified  in  thy  sayings,  That  thou  mightest  be  justified  in  thy  sayings, 

and  overcome  When  thou  art  judged.  and  mightest  overcome  when  thou  art  judged. 


Gen  xv.  8. 

nuo-lv  AZpxfx  T*  fell  * 


lA.3y.0-3x.  «vr« 


Rom.  iv.  3. 
A'pxx/i  t»  6itf{ 


iJ.3y.o-5x  «ut» 


E7TIO-TIUO-I   5i 

if  d'.xa.oo-uvHv.  i»;  £.x*iotuvpv. 

And  A  brain  believed  God,  and  it  was  counted        And  Abraham  believed  God,  and  it  was  counted 
him  for  righteousness.  to  him  for  righteousness. 


Psal.  xiv.  1—3. 

OUX    I0TI    70IUIV   XOHC-TOTXT^    CUX    ITT.V   I'juJ     IVOf. 

Kup.o*  ix  tou  oupxvou   J.ixyyiv   iffi    touj  u.ou$   twv 

XVjpwJTiuV,     TOU    iJllV    •>    IO-TI    0-UV1UV,     H     IX^IjTulV    TOV 

Wiov.   Hxvti;  i^ixXivxv,  x/xx  r,xpnmino-xv  oux  io-ti 
tto.wv  xpiO'TOTxToe,  oux  io-t.v  i*;  ivo;. 

There  is  none  who  doeth  good :  no,  not  one. 
The  Lord  looked  down  from  heaven  on  the  chil- 
dren of  men,  to  see  if  any  had  understanding,  or 
were  seeking  God.  They  had  all  gone  aside,  they 
were  altogether  become  vile.  There  is  none  who 
doeth  good,  no,  not  one. 


Rom.  iii.  10—12. 

Oux    IO-TI    £.XX.0(,   Ouil   115.        Oux   ITTIV   0  0*UV.WV* 

eux  io-Tir  o  ix^htkiv  tov  6iov.  HavTij  i£ixA..vbv, 
x/*x  nxpn j;5iio-xv-  oux  io"ti  jtoiwv  xp v,ttotmtx,  oux 
io-tiv  Un  ivoj.« 

There  is  not  one  righteous  ;  no,  not  one  :  there 
is  none  that  understandelh,  there  is  none  that 
seeketh  after  God.  They  are  all  gone  out  of  the 
way  ;  they  are  altogether  become  unprofitable ; 
there  is  none  that  doeth  good  ;  no,  not  one. 


Their  throat  is  an  open  sepulchre,  they  flatter 
with  their  tongue. 

76.        Psal.  cxl.  4.  (3.  of  English  version.) 

id^pdo  nnn  aitvajr  ron 

Adders'  poison  is  under  their  lips. 


77.  Psal.  x.  7. 

niDini  n"?d  wo  rV?N 

His  mouth  is  full  of  cursing  and  deceit. 

78.  '      Isa.  lix.  7,  8. 

"\v *py  at  tdc1?  wid>!  .s-p  jnSan^-n 

:  ij?T  vh  DiStP  yr\  :  dpiSdd3  natri 

Their  feet  run  to  evil,  and  they  make  haste  to 


Psal.  v.  9.  Rom.  iii.  13. 

Tasjof  Mviuy^ivof  o  Kxpuy^  kutoiv  Taij  yhuitr-  T*?o;  nviojy/iivo;  o  Kxpvyt,  «»'»»    txi;  y».ujo-. 

o-«i{  i»ra>  lii/.uurai.  o-»i{  ccutojv  iJo\iouo-«v.i 

Their  throat  is  an  open  sepulchre  ;  with  their  Their  throat  is  an  open  sepulchre  ;  with  their 

tongue  they  have  practised  deceit.  tongues  they  have  used  deceit. 


Psal.  exxxix.  3.  (cxl.  3  of  English  Bible.) 

to;  uo-:ti£i»v  u»o  t»  X"*-1  xutiov. 

The  poison  ofasps  is  under  their  lips. 

Psal.  ix.  7.  [2d  series  of  verses.] 
Ou  xpx;  to  rrofix  xutou  ytfiti*  xxt  jFtx§$afm 

His  mouth  is  full  of  cursing  and  bitterness. 


Rom.  iii.  13. 

Io;  «0-wi5"utv  Cjto  t«  %iiXm  «UT*rV.» 

The  poison  ofasps  (a  venomous  species  of  air- 
pent)  is  under  their  lips. 

Rom.  iii.  14. • 

'Civ  to  tTTOfjLX  xpxt  xxt  vtxptxg  yifin.a 

Whose  mouth  is  full  of  cursing  and  bitterness. 


Isa.  lix.  7,  8. 

Oi  St  voSi;  xutaiv  t-ai  jroviifiav  Tpixouo-i,  r 
H  lx%6*l  ulfiX — -vvrpiu^u  xxi  Txhxt7Tu.-pi 
xt;  o5o*5  «uto)V.     K^i  o^ov  eipqvm  oux  otSxr*. 

Their  feet  run  to  evil,  they  are  swift  to  shed 


Rom.  iii.  15— 17.^ 
Ojjn;  ei    n-ojif   mt«i  txxtxi  x!,ux.     £uvTei/<pa 
=ei    -rxKxmitifix    iv    Titif    0J01;    «utioV       Kxi    cJov 
ifi|v>i{  oux  lyv«r«».« 

Their  feel  are  swift  to  shed  blood.  Destruction 


Bhed  innocent  blood Wasting  and  destruction     blood.— Destruction   and   misery   are    in    their    and  misery  are  in  their  ways  ;  and  the  way  of 

are  in  their  paths.    The  way  of  peace  they  know    ways,  and  the  way  of  peace  they  do  not  know.        peace  they  have  not  known, 
not. 


79.       P.<al.  xxxvi.  2.  (1.  of  English  version.) 

There  is  no  fear  of  God  before  his  eyes. 
BO.  Psal.  xxxii.  I,  2. 

kS  nnvM  :  nNBn  ^Da  yvo-iw j  na'K 
pp  iS  nirr  at»rt' 

Blessed  ia  he  whose  transgression  is  forgiven, 
whose  sin  is  covered. 

Blessed  is  the  man  unto  whom  the  Lord  im- 
puteth  not  iniquity. 

31,  Gen.  xvii.  5. 

:  -pnru  dmj  pen— an 

A  father  of  many  nations  have  I  made  thee. 
ffi.  Gen.  xv.  5. 


So  shall  thy  seed  be. 


:  ivir  n^n'  na 


83.  Psal.  xliv.  22 

:  nna-J  jNi-a  u»ru  avn-'ja  unw  yhy->3 

For  thy  sake  we  ar«^  killed  all  the  day  loqg  : 
we  are  counted  as  sheep  for  the  slaughter. 


Psal.  xxxv.  1.  (xxxvi.  1.  of  English  Bible.) 

OuX     IO-TI      O^oSOf;     0|OU      «n-SV*VTI     TUIV      QC)6xKftUlV 

There  is  no  fear  of  God  before  his  eyes. 
Psal.  xxxii.  1, 2. 

Mxxxpioi  cuv  NflflqiftM  xl  -s.\  :u.xi,  x^i  wv  1^1X31- 
>.'j~? '/rxv  xi  x/xxprtxt ,  Mxxapio;  xv>ip  w  ou  fm 
Koyto-^Txl  Ku&i9;  xixxfT ixv. 

Happy  are  they,  whose  iniquities  are  forgiven, 
and  whose  sins  are  covered.  Happy  is  the  man, 
to  whom  (t<>  whose  account)  the  Lord  will  not 
impute  (or  charge)  sin. 

Gen.  xvii.  G. 

II   <      I0a    -'*\KjOV  17VMV    TlJilXX   o-i. 

I  have  made  thee  the  father  of  many  nations. 
Gen.  xv.  5. 

0-vTcef  ifl-Tai  TO  o-jrip.ux  o*5u. 

So  shall  thy  s^ed  be. 

Psal.  xliv.  22. 

'On  inxx  (TOU  3xixT0v/*,ix  c*.»v  T^v  i.uiiiv 
i\:y  iri»,uiv  ei;  -rpoixrx  <r$xyn;. 

for,  for  Ibv  sake  we  are  killed  all  the  day  long, 
and  accounted  as  sheep  for  ihe  slaughter. 


Rom.  iii.  18. 

Oux  io-ti  eyoSot;  c9i:u  oeffivxvTi  Tsov  tflaKftmw 
otuTwv. 

There  is  no  fear  of  God  before  their  eyes. 
Rom.  iv.  7,  8. 

MxXXplOl    t»V    X^ii'TXV   XI     XVItilZI,    XXI    U>  V    fXlXA 

A.u95>i<rxv    ai    xuxfrixf     Mxxapio;    xvr,p   u    ou    114 

X.0>-IO->|Tal    KupiO,    ayUXOTIXV. 

Blessed  are  they,  whose  sins  are  forgiven,  a.,d 
whose  iniquities  are  covered. 

Blessed  is  the  man  to  whom  the  Lord  will  uot 
impute  sin. 

Rom.  iv.  17. 

nxnpa  VCW-DV  i5v-juv  teSiixx  0-1. 

A  father  of  many  nations  have  I  made  then 
Rom.  iv.  18. 

OuTWf    ItTTXI   TO   0~77t  ?/XX  (TOU. 

So  shall  thy  seed  be. 

Rom.  viii.  36. 
'Oti    ivixx    o-ou   5xvaT0u/iitix    eXi«v   tiiv    r,ftij.ar 
i\oyi<ri<iixivi;  cpoSxra  trty  xyr.f. 
For  thy  sake  we  are  killed  all  the  day  lon» , 
We  are  accounted  as  sheep  for  the  slaughter. 


'  The  Codex  Bphreml  (or  Region)  has  «-•-■  after  nrr««t,  as  In  the  Sep- 
tuagint;  which  reading  was  in  the  Ms.  consult..,  1  by  the  author  of  the  Phi- 
loxenian  or  later  Byrinc  version,  and  also  by  Busebini  and  Jerome. 

»  In  this  quotation  from  the  Septuagint,  t;u  fci.su  (of  <;*,il\  Is  substituted 
(or  ft™  (my);  and  the  words  ■•  roie  »5»f«-i  (among the  nations),  are  added 
to  the  Hebrew  in  the  Septuagint  (Scott,  Randolph.) 

•  This  is  taken  from  the  Septuagint,  which  agrees  with  the  Hebrew. 
The  Greek  translators  render  nam  (Ti'zKen)  thou  mayest  be  clear  or  pure 
by  vix.,0-.,;,  thou  mayest  overcome ;  for  "  to  be  clear  in  judgment,"  or  to  be 
acquitted,  is  "to  overcome."  (Randolph)  Scott) 

*  The  former  part  of  this  quotation  is  an  abridgment  of  the  Septuagint, 
but  agreeing  in  meaning  with  the  Hebrew.  It  is  rather  an  abridgment. 
The  latter  part  is  exactly  from  the  Septuagint.  The  Hebrew  word  ren- 
dered in  our  version  they  are  become  filthy,  and  which  signifies  to  be  loath- 
some or  putrid,  is  in  the  Septuagint  rendered  nxp'^'io-xv,  they  are  become 
unprofitable.    This  the  apostle  retains.     It  is  not  so  forcible  as  the  He- 


brew, but  is  sufficient  for  his  argument;  and  it  cannot  be  supposed  (hat 
many  <d"  the  Christians  at  Rome  had  any  other  Scriptures  except  the  Sep 
tuajtint.  (Scott.) 

»  These  verses  (in  Rom.  iii.  13 — 17.)  are  interpolated  in  Psalm  xiii.be- 
tween  verses  3.  and  4.  of  the  modern  printed  editions  of  the  Vatican  Sep- 
lUagint;  but  they  are  only  in  the  margin  of  the  Vatican  Manuscript.— 
"  Vaticanus  in  haic  verba,  qua;  sunt  ad  marginem  et  non  in  textu  conscripta, 

hi,-  notat:    OuJxixou  xiivtxi  tjuv  VxKixjiV  77oitv  Si  s  A;tOo-to>.o;  hMCiv  xu- 

T«utj  <^Tnri5v."  (Montfaucon,  Origenis  Hexapla,  torn.  i.  P-  492.)  These 
verses  are  not  in  the  Alexandrine  MS.  of  the  Septuagint.  They  are,  how- 
over,  found  in  the  Latin  Vulgate  translation  of  Psalm  xiii.,  either  interpo 
lated.  or  copied  from  some  interpolated  MS.  of  the  Septuagint. 

•  This  quotation  agrees  with  the  Septuagint,  which  also  agrees  with  the 
Hebrew,  excepting  that  the  Greek  translators  have  rendered  PUnO 
(Mi'ioiuTH),  deceit,  by  5r.xp.x5,  bitterness.  Dr.  Randolph  and  Mr.  Sccrtcon 
jecture  that  they  read  niTVO  (MesaBOTH). 


302 

w. 


Gen  xxi.  12. 

tjn?  n1?  Nip'  priX'3  '3 
For,  in  Isaac,  shall  thy  seed  be  called. 


TABLES  OF  QUOTATIONS  FROM 

Gen.  xxi.  12. 

'Oti  tv  Itrzxx  xA.»p>jo~eT«i  <roi  CTrtpfitx, 

For  in  Isaac  shall  thy  seed  be  called. 


35.  Gen.  xviii.  10. 

mrb  p  .— ijdi  rvp  nj?3  T^  2ic«  aw 

tntfN 

I  will  certainly  return  to  thee  acccrding  to  the 
time  of  life;  and  lo,  Sarah  thy  wife  shall  have  a    month  ;  and  Sarah,  thy  wife,  shall  have  a  son. 
son. 


Gen.  xviii.  10. 

ITTpt^W  Y^Ol  7TpO$  <TS  XXTX  TOC  xxipo  v  T0U- 

fX(,  xxi  t  j|t<  vlov  Sxppx  i  yvvr,  <rou. 
I  will  return  to  thee  about  this  time  twelve- 


[Part  I.  Chap.  \ 


Rom.  ix.  7. 

Axx,  tv  Itxxx  xkt\$n<rtTxt  o"0i  o~7rtp[*x. 
But,  in  Isaac  shall  thy  seed  be  caLl»d. 


Rom.  ix.  9. 

TOVT0X    IhiVG-'Jft* 


KXTX   TOV 

Xxpp*  vh(. 

At  this  time  will  I  come,  and  Sara  shall  have  • 
son. 


86.  Gen.  xxv.  23. 

:  -pyx  -uyi  ail 
.The  elder  shall  serve  the  younger. 

87.  Mai.  i.  2, 3. 

:  WJS'  itt>jrriNi  :  spy-nx  3nNi 
i  loved  Jacob,  and  I  hated  Esau. 

S8.  Exod.  xxxiii.  19. 

:  omN  -i&>N-nN  ^rami  ji-in  -ib>n  hn  iruro 

I  will  be  gracious  to  whom  I  will  be  gracious, 
and  I  will  show  mercy  on  whom  I  will  show 
mercy. 


i  ^/^  S< 


Gen.  xxv.  23. 

u).;ut;i  tw  thxa 


And  the  elder  shall  serve  the  younger. 
Mai.  i.  2,  3. 

Kxi  v\yx7rvi<7*  rov  IxxwS,  tov  xxi  Ho-xu  tft.ttn\<rx. 

Yet  I  loved  Jacob,  and  hated  Esau. 

Exod.  xxxiii.  19. 
Kxi    skt^T(v   ov    xv   e\ccu,    xxt   oixTfipijo-u*    ov   xv 

OIXTIIABB, 

1  will  have  mercy  on  whom  I  please  to  have 
mercy  ;  and  I  will  have  compassion  on  whomso- 
ever I  compassionate. 


Exod.  ix.  16. 

v  $i£Tnpqd>fS,    ivx   tvStt%<jjfiXt    tv 
,  xx*   Q7Tui$  Stxyytkr,    to   ovopx 


89.  Exod.  ix.  16. 

insnn  -nap  T>»-ncj?n  ns<t  -i)3j?3  cjSini  K*'  «"*«»  T°u* 

For  this  cawse  have  I  raised  tfeee  up,  for  to  But  thou  hast  been  preserved  for  this  purpose, 
show  in  thee  my  power,  and  that  my  name  may  that  by  ,hee  I  might  display  my  power,  and  that 
be  declared  throughout  all  the  earth.  mv  name  may  be  celebrated  throughout  all  the 

earth. 


Rom.  ix.  12. 

'O  fitit'f^jiv  JouXeuo-ei  tw  eXxo-o-ovi. 

The  elder  shall  serve  the  younger. 


Y,y-x 


Rom.  ix.  13. 

•J^O-X,  TOV    Si    Ho"XU   iUJ7;;.rx 


Jacob  have  I  loved,  but  Esau  have  I  hated. 


EXe>jo~uj  ov 


Rom.  ix.  15. 


I  will  have  mercy  on  whom  I  will  have  mercy, 
and  I  will  have  compassion  on  whom  I  will  have 
compassion. 

Rom.  ix.  17. 

Ei;  auTo  touto  t\v,yttpx  trt,  oVu>;  tvStt^aiftxt  tv 
trot  ty\v  Svvxptv  ywou,  kxi  07rv$  Stxyytkij  to  ovo/ux 
[xov  tv  'ztxo-vi  ry,  yvi. 

For  this  same  purpose  have  I  raised  thee  up, 
that  I  might  show  my  power  in  thee,  and  that  rny 
name  might  be  declared  throughout  all  the  earth. 


Kx\£{TW 

>iyx7Tvii*tvt 


Rom.  ix.  26. 

,X0V  yUOU,  A«0V    fJtOV'   xxt    T*J*    ou* 

if/tivriv. 


90.  Hos.  ii.  23.  (Heb.  25.)  Hos.  ii.  23. 

/.XCU  u.ov.  Axoj  U.0V  El  TV. 

nriN 

I  will  have  mercy  upon  her  that  had  not  ob-  And  I  will  love  her  who  was  not  beloved;  and        I  will  call  them  my  people  which  were  not  my 

tained  mercy,  and  I  will  say  to  them  which  were  to  them  who  were  not  my  people,  I  will  say,  Thou     people  ;  and  her  beloved  which  was  not  beloved 

not  my  people,  Thou  art  my  people.  art  my  people. 


91.       Hos.  ii.  1.  (i.  10.  of  English  Version.) 


juqv  v/xtt;t  xX>j5vjo-ov 


Hos.  i.  10.  Rom.  ix.  26. 

ro^-O),  ou  epp»jfl>j  mutoij,  Ou  Xxoj  Kxi  E0"r«i,  tv  t&j  tottui  o'j  tppqSr,  xUTOif,  Ov 

TXi    XXI    XVTOt    uioi    0EOU    ^'.OVTOff.        jUOU   OjU£l?,    £X£*  XkH$t\T0 VTXl  ViOl  &tOV    ^COVTOf. 


And  it  shall  come  to  pass,  that  in  the  place 
where  it  was  said  unto  them,  ye  are  not  my 


But  it  shall  come  to  pass  that,  in  the   place  And  it  shall  come  to  pass,  that  in  the  place 

,     where  it  was  said,  "Ye  are  not  my  people,"  they  where  it  was  said  unto  them,  Ye   are  not  my 

people,  there  it  shall  be  said  unto  them,  ye  are  the     shall  be  called  children  of  the  living  God.  people:  there  shall  they  be  called  the  children 
sons  of  the  living  God. 


92.  Isa.  x.  22,  23. 

3ic"  "iw  o<n  'jinj  'sN'itt"  idj;  rvn>-oK  >a 
nxirm  nSa  »a  :  npnx  ejow  fnn   jv^s  13 
:  y^xn  _1?3  3-1,13  ntt'jj  nixax  nini  >jin 

For  though  thy  people  Israel  be  as  the  sand  of 
the  sea,  yet  a  remnant  of  them  shall  return  :  the 
consumption  decreed  shall  overflow  with  right- 
eousness. For  the  Lord  God  of  Hosts  shall  make 
a  consumption,  even  determined  in  the  midst  of 
all  the  land. 


Isa.  x.  22,  23. 

Kx*    exv  ytvqrxi    o  Kxog   Io-pxv]X  ws  y\    xpfios  t*ij 

^-XXXO-O-JJ?,    TO    XXTXktl/XftX    XUTulV    0-Ci-^J)(T£T  Xi .       Ao- 

yov  (ruvTtk-jjv  xxt  trvvrtfjtvMV  tv  ^ixxioo-jv^-  ort 
koyov  trvvrtTfj^utvov  KupiO?  -nrouio-E*  tv  rq  o*xou- 
jwsvij  oA.li. 

Though  the  people  of  Israel  be  as  the  sand  of 
the  sea,  a  remnant  of  them  shall  be  saved.  He  is 
closing  an  account,  and  making  a  deduction  with 
saving  goodness.  Because  with  the  whole  land 
the  Lord  will  make  a  reckoning  from  which  a 
deduction  hath  been  made. 


of  the  living  God. 

Rom.  ix.  27,  28. 

Exv  n  0  xpt$,uo;  Toil*  ufwv,  Io-pxiiA.  m;  r,  xpt*--i  tijj 
S'xA.ao-o-yjs,  to  xxTx\tifi[>tx  G-u5v\TtTxt'  Aoyov  yxp 
trvvTtkwv  xxt  o-WTtfjtvtMV  tv   £*xx»o<ruv)^•   oti   koyov 

O-VVTtTp.t'/HtVCV   7T0*>](r£l    KupiOJETT*    T%$   ^>JS.* 

Though  the  number  of  the  children  of  Israel 
be  as  the  sand  of  the  sea,  a  remnant  shall  be 
saved :  for  he  will  finish  the  work,  and  cut  it  short 
in  righteousness  :  because  a  short  work  will  the 
Lord  make  upon  the  earth. 


Isa. 

.  9. 

1  ,uij  Kupio;  £«Sxco5 

tyKXTt\t7 

TtV    Y.fttV  TTTtp 

XoSoy-x   xv   tytvtfi 

IfUtV,  XXI    d 

;  Tofioppx   ut 

93.  Isa.  i.  9. 

31D3   I3J?D3  -PIS'  1J1?  limn  H1N3X  HIH'  ^lS 

Except  the  Lord  of  Hosts  had  left  us  a  very        Had'notthe  Lord  of  Hosts  left  us  a  seed,  we 
Hm3  !.,Iei""f"i'^.lSuOU  ldbave  b.een,  ™  Sodlm>     should  have  been  as  Sodom,  and  made  like  Go- 
morrah. 


and  we  shouid  have  been  like  unto  Gomorrah. 


94-  Isa.  viii.  14. 

Sx-|t£»  ^n3  'JS>S  hw3D  nixSi  r\U  ps*1?! 

He  shall  be for  a  stone  of  stumbling,  and 

a  rock  of  offence  to  both  the  houses  of  Israel. 


95-  Isa.  xxviii.  16. 

idid  mpi  mo  jna  p«  pn  pv«  ^D^  .jJn 


:  VW    Xb  pCNDH    1D1D 


_  Isa.  viii.  14. 

K«<    ov/,  aiq    A.1S0V    irpoo-xo^^xTi    irotKiEcriir,!, 

0O^£   (v;    TTfTOXS    3-Tul^4XT*. 

And  ye  shall  not  run  against  a  stumbling  stone, 
nor  as  under  a  falling  rock. 


Isa.  xxviii.  16. 

S^SxXA-uJ     £l{     TX     dt/JtiXtX    2l»V     XiS-Ot 
X£XT0V,    axpoyuiVIXiOf,     tVTtfiOVj    £1$    T« 

H,-,  xx»  0  vtio-tivuiv  00  ^«i)  xxtxio-xuvSi). 


Rom.  ix.  29. 

Ei  /til)  Kupio;  SxSxiufl  tyxxTtkivrtv  vifi'v  o-Trtpfix 
10;  £0  Jo/ux  xv  tytvv,3r,fitv,  xxt  cu;  To^opp*  «v  iftttui 
6)JA1£V. 

Except  the  Lord  of  Sabaoth  had  left  us  a  seed, 
we  had  been  as  Sodoma,  and  been  made  like  unto 
Gomorrah. 

Rom.  ix.  33. 

IJOU,  Tiin/il  IV  XlaiV  X.I0OV  jrpOO-XOjBjUXTOC,  xxi 
TTETpXV  O-XXvSxkOV  XXI  TTXq  O  7TiTTtVtMV  tit  CtUf  ^  * 
XXTX(0*%Uvfll)0"6T«*t» 

Behold  1  lay  in  Sion  a  stumbling  stone,  and  rock 
of  offence  ;  and  whosoever  believethon  him  shall 
not  be  ashamed. 

See  also  Rom.  x.  11.,  and  1  Pet.  ii.  6,  7. 


»  St.  Paul  here  seems  to  have  made  nse  of  some  other  translation,  differ- 
a  ^°mT.a?y  We  "Thave;  U  aSrees  in  sense  both  with  the  Septuagint 
and  the  Hebrew.  The  most  remarkable  difference  from  the  Hebrew  is 
that  TH  nj?D  is  rendered  »r,  To„  »„,„  „UT0V.  Tney  seem  t0  have 
read  it  nrri,  as  the  same  thing  is  expressed  Gen.  xvii.  21.  The  Samaritan 
agrees  with  the  Hebrew.  The  Vulgate,  Syriac,  and  Arabic  versions  agree 
-vith  the  heptuagint.  However,  the  sense  of  the  prophecy,  both  ways,  is 
nuch  the  same,  that  Sarah  should  have  a  son  at  the  time  of  life  or  at  the 
return  of  time  next  year.    (Dr.  Randolph  on  the  Quotations  p  36  ) 

»  This  quotation  agrees  nearly  with  the  Septuagint.  ami  still  more  nearly 
with  the  Arabic.  They  differ  in  several  particulars  from  the  Hebrew  but 
the  general  sense  is  the  same.  The  prophet  foretells  a  great  destruction 
*f  the  children  of  Israel,  but  not  a  total  one  ;  a  remnant  should  return  and 
be  taved;  the  apostle  very  aptly  applies  this  to  the  times  of  the  Gospel 
when  some  few  of  the  Jews  believed,  and  were  saved,  and  a  signal  destruc- 
'ion  came  upon  the  rest.    It  is  worthy  of  observation,  that.  the°expressions 


here  in  Isaiah  are  the  same  as  we  find  in  Dan.  ix.  where  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem  is  foretold.  See  this  prophecy  and  the  application  of  it  well 
explained  by  Bishop  Newton,  Dissertations  on  the  Prophecies,  vol.  ii.  p.  56. 
(Dr.  Randolph  on  the  Quotations,  p.  36.) 

3  The  quotation  in  Rom.  ix.  33.  is  taken  from  two  places  in  the  prophecy 
of  Isaiah.  St.  Paul,  in  order  to  prove  that  the  Jews  in  general  should  be 
cast  off,  and  only  those  among  them  who  believed  should  be  saved,  refers 
to  two  passages  in  the  prophet  Isaiah,  of  which  he  quotes  such  parts  as 
were  sufficient  to  prove  his  point.  The  first  citation  agrees  with  the  He- 
brew. The  Septuagint  differs  widely.  The  other  citation  agrees  nearly 
with  the  Septuagint ;  it  differs  from  the  Hebrew  only  in  reading  wiih  the 
Septuagint  xxTxio-jcuv&ijo-iTa!,  shall  he  ashamed,  which  is  also  the  reading 
of  the  Arabic  version.  They  seem  to  have  read  in  the  original  C^  (vobish) 
instead  of  C"»IV  (vacmsH).  (Dr.  Randolph  on  Quotations,  p.  36.)  The  quo- 
tation in  Rom.  x.  13.  agrees  with  the  latter  clau--'  of  Isa.  xxviii,  16.  with  ihs 
whole  of  which  also  agrees  the  quotation  in  1  Pel.  ii.  C. 


Sect.  I.  ^  1.] 


THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  IN  THE  NEW. 


303 


Behold  I  lay  in  Zion  for  a  foundation  a  stone,  u  Behold,  I  Lay  for  the  foundation  of  »ion  a  stone 

,e,  a  precious  corner-stone,  aaurefoun-  of  inestimable  worth— a  chosen  precious  corner- 

dation  :  he  that  b.dieveth  shall  not  inak..-  haste,  alone  fur  the  foundations  of  it    and  he  who  be- 

( Be  confounded,  lip.  Lowlh.)  lieveth  shall  not  be  ashamed. 


96.  Lev.  xviii.  5. 

ona  >m  DnNn  dpn  nvjp  -\vh 

Judgments which  if  a  man  do,  he  shall 

live  in  them. 

X.  Dent  xxx  12-11. 

rwDvn  uVrr?pi  ->v  ncto  ton  D'oca  »6 
o«>  nayo'NSi  :n«'j?ji  nn*  u;de"i  uf?  nnpn 
'j?  rmp»i  o<n  -\3jj-*7«  uV  —\2yi  <d  idh1?  Kin 
ikd  na-in  t"?n  anp"»3  :  rurjm  nPN  uj?d8"i 
:  ipcj;1?  pa'rai  tc3 

It  is  no)  in  heaven,  that  il bouldi 

•  ll  go  up  for  im  to  h.-.iv.-ii.  *in'i  bring  it 
onto  us,  ihai  we  may  bear  it  and  do  ki  i    Neither 

m  ii  bey I  the  sea,  thai  thou  shouldesl  say.  Who 

put  the  sea  for  aa,  thai  we  may  hear  it 
and  do  il  I  Bui  the  word  ii  wry  nigh  unto  thee, 
In  thy  month  and  in  thy  heart. 


§8.  Ki.  lii  7. 

ir>r  jpck'd  ■»»  ^ji  irinn  hf  lim-no 

:  ana  isod 
m   .'.  beautlAil  upon  the  mi  the  feet 

of  him  that  brlngetn  good  tidings,  that  publisheih 
that  bringcth  good  tidings  of  good  ! 


Lev.  xviii.  5. 
'A  3-01 nr*i  avn  *vip**t{t  £«cit«i  iv  xvtoij 

Which,  if  a  man  do,  he  shall  live  thereby. 


Deut.  xxx.  12—14. 

OuX   II   T^    Oupxvif,   »•  IITTI,  Kiytuv,    Tl{    ■  •■SaO'l- 

txi  rfiv  ■  ■(  tov  oupxvov,  xxi  Myirxi  (*»*•  xvtiiv  ; 
mi  xxouctxvti,  «uti|V  jtoixo-o/uiv  ;  OuJl  aripxv  t«( 
jx*.»<r<rl|s  io-ti,  Myuiv,  Ti«  Jixiripxrn  igpiv  |l|  to 
jripxv  TI|J  ^x\x<ro-»{,  xxi  ».«»»  "I/""  XVTHV,  ui 
xxovttkv  >]iiiv  »«ii|ri|«uri|»,««i  jtoixo-o/iiv  ;  Eyyvs 

0*OU  IC-TI  TO  pi,«X  O-^oi'p*  IV  T«  ffT0/*XTl  0~GU,  XXI  IV 
T>|    KX0$IK  (TOU,   XXI    IV   T«l{    X'i,r'   <7'°U  "',""'    "«T9. 

It  is  not  in  heaven  above,  that  thou  shouldest 
say,  Who  will  ascend  for  US  Into  leaven,  and 
bring  it  to  us,  that  we  may  hear  and  do  it  I  Nor  la 
It  beyond  the  sea,  that  thou  shouldest  say,  Who 
will  cross  the  sea  for  us,  and  bring  it  to  us,  and 
let  us  hear  it,  and  wc  will  do  it  f  The  word  is 
very  near  thee,  in  thy  mouth  and  in  thy  heart 
and  in  thy  hand. 

Isa.  lii.  7. 

'Lii  -ipx  iwi  tuiv  opiwv,  i(  irtiit  iuxyyi».i£o,uiveu 
xxo«v  tif.v.i,  <&i  luxyyi'.'^o^ivo!  xyx  5a. 


Psal  xix.  5.  (I.  of  English  Version.) 
orrta  Van  rupai  ai,->  *»■>  pwrrSaa 


Rom.  x.  5. 

'O  x-olxTHf  hvtx  xvjp^jro,-  (inrji   iv  xuroif. 

The  man  which  doeth  those  things  shall  live  by 
them. 

Rom.  x.  6—8. 

M>  mrvf  iv  t«  xxpiix  <rou-  Ti>  «vx?«o-«i  «i  ..; 
tov  oupxvov;  (tout'  iirri,  XfirTOv  iiti/jji  v)  H, 
Tif  kxtxCmtitmi  ii|  tvv  aSutro-ov  ;  (tout'itti  Xpio- 

T-.V    IX     >Hf.l     »»J»>m)   Exy?    «»    TO    ^ffil« 

lff*TIV.   IV  TU  CT0AIXTI    e-ou.  XX*  IV  TIJ  x«p£ia  cov.l 


Say  not  in  thine  heart,  Who  shall  ascend  into 
heaven  7  (that  is,  lo  brine  down  Christ  from 
above).  Or,  who  shall  descend  into  the  deep? 
(that  is,  to  bring  up  Christ,  again  from  the  dead} 

The  word  is  nigh  thee,  even  in  thy  mouth 

and  in  thy  heart. 


'QfJ  wpxIOl   0i*  fl-l 

ovixvyyiXii^o/ii 


Rom.  x.  15. 

Jl{  T«»v  IXUJ-yO.I^C/ill 

v*iv  r-x  xyajx. 


Like  beauty  on  the  mountains, — like  the  feet  of  How  beautiful  are  the  feet  of  them  that  preach 
one  proclaiming  peace,  like  one  proclaiming  glad  the  Gospel  of  Peace,  and  bring  glad  tidings  of 
tidings.  good  things ! 


Their  line  (more  correctly,  sound)  is  gone  OUI 
all  the  earth,  ami  their  words  to  the  end 
"lid. 

Deut.  xxxii.  21. 

DDrttSM  Saj  »ua  ajTN^a  W.ipH  »l«l 

1  will  move  them  to  jealousy  with  tliose  which 
art  tiol  a  people  ;  I  will  provoke  them  to  an«er  by 
nation. 

101.  Isa.  l.xv.  1,  2. 

Wpa  N1?1?  'HNXCO  l^NJ'  ni1?1?  'niymj 

■nio  oy-^N  o>'n  -Va  n^  »w.fi 

1  am  Bought  of  l*»»i  Maf  asked  not/or  wie ;  1 

am  found  of  them  them  that  sought  me  not. 

ipreadoul  my  hands  all  the  day  long  unto 
i  rebeluoua  people. 

102  1  Kings  xix.  1). 

a-ina   >iwv\  TK^arnNi  >Dnn  ^^^^atD-n^« 

rmnpS  ^dj-pn  u-pa^i  ^*?  'jn  nnim 

The  children  of  Israel  have thrown  down 

thine  altars,  and  slain  thy  prophets  with  the 
IWOrd  :  and  I  m  n  I  only  am  left  :  and  they  seek 
my  life  to  take  it  away. 

103.  1  Kings  xix.  K 

S'aian-73  o>c>n  pjras'  1?nis"3  ^nnNcni 
VpsS  lpna-NV  -icN 

I  have  left  me  seven  thousand  in  Israel,  and  all 
the  knees  which  have  not  bowed  unto  Baal,  and 
evi  ry  month  which  liath  not  kissed  him 

1)1.  Isa  xxix.  10.  (and  see  Isa.  vi  0.  E/.ek.  xii.2.) 

oa^'p-pK 

T  lord  halh  poured  out  upon  you  the  spirit 
sleep,  and  hath  closed  your  eyes. 


I   bill  23,  21   (22,  23.  of  English  version  ) 
vpveh   a'o'?!!'1?.  noS  on^JD1?  ojnVtf'-\T« 
:  -\?an  i^cn  d,tjpdi  pinid  an^j;  ruavnn 


Psal.  xix.  4.  Rom.  x.  1». 

E<;  rrxrxv  tyiv  yi)v  i;>|\aiv  o  ?Joyyo;  wtiui,  xxi  E.j  jrxirxv  tv.v  yv,v  s;h>.3iv  t  C'oyyo;  i»i.»,  »x. 

US  tu  mpxTX  tvj  oixou/tlv>u  t«  fi«/«xT«  xutoiv.  n;  T»  Tfipxr*  tyis  eixsu/nim;  ti  j,r,/xxTtx  «»t«».1 

To  every  land  their  sound  is  gone  forth,  and  Their  sound  went  into  all  the  earth,  and  their 
their  doctrines  to  the  limits  of  the  world. 


words  unto  the  ends  of  the  worM. 


Deut.  xxxii.  21. 
fjtym  ^•xpxjju/.ouo-ai  auTOuj  tyr'  eux  ijvi^  <^-i  i5 

nwro  jrxfOpyou  xuTOUf. 

I  will  provoke  them  by  what  is  not  a  nation. 
By  a  foolish  nation  will  I  vex  them. 


Isa.  lxv.  1,  2. 

E/itfavr.;  lyivtii^v  tii(  ipt  ftq  ijripajTiuiriv,  ijpi5>iv 

,'..,'     t.UI    fit    ^T0UO-IV Ej-IJTiTXO-X    TXJ     %!ipx,"    /l»0W 

y  ovtx. 

I  became  manifest  to  them  who  inquired  not  for 
me  ;  I  was  found  by  them  who  sought  me  not. 

1  stretched  out  my  hands  all  the  day  long  to 

a  disobedient  and  gainsaying  people. 

1  Kings  xix.  14. 
Tx  i-uo-ixTTiipix  o-ou  xx5n\xv,  xxi  touc  srpo5*T»{ 
o-ou  xx-iXTlivxv  iv  poju9xia-  xxi   u;ro».iA.lip«M*'  tyu 
,u5,  ,  .xto,-,    xxi    £*tov<ti    t«v    ij/vxiv    /">«     >-"Si'v 

They  have  demolished  thy  altars,  and  slain  thy 
prophets  with  the  sword  ;  and  I  only  am  left,  and 
they  seek  my  life  to  take  it. 


1  Kings  xix.  18. 

K/.>     XXTXXll-yi'S     ,v     IO"pX»A.     J37T»    %>&.lx£x(    *V. 

apw,'.  n-xiTX  y.vxTX  x  oux  ujx\xrxv  yovv  TW  Bxx\, 

And  thou  shalt  leave  in  Israel  seven  thousand 
en  all  the  knees  which  have  not  bowed 
to  Baal. 

I>a  xxix.  10.  (and  see  Isa.  vi.  9.  Ezek.  xii.  2.) 

()t.     :t:t:ti*!v   ujuxff   Kupto;     ;tviujuxti    xxtxvw. 
Jijv;,  xxi   xxtu,uuo*li   touj  Oy5x>.^ou{  XUTttlV. 

For  the  I^ird  hath  drenched  you  with  the  spirit 
of  stupefaction,  and  will  close  up  the  eyes  of 

them. 

Psal.  lxix.22,23. 

•       TpxJTI^H     »lir»l     IvniJTlOV     «UT»I     Ii; 

itdi   n;  xvtxto<J:o-iv,  xxi   ii;  o-xxv^x>.cv" 

r*9    Cl    C;^»l.iU3l    X\IT  MY   Tt\J  fttf   aKlJTttVl 

tov  xutuiv  {ix  x-xvto;  o-uyxxuy:v. 


it, 


Rom.  x.  19. 

Eyji  jr»px^H>.a,o-w   i/xxg   nr'  oux   ijv 
ktuvitiu  jrapopyiiu  vynx;. 

I  will  provoke  vou  to  jealousy  by  them  that  art 
no  people,  and  by  a  foolish  nation  will  I  anger 
you. 

Rom.  x.  20, 21. 

E'pi5>;v  toij  i/ui  /t*  friTouo-u,  i«;xv»;  lyira/ty 
T015  iftt  ft*  uripu,Ta,<ri 'Ox^vtxv  HfUftt*  iJijti- 

TXO-«      T«f     X"(*S      ft"      *e*f      *«•»      XTTIlj-.WTX     XXI 
IXVTlXl^OVTX. 

I  was  found  of  them  that  sought  me  not ;  I  was 
made  manifest  unto  them  that  asked  not  after  me 

All  day  long  I  have  stretched  forth  my  hands 

unto  a  disobedient  and  gainsaying  people. 

Rom.  xi.  3. 

Xupil,      TCU{      JT-pOpXTX,-     TOU      XITIXTIIVIXV.      XXI     T« 

Suo-ixo-Txpix    8-ov    xxti»-kx^«v  xiy»    UJTlXll^illV 
piOVOf,  xxi  £»touu-i  T»v  vuxiv  fltv.* 

Lord,  they  have  killed  thy  prophets,  and  digged 
down  thine  altars  ;  and  I  am  left  alone,  and  they 
aeek  my  life. 


Rom.  xi.  4. 

XXTIXIJTOV   I/IMT*    l'=TTXXIO-XI*.ltU{    XVOpX,",    lill 

pff  tut  ixx/i'J/xv  yovu  ti)   BxxX. 

I  have  reserved  to  myself  seven  thousand  met 
who  have  not  bowed  the  knee  to  the  image  of 
Baal. 

Rom.  xi.  8 

EJuix.-v  xutoi;  0  8i«f  5rnv/«x  xxrxiu;!*;,  ccj»>.  ■ 
ftzvf  TOU  fin  iS^lx-liVj  xxi  «t«  tcw  fiy\  »xoy|*v.4 

God  hath  given  them  the  spirit  of  slumber,  eyes 
that  they  should  not  see,  and  ears  that  they  should 
not  hear. 

Rom.  xi.  9,  10. 

riV«S»T.u     >|    TpXITlfx    «»T«I    H{     JTXyiJx,    XXI     I  I  J 

5«pxv,     xxi     lie    0-xxvJxJ.OV,     xxi     li{     xvtxt:;:ux 

X'JTC*;.       JiieTiT^TttTXI   01   0  i  ^X^^tOI    SVTa/V  TOV  AIM 

iHiTn:     xxi  t:v  r^u»   »vr»»  Six  t«tj;  Tvyxx/t- 


'  The  apostle  here,  with  some  little  alteration  es  what  Moses 

says  in  the  hook  of  Deuteronomy  to  his  present  purpose:  Moses  there, 

speaking  of  the  covenant  made  with  the  children  of  Israel,  expresses  the 

easiness  of  that  covenant  by  proverbial  phrases  taken  from  the  transac- 

if  God  with  the  children  of  Israel :    Who  -       "  s  o  up  fur  ii» 

info  Heaven,  Sec  alluding  to  the  delivery  of  the  law  from  Heaven—  Who 

shall  go  over  the  aeafoi  us,  A-  alluding  to  the  passagi   of  the  Israelites 

the  Red  Sea:  St  Paul  makes  use  of  the  like  phrases,  only  altering 

the  latter  so  as  to  allude  to  the  descent  of  I'hnst  into  the  grave  :  This  is  a 

most  beautiful  allusion  ;  and  the  latter  part,  in  which  the  main  stress  of 

rgument  lies,  agrees  both  with  the  Septuagmt  and  with  the  Hebrew, 

unitting  only  a  word  or  two.  1  Dr.  Randolph  on  the  Quotations,  p.  37.) 

*  This  quotation  agrees  verbatim  with  the  Septuagint;  and  it  agrees  with 
the  Hebrew,  excepting  that  instead  of  Dip  (o.um)  a  line  or  direction,  both 
v..  apostle  and  the  Sentuaginl  translators  scum  tohuve  readOt,'", 


j-Joj-yo,-,  a  sound:  Which  last  is  doubtless  the  true  reading,  as  it  agrees 
best  with  the  context,  and  is  supported  by  the  Chaldee  Paraphrase,  the 
Syriac,  Arabic,  and  Vulgate  Latin  versions,  and  by  Jerome.  Symmachus, 
in  his  Greek  translation,  renders  the  Hebrew  by  vxs?,  sound.  (Dr.  Ran- 
dolph on  the  Quotations,  p.  37.)  Prof.  N.  M.  Berlin,  Psalmi,  exRecensione 
Textus  Hebraei  et  Versionum  Antiquarum,  Latine  Versi,  p.  31.    (Upsaliae, 

1805 •>  A,^     TI 

»  This  quotation  aarees  in  sense  both  with  the  Septuagint  and  tne  tie 
brew,  but  seems  to  be  taken  from  a  different  translation.  The  wordsot 
the  original  are  transposed,  and  somewhat  abridged.  (Dr.  Randojpn.)  ine 
MS.  30.  of  Griesbach's  notation  (Regius  100.),  after  i«x"  *••-"-  adds  >-=•««'» 

*     -  .  which  agrees  with  the  Septuagint.  .......       „_.    _,.     • 

*  The  6rst  part  of  this  quotation  agrees  with  the  Hebrew,  only  altering 
the  person,  them  for  you  The  latter  part  seems  to  refer  to  some  other 
Scripture,  either  Isa.  vi.  9.  or  Eaek.  xii.  2..  where  the  same  thm«  is  wUt 
(I'r  Randolph  on  the  Quoit' 


304 


TABLES  OF  QUOTATIONS  FROM 


[Pakt>    r'«AP.  V 


Let  their  table  become  a  snare  before  Ihem: 
and  that  which  should  have  been  for  their  wel- 
fare, let  it  become  a   trap.     Let  their  eyes   be 

darkened  thai  they  see  not ;  and  make  their  loins    and  bow  down  their  back  continually 
continually  to  shake. 


Let  their  table  before  them  become  a  snare,  Let  their  table  be  made  a  snare  and  a  trap,  and 
and  a  recompense,  and  a  stumbling-block.  Let  a  stumbling-block,  and  a  recompense  unto  ihem 
their  eyes  be  darkened  that  they  may  not  see,     Let  their  eyes  be  darkened  that  they  may  not  see, 

and  bow  down  their  back  alway. 


106.      Isa.  lix.  20,  21.  (and  see  Isa.  xxvii.  9.) 
•  1W  Mi  3fJJ)<3  y»D    O^1?!  VNU  JVXS  N31 


Isa.  lix.  20,  21.  (and  see  Isa.  xxvii.  9.)  t     .                    Rom.  xi.  26,  27. 

"H»!i    !vixiv   2 miv   o    puO/uivoc,    xxi    xiroo-TpivJ/ii  'Hj-ii   ix  Eiuiv   i  puop<voc,  xxi   xjro<rTpnJ>ii    xo-i 

-o-fGfi*!  etn-o  IxxuiG.      Xxi  auT>|  xuTO.f  ij  jrxp'  tfiov  Slixj    ojjto     IxxuS.      Kxi    mvti    kutoic    ■    -ffxp'    IH&J 

And  the  Redeemer  shall  come  to  Sion,  and  unto        For  the  sake  of  Sion,  the  Deliverer  will  come,  There  shall  come  out  of  Sion  the  Deliverer,  and 

them  that  turn  from   transgression,    saith   the    and  turn  away  ungodliness  from  Jacob.   Andthis  shall  turn  away  ungodliness  from  Jacob :  firthil 

Lord.    As  forme,  this  is  my  covenant  with  them,     shall  be  my  covenant  with  them.  i«my  covenant  unto  them,  when  I  shall  takeaway 

saith  the  Lord.  their  sins. 


107.  Dcut.  xxxii.  35. 

ohm  D|"U  lS 
To  me  btlongetk  vengeance  and  recompense. 

10S.  Prov.  xiv.  21,22. 

)nptt>n  nds-oki  an1?  ui^aiw  "\xw  3in-oK 
wtrr'ty  rmn  .-inn  o^m  '3  :  did 

If  thine  enemy  be  hungry,  give  him  bread  to 
cat;  and  if  he  be  thirsty,  give  him  water  to  drink  : 
For  thou  shalt  heap  coals  of  fire  upon  his  head. 

109.  Isa.  xlv.  23. 

31B"    *6l    "13T  npiX    >DD   NtX>    'PJJ3IPJ    13 

:  jwS-'w  j?apn  "pari?  jnsn  tV"'3 

I  have  sworn  by  myself;  the  word  is  gone  out 
of  my  mouth  in  righteousness,  and  shall  not 
return,  that  unto  me  every  knee  shall  bow,  every 
tongue  shall  swear. 

110.  Psal.  lxix.  10.  (9.  of  English  version.) 

'Vj;  bei  yo-nn  n.onm 

The  reproaches  of  them  that  reproached  thee, 
ire  fallen  on  me. 

111.  Psal.  xviii.  50.  (49.  of  English  version.) 

:  mcTN  icb> Si  mm  bmjs  tun  p-Sp 

Therefore  will  I  give  thanks  unto  thee,  O  Lord, 
among  the  heathen,  and  sing  praises  unto  thy 
name. 


Deut.  xxxii.  36. 

Ev    *,U'pX    l%$i*.V,<TtW$    XVTXTToSmO'M. 

In  the  day  of  vengeance  I  will  requite. 
Prov.  xxv.  21,  22. 

E.tv  jtiivx  o  ij^Spo;  0-ou,  l)/u>jUi£l  xutov  ixv  i •<{/■, 
5tot*£i  osutov*  Touto  yxp  sro.wv  xvfipxxxj  7rupo; 
o-oipiuo-nc  ijti  tijv  xi$x\>)v  xutou. 

If  thine  enemy  hunger,  feed  him  ;  if  he  be 
thirsty,  give  him  drink  ;  for  by  doing  thus,  thou 
wilt  heap  coals  of  fire  upon  his  head. 

Isa.  xlv.  23. 

KxT*     tyxvTCV      OjUVUU,     II     jU'-l     <£s\tV0-|TXI    IX    TOU 

0-TO/iXTOf  ^ou  £ixxio<ruv>|,  oi  \oyoi  /*ou  oux  uaroo-- 
rpxtpqvovTxf  on  £,t*o*  xccju^n  7rx*  yovu,  xxi  o^mtmi 
7rxtrx  yKvjrtrx  tov  0sov, 

By  myself  I  swear  (righteousness  shall  proceed 
from  my  mouth  ;  my  words  shall  not  be  re- 
versed), that  to  me  every  knee  shall  bow,  and 
every  tongue  shall  swear  with  respect  to  God. 


Psal.  lxix.  9. 

UV     OVIlJl^OVTW 


isrurio-ov 


On  me  have  fallen  the  reproaches  of  them  that 
reproached  thee. 

Psal.  xviii.  49. 

Aix  touto  !£o1«!>\oy>|<roiccxi  o-oi  iv  tiviT't  Kupit, 
xxi  t«  ovo*xti  o-ou  tyxKm. 

For  this  cause  I  will  praise  thee,  O  Lord,  among 
the  nations ;  and  sing  melodiously  unto  thy  name. 


Rom.  xii.  19.  (and  see  Heb.  x.  30) 

E/*oi  exStxtirtf  tym  xvTXTnioWai,  ^iyi<  Kupioj. 

Vengeance  is  mine  (literally  to  me  belongeth 
vengeance) ;  I  will  repay,  saith  the  Lord. 

Rom.  xii.  20. 

Exv  ouv  jtsivm  S  ifcSpo;  o-ou,  xj/mjui^i  xutov  ix, 
Sttyx,  stoti^i  (tuxov  touto  ^-xp  T70IWV  XvSpxKXj 
•n-upoc  <rwpEU<rti;  t7ri  t>iv  (!S<^i  xutou. 

Therefore,  if  thine  enemy  hunger,  feed  hirn 
if  he  thirst,  give  him  drink  ;  for  in  so  doing,  thoi 
shalt  heap  coals  of  fire  on  his  head. 

Rom.  xiv.  II. 

Zcu  tywt  Kfyn  Kupi-o,-,  oti  i/*c  •  xxyu\|/n  txv  yovv. 
xeii  -o-xfl-x  yKwrtrx  i^OjUO^o^o-itxi  rtu  ©so*.! 


As  I  live,  saith  the  Lord,  every  knee  shall  b  di 
to  me,  and  every  tongue  shall  confess  to  God. 


Rom.  xv.  3. 
Oi  avsiSiTfiOt  rwr  oviiS'i^ovtwv  o-i  uriwio-ov    t* 

The  reproaches  of  them  that  reproached  thee 
fell  on  me. 

Rom.  xv.  9. 

Aix  touto  ijo^o?.oy>)<ro^xi  o-oi  iv  iSvso-i,  XXI   T^» 

OVOjUXTI  O-OU    "y»A«. 

For  this  cause  will  1  confess  to  thee  amoiv  the 
Gentiles,  and  sing  unto  thy  name. 


112.  Deut.  xxxii.  42.  (43.  of  English  version.) 

1DJ?  D'U  Win 
Rejoice,  Oye  nations,  with  his  people. 

113.  Psal.  cxvii.  1. 

:  d>dnpi-S3  imnatp  n'u-'rs  mn'-rti  iV?n 

Praise  the  Lord  all  ye  nations  :  praise  him  all 
ye  people. 

114.  Isa.  xi.  10. 

M1?    10?   12>N   12M   v-w  N)nn   DV3    n'm 

WW  DMJ  \"h»  D^DJT 
And  in  that  day  there  shall  be  a  root  of  Jesse, 
which  shall  be  for  an  ensign  of  the  people  ;  to  it 
shall  the  Gentiles  seek. 

115.  Isa.  lii.  15. 

.j»db>-i6  ->cni  ist    an1?  tbd-nV  ton  «a 

:  uiisnn 
TTia/,  which  had  not  been  told  them,  shall  they 
see,  and  that  which  they  had  not  heard,  shall 
they  consider. 

Isa.  xxix.  14. 

:  innon  vjsj  nj»3i  vnan  nD3n  m3Hi 


Deut.  xxxii.  43. 

jEu^oxvSsiti   e5v«  /K|T«  TOV  \XiU  XUT0V. 

Rejoice,  O  nations,  with  his  people. 


rev    Kuo 

Iff   Ol'  A. 


Psal.  cxvii.  1. 


IBVll,     I3-XIVI0-XTI 


Praise  the  Lord,  all  ye  nations, 
praise  him,  all  ye  peoples. 

Isa.  xi.  10. 

Eo-txi  iv  ti)  >i,utp»  ixiiyg  ^  ii^x  tou  Iso-o-mi,  xxi  i 
xi/io-Tx/tivOf  xpxnv  I  Jviov,  ear   «uTa,  |^|/>|  l\-riouo-i. 

There  shall  be  in  that  day  the  root  of  Jesse, 
even  he  who  riseth  up  to  rule  nations  ;  in  him 
nations  will  put  their  trust. 


Isa.  lii 

15 

oi;  oox  avviyyiKYi  a 

4>)X»       TI,  0-UVilO-OUO-l. 

If. 

Because  they  to  whom  no  publication  was 
made  concerning  him,  shall  see  ;  and  they,  who 
had  not  heard,  will  understand. 


Rom.  xv.  10. 

Eu$pxvS>!T!  tivri  jxtTx  tou  \«ou  xutou,* 

Rejoice,  ye  Gentiles,  with  his  people. 
Rom.  xv.  11. 

AlVITI  TOV  KupiOV  7TXVTX  TX  l5vif,  XXI  I7TXIVI0*»TI 
«UT0V  -WXVTIff  0|'   KX01, 

Praise  the  Lord,  all  ye  Gentiles  ;  and  laud  him 
all  ye  people. 

Rom.  xv.  12. 

Eo-txi  r,  p%£xtou  Iio-o-xi,  xxi  o  xvio-tx^ivoc  xp%n» 
l-Jvtuv,  fn%  auTW  i^v>i  iX^-iouo-iv. 

There  shall  be  a  root  of  Jesse,  and  he  that  shall 
rise  to  reign  over  the  Gentiles ;  in  him  shall  th# 
Gentiles  trust. 

Rom.  xv.  21. 

Oi;  oux  xvvtyyiKY!  •d-jjji  xutou,  o\J<ovrxi,  xxi  ci  ov« 
ocx>jxoxo~i,  o-uvmo-ouo-i. 

To  whom  he  was  not  spoken  of,  they  shall  see 
and  they  that  have  not  heard  shall  understand. 


Isa.  xxix.  14. 

o-oc^ixv  ti»v  tro^wv 


R«l    TIJV    0-UVI- 


1  Cor.  i.  19. 

A3T0X.UI  TI|V  O-OO^IXV    Tiuv    (TOIfuiv,    XXI     T«v    (TuvtlTIV 
JV  O-UVITUIV  xbtTVttrui. 

I  will  destroy  the  wisdom  of  the  wise,  and  will 


^^^^^of^W^e^^A^  '  Andjwill  destrorthe  wisdom  of  the  wise,  and    .  I  will"  destroy  the"wisdom  of  the  wise,  and  wiU 

h.d  auinuing  oi  ttieir  prudent  men  shall  be  will  hide  the  understanding  of  the  prudent.  bfng  to  nothing  the  understanding  of  the  pru- 

dent. 

117.       Isa.  lxiv.  3.  (4.  of  English  version.)  Isalxiv4 

nrun-K?  rjr  wron  n*V  ijjdiv-k1?  aSiyDi  .  a^o  tou  «.»v.t.„«',x.u«/»»l.uf.  oi  o<p6*x,<o. 

:  iV-nsnD1?  na>i}>  inSit  airhtt  """" " s°" e't",>  vX"v °"ou> xa'  rx  'fra  o-0",  »  *°,>i- 

r        I  w.p.  toic  u-sro/zfwotj/riu   cl  c«„ 


1  Cor.  ii.  9. 

'A  o<pflx\,ttO{  oux  iiJi,  xxi  ou;  oux  t\xov<nl 
xxpSixv  av$pa)7T0u  oux  xviSij,  x  y,Toiy.xrev 
toi;   xyx7Tairiv  xutov.i 


.le  rlads  ?."to£S  offef.1  f'°?  thhe  SeP^^-  except  only  that  the  apos- 
ho  usfd  hadTt  so'or  po  ,  y  the'teX [he  aCn°P  r,°f  the„S ^n'  wnTch 
by  transcribers :  the  word \    *v  ,  f, 0T  %?  *V?fn%mdy  haVe  been  alter«d 

x^xpr.xv  xuTOu-and  Mis  is  to  Aim  a  sM6/ec«  o/  thanksgYvinPwhen *ilake 
retd^'Hebrew.13  n°'  CMy  I0  d'SC°Ver  h°W  the  S4tuagif  t  Trlnsfators 

wrKTh'S  d?es,no.t  e™ctiy  aSree  either  with  the  Septuagint  or  with  the 
Hebrew.  Instead  of  W  ,,ux„tou  o^vu^,  By  myself  I  swear,  the  anostle 
gives  us  an  equivalent  expression  often  used  in  the  Scripture  Z»  it„  j1 
f  live.  The  rest  of  the  citation  agrees  exactly  with  the  Alexandrine  copy 
of  the  Septuagint,  which  translates  JWn  by  ^o^KoyK^rx,,ahallconfess 
The  Vatican  translates  it  more  literally,-.*!.™.,  shall  swear ;  butboth 


of  them  agree  in  joining  HIITO,  in  the  following  verse,  with  JUS'S  in  this 
leaving  out  ~\H  and  ^,— and  to  this  the  Arabic  version  agrees.  (Dr.  Ran. 
dolph  on  the  Quotations,  p.  38.) 

'  This  is  an  exact  quotation  from  the  Septuagint.  The  clause  which  we 
have  given  occurs  in  the  middle  of  the  verse  ;  which  some  writers  not 
having  observed,  they  have  supposed  that  the  Septuagint  is  not  quoted. 
The  preceding  words  of  this  verse  in  the  Septuagint, 

Euppxv^ijTi  cupxvoi  xfix  rturoi, 

Kxi    5TpG0-XUVI]O-XTW0-XV    XUTOJ    7TXVTIJ    xyytkOl    Oi  C  U . 

Rejoice,  O  heavens,  with  him, 
And  let  all  the  angels  of  God  worship  him — 
are  not  in  the  Hebrew;  and  the  clause,  quoted  from  the  Septuagint,  c-vi 
dently  gives  the  genuine  meaning  of  the  Hebiew,  though  in  the"  abrupt 
language  of  poetry,  the  preposition  signifyini  with  is  omitted.  (Scott.) 

*  This  is  a  most  difficult  passage :  It  docs  not  agree  either  with  the  He- 
brew, or  the  Septuagint,  or  any  other  translation  now  extant    nor  is  it  poa- 


Sect.  I.  §  1.]  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  IN  THE  NEW.  306 

For  since  the  beginning  of  the  world,  men  have  Never  have  we  heard,  nor  have  our  eyes  Been  Eye  hath  not  seen,  nor  ear  heard,  nor  have 

not  heard  nor  perceived  by  the  ear,  neither  hath  a  God,  besides  thee,  nor  works  such  as  Urine,  entered  into  the  heart  of  man,  the  things  wlner- 

the  eye  seen,  O  God,  besides  thee,  what  he  hath  which  tliou  wilt  do  for  them  who  wait  for  mercy.  God  hath  prepared  for  them  that  love  him. 
prepared  for  him  that  waitelh  for  him. 


U8.  Isa.  xl  13. 

:  ujrnv  imp  cni  nw  nirnn  pn-'D 

Who  hath  directed  the  spiri*.  of  the.  I  ohd,  or 
being  his  counsellor,  hath  taught  him  ! 

.19.  Job  v.  13. 

He  taki'ih  the  wise  iii  their  own  onfllhwav 

il  Psal.  xciv.  II. 

:  San  mrj  din  rnairnD  pi'  nw 

The  i.ord  knoweth  the  thoughts  Of  men,  that 
they  are  vanily. 

I2L  Dent  xxv.  <\. 

Thoushalt  not  muzzle  the  ox  when  he  treadelh 
out  the  corn. 


122. 


Exod.  xxxii.  6. 

:  pro1?  lDp'i  inci  Sa»6  opn  a«"i 


The  people  sat  down  to  cat  and  to  drink,  and 
rose  up  to  play. 


123. 


Deut.  xxxii.  17. 

rhtt  nS  d^ipS  mar 


Isa.  xl.  13. 

T»|   iy*->  >C»    Kup.OU  ;   X«l    T.f    avn»    fuulivi.tj 

lyiflTO,    C,    TVU'.C^    01UT0V  J 

Who  hath  known  the  mind  of  the  Lord!  and 
who  hath  been  of  his  counsel  to  teach  him  I 


They  sacrificed  to  devils,  not  to  God. 


124.  Psal.  xxiv.  1. 

nKi^Di  inNn  mmS 
The    earth    is    the   Lord's,   and   the    fulness 
thereof. 


iKxpZx 


Job  v.  13. 

t  o-ocpovf  If  Tit  e;pov*.o-i..» 


Who  entanelcth  the  wise  in  their  wisdom. 
Psal.  xciv.  11. 


Kup.oc.    y> 


rouf   imKcyir/touf    To 


M->< 


The  l.ord  knoweth  the  thoughts  of  men,  that 
they  are  vain. 

Deut.  xxv.  4. 
Thou  thai:  not  muzzle  an  ox  treading  out  corn. 


Exod.  xxxii.  6. 

o  x.*o(  f«yu»  xxi 


And  the  people  sat  down  to  eat  and  drink,  and 
rose  up  to  play. 

Deut.  xxxii.  17. 

E5uor*v  £«i/*ovioi;,  XX.  ou  6fw. 

They  sacrificed  to  demons,  and  not  to  God. 


Psal.  xxiv.  1. 

Tou  Kup.ou  't[  ytf,  koh  to  ?rh*p*nx  jik;. 

The  earth  is  the  Lord's,  and  the  fulness  thereof. 


I  Cor.  ii.  16.  (See  also  Rom.  xi.  34.) 

T>»  y*(  tyvu  vouv  Kvp.ou,  of  o-u/»S.S*o-i.  «»tov  ; 

For  who  hath  known  the  mind  of  the  Lord,  that 
he  may  instruct  liiml 

1  Cor.  iii.  19. 
•O    *f»<r«-o>«i*o{    tou<  «-o<?ou$  i»   th    wnvovpyi* 

He  taketh  the  wise  in  their  own  craftiness. 

1  Cor.  iii.  20. 
Kup.oj  y.v»o-xi.  to«{   J.«Xoyio-/«ovf  t»v  ro«?«», 

CT«    tin    /4XTM.0.  .* 

The  Lord  knoweth  the  thoughts  of  the  wise, 
that  they  are  vain. 

1  Cor.  ix.  9. 

Ou  $i/*«o-f.f.  £ouv  uKoutvrU. 

Thou  shalt  not  muzzle  the  mouth  of  the  ox  that 
treadeth  out  the  corn. 

1  Cor.  x.  7. 
Ex«8.o-i»  o  *.«0{  ejxyuv  am  jtiiiv,  x«>  «vio-tn,o-»v 

The  people  sat  down  to  eat  and  drink,  and  rose 
up  to  play. 

1  Cor.  x.  20. 

A*.*.'  oti  a  dun  t«  iSni,  Jaij.ov.cj  £ui>.  x«i  o» 
Bimjt 

But  the  things  which  the  Gentiles  sacrifice, 
they  sacrifice  to  devils  and  not  to  God. 

1  Cor.  x.  26. 

Tou  yap  Kupiou  i  yn,  xxi  to  jrX.>ip«>/*»  »ut«c. 

For  the  earth  is  the  Lord's,  and  the  fulness 
thereof. 


125.  Isa.  xxviii.  11,  12. 

oyrr1?*  ->aT  mrm  pcSai  nop  ^jpSa  »a 
:  jicc  nun  hSi  — — —  :  run 

For  with  stammering  lips  and  another  tongue 

will  he  speak  to  his  people  : Yet  they  would 

not  hear. 

120.  Psal.  viii.  6. 

:  Y'Sj-mnn  nnt?  Sa 

Thou  hiul  put  all  things  under  his  feet. 
107.  Isa.  xxii.  13. 

niDJ  inn  ia  men  Son 

Let  us  eat  and  drink,  for  to-morrow  we  die. 


Isa.  xxviii.  11,  12. 

A.ct  <?xuhttrf*ov  xhXiiw,  Stx  yhuif(r*i;  iiifXf  Jr. 

A.XXMO-0UO".    TU)     hX'M    TCUT'jU XX.    CUX    Y,  1  i  /.  *,  <T  X  V     flCXOU- 

On  account  of  the  mockery  of  their  lips,  be- 
cause they  will  speak  to  this  people  with  a  strange 
tongue — yet  they  would  not  hear. 

Psal.  viii.  6. 

IIxvt*  uB-iT»e u;  Ghoxxtu,  tcuv  iroo^i.  XUT0U. 

Thou  hast  put  all  things  under  his  feet. 
Isa.  xxii.  13. 

Qxywptv  x«*  -s.uujulv'   aup.ov  yxp  xn-o5vxo"xoiif v. 

Let  us  eat  and  drink,  for  to-morrow  we  die. 


ICor.  xiv.  21. 

'Oti  iv  iTipoyX.a>o-«-oic,  x»i  iv  %$i*.trir  «"T«P°'»i 

X«\l|0-u  T(U    X.0HU    T0UT»,  X.l   OuS"    0UT«{    I  .«-«X0uirOV- 
T«l   /U.0U,  (.I)-!'     Kup.0{.« 

With  men  of  other  tongues  and  other  lips  will  I 
speak  unto  this  people ;  and  yet  for  all  that  w'A'. 
they  not  hear  me,  saiththe  Lord. 

1  Cor.  rv.  27. 

IIxvT*  yap  uttitmJiv  i>ro  tou{  tjoThc  «utov. 

For  he  hath  put  all  things  under  his  feet. 
1  Cor.  xv.  32. 

*ayojiciv  x*i  wimjUV  itup.ov  yxf  «)ro5nirxOi«iv 

Let  us  eat  and  drink,  for  to-morrow  we  die 


128. 


Gen.  ii.  7. 

:  rvn  re:1?  ennn  »rr»i 


Man  became  a  living  soul. 
129.  Isa.  xxv.  8. 

nxj1?  men  pSa 

He  will  6wallow  up  death  in  victory. 


130. 


Hos.  xiii.  14. 

ViNty  iaap  »rW  mo  inaT  tin 


O  death,  I  will  be  thy  plagues  ;  O  grave,  I  wfl 
be  thy  destruction. 


131 


132 


Psal.  cxvi.  10. 

naiN  'a  'ruDNn 

believed,  therefore  have  I  spoken. 


Isa.  xlix.  8. 

Inan  acoepiahle  time  have  i  heard  th'ee,  and  in 
\  day  of  salvation  have  I  helped  thee. 


Gen.  ii.  7. 

K«.  invito  o  »v3pan-oj  f.{  v^uxi»  C^o-«». 

And  man  became  a  living  soul. 

Isa.  xxv.  8. 
KxTin-uv  i  ixvxrof  ktxvtxs- 
Mighty  death  had  swallowed  up. 

Hos.  xiii.  14. 

tl0U   r,    J.XHO-0U,    ixvXTt    •    -E-0U    TO   XIVT«0V    0"OU,  »J"v,    J 

0  death,  where  is  thy  punishment  1    Where 
thy  sting,  O  grave? 

Psal.  cxvi.  10. 

Ex.e-Tiuo-x,  Sto  i'kxKy.tx. 

1  believed  ;  therefore  I  spake. 


1  Cor.  xv.  45. 

EyiviTO     5    s-poTOf    nvSpiua-oj     Ktap    lt|     v^vXM 
6o0-«v.i 

The  first  man,  Adam,  was  made  a  living  soul 
1  Cor.  xv.  54. 

Kar.xoSl  0  5«v«T0{  l.{  v.xoj. 

Death  is  swallowed  up  in  victory. 


IIou 


1  Cor.  xv.  55. 

((     TO     XHTpOV   }    TIOU   9-IUj     0»J»(      T« 


0  death,  where  is  thy  sting  1    O  grave,  whert 
is  thy  victory? 

2Cor.  iv.  13. 

Et.o-tiuo-u,  J.O  eA.ecX.M0-a. 

1  have  believed,  therefore  have  I  spoken. 


Kx.p*  J. 


Isa.  xlix.  8. 


2  Cor.  vi.2. 

ipaa-*Tiipiu,-  Kaipj  Jixtx   !.T>iXOUO-«   0-ou,    x«.    «v    r.filftt   0-»Tr|. 

•CMffajoffi  o-s..  p'x;  ib0N9xo*ai  o-o.. 

In  an  acceptable  time  I  have  hearkened  to  thee ;  I  have  heard  thee  in  a  time  accepted,  and  in  th« 

and  in  a  day  of  salvation  helped  thee.  day  of  salvation  have  I  succoured  thee. 


pible  either  to  make  sense  of  the  Hebrew,  oi  to  reconcile  the  old  versions, 
either  with  the  Hebrew  or  with  one  another.  In  the  apostle's  citation  (he 
sense  is  easy  and  consistent,  and  agreeable  to  the  context  in  the  prophet. 
No  sense  can  be  made  of  the  Hebrew,  btii  by  a  very  forced  construction. 
Some  critics  have  imagined  that  th"  quotation  was  taken  from  some  apo- 
cryphal book:  but  it  is  so  near  to  the  Hebrew  here,  both  in  sense  and 
words,  that  we  cannot  suppose  n  to  be  taken  from  any  other  passage.  Nor 
in  this  case  would  the  apostle  (it  is  presumed)  have  introduced  it  with — 
as  it  is  written.  It  is  more  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  Hebrew  text 
has  been  corrupted,  and  that  the  apostle  took  his  citation  from  some  more 
correct  copy.  See  Bishop  Lowth's  Note  on  Isa.  lxiv.  4.,  and  Dr.  Kenni- 
cott's  Dissertatio  Generalis,  §  34.  87.  (Dr.  Randolph  on  the  Quotations, 
p.  39.) 

»  A-jTav  ig  added  after  (fpoi^o-n  in  the  Codex  Alexandrinus. 

•  This  quotation  agrees  both  with  the  Septuagint  and  with  the  Hebrew ; 
except  that  it  substitutes  s-oepew,  of  the  voite,  for  «vSpu,^*v,  of  men,  which 
however  does  not  alter  the  sense.  (Dr.  Randolph.)    Several  M3S.  of  the 


Pauline  Epistles,  besides  the  Vulgate  and  Coptic  versions,  have  «>5»« 

s  This  doe*  not  appear  to  be  any  citation  at  all,  though  it  agrees  near.y 
both  with  the  Beptuagint  and  Hebrew  of  Deut.  xxxii.  17.    (Ibid.) 

•  This  is  not  quoted  from  the  Septuagint,  but  agrees  in  substance  witn 
the  Hebrew;  excepting  that  it  substitutes  the  first  person  for  the  Mi  rd.  and 
adds  Mtvn  KufHf—tatth  the  Lord.  The  version  of  Aquila  agrees  exactly 
with  this  quotation  as  far  as  tout*.  See  Montfaucon's  edition  of  Urigen  s 
Hexapla,  in  loc.  ,      „  .  ... 

•  This  is  taken  from  the  Septuagint,  which  translates  the  Hebrew  uie 
rally  ;  but  the  apostle,  by  way  of  explanation,  adds  a-p-re ,-— first,  ana  ao«i. 

•  DarJRandolph  is  of  opinion  that  the  apostle  either  had  a^J6"'^; 
ing  of  this  passage  of  Hosea,  or  that  he  understood  the  words  in  a  ditTeren. 
sense  from  that  expressed  in  the  Hebrew  Lexicons.  But  BL^P,"0"1^ 
has  shown  that  St.  Paul  only  cited  the  prophet  indirsctly.  (Translation  o; 
Hosea,  Notes,  pp.  163—167.) 


.106 


Lev.  x.wi.  11,  12. 
D33Ta     '•jrS'D 


TABLES  OF  QUOTATIONS  FROM 
Lev.  xxvi.  11,  12. 

Xx*  Stir*  t»i>   <rxi|vitv  ftiv   tv  -j/um. — Kji    i/ix-ipi- 
7rxri\tTtu  tv  ujuiv*  xx*    10*0/4*1    O/iuvy   0JO;,  xxi    u/i*.*; 


[Pa«t  I.  Chap.  V 


•naVinm  — 

1  will  set  my  tabernacle  among  you  : And  And  I  will  fix  my  tabernacle  among  you.— And 

-  will  walk  among  yo«,  lad  will  be  your  God,  and  I  will  walk  about  among  you,  and  be  your  God, 

*rt  shall  be  my  people.  and  ye  shall  be  my  people. 


134.  Isa.  Iii.  11, 12. 

n:\na  imj  ijjjp-Sn  «do  oj-d  ins  ymb  mo 


Depart  ye,  depart  ye,  go  ye  out  from  thence, 
touch  no  unclean  things,  go  ye  out  of  the  midst 
of  her.  And  the  God  of  Israel  will  gather  you  up. 
'See  the  marginal  rendering.) 

13.  ("See  2  Sam.  vii.  14.  in  No.  146.  p.  307.  infra.) 


136.  Exod.  xvi.  18. 

-conn  ab  tfl'jjDBni  nanon  «-nj»n  ts^i 

He  that  gathered  much  had  nothing  over;  and 
he  that  gathered  little  had  no  lack. 

137.  Psal.  cxii.  9. 

•vp  mop  irvm  o'i.on1?  jhj  irs 

He  hath  dispersed,  he  hath  given  to  the  poor; 
his  righteousness  endureth  for  ever. 

139.  Dent.  xix.  15. 

oip»  wiy  rwhv  io-V?  in  any  <r;>  *D~hjf 

At  the  mouth  of  two  witnesses,  or  at  the  mouth 
nf  three  witnesses,  shall  the  matter  be  esta- 
blished 

139.  Gen.  xii.  3.  (and  see  xviii.  18.) 

:  riDiHfi  nno2>D  *?a  p  latan 

In  thee  shall  all  families  of  the  earth  be  blessed. 


Isa.  lii.  11,  12. 
Ajtoo-txts,  a-roo-T-iTj,  ■£a*V,9fri   ixiiSik,  xxi  •  «»- 

ixfrov  yu>)  i^/Bo-fi-,  <;.XosTi  ix  /ti(<rou  xut^s,  x~op*- 
o"5>)ti — xxi  o  i*rio*uvxyu)t/  ijtufBio,-  Io"pxi-\. 

Depart,  depart :  come  out  thence,  and  touch  no 
polluted  thing.  Come  out  of  the  midst  of  her,  be 
clean.  And  the  God  of  Israel  will  bring  up  your 
rear. 


Exod.  xvi.  18. 

OuX  £-T\-0VXT'  V      6   TO    VOl-V'  XX*    0  TO   6\*6TT0l',  OUX 

t;>.XTroi'no-sv. 

He  who  gathered  much  had  nothing  over  ;  and 
he  who  gathered  little  did  not  fall  short. 

Psal.  cxii.  9. 

ETX0p-r*O"£v,    i'ixv.=    to  if;    *T6v>je"*v    >|    £*xxioo-uv;j 

X'JTOU  fLtVlt  1***   TOW  XiWVX  TOU  &t(OVO$. 

He  hath  dispersed ;  he  hath  given  to  the  needy ; 
his  righteousness  shall  endure  for  ever. 

Deut.  xix.  15. 

Err*    O-TOjUXTOc;    £u0    jUxpr'jpujV,    XX*     63T*    eTTO^XTOJ 

Tpi^i/  pxg Tuptov,  o-t>|o-st«  *  7rav  pi)^a. 

By  the  mouth  of  two  witnesses,  or  by  the 
mouth  of  three  witnesses,  every  thing  shall  be 
established. 

Gen.  xii.  3.  (and  see  Gen.  xviii.  18.) 

Kx*  Ev'uA.oy>j9>jo"0vTxi  tv  o-o*  ?r«o-«*  al  qvKoct  T**y 
yfiS. 

And  in  thee  shail  ail  the  tribes  of  the  earth  be 

blessed. 


2  Cor.  vi.  16. 

auto*;,  xxt    tp.rrtpi 


I  will  dwell  in  them  and  walk  in  them ;  and  I 
will  be  their  God,  and  they  shall  be  my  people. 


2  Cor.  vi.  17. 

AlO      |J!*.9ST«      fX      /(lO-OU     XUTlUV,     %m         -.pcpiTJ.TI 

Ktysi    Xup.o;-  xx.    xxxS«fT0u   jui,    x»nroV   xi-ya 
urSt^o/txi  ■j/xx;.* 

Wherefore,  come  out  from  among  them,  and 
be  ye  separate,  saith  the  Lord  :  and  touch  not  the 
unclean  thing,  and  I  will  receive  you. 

2  Cor.  vi.  18. 

Kx*  KTO/iCil  vfttv  El;  1JXTJBX,  xxi  u,u-ic  iO-.O-Bl  /to. 
j*{   ui'ou;  xx.  •3-uyxTipx;,    Ktytl    Kupto;   u«i/Toxpx. 

And  I  will  be  a  father  unto  you,  and  ye  shall  be 
my  sons  and  daughters,  saith  the  Lord  Almighty. 

2 Cor.  viii.  15. 

'O  TO  TTOKv,  OUX  £-rX(Or«<T£  XX.  0  TO  OXiyov.  OUX 
•jXxttov.it*. 

He  that  had  gathered  much,  had  nothing  over  : 
and  he  that  had  gathered  little,  had  no  lack. 

2  Cor.  ix.  9. 

Ecrxop-T.o-ei',    tSaixt    toi{    7rtv*iVtv'    fj    ^.xx.otv.-» 

XUTOU^Xi*    f.fTOV   «. SUM. 

He  hath  dispersed  abroad,  he  hath  given  to  the 
poor ;  his  righteousness  endureth  for  ever. 

2  Cor.  xiii.  1. 

Ex*.  (TTO/tXTOy  $U0  /UXpTVp'JlV  XX.  T  ptMV  0"TX5  V^tTi  T  Ct  I 
7T0LV  ^JJ.UM.4 

In  the  mouth  of  two  or  three  witnesses  shaU 
every  word  be  established. 


Gal.  iii.  8. 

'Ot.  '•'iuXOJ'llSilO-Ol/TXI   SI/   TO.    JTXVTX  T«   l9v>|. 

In  tltee  shall  all  nations  be  blessed. 


140.  Deut.  xxvii.  26. 

rwrrminn  '-ia-rn*<  o'p>~Nl7  -ipn  -inn 

onus  nicy1? 

Cursed  be  he  that  confirmed,  not  all  the  words 
of  this  law  to  do  them. 


141:  Deut  xxi.  23. 

He  that  is  hanged  is  accursed  of  God. 


142.  Isa.  liv.  1. 

phn-ab  nnxi  nn  'nxo  mV'  xh  mpjj  »<n 

rmya  ij3D  nDDiE>-'ja  o'jro 

Sing,  O  barren,  thou  that  didst  not  bear  ;  break 
forth  into  singing  and  cry  aloud,  thou  that  didst 
not  travail  with  child ;  for  more  are  the  children 
of  the  desolate,  than  of  the  married  wife. 

1*3.  Gen.  xxi.  10. 

«n<*  Nt1?  ^3  >n:a_nxi  nxn  r-icnn  w\x 

Cast  out  this  bondwoman  and  her  son  ;  for  the 
son  of  this  bondwoman  shall  not  be  heir  with  my 
Bon,  even  with  Isaac. 

111.     Psal  Ixviii.  19.  (18.  of  English  version.) 

oiN3  nunc  nnpS  oa;  rvae>  one1?  n'Sp 

Thou  hast  ascended  up  on  high,  thou  hast  led 
captivity   cap 
men. 


Deut.  xxvii.  27.  (26.  ofEnglish  version.) 

E.T.XXTXpXTOS  7TX$  XvfipajffO^,  Of  OUX  ijJ./^tVii  IV 
TTXTt  TOl,"  KzyOii  TOO  VO/XOO  TOUTOUj  *CT0  1)]0*X( 
X1/T0U{. 

Cursed  be  every  man  who  will  not  persevere  in 
all  the  words  of  thi3  law  to  do  thein. 


Gal.  iii.  10. 
Ejr.xxTxpxTO^  ?rx;  05  owx  tftfitvti   tv  -uxrt   to.*; 
yiypxHfitvais  tv  tiu  ^iSx.iu  tou  vo^ou,  tou  5ro.»|<rxi 

XUTX.i 

Cursed  js  every  one,  that  continueth  not  in  all 
things,  which  are  written  in  the  book  of  the  law, 
to  do  them. 


Deut.  xxi.  23.  Gal.  iii.  13. 

•  il'Of      l-BQ       ©SOU       JTX,-      XftfiUfCtVOS      ITTi  Err.XXTXpXTO  J   7TX%    0  XfS/JX/itVO{   17TI    JuX0O.« 

Every  one  that  is  hanged  on  a  tree  [gibbet],  is  Cursed  is  every  one  that  hangeth  on  a  tree, 
accursed  of  God. 


K=x 

JuXou 


Isa.  liv.  1. 


J  CO* 


hi°v 


&<3i\<T0V     y\     CVX     Co5"*V0W0*X*    OT*     -30/.X*     TC.     T6XVX    Ttfi 

tpvi/tou  fj.x\kov  v,  Ttts  jjjouo-^;  rot  xvSpx. 

Rejoice,  thou  barren,  who  bearest  not :  break 
forth  with  shouts  of  joy,  thou  who  sufferest  not 
the  pangs  of  childbirth:  for  many  more  are  the 
children  of  the  desolate  than  of  her  who  hath  an 
husband. 

Gen.  xxi.  10. 

ExSxXe  tv,v  %sxiSiT%y\v  txut*jv,  xx.  TOy  vi'ov  KUTIJC 
ou  yxp  /aw  xMpovo,">|cr£i  o  u.o;  t*i;  jtx.  Jio-xij;  tmi»; 
jUSTX  TOU  u*'ou  /ttou  Io-xxx. 

Send  away  this  girl  and  her  son,  for  the  son  of 
this  girl  shall  not  inherit  (or,  be  the  heir)  with  my 
son  Isaac. 

Psal.  Ixviii.  18. 

AraSxj    sit;    •Jxf'Oi,    >|X««**.'"ff.uo-Xf    »l%lu»>.«j<ri*l'- 

Having  ascended  on  high,  thou  hast  led  cap- 


Gal,  iv.  27. 

ipx     ij     OV     Ti 


hi" 


Eu^pxyji) 
/3o*]0*oc,  \    oux   ujo'tvoucrx*  6t*  zroKKx  tx  tsxvx  t*j? 
tpif^ou  /xxXKov  v[  t>)5  1  x»v<rii  rav  xvSpx, 

Rejoice,  thou  barren  that  bearest  not :  break 
forth  and  cry,  thou  that  travailest  not :  for  the 
desolate  hath  many  more  children  than  she 
which  hath  an  husband. 


Gal.  iv.  30. 

E**-?.f  thv  T3-«.^icrxijv,  xxi  tov  ui'ov  auTij,-  ou  yup 

/AH   XXijpOVOjUijO-.J    0  U*0*;  T>Jf  5TX*5"*0-X^5  /ifiTX    tou  ui'ow 

t»i;  tKtvilpXf.l 

Cast  out  the  bondwoman  and  her  son  :  for  the 
son  of  the  bondwoman  shall  not  be  heir  with  the 
son  of  the  free  woman. 


Eph.  iv.  8. 
x£x{  (if  u-4<o;,    YiXfixXaiTi 

Suxt  Sapxrx  toi;  xvSp^^oi;. 

When  he  ascended  up  on  high,  he  led  captivity 


>XI*s 


thou   hast  received  gilts  for    tivity  captive,  and  received  gifts  in  the  manner  of    captive,  and  gave  gifts  unto  men. 


-hnrrhwh^'w',1'0  thi\IJV,'m2  verses,  the  apostle  applies  to  the  Christian 

te  »aja»a  swmbSSSSSs 

translafon  ol  the  Hebrew     (Dr.  RaSdolph'on  the  Quo  a  ons 

»  The  general  sense  of  the  prophet  cited  is  given  in  this  naowurn  •  h...  it 
js  neither  made  from  the  Sep.na.i,,.,  nor  is  i,  ^tr^slat ton  oWBito^ 
The  Septuagint  is,  verbally,  much  more  according  to  the  Hebrew 

>  We  cannot  say,  certainly,  whence  this  quotation  is  taken';  we  have  the 
sabstance  of  it  m  several  parts  of  Scripture,  where  God  promises  to  be  a 
father  to  Israel,  and  calls  Israel  his  son.  Dr.  Randolph  thinks  that  it  is" 
most  probably  a  relerence  to  2  Sam.  vii.  14.  where  the  very  words  are 
Sf  oken  of  Solomon—/  will  be  his  father,  and  he  shall  be  my  son ;  and  this 
pion.se  to  David  is  introduced  v.  8.  Thus  saith  the  Lord  of  Hosts  (in  the 
■agint,  Kup.o,-  srxvToxpxT*p,  the  Lord  Almighty).  The  apostle  applies 
J»i^  .0  Christians  in  general.  (Dr.  Randolph  on  the  Quotations,  p.  41.)  Rut 
•»r.  Scott  is  of  opinion,  that  the  apostle  seems  rather  to  :.ro|y  to  C 


the  general  declarations  made  by  Jehovah  concerning  Israel.  (Exod.  iv 
22,  23.  Jer.  xxxi.  1.  9.  and  Hosea  i.  9,  10.)  See  Christian  Observer,  vol.  x 
p.  235. 

«  This  is  only  an  allusion  :  it  is  taken,  with  a  trifling  abridgment,  from  the 
Alexandrine  copy  of  the  Septuagint,  which  is  an  exact  translation  of  the 
Hebrew. 

»  Both  the  apostle's  quotation  and  the  Septuagint  version  give  the  grand 
meaning  of  the  Hebrew  ;  but  neither  of  them  is  a  literal  translation  ;  and  it 
is  evident  that  the  apostle  did  not  studiously  quote  the  Septuaginl.    (Scott.) 

«  Neither  the  apostle  nor  the  Septuagint  gives  a  literal  translation  of  the 
Hebrew.  The  word  **s,  every  one,  is  inserted,  which  has  no  corresponding 
word  in  the  Hebrew;  and  the  words  u*-o  @«ou,  of  God,  of  the  Septuagint, 
are  omitted.  (Scott.)  Dr.  Randolph  thinks  that  they  are  probably  a  corrup- 
tion of  the  text. 

»  This  agrees  with  the  Septuagint,  except  that  the  pronouns  txut^  and 
txutij;  (this)  are  omitted  in  the  quotation;  and  that  t«s-  f\f:uSspxs-  (of  the  free 
woman)  is  substituted  for  f'u  io-*«*  (my  son  1st  > ).  In  both  theca respects 
the  quotation  varies  from  the  Hebrew;  thouch  the  sense  is  in  no  respect 
affected  or  altered  by  it.  These  alteratio  ..-  or  accoimm  'lartons  were 
""'-"soary  to  the  apostle's  argument.     (RandoTJin,  Scott.) 


SjrT.  I.   §  I.] 


THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  IN  THE  NEW. 


301 


,40,       Fxod.  xx.  12.  (and  sec  Deut.  v.  16.) 

hv  VW  ^"W  'J?0*?  iDN-ntn  -p3rt_Pt<  133 

Honou*  thy  father  and  thy  mother,  that  thy 
lays  may  be  long  upon  the  land. 


116.  23am.  vii.  11. 

\jh  i!rnw  Km  3nS  iS-rvnn  'jk 

I  will  be  his  father,  and  be  kIi.t.11  be  my  son. 


bod  xx.  12.  (and  see  Deut.  v.  16.) 

Ti/ix  n»  jtxtiox  o-ou,  i>i  T»J»  /""Tipx  o-cu,  ira  iu 
o-oi  ^ivxtxi,  xxi  mx/uxxpojcponoj  yivtimntf  ym. 

Honour  thy  father  and  thy  mother,  that  ii  may 
be  well  with  thee,  and  that  thou  mayest  live  long 
in  the  land. 


Eon,  vi.  2,  3. 


io-if  pi 


npx— 

r >i«  ym 


Honour  thy  father  and  thy  mother— that  it  may 
be  will  with  thee,  and  that  thou  mayest  live  long 
upon  the  earth. 


2  Sam.  vii.  14.  Heb.  i.  5. 

Ey»  KT0/..I  air.  Il|  irxTipx,  xxi   »t>(  io-txi  Ey»  tre/txi  «.r.  Il(  jrxnpx  xxi  xutoj  itt.i  »o 

I  will  be  to  him  a  father,  and  ho  shall  be  to  me  I  will  be  to  him  a  father,  and  he  shall  be  to  me 

a  son.  *  son. 


Psal.  xrvii.  7. 

:  D,nV«-S3  lS-vinperi 


Worship  him,  all  ye  gods. 


Deut.  xxxii.  43. 
Kxi    -=poo-xun|o-xT!.o-xi/     ««t«    ^xi/tij    x^yiXoi 
iiou. 

And  let  all  the  angels  of  God  worship  linn. 


Heb.  i.O. 
Kxi     -rpoo-xuvito-xTi*o-x>(    ««t»     wxvrif    ityykoi 
lisu.a 
And  let  all  tlie  angels  of  God  worship  him. 


Psal.  civ.  4.  Heb.  i.  7. 

'O    ig.»ir   tou;    xyytkeuf   xurou   wivftMTX,    xxi  'O    soiiiv   touj    xyyikcvf   xutou   V'lvfUTi,   xxi 

Tout  Mitoupj.oujom.tou  «|>  «?Mj-o».  T0«J  MiTeupyouf  xutou  nupof  «>.oy« 

Who  maketh  bll  angels  spirits,  his  ministers  a        Who  maketh  winds  his  messengers.aiul  flaming  Who  maketh  his  angels  spirits,  and  his  mime 

(lamina  fire.                                                           Are  hla  ministers.  ters  a  flame  of  fire. 


49.  Psal.  civ.  4. 

:  tan1?  »k  vmu'c  ninn  tonSd  rwy 


149.  Psal.  xlv.  7,  B.  ('I,  T.  Of  English  version.) 
032'     "W"D    03C    1J>1    oSlJ7    O'pSn   "1ND3 

:  inana  pt»w  |oe>  -pri^N  o'.-iVm 

Thy  throne,  0  God,  it  for  ever  and  ever  :  the 
sceptre  of  thy  kingdom  it  a  riL'lit  sceptre.  Thou 
lovest  righteouenesa  and  bateai  wickedness; 
therefore  God,  ihy  God,  hath  anointed  thee  with 
the  oil  of  gladness  above  thy  fellows. 

150.  Psal.  ell.  SB— 87. 

no."i  :dwvt  n'^yni  mo1  pan  d^jd1? 
sna^s  &&   -U33   0S31  -\cyn  i-inm  vow 
:  idp'  nS  "pnwi  Kin  nnKi  :  idSpm  oo^nn 


Of  old  hast  tliou  laid  the  foundation  of  the  earth ; 
and  the  heavens  are  Hie  work  of  lliy  hands. 
They  shall  perish,  hut  thou  shall  endure  ;  yea,  all 
of  them  shall  wax  old  like  a  garment.  As  a  ves- 
ture shalt  thou  change  them,  and  they  shall  he 
changed:  but  thou  art  the  same,  and  Ihy  years 
shall  not  fail. 

151.  Psal.  viii.  4— G. 

:  uipcn  13  o-ux-pi  U"V3trro   pumtiq 
'mopn   Tim   11331   dti^nd   bj/d  Wlbnm 
:  vSjTPnp  nrw  ^3  yx*  >irj>D3  nWcn 

What  is  a  man  that  thou  art  mindful  of  him  1 
and  the  son  of  man  that  thou  viaitest  him?  Fbr 
thou  hast  made  him  a  little  lower  than  the  angels, 
and  hast  crowned  him  with  glory  and  honour. 
Thou  madest  him  to  have  dominion  over  the 
works  of  thy  hands:  thou  hast  put  all  things 
under  his  feet. 


Psal.  xlv.  6,  7. 

'O  ipovOj   o-ou,  5   ©lOf,  '•(    Xlaivx    XIUM>0C-   txZStf 
ivjutxto;  v,  ixiSoq  thj  >Sxo-iMix{  o-ou-     Hyxxtt<rx( 
S ixaiitvvv.v,    kxi     i/ti<mrx{     xn/iixv    £ix    touto 
i^iti  <ri  o  Wi'-i,    0  fclio,-  (T5u,  ikxiov   xyxk- 
trxpx  rcui  /uito^ou;  °"°°. 

Thy  throne,  O  God,  is  for  ever  ami  ever;  the 
sceptre  of  thy  kingdom  is  a  sceptre  of  rectitude. 
Thou  didst  love  righteousness  and  hate  iniquity ; 
therefore  God,  thy  God,  hath  anointed  thee  with 
the  oil  of  joy  above  thy  associates. 

Psal.  cii.  25—27. 
Kxr'  xf%%i  tr,v  yr,v  o-u,   Kupn,  iSi^iiMioo-x,-,  xxi 

l/X    Tt)V    %!tpu)VO*0U    HCIV    01    OupXVOI.        AuTO  I    X7IZ' 

Uun>i,  o  ll  Ji«,uivus-  xxi  TrxvTt;  if  ifiixTi-.v 
;n),ii  juj>t<rovrxi,  xxi  iio-11  TrifiioKxioii  i>.i;n;  «u. 
rcu,',  xxi  xkkxyqa-tivrxi'     J^u  J'«  5  mvtoj  ii,  xxi  tx 

IT),    (T0U   OUX   IX?.llvJ/0UO"lV. 

Thou,  Lord,  in  the  beginning,  didst  lay  the 
foundations  of  the  earth  ;  and  the  heavens  are  the 
work  of  thy  hands.  They  shall  perish,  but  thou 
wilt  endure  :  they  shall  all  wax  old  like  a  gar- 
ment;  and  like  a  mantle  thou  will  fold  them  up, 
and  they  shall  be  changed.  Hut  thou  art  the 
same,  and  thy  years  shall  have  no  end. 

Psal.  viii.  4 — 6. 

Ti  io-ni/  xiopwn-es,  in  jui/iioio-xn  «vtou  ;  r,  uicf 
xii;p:u;rou  ot*  i^io-xi 7ttij  xotovj  H^*TTuia-x{  etuTOv 
,Lpxx;u  ti  rrxp'  xyyikouf,  Si^if  xxi  tiihj  KTTt$xvui. 
trzi  xuTOr,  xxi  xxTS0-T>]0-xt  xvtow  iti  tx    i ?y  X  TUIV 

%iipol/    TO'     3WJ    tiWSTXJXJ     U30XXTUI    TuiW     ffoJuil' 

What  is  man  that  thou  shouldest  be  mindful  of 
him  1  or  the  son  of  man  that  thou  shouldest  visit 
him  1  Thou  madest  him  a  little  lower  than  angels ; 
with  glory  and  honour  hast  thou  crowned  him, 
and  set  him  over  the  works  of  thy  hands.  Thou 
hast  put  all  things  under  his  feet. 


Heb.  i.  8,  9. 


Hi:.- 


MlWVCf  ' 


'O  5pov<u  o-o 
ixtStf  iu5ut«to'{  q  fxZ',:;  ry;  ixriklixf  o-ou- 
Hyx7rtir*(  Jixxioo-unff,  xxi  |/<IO-||0-X{  >»s«nf  Sia 
t:  vto  ixp'o-1  o-i  c  feio;,  cfeicj  o-ou,  l>.xicv  xyxkkiM' 
o-i /■;  rreepx  TOujfilTo^sujo-Ou. 

Thy  throne,  O  God,  is  for  ever  and  ever;  a 
sceptre  of  righteousness  is  the  sceptre  of  thy 
kingdom.  Thou  hast  loved  righteousness  and 
hated  iniquity;  therefore  God,  thy  God,  hath 
anointed  thee  with  the  oil  of  gladness  above  thy 
fellows. 

Heb.  i.  10-  IE 

Zu  xxt"  *px*.',  K"!"1,  '■»  ?"lv  l9»luKtmrmf,  »»■ 
tpyei  tujv  %npa/v  o*ou  sio-iv  oi  oupxvci.  A-jtsi  xt:- 
X.ou»t»i,    0-u    41    4i«A<lw!i{-    xxi    wxvti;   C,    i'/nii[i 

•D-X^XIiOOllO-OVTXI,       XXI       (i0-tl       TlflSoA-Xi  :  ■/       («;"( 

«utou{,  xxi  nkkxyr.a-nvTxf     Xu  Si   o  x-j-  :;  n,   xm 

TX  IT»|  O*0U  OUX   IXX|I^/OUO-|.' 

Thou,  Lord,  in  the  beginning  hast  laid  the  fouo 
dation  of  the  earth,  and  the  heavens  are  the 
works  of  thine  hands.  They  shall  perish,  bat 
thou  remainest :  and  they  shall  all  wax  i 
a  garment ;  and  as  a  vesture  shalt  thou  .old  them 
up,  and  they  shall  be  changed:  but  thou  art  the 
same,  and  thy  years  shall  not  fail. 

Heb.  ii.  6-8. 

Ti  io-ti*  xv5pa>=T54,  (Ti  /jiyXKHO-xit  «ut:u  ;  y,  v.:., 
xv5p-.u;rou,  oti  lirio-x-s-TX  «uto»  ;  HX.xtt.--x,-  xutok 
ppx^uTi  irxp'  xyyo.ovf  Scgn  miri/n     ""?»»•■ 

0-Xf    XUTOV,   XXI    XXTJO-THO-XC    XUTOW    l!7l    TX    !  f,y  X  TiuF 

^iipiT  o-ou'  vxvrx  uwitx^xs  v-:xxtu    i^v   »oJi»» 

XUTOU. 

What  is  man,  that  thou  art  mindful  of  him  1  or 
the  son  of  man,  that  thou  visitest  him  1  Thou 
madest  him  a  little  lower  than  the  angels ;  thou 
crownedst  him  with  glory  and  honour,  and  didst 
set  him  over  the  works  of  thy  hands:  thou  hast 
put  all  things  in  subjection  under  his  feet 


152. 


Psal.  xxii.  'J3.  (22.  of  English  version.) 

:  iVyrw  ^np  -]in3  ^ns1?  yap  mDDN 


I  will  declare  thy  name  unto  my  brethren  :  in 
the  midst  of  the  congregation  will  I  praise  thee. 


153.  be,  viii.  17,  18. 

I  will  look  for  him.— Behold,  I  and  the  children 
which  the  Loan  hath  given  me. 


Psal.  xxii.  22. 

Cunyr.TQpxi  to  ovz/tx  o-ou  toi;  aStkqotf  fisv'  If 
faa-uj  tKxkntrix;  lf*vt>Tv  tre. 

I  will  declare  thy  name  to  my  brethren  :  in  the 
midst  of  the  congregation  I  will  sing  praise  to 
thee. 

lsa.  viii.  17,  18. 

Kyi  ;ri:T0i5u.'£  irojuxi  ijt'  xuro,.      Il:u  ly-ji  xxi  t» 

TTXI^IX    X    JUOI    I^UIXIV    0  BtQi. 

And  I  will  trust  in  him.  Here  am  I,  and  the 
children  whom  God  hath  given  me. 


Heb.  ii.  12. 

K-xxyyik'o  to  oco/kx  o-ou  tcij  xJi?.?o.»  ,uiv  i» 

I  will  declare  thy  name  unto  my  brethren  :  in 
the  midst  of  the  church  will  I  sing  praise  unto 
thee. 

Heb.  ii.  13. 

Ey»  lo-o/xxi   iti.toiSj;  i  — '  «UT»y. — Ii"ou   lyoi  xxi 

TX  3TXI0*IX  X  ^101    M>  Xlr   0  Hi:;. 

I  will  put  my  trust  in  him.  Behold  I  and  the 
children  which  God  hath  given  me. 


154.  Psal.  xcv.  7—11. 

D333S     WpTV*)H     :  \yD8Tl    ^pSTJtl   DIM 

03'ni3N  "J1PJ   -\^'N    :-\31C3    HDO    DV3    rl3**TO3 

yna  Bpn  r\yi>  D^i'ais  :  »?yn  wnrw  oijnj 
:  «an  ip-c-N1?  oni  an  33V  »nn  cy  -\cny 


Psal.  xcv.  7—11. 

2>,Uip5v,  IX»T1{  9w»l|C  XUTOU  XXOUO-XTI,  fill  0"X>.I1 
pUV^TI  Taj  xxpTixi  u/Hor,  c';  l»  r*  -  xpx?rixpxo-M<!', 
xxtx  t*,v   r.^ifxii  tou  -anpxo-.uou    iv  Ti|   lp>i/«a>-      Oj 

IPTI.f  XTXV   ftl   ti  TXTipU  V/lnl,  1  JjXI/UXO-XV,  XXI   |lJo» 

tx  ip>  x  ,u:u.  Tio*o-xpxx3vTx  iTif  wpoo-wxJio-x  T>) 
j-in«  ixiivii,xxi  Mfra'  Aii  —  \xvoiitxi  Tnxxpjix, 
xxi  xutoi  cux  i^otii'  tx;  ci'.u;^:«"      'i-j  j«otx  iv 

T)    Opj-X   /U0U,   II    II0-IX.IU0-0VTXI    |<(     TI)V    XXTKTXUO-IV 


To-day.  if  ye  will  hear  his  voice,  harden  not 
your  heart,  as  in  thl    |  .  u/i'l  SS  in  the 

Jay  of  temptation  in  the  w  ilderness  :  when  your 
fat'.i.'rs  tempted  me,   proved  me,  and  saw  my 


Heb.  Hi.  7—10. 

j;»//ip5l')    III   Tl|{    ?«n;    XUTOU   XXOUO-XTI,   /iX    0"X>.d- 

fji  'Ti  T«;   iijiu;  IIAUOV,  "ij  '"    TV  rrxpxjrixpxo-.ua,, 

XXTX   Tl-V    rji!fXV    TOU     5T|ipX0-,u:U    IV    T>|      Ifl-.UOJ*        0U 

imipxo-xv  /ui  ei    o-XTipl;  t,«»>,  ijoxijxxo-xv  ^l(  xxi 

II  SZV  TX  ip^X  /XOU  TIO-0-XpxXOVTX   IT^*       ^10    TftTW/,' 

iiorx  Ti|  >  inx  ixiivh  xxi  -irrcv      All  sXikuji  t« 
xxpjix'    xutoi    Ji   oux    ijn'T^v   tx;  jo"ou  pOIT      't;,' 

JUZTX     IV     TX     Cpj'IJ     ^Ot,     II      IIO-lXlUO-OfTXI     H{     T^V 
XXTxn-XUO-IV  /<^U. 

To-day,  if  ye  will  hear  his  voice,  harden  not 
your  hearts,  as  in  the  provocation,  in  the  day  of 


v,  since  ye  have  heard  his  voice,  harden 

not  your  hearts  as  at  the  great  provocation, — as  ,. 

in  the  day  of  the  temptation  in  the  desert,  where  temptation  in  the  wilderness  ;  when  your  fathers 
your  fathers  tried  me;  they  proved  me,  though  tempted  me.  proved  me.  and  saw  my  works  forty 
work!  Forty  years  long  was  1  grieved  with  (Au  they  had  seen  my  works.  Forty  years  1  was  in-  years.  Wherefore  I  was  grieved  with  that  gene- 
generation,  and  said.  It  it  a  people  that  do  err  censed  with  that  generation,  and  said,  They  do  ration,  and  said,  They  do  always  err  in  ineir 
in  their  heart,  and  they  have  not  known  my  always  err  in  their  heart,  and  have  not  known  my  hinrts  :  and  they  have  not  known  my  ways,  no  i 
ways:  unto  whom  I  swar'e  In  my  wrath,  that  they  ways  So  I  sware  in  my  wrath,  They  shall  not  aware  in  my  wrath,  Tiny  diall  not  enter  into  my 
should  not  enter  into  mv  rest.                                     enter  into  my  rest.  rest.  


1  This  quotation  may  he  taken  either  from  Exod.  xx.  12  above  given,  or 
from  Deut.  v.  16.  which  runs  thus  :— Honour  Ihy  fattier  and  thy  mother, 
that  thy  days  may  be  prolonged,  and  that  it  may  go  teelt  irith  thee  in  the 
land  which  the  Lord  thy  Godgireth  thee. 

*  It  will  be  seen  'hat  these  words  are  quoted  exactly  from  the  Septuagint 
of  Deut.  xxxii.  43.  But  there  is  something  answering  to  them  in  the  He- 
brew. Some  other  additions  are  made  to  the  same  verse  which  are  not  in 
•he  Hebrew.    (Scott.) 


»  This  quotation  is  taken  from  the  Septuagint,  which  agrees  exactly  with 
the  Hebrew,  only  for  DD'SiP  (thou  shalt  change),  is  put  ;>.•■>•;  (thou  thalt 
fold  up).    Some  manuscripts  of  Hits  i  p  .';  (™'"  »*?» 

change),  which  is  also  the  reading  ofth.   <  »n.    »«;  ^^'P^ 

therefore,  thinks  it  probable,  thai  the  original  reading,  both  to  the  psalm 
id  this  epistle  was  x>.>.>? -...     ll  Is  so  in  the  Alexandrine  edition  of  the 
■ptuagint,  and  in  the  clause  iu.m  d  itely  fottowing,  all  cop.es  read .kkuy. 
On  the  Quotatii  ns.  p.  12. 


Septv 


308 

155.  Gen.  ii.  3. 

•3  ^3  WIN  BHDM  W3VX  Ol'TlN  0\"iW  yi3M 

:  ntpyS  O'n'w  Nia-T^x  wsk'to-'md  nap 

And  God  blessed  the  seventh  day,  and  sanctified 
it ;  because  that  in  it  he  hath  rested  from  all  his 
work  which  God  had  created  and  made. 


TABLES  OF  QUOTATIONS  FROM 


[Part  I.  Chap.  V 


Gen.  ii.  3.  Heb.iv.  4. 

Kxi  ivKoytia-tvi  ©«o;  t»v  ii/iEpxv  tuv  i? JojUifv,  wi  Kxi  xxtejtxuo-sv  5  bio;  iv  tij  ijyiupx  T(|  iSJojUj  xjti 

.jy  tariv  auTijtf"  oti  ev  xutij  xxtittxuo-.  v  x7i*o  7T«vtw*      x-xvtwv  tuiv  Epywv  scvtov.i 

TUIV   ipyutV   XuTOU,  liv    np^SCTO   0  ©S0C  ■=!  0  I  >i  0"  X  I  . 

And  God  blessed  the  seventh  day,  and  hallowed        And  God  did  rest  the  seventh  day  from  all  hi* 
it ;  because  on  it  he  rested  from  all  these  works     works, 
of  his,  which  God  had  taken  occasion  to  make. 


156.  Psal.  ex.  4. 

:  p-ix-^n  vnai-ty  oSiyV  {nsfinM 

Thou  art  a  priest  for  ever,  after  the  order  of 
Melchizedec. 


Heb.  v.  6. 

;iu,vx  xxtx  mi  txjiv  Mi>-X'f' 


Psal.  ex.  4. 

Uu  I'spsu;  ei;  tov  a>»ri  xxtoe  txv  txjiv  Me/Vj^io-s-  Xv  Itfiv;  11;  tov 

Jex.  fix. 

Thou  art  a  priest  for  ever,  after  the  order  of  Thou  art  a  priest  for  ever,  after  the  order  of 

Melchisedek.  Melchisedec. 


i>)7.  Gen.  xxii.  16,  17. 

•|3n3N  -|-o~>3  •••  rwaw  inpatw  ^a  -idnm 
Ijnrnx  na-ix  navn 

By  myself  have  1  sworn,  saith  the  Lord 

that  in  blessing  I  will  bless  thee,  and  in  multiply- 
ing I  will  multiply  thy  seed. 


Gen.  xxii.  16,  17. 

AlyuiV,  Kxt*  e^wxutou  aiiuoirx)  \<yti  Kupiof — 'H 
fttlv  lv/\oy-uiv  su/\.oy>io-io  trit  xxi  jtMouvojv  n-/\nSuva> 
TO  TTTsppx  irou. 

Saying,  By  myself  have  I  sworn,  saith  the  Lord, 
— with  blessings,  I  will  indeed  bless  thee  ;  and  I 
will  multiply  thy  seed  abundantly. 


Heb.  vi.  13,  14. 

©eoj   tepo<rt  xxfl'   exutov,  \tyaf     'H  p,, 

tvKoyuiv  fu>.oy>|<ri»  o-e,  xn  i*/\>|5unuv  CTMjSuvea  «•«. 

God sware  by  himself,  saying,  Surely, 

blessing,  I  will  bless  thee  ;  and  multiplying,  I  will 
multiply  thee. 


158.  Exod.  xxv.  40. 

:  ina  hnid  hpn— ib>n  anuana  nirjji  ns-n 

And  look,  that  thou  make  them   after  their 
pattern,  which  was  showed  thee  in  the  mount. 


Exod.  xxv.  40. 

'Op*,     "3T0l>J<r£IS   XXTX    TOV    TV7T0V    TOV    Si$Hy  fXiVOV 
0*01   EV  TN   OpEI. 

See  that  thou  make  them  according  to  the 
pattern  shown  thee  on  this  mount. 


Heb.  viii.  5. 

'Op*  y«P,  9*JO"*,  7T01>JTJ]5  JTXVTX  XXTX  TOV  TUffO» 
TOV  Sli%ilVTA  O-0I  Ev  TW  Ope*. 

For,  See,  saith  he,  that  thou  make  all  things 
according  to  the  pattern  showed  to  thee  in  the 
mount. 


139.  Jer.  xxxi.  31—34. 

rra-riN  'mai  .— WOW  crNa  a>D^  run 
nnaa  *6  :ns>-in  nna  nw  n'a~nni  haw 
ox>xvf?  ava  tpwn  ova  arnaN-nx  m:  -\8>x 
•aw  iima-nx  non  hdh— itrx  anxn  yixo 
max  -ia> x  rman  nx?  ^3  :  nini-axj  Da  Thy* 
-nru  mvDMl  ann  a^n  nnx  'tnt*"  rna~nN 
an1?  wmi  ruarox  Da'j-'yjfi  aaipa  'mirrnx 
c-x  tijj  hd1?'  xSi  :  ap1?  'V"wr  nnni  b^h'jn'? 
»a  nwpd  ijn  idn1?  vnsx-nx  <r-x-  wp-rnx 
-3  mrp-DW  D^nr-ipi  wapo1?  tiix  ip-p  b^o 
:  -riy — i3TN  nb  ant-Jan1?!  o:ij?S  nVox 


Behold,  the  days  come,  sailh  the  Lord,  that  I 
will  make  a  new  covenant  with  the  house  of 
Israel  and  with  the  house  of  Judah  ;  not  according 
to  the  coven  uit  that  I  made  with  their  fathers,  in 
the  day  that  1  took  them  by  the  hand  to  bring  them 
out  of  the  land  of  Egypt  (which  my  covenant 
they  brake,  although  1  was  a  husband  to  them, 
saith  the  Lord).  But  this  shall  be  the  covenant 
that  I  will  make  with  the  house  of  Israel;  after 
those  days,  saith  the  Lord,  I  will  put  my  law  in 
their  inward  parts,  and  will  write  it  in  their 
hearts ;  and  will  be  their  God,  and  they  shall  be 
my  people.  And  they  shall  teach  no  more  every 
man  his  neighbour,  and  every  man  his  brother, 
saying,  Know  the  Lord  :  for  they  shall  all  know 
me  from  the  least  unto  the  greatest,  saith  the 
Lord  :  for  I  will  forgive  their  iniquity,  and  I  will 
remember  their  sin  no  more. 


Jer.  xxxi.  31—34. 

lf0U,  qfitflXi  Ep^OVTMl,  $t)0*<  Kup<0(,  XXI  £iMO>10"0* 
fJLXi     TOI     01XCU      I<TpXM\     XXI    TO>     0*X#>     I  0  V  $  X     <$'  I  X-3">1  X  Y,  V 

xxivtjv*  ou  xxtx  t>jv  £ ixd'ijxijv  vj v  StxStpqv  T01J  tux- 
Tp«<riv  xuriov,  ev  ii/iifx.  £jriA.xgo/ifvou  ,uou  T>);  Jdeipos 
ftuTiuv,  i^xyxytiv  ojutous  ex  ym  Atyvirrov*  cti 
xutoi  oux  tvi,untixv  ev  T(|  SixSyjxyi  /iOu,  xxi  iya>  tips- 
X»jO"x  xutujVj  (pxjor*  Kupio;*  'Oti  xutjj  ^  S ix5^x«  jWOUj 

>]V  $ t«fl>IT0jUXI  TU  OIXCu'  Ifl-pXtJ^,  JUETX  T«f  VJjUEpXf 
IXEtvttJj  <$VjTi  KupiOJ*  fffou;  0>'A>0*u>  VOjU0U$ /XOU  E(JT»1V 
uixvcixv   mutujv,  xxi  Effi    xxpfix;  NVTUV  ^-pXy'JJ  xv. 

TOV;'  XXI  ET3JUXI  CtUTOi;  El$  ©EOVj  XXI  WUTOI  ETOVTXI 
^*0I  £  If  ^.XOV.  Kxi  0U  /*>)  f  ifx^uJO-IV  EXXO-TOf  TOV  WO - 
^.lT))Va  XUTOU  XXI  EXXITTOf  TOV  X  J  I  \  <?  C  V  KUTOU,  X£- 
J'aJI,  rvaifli   TOV  KupiOV"  OTI   WXVTE5  '  ifxTOUfl-l  ^4£j   X7T0 

/xixpo»  xutwv  iuo;  piyxKov  xutojv  oti  i'\iu>;  io-o/ixi 

TXIJ  OlflXIXIJ  XUTWV,  XXI  TOUT  X/XXfTittiV  XUTOJV  ow 
A")  IJLVVIT^  £TI. 

Behold,  the  days  are  coming,  saith  the  Lord, 
when  I  will  make  a  new  covenant  with  the  house 
of  Israel  and  with  the  house  of  Judah ;  not  ac- 
cording to  the  covenant  which  I  made  with  their 
fathers,  in  the  day  when  I  took  them  by  the  hand 
to  bring  them  out  of  Egypt.  Because  they  did  not 
abide  by  this  covenant  of  mine,  therefore  I  took 
no  care  of  them,  saith  the  Lord.  For,  this  is  my 
covenant  which  1  will  make  with  the  house  of 
Israel :  after  those  days,  saith  the  Lord,  I  will 
adapt  my  laws  to  their  understandings,  and  write 
them  on  their  hearts,  and  I  will  be  their  God,  and 
they  shall  be  my  people  ;  and  they  shall  no  more 
teach  every  man  his  /eMotocitizen,  and  every 
man  his  brother,  saying,  Know  the  Lord;  for  all 
will  know  me  from  the  greatest  to  the  least  of 
them  ;  for  I  will  be  merciful  to  their  iniquities, 
and  no  more  remember  their  sins. 


Heb.  viii.  8—12. 

Uou,  I'pipxi  tpajovTXi,  Ktytt  Kupio;,  xxi  <ruvT£/\s- 

0"U>  £fl-|  TOV  0IX0V  IO-pX)]/\  XXI  £7TI  TOV  OIX0V  ItlvSx 
flxS»JXI]V  XXIVIJV"  0U  XXTX  TIJV  O^lxSjJXjjV  q  V  t^OiqTX* 
T0l{    ?TXTpX0-IV    XUTWV,     EV    ij/'EpX     t7rtKxZo/ZtV0V    fiOU 

t«  3CS'P°S  xutoiv,  £jxyxy£iv  xutous  ex  yt[i  Aiyujr 

TOD'     OTI      ECUTOI     0OX     EVE^EIVXV      £V     TIJ     fixdiJXI]     /X0U; 

u.xyu)  mxetiqrx  uvTuvt  Ktyit   Kupiof     *Oti   x-jtij  ^ 

JlxfllJXI),   i^V     Jl«6>lO-0|t<;XI     TB     OIXM     Icrpxi|/\.    yUSTX    TX{ 

Vj/jttfxi  ixsivxfj  Kty  £i  Kupio;'  o^io'ou;  v0/X0v$  /xzv  11; 
tv,v    o'ixvoixv    xoTttiv,    xxi   £?ri    xxpfix;    XUToJV    £n-i- 

y  fiu^u    XVTOU;'  XXI    EO-0/UXI    XVTOIf    £1$   ©£0V}   XXI    xu- 

toi    eo-ovtxi    ptov    £ic   \xov  Kxi   ou    ,u^    fi^xjouo-iv 

EXXtTTOJTOV    -KrXtlTIOvtayTOWjXXI   6XXTT0S    TOV  xSsK- 

^ov    xutou,    \iywV)   Tvfj^i    tov   KupiOv*  oti    wxvtij 

Elo'llO-OUO-l  /U£,  X7T0  jWIXpOU  XUToOV  SbllJ  [MiyxKOV  XWTWV 
OTI      IX.EW5      EO-0/UXI     TXI?      OtflXIXIf     «UTH)V,     XXI      TWV 

a^uxpTlwv  MiTaur  [xxi  Twv  xvo/ciuiv  xutwvJ*  oy  um 
/*VX(tSoj  ETI.I 

Behold,  the  dayn  come,  saith  the  Lord,  when  I 
will  make  a  new  covenant  with  the  house  oi 
Israel  and  the  house  of  Judah :  not  according  to 
the  covenant  that  I  made  with  their  fathers,  in"the . 
day  when  I  took  them  by  the  hand  to  lead  them 
out  of  the  land  of  Egypt;  because  they  continued 
not  in  my  covenant,  and  I  regarded  them  not,  saith 
the  Lord.  For  this  is  the  covenant  that  1  will  make 
with  the  house  of  Israel  after  those  days,  saith  the 
Lord.  I  will  put  my  laws  in  their  mind,  and  write 
them  in  their  hearts ;  and  I  will  be  to  them  a  God, 
and  they  shall  be  to  me  a  people :  And  they  shall 
not  teach  every  man  his  neighbour,  and  every 
man  his  brother,  saying,  Know  the  Lord  :  for  all 
shall  know  me  from  the  least  to  the  greatest.  For 
I  will  be  merciful  to  their  unrighteousness,  and 
their  sins  [and  their  iniquities]*  will  I  remember 
no  more. 


150. 


Exod.  xxiv.  8. 

D33j)  run'  ms  itt»t  ma  .tdt  mn 


Exod.  xxiv.  8. 

u/ix  t>i;  J'lxSijXiifj  iff  JiiSito   KupiOf  !TpO( 


Heb.  ix.  20.r 

IjC    flxSlJXIJff,    Jjf    £VET£l\«T0«   ?Tp3f 


J4"ou  to  xlfix  Tij5  ^ix&jjxijfj  »j$  £u5ito  Kupiof  irpof  Touto  to  j 

Iftx;.  0/xxe  0  ©eo;. 

Behold  the  blood  of  the  covenant,  which  the       Behold  the  blood  of  the  covenant,  which  the  This  is  the  blood  of  the  testament,  which  God 

Losd  hath  made  with  you.                                        Lord  hath  made  with  you.  hath  enjoined  unto  you. 


161.  Psal.  xl.  7— "1.  (6— 3.  of  English  version.) 

n^p  i1?  rrna  aw**  nsBn  vh  nnjoi  nat 
«nM3Tun    »mon    tx    :  n^xa*  ncV  r-istani 
»nSx    ij^vnia'j''    :  ^y    3113    nDD-n'jJDa 


rnPT 


Psal.  xl.  6—8. 

I      3-pOO-^flpxV     OUX     mSeXmO-X^    <Tul[iX     5~E 
I*        'O/\0XXUTOJ^X   XXI     5TEpi     XfiXfTIX; 
TITX;.        TOTI     II5T0V     ISOU,     >|XtU    (£V    Xl^XklSl 
3lo/\l3U      ^-E^pX7TTXI      K"£pi      £(U0u)      TOU      5T0l«TXI      TO 

biXvtfix  o-ou,  0  ©so;  juou,   ijSou/X^Siiv,  xxi  tov  vo,uov 
o-ou  sv  /XEO-w  tm;  x«p5"i«;  /aou. 


TljpTIO" 
I    EuJ'OX 


/8.6m 
©£05. 


Heb.  x.  5—7. 

H    ^rpoo-tpopxv    owx  >j6£\)jo-x;?    trwpx  Si 

01*    '  OA.0XXUTW/XXTX  XXI   -CTipi   X/XXfTiX; 

j.    Tote  fijrov    Ijou,  iixo,  (ev  xeo?xXiSi 
1    yiyaxTTrxi    -srspi    t/xov)    tov     toi*io"xi,     o 

0   &!>*>)IXX   (TOU.' 


'  This  is  an  abridgment  both  of  the  Septuagint  and  the  Hebrew, 
s  For  i3'"?n,  some  MSS.  and  the  quotations  of  this  verse  by  Chrysos- 
tom,  Thcodoret,  Photius.  and  Theophylact,  read  y»«8i/«»»  with  the  Septua- 

1  For  ttKkc-iiv  eighteen  MSS.,  four  of  which  are  of  the  greatest  antiquity, 
seven  editions,  both  the  Syriac  versions,  and  also  the  Arabic,  Coptic,  and 
Armenian  versions,  besides  two  MSS.  of  the  Old  Italic  (Latin)  version, 
Chrysostom,  Theodoret,  Johannes  Damascenus,  and  Augustine,  all  read 
"i""i  which  agrees  with  the  Septuagint,  and  is  received  by  Griesbach 
into  the  Greek  text  of  the  New  Testament,  as  the  genuine  reading. 

«  The  words  between  brackets  are  omitted  in  some  MSS. 

»  This  long  quotation  is  in  general  made  from  the  Septuagint,  though  with 
several  verbal  differences,  which  will  be  easily  observed  on  collation.-blu 
Which  do  not  affect  the  meaning,  though  they  seem  to  imply  that  the  apostle 
did  not  confine  himself  to  the  Septuagint.  It  is,  however,  manifest  that  he 
had  that  translation  in  his  thoughts,  because  he  exactly  quotes  it  where  it 
differs  most  materially  from  the  Hebrew.  The  Septuagint  is  almost 
throughout  this  passage,  a  close  version  of  the  Hebrew;  but,  instead  of  the 
cls'zse,  which  in  our  authorized  English  translation  is  rendered— althoush 
I  wits  a  husband  to  them,  the  Septuagint  reads,  «■  iy  ■,  ,«a,ra  uvrfv 
therefore  I  took  no  care  of  them  ;  which  lection  is  followed  by  the  apostle' 
Whether  the  Hebrew  was  then  read  differently,  as  Pr.  Randolph  and  other 
learned  men  suppose,  or  whether  the  apostle  did  not  think  the  difference  so 
material  as  to  interrupt  his  argument  on  account  of  it,  others  must  deter- 
mine. Another  variation  is,  that  the  Hebrew  has  the  preterite  in  one  place, 
where  the  Septuagint  has  th«  future,  JiJou;  oWw,  Itcillput,  &c.    But  the 


Hebrew  should  doubtless  be  read  with  what  the  grammarians  term  the 
conversive  vau,  and  be  understood  in  a  future  sense,  as  the  context  requires 
(which  both  before  and  after  speaks  of  a  new  and  future  covenant) ;  as  it  is 
also  rendered  in  all  the  ancient  versions,  and  in  the  Chaldee  paraphrase  ; 
and  as  twenty  of  the  Hebrew  manuscripts  collated  by  Dr.  Kennicott  read  ii. 
See  his  Dissertatio  Generalis,  §66.    (Dr.  Randolph,  Scott.) 

•  For  innix.iT!  the  first  of  the  apostolic  constitutions  (which,  although 
claiming  apostolical  antiquity,  are  not  earlier  than  the  middle  of  the  fourth 
century)  reads  J.sSe  with  the  Septuagint. 

'  This  quotation  is  taken  from  the  Septuagint  with  a  little  variation  ;  but 
although  the  general  meaning  is  the  same,  they  are  widely  different  in 
verbal  expression  in  the  Hebrew.  David's  words  are,  '/  H'*13  D'JIN 
aznayim  carita  Ii,  which  we  translate,  my  ears  hast  thou  opened;  but  they 
might  be  more  properly  rendered,  my  ears  hast  thou  bored;  that  is,  Thou 
hast  made  Me  thy  servant  for  ever,  to  dwell  in  thine  own  house  :  for  the 
allusion  is  evidently  to  the  custom  mentioned  Exod.  xxi.  2.,  &c.  "If  thou 
buy  a  Hebrew  servant,  six  years  he  shall  serve,  and  in  the  seventh  he  shall 
go  out  free  :  but  if  the  seventh  shall  positively  say,  1  love  my  master,  &c. 
I  will  not  go  out  free,  then  his  master  shall  bring  him  to  the  doorpost,  and 
shall  bore  his  ear  through  with  an  awl,  and  he  shall  serve  him  for  ever." 
But  how  is  it  possible  that  the  Septuagint  and  the  apostle  should  take  a 
meaning  so  totally  different  from  the  sense  of  the  He  brew  1  Dr.  Kennicott 
has  a  very  ingenious  conjecture  here  :  he  suppose*  'hat  the  Septuagint  and 
apostle  express  the  meaning  of  the  words  as  they  6tood  in  the  copy  from 
which  the  Greek  translation  was  made  ;  and  tl      the  present  Hebrew  texi 


Sect.  I.  §  1.] 


THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  IN  THE  NEW 


Burnt-offering  and  sin-offering  hast  tbou  Dot 
required.  Then  said  I,  Lo,  I  come  :  in  the  rohune 
of  the  book  it  is  written  of  rne  :  I  delight  to  do 
thy  will,  O  my  God,  yea  thy  law  is  within  my 
heart. 


162.  Deut,  xxxii.  35.  (36.  of  English  version.) 

idj  nirv  p-p-^ 
The  Lord  shall  judge  his  people. 

163.  Hab.  ii.  3, 4. 

me^-N1?  ,-iSdj;  run  :  -vw  nV  «>  nana 

:  DTP  1PJ1CK3  p'W  ^3  IC'DJ 
For  the  vision  is  yet  for  an  appointed  time  ;  but 
at  the  end,  it  shall  speak  and  not  lie:  though  II 
tarry,  wmi  for  It,  because  it  will  rarely  • 
will  not  tarry.  Behold,  bis  soul,  which  is  lifted 
up,  is  not  upright  in  him :  but  the  just  shall  live 
by  his  faith. 

164.  Gen.  xlvii.  31 

:  naDn  cnv1??  -?M"«t"  mnci 

And  Israel  bowed  himself  upon  the  bed's  bead. 


Sacrifice  tod  offering!  tbou  dM.it  not  desire, 
but  thou  prepared*!  a  body  for  me.  '  Whole 
burnt    i-  .tf.-nnm  for  Bin  Ihou  didst 

not  require.    Tinn  l  said,  Behold  I  come  (in  the 
of  a  book  it  Ii  written  respecting  me)  to 
perform,  0  my  God,  thy  will,  I  was  determined, 
even  that  law  of  thine,  within  mj  beart 

Deut.  xxxii.  36. 

'Oil  xpivn  KupiOf  tov  >.j.',v  uutou. 

Because  the  Lord  will  judge  his  people. 
Hab.  ii.  3,  4. 

"On    if/.-./xiv:;    vijli,    xxi    OU    /M    Xt'"**'      *■*• 

inniiMTi'!  ««*  iuJoxh  i  ^"Xi  M°«  •»  *v<f '  i  -■- 

iixxi-,-  ix  »itt|iii(  /ion  iji|firai. 

For  be  will  assuredly  come,  and  will  not  fall. 
If  any  oin'  draw  back,  my  soul  bath  no  pleasure 
m  bun.     Hut  the  just  shall  live  by  faith  in  me. 


Gen.  xlvii.  31. 
Kxi  •wfOO-ixunHO-iii  lo-p  x»\  iiti  to  axpo»  tou    «64ou 

XUTVJ. 

And  Israel  bowed  down  on  the  head  of  his 
staff.* 


309 

Sacrifice  and  offering  thou  wouldest  not,  but  a 
body  hast  thou  prepared  me.  In  burnt-offerings 
and  sacrifices  for  sin  thou  hast  had  no  pleas  ire 
Then  said  I,  Lo,  I  come  (in  the  volume  ofthe  book 
it  is  written  of  me)  to  do  thy  will,  O  God 


Heb.  x.  30. 

HUlfltf  IIIVII   T0»  /.BOH  IIUTOU. 

The  Lord  shall  judge  his  people. 

Heb.  x.  37,  38.  (and  see  Rom.  i.  17.  Gal.  iii.  11) 
•O  ifx»/""»t  i£",  »«-  -"•  Xf'""'      °  '•  •"'■"••« 

IX    TI7TI»;    ijxo-irxi-     XXI     <*»    uT0TTIl\»TIXI,     ov» 
lujoxi.  n  yufcH  fiou  l»  «uT-u.t 

For  yet  a  little  while,  and  he  that  shall  come, 
will  come,  and  will  not  tarry.  Now  the  just  shall 
live  by  faith  :  but  if  any  man  draw  back,  my  soul 
shall  have  no  pleasure  in  him. 


Kxi  -rpoo-ix 


Heb.  xi.  21. 

WIJ-I*  IJTI  TO    »xoo»T«{  p^CJou  OKTOH 


And  worshipped,  leaning  upon  the  top  of  his 
staff* 


I (",.").  Prov.  iii.  11. 

:  inrmna  rprrSm  ond-v^n  >)3  mm  -idid 

Ms  son,  despise  not  the  chastening  ofthe  Lord  ; 
neither  be  weary  of  his  correction. 

•66.        Josh.  i.  5.  (and  see  Deut.  xxxi.  8.) 

:  natyK-N1?!  tdtk  nS 

I  will  not  fail  thee,  nor  forsake  thee. 


167.  Psal.  cxviii.  6. 

:  oik  *i  nit>jp-nD  ismi-t  »6  ,l?  nw 

The  Lord  is  on  my  side,  I  will  not  fear;  what 
can  man  do  unto  me  1 

168.  Hag.  ii.  6. 

o^DtvrrnN  tfjnD  jni   ton  »j;d  nnx  my 

f->t<n-nKi 
Yet  once,  it  is  a  little  while,  and  I  will  shake  the 
heavens  and  the  earth. 

;C9.        Hos.  xiv.  3.  (2.  of  English  version.) 

:  uini>a>  one  nc^tfji 

So  will  we  render  the  calves  of  our  lips. 


Prov.  iii.  11. 

Ti'i,  Mn  o^iycupii  jt«iJii«{  K«piou,/«iiJi  ixX,«o«  u-r' 
mvtou  iKiyx°l*"">S- 

My  son,  slight  not  the  correction  of  the  Lord  ; 
nor  faint  when  reproved  by  him. 

Deut.  xxxi.  8. 

Oux  «y>)0*i •  o-i,  ouji  xx>i  o-i  iyx«T»X.ur». 

[The  Lord] ....  will  not  leave  thee,  nor  forsake 
thee. 

Psal.  cxviii.  6. 

KupiO;   1,1191    /5on5o»,   XXI    OU   ?oSl|Sl|0-0/««l    Tl    **0II|. 

o-ii  Mai  xv9p-^-ro;. 

The  Lord  is  my  helper,  and  I  will  not  fear  what 
man  can  do  unto  me. 

Hag.  ii.  6. 

En  i-r«£  lyai  o-no-w  tou  ovpxror,  xxi  th»  yi-v. 

Yet  once  more,  I  will  shake  the  heaven  and  the 
earth. 

Hos.  xiv.  2. 

Kxi  «vt»-tO Jcuo-0/Ulv  xxp-rov  XliXliav  nh"'- 


An  1  we  will  render  to  thee  the  fruit  of  our  lips. 


Heb.  xii.  5. 

Ti'i     *»ou,    (tl    0X.iyi»pn     »i-«io"ii*f    Kjpiov,    /uxii 
IxXvou  i-r'  csutou  i\iyx°pm°<. 

My  son,  despise  not  thou  the  chastening  ofthe 
Lord,  nor  faint  when  thou  art  rebuked  of  him. 

Heb.  xiii.  5. 

Ou  fll   0*1    tAvu,   QvS'   OU  fin   CTI  IJUTjI.ITa. 

I  will  never  leave  thee,  nor  forsake  thee 


Heb.  xiii.  6. 

Kupio;  i^oi  ^ovjSo;,  x«i    ou  (joSnSiio-ojuaci  ti  n),, 
0*11  |ili  xv  5 -.a'-t:  ;. 

The  Lord  it  my  helper,  and  I  will  not  fear  wliat 
man  can  do  unto  me. 

Heb.  xii.  26. 
Eti  i-T»5  iy»  o-!ii»  ou  ftevor  tx»  y»v,  *>.>.*  xx. 
tou  ouparon.* 

Yet  once  more  I  shake,  not  the  earth  only,  hut 
also  heaven. 

Heb.  xiii.  15. 

Al      «UT0U    ouv   «►»? ipai.mv    $uo-i*v    aivlo*lm{    tim 
jr-ivTOf  toi  6iu,  toutio-ti,  xxpa-ov  j-,ii».i:»v  iutKt- 

VOUVTWV   Tu)    9V3^*TI    XUT8V.I 

By  him,  therefore,  let  us  offer  the  sacrifice  of 

firaise  to  God  continually,  that  is,  the  fruit  of  our 
ips,  confessing  (marginal  rendering)  to  his 
name. 


170.  (Gen.  vi.  3. 5. 1) 


.71.  Prov.  iii.  34. 

:  in-jm  d^jjj1?!  f*Vi  ton  o'xSS-dh 


(Gen.  vi.  3—5. 1) 


Kupio;  u-ripM';- 
^ifwo-i  %apiv. 


Prov.  iii.  34. 

lOlf     dVTIT-tO-0-M 


James  iv.  5. 
ITpo;  pflo^ov  itiitoSi*  to   -tvi-.ux  o  xxt«x-|0-ih  i* 

The  spirit,  that  dwelleth  in  us,  lusteth  to  envy 
James  iv.  6. 

Jl  "O      ©!0f«     U-rlpVl^XVOl-      XVTITS1TTITXI,    TXJTHVOi; 

Si  S'IjuTi  Z»»"'•, 


Is  corrupted  in  tho  word  O-jIN  aznayim,  ears,  which  has  been  written 
through  carelessness  for  HU  ?K  az  gevah,  then,  a  body.  The  first  syllable 
"N  az  then,  is  the  same  in  both  ;  and  the  latter  O'J  mm,  which,  joined  to 
t!-t  az,  makes  D-JtK  aznayim,  might  have  been  easily  mistaken  for  HU 
gevah,  body  :  l  nun,  being  very  like  i  gimel ;  •  yod  like  1  vau ;  and  fl  he 
like  final  0  mem;  especially  if  the  line  on  which  the  letters  were  written  in 
the  M3.  happened  to  be  blacker  than  ordinary  (which  has  often  been  a 
cause  of  mistake)  it  might  have  been  easily  taken  for  the  tinder  stroke  of 
the  mem,  and  thus  give  rise  to  a  corrupt  reading  :  add  to  this  the  root  i"l""0 
earah  signifies  as  well  to  prepare,  as  to  open,  bore,  $c.  On  this  supposition 
the  ancient  copy  translated  by  the  Septuagint,  and  followed  by  the  apostle, 
must  have  read  the  text  thus,  -S  n,T3  rnJ  tK  az  gera  carita  Ii ;  f',«-  ft 
n.«T»pTio-»  /uoi,  then  a  body  thou  hast  prepared  me :  thus  the  Hebrew  text, 
the  Version  of  the  Septuagint,  and  the  apostle,  wOl  agree  In  what  is  known  to 
be  an  indisputable  fact  in  Christianity  ;  namely,  that  Christ  was  incarnated 
for  the  sin  ofthe  world.  The  jEthiopic  has  nearly  the  same  reading  :  the 
Arabic  has  both,  A  body  hast  thou  prepared  for  me,  and  mine  ears  hast 
thou  opened  But  the  Syriac,  the  Chaldee,  and  the  Vulgate,  agree  with  the 
present  Hebrew  text ;  and  none  ofthe  MBS,  collated  by  Kennicolt  and  De 
Rossi  have  any  various  reading  on  the  disputed  words.  (Dr.  A.  Clarke's 
Commentary  on  the  NewTestament,  note  on  Heb.  x.  5.) 

»  This  quotation  is  nearly  from  the  Septuagint,  with  which  the  version  of 
Aquila  agrees  :  and  as  both  the  apostle's  citation  and  that  version  differ  con- 
siderably from  the  Hebrew,  some  corruption  ofthe  text  may  be  suspected. 
The  general  meaning,  however,  is  the  same. 

•  This  quotation  is  taken  from  the  Septuagint  version  of  Gen.  xlvii.  31., 
omitting  only  the  word  Israel.  The  variation  from  the  Hebrew  is  merely 
in  the  vowel  points :  Wen  a  bed,  the  Septuagint  read  JTJcn  a  staff.    And 

that  this  is  the  true  reading  seems  probable,  because  it  does  not  appear  that 
Jacob  was  then  confined  to  his  bed,  and  because  it  is  not  easy  to  under- 
stand what  can  be  meant  bv  tcorshipving  or  bowing  himself  on  the  head  of 


his  bed.  In  the  other  reading  the  sense  is  plain  :  Jacob  worshipped  God, 
and,  being  old  and  feeble,  supported  himself  by  leaning  on  the  top  of  hu 
staff.    (Dr.  Randolph  on  the  Quotations,  p.  45.) 

»  The  apostle  seems  purposely  to  have  varied  from  the  Septuagint.  in 
order  lo  render  the  quotation  more  emphatical  and  suited  to  his  purpose. 
The  Septuagint  well  translates  the  Hebrew,  omitting  the  words  rendered  in 
our  version,  It  is  a  little  while.    (Scott.) 

«  This  is  not  properly  a  citation,  but  only  an  allusion  to  an  expression  in 
Hos.  xiv.  3.  The  phrase  xxp-ro»  x"^"»*,  fruit  of  the  lips,  is  taken  from  the 
Septuagint.  In  the  Hebrew,  it  is  H-PDlf  one,  which  our  English  transla- 
tion and  the  Vulgate  version  render  the  calves  of  our  lips.  This  expression 
may  refer  primarily  to  the  sacrifices,  heifers,  calves,  &c.  which  the  Israel- 
ites had  voiced  lo  Jehovah ;  so  that  the  calves  of  their  lips  were  the  sacri- 
fices which  they  had  promised.  From  the  apostle  and  Septuagint  rendering 
this  wurd/rui'r  (in  wliich  they  are  followed  by  the  Syriac  and  Arabic  ver 
sions)  it  is  evident  that  their  copies  read  'ID  (paRY)  the  0  being  omitted ; 
and  thus  the  word  would  be  literally  fruit,  and  not  calves.  This  reading, 
however,  is  not  found  in  any  ofthe  MSS.  hitherto  collated. 

»  This,  Dr.  Randolph  has  observed,  is  a  difficult  passage.  The  apostle  is 
generally  thought  to  refer  to  Gen.  vi.  3.  5.,  where  we  have  the  like  in  sense ; 
but,  In  expression,  the  apostle  differs  widely  both  from  the  Hebrew  and  the 
Septuagint.  Dr.  Randolph  and  Mr.  Scott,  after  some  expositors,  think  it  a 
general  reference  to  the  doctrine  of  Scripture,  and  not  a  direct  quotation  ; 
as  much  as  to  say,  it  is  the  constant  doctrine  of  Scripture,  that  the  spirit 
which  dwelleth  in  us  lusteth  to  envy,  and  is  prone  to  all  evil.  It  ought  how- 
ever (o  be  observed,  that  many  eminent  critics,  as  Whitby,  Griesbacn,  Mac* 
knighl,  <tc,  divide  this  verse  into  two  members,  which  they  read  and  point, 
interrogatively,  thus,  Do  ye  think  that  the  Scripture  speaJceth  »n  *,<•"»? 
Doth  the  spirit,  which  dwelleth  in  us,  lust  unto  envy  I  whicn  mode  ol 
pointing  removes  the  difficulty  at  once.  0  , 

•  Several  manuscripts,  editions,  and  the  Armenian  and  Sclavonic  ver- 
sions, read  Kupio{,  with  the  Septuagint.  .         ' 

'  This  is  taken  from  the  Septuagint,  only  putting  O  «?<  =  >  instead  of  Xup^ 
They  differ  from  the  Hebrew,  with  which  the  Vulgate  agrees-.tVuefet 


310 

Surely  he  seornelh  the  scorners,  but  giveth 
jrace  unto  the  lowly 

72  Lev.  xi. 44. 

¥e  shall  be  holy,  for  I  am  holy. 
73.  Isa.  xl.  6—8. 

ra>  :  rnB»n  pxa  viDrr'wj  Txn  -icarrSa 
ro^iyV  Dip'  .j\-f?N  -ia-o px  Sa:  -vxn 


QUOTATIONS  FROM  THE  OLD   lto   AMENT  IN  THE  NEW. 


[Paht  I.  Chap.  V 


The  Lord  resisteth  the  proud,  but  he  giveth 
grace  unto  the  humble. 

Lev.  xi.  44. 

Kxi    xyi'm  iirio-ji,   in    xyiOf  Ufa   tyia  Kupioj  i 
«io;  'v/t<vv. 

And  be  ye  holy,  because  I  the  Lord  your  God 
am  holy. 

Isa.  xl.  6—8. 

llxcu  c~xp£  X0PT*ft  **'  tzxtx  oi;a  xvSpuiffrou  w$ 

XV$0{      fcOpTOU"        £t,Ylt*V$>\      0     %0fT0f,    XXI      TO     Xl/Jof 
(;£:rttri.        To    o;  f>J,«x  TOU   fc>£0U    Jj.UWI'    /X£V£I    flf    TOU 


God  resisteth  the  proud,  but  giveth  grace  unto 
the  humble. 

1  Pet.  i.  16. 

'Aj.101  yive«-5i,i  on  ij-io  x^iof  iijui. 

Be  ye  holy,  for  I  am  holy 


1  Pet.  i.  24,  25. 

Aioti  srxo-x  o-xpj-  u;  x»pT0S)  xxi  jr«<rx  Jogn 
K0p«,wou  <£;  xvSoc  %opTOu-  E£>,pxv8>,  o  %opTO{,  xxi 
o  *i/6o{  xutou  t\t7ritrf     To   fi  p>,u.x  Kupiou  ^iimi 


All  flesh  is  grass,  and  all  the  goodliness  thereof  All  flesh  is  grass  ;  and  all  the  glory  of  man  as  a  For  all  flesh  is  as  grass,  and  all  the  glory  of 

was  the  flower  of  the  field.  The  grass  withereth,  flower  of  grass.    The  grass  is  withered,  and  the  man  as  the  flower  of  grass.  The  grass  witherelh, 

the  flower  fadeth  : But  the  word  of  our  flower  fallen  ;  but  the  word  of  our  God  endureth  and  the  flower  thereof  falleth  away  :  but  the  word 

ttod  shall  stand  fast  for  ever.  forever.  of  the  Lord  endureth  for  ever. 


174.  Isa.  xxviii.  16. 

idid  mp'  run  jna  pis  pN  jvxa  nD>  \jjn 
:  e"n>  n1?  pdndh  noiD 

Behold  I  lay  in  Zion  for  a  foundation,  a  stone, 
tried  stone,  a  precious  corner-stone,  a  sure 

foundation;  he  that  believeth  shall  not  make 

•taste. 

1 75.  Exod.  xix.  6. 

e>np  »«i  o>jna  i-d^dd  »  rwin  onm 

Ye  shall  be  unto  me  a  kingdom  of  priests  and 
tn  holy  nation. 


176. 


Isa.  lii.  9. 


Because  he  had  done  no  violence,  neither  was 
any  deceit  in  his  mouth. 

i77.  Isa.  liii.  5. 

:  i^-nb-ij  imanai 

Wiih  his  stripes  we  are  healed. 

78.  Psal.  xxxiv.  13—17.  (12—16   of  English  ver- 
sion.) 

:  313  niN-iS  D'D^  arm  o"n  porn  B"Nmn 
jhd  iid  :  ddid  na^  yncan  jnn  ij)B>1?  "«j 
rnrr   ^jr    :  mcni  aVw   typa   aiD-ntt'ji 
pi  'B'jja  nirv  ^a  :  DnjnB>-l?N  rjtNi  o^nx-1?* 

What  man  desireth  life,  and  loveth  many  davs, 
that  he  may  see  good  1  Keep  thy  tongue  from 
evil,  and  thy  lips  from  speaking  guile.  Depart 
from  evil  and  do  good ;  seek  peace  and  pursue  it. 
The  eyes  of  the  Lohd  are  upon  the  righteous,  and 
his  ears  are  open  unto  their  cry.  The  face  of  the 
Lord  is  against  them  that  do  evil. 


Isa.  xxviii.  16. 

IJou,  syui  £/x6x\\cu  us  rx  St/ithix  Ximv  *.i$o» 
-uoA.uTtA.ij,  £xA.£Xtov,  xxpoywvixtov,  tvrtftav,   »t;  tx 

iifii/.'a   XUTHC*  XXI    6   TZKTTtVUV    Cv  [Xl    XXTXI  T^U  v6  H. 

Behold  I  lay  for  the  foundation  of  Sion,  a  stone 
of  inestimable  worth,  a  chosen  precious  corner- 
stone for  the  foundations  of  it :  and  he  who 
believeth  shall  not  be  ashamed. 

Exod.  xix.  6. 

'T<u£i;  St  t<rto-$t  jttoi  lixo-iXnov  fepxTtu/JX,  xxi 
(5vo;  x^iov* 

And  ye  shall  be  to  me  a  royal  priesthood,  and 
an  holy  nation. 

Isa.  liii.  9. 

AfO/XIXV  0UX  t7TQiH<rtV.    OvSt   SohOV  iV  TW    o~T0^UXTI 

He  committed  no  iniquity,  nor  practised  guile 
with  his  mouth. 

Isa.  liii.  5. 

Tw  ^«>.«n  xutou  ii/tut  txitj/xiv. 

By  his  bruises  we  are  healed. 


Psal.  xxxiv.  12—16. 

Tif  «o-Tiv  «v6ptu7TO{  o  StXaiv  i^oxv,  xyx^oin,  H^ucpx; 
* Sttv  xyx$x$  ;  IIxuo-oi'  tjjv  yKiuaro-xv  o-ou  esro  xxxou, 

XXI    %ilK<H   <T0U  TOU  /*>)  XxX.>10-«>   $0\0>»-  £XX\IV01>    XJTO 
XXXOU,     XXI      TTOIIJO-OV     Xyxi0V    ^TtJlTOV      |lpV|V>)V,     XXI 

Jiui^ov  xuthv*     O^dx/.juoi  Kuptou  en-*  £ix«*ovj,  xx» 
uitx  xutou  ii$  Jfjjcriv  xutcoi'- trpoo'wn'Oi'  o^£  KupiOu  6?r( 

XOIOVVTXf    XKXX. 

What  man  soever  desireth  life,  and  loveth  to 
see  jood  days  ?  Keep  thy  tongue  from  evil,  and 
thy  lips  from  speaking  guile.  Depart  from  evil 
and  do  good  ;  seek  peace  and  pursue  it.  The 
eyes  of  the  Lord  are  upon  the  righteous ;  and  his 
ears  are  open  to  their  prayer.  But  the  face  of 
the  Lord  is  against  them  that  do  evil. 


IPet.  ii.  6.  (and  see  Rom.  ix.  33  ) 

iJou,  TiStjfti   tv  £mv  htbov  xxpoycvixior,   txKlx- 

TOV,    £VT1/*0V"    XXI    0  7TiO"T£U(«V  Iff'   XUTOJ   CU  Ltf,   XXTX1- 

o-^uvSx. 

Behold  I  lay  in  Sion  a  chief  corner-stone,  elect, 

Erecious ;  and  he  that  believeth  on  him  shall  not 
e  confounded. 


'T/xeif  fe 


IPet.  h\9. 

,  /3xo-i\£tov  ttpxTtvuUj  £5r0f  xytzv 


But  ye  are a  royal  priesthood,  a  holy 

nation. 

1  Pet.  ii.  22. 

'Og   otfixfTtxv  OUX    trrayrrtVj  Qv$e    svpti*   SoKvf    tv 
T(u   (TTOjUXTt   XUTOU. 

Who  did  no  sin,  neither  was  guile  found  in  his 
mouth. 

1  Pet  ii.  24. 

Ou  Ttu  /Auikuizrl  XUTOU  ix3ht£. 

By  whose  stripes  ye  were  healed. 


1  Pet.  iii.  10—12. 

"O  yxf  SsKuiv  £iu»v  xyxvxv,  xxi  iSttv  r.fupxf 
xyx$x$,  yrxva-xTco  rqv  yKwtro-xv  xutou  x?ro  xxxcu, 
xxi  %ei*.»j  xutou  tou  ju>]  hxKytrxt  SoKov'  txxKivatri* 
«jro  xxxou,  xxi  ^-odjo-xtco  xyxSov  ^t«o-xtw  eipxviiv, 
xxi  Jiw^xtw  xutiiv'     cOti  oi  o^5xA.^oi    Kupicu  art 

0  »XX(0UC)    XXI    U}TX    XUTOU     £*J    Si^TtV     XVTtUV'     TTpOFm* 
7T0V    St  UpiOU   £7TI    9TOI0UVTXJ  XXXX. 

For  he  that  will  love  life  and  see  good  days,  let 
him  refrain  his  tongue  from  evil,  and  his  lips  that 
they  speak  no  guile.  Let  him  eschew  evil  and  do 
good  ;  let  him  seek  peace  and  pursue  it.  For  the 
eyes  of  the  Lord  are  over  the  righteous,  and  his 
ears  are  open  unto  their  prayers  :  but  the  face  of 
the  Lord  is  against  them  that  do  evil. 


179.  Isa.  viii.  12,  13. 

mni-riN  :  ttnun  *6i  .«T,n-.s,7  lN-un-nxi 
:  wnpn  inn  nuox 

Neither  fear  ye  their  fear ;  nor  be  afraid. 
Sanctify  the  Lord  of  Hosts  himself. 


Isa.  viii.  12,  13. 

TOV   St    90C0V    XUTOU    OU   fit     ^OhtiSi\Ttt     OvSt    fLVj    TX- 
pX%9>|T£.        KuflOi/  XUTOV   i^lXIT«T£. 

Be  not  ye  terrified  with  the  fear  of  him,  nor  dis- 
mayed.   Hallow  the  Lord  himself. 


IPet.  iii.  14,  15. 

TOl/    St    ^OSOI-  XUTwf  flVt  ^0?lj5j]T£,  fJ.V,St  TxpX%3))T£. 

Kupiov  St  tov  Qtav  xytxtrxTt.* 

And  be  not  afraid  of  their  terror,  neither  be 
troubled,  but  sanctify  the  Lord  God  in  your 
hearts. 


ISO.  Prov.  x.  12. 

:  nana  riDan  o>yvc-*?3  Sjn 
Love  covereth  all  sins. 


n 

91MX 


Prov.  x.  12. 

rouj     (ivj    <pl>.oi/5l 


l-TXJ      XX^UffTil 


But  friendship  covereth  all  them  who  are  not 
contentious. 


IPet.  iv.  8. 

'Oti  >"j  uyu7rt  xxKv^/tt  yrKtiQog  otfiupriwv.t 

For  charity  shall  cover  the  multitude  of  sins. 


181-  Psal.  ii.  9. 

:  dxb:h  tsv  ^aa  Vna  oat^a  oyin 

Thou  shalt  break  them  with  a  rod  of  iron  ;  thou 
shalt  dash  them  in  pieces  like  a  potter's  vessel. 


Psal.  ii.  9. 

IIoi/iXKEi;   xutouj  tv  pxSJoi  o-ijifpx-  li(  0-X£U05  XI. 
px^eai;  0-UfTpn|/£l;  xurouf. 

Thou  shalt  rule  them  with  a  rod  of  iron  :  thou 
shalt  break  them  to  pieces  like  a  potter's  vessel. 


Rev.  ii.  27. 

Kxi   ttoi/xxvci    «utou$    tv    oxZSw    a-iS*i%x'    u;    :a 

0"X£UX    TX   XfpX^UIXX   O-Ul-TpiSlTXI.* 

And  he  shall  rule  with  a  rod  of  iron  :  as  a 
potter's  vessel,  shall  they  be  broken  to  shivers. 


illusores,  he  will  scorn  the  scorners.  The  Arabic  version  agrees  with  the 
pepiuagint— renstet  superbis,  he  will  resist  the  proud.  The  Syriac  version 
renaeis  it  aestruet  irnsores,  he  will  destroy  Ihe  scorners;  andtheChaldee 
paraphrase— illusores  propeller,  he  will  drive  away  the  scorners.  It  is  not 
easy  to  account  for  this  difference  ;  nor  is  it  worth  while  to  attempt  it :  the 
sense  is  much  the  same,  as  the  ;>;<wdand  the  scorners  are  equivalent 
expressions  in  Scripture  language.     (Or.  Randolph,  p.  46.) 

•.h  ,fe«  ,  ■'  ,  re.  of,whic|i  are  of  the  greatest  antiquity,  read  ^o-Ss, 
with  the  Septuagint;  which  reading,  though  inferior  to  that  in  the  received 
text,  unesbach  considers  as  not  to  be  disregarded 

»  Both  tMsquoiation  and  the  Septuagint  gives  the  meaning  of  the  Hebrew ; 


but  the  word  xutoiv  (their),  which  is  used  by  St.  Peter,  seems  to  give  the 
sense  better  than  the  singular  xutou  (his)  of  the  Septuagint.  The  original 
Hebrew  (which  is  Jehovah  Sabaoth,  Lord  of  Hosts)  will  admit  of  either. 
(Scott.) 

»  This  is  a  translation  from  the  Hebrew,  and  widely  different  from  the 
Septuagint ;  only  for  all  sins,  the  apostle  has  the  multitude  of  sins.  The 
Septuagint,  Syriac,  and  Arabic  versions  differ  strangely  from  each  other. 
(Dr.  Randolph,  Scott.) 

«  This  is  nearly  a  quotation  of  the  Septuagint  (which  exactly  translates 
the  Hebrew),  the  person  only  being  altered  from  the  second  to  the  third 
(Dr.  Randolph,  Scott.) 


Sect.  I.  §  2.] 


CLASSIFICATION  OF  QUOTATIONS. 


311 


$  2.    CLASSIFICATION   OF   THE    QUOTATIONS   FROM  THE   HEBREW 
SCRIPTURES  IN  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 

The  Quotations  from  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  in  the  New 
Testament  may  be  arranged  under  the  nine  following  classes: 
viz.  I.  Quotations  exactly  agreeing  with  the  Hebrew; — 
II.  Those  which  agree  nearly  with  the  Hebrew; — III.  Quo- 
tations, agreeing  with  tin-  Hebrew  in  tense,  hut  not  in  words; 
—IV.  Such  as  give  the  general  sense; — V.  Quotations, 
which  are  taken  from  several  passages  of  Scripture; — 
VI.  Quotations  differing  from  the  Hebrew,  bui  agreeing  with 
the  Septuagint; — VII.  Quotations  in  which  there  is  reason  to 
suspect  a  different  reading  in  the  Hebjew,  or  that  the  apostles 
understood  the  words  is  s  sense  different  from  that  expressed 
in  our  Lexicons; — VIII.  Passages,  in  which  the  Hebrew 
seems  to  be  corrupted; — and,  IX.  Passages  which  arc  not 
properly  citations,  but  mere  references  or  allusions. 

I.    Quotations  exactly  agreeing  with  the  Hebrew. 


Chip,  and  Vene  of  0 


to. 

Xi.  1. 

r  Deal  vtti.  8. 

9  Dent  vi.  16.    • 

18.  toft.  Iiii.4. 

i:i.  Hoa.  \i.6. 

a.  Lev.  xix.  18.    • 

24.  PsaJ.  cxviii.  22,  23. 

27.  Psal.  ex.  1.      • 

30.  Psal.  xxii.  19.  • 

31.  Peal,  xxii.  2.-- 
&  Isa.  liii.  12.  • 
34.  Lev.  xii.  8. 

36.  Psal.  lxix.  10.  - 
40.  Psal.  Ixxxii.  6. 
42.  Psal.  liii.  1.  - 
46.  Psal.  xxii  19.  - 
50.  Psal.  cix.  8.  - 
r>i  Gen.  xxii.  18.  - 
66.  l'sal.  ii.  1,2.  - 
61.  Psal.  ii.  7. 
69.  Exod.  xxii.  27. 

75.  Psal.  v.  10.      - 

76.  Psal.  cxl.  4.  - 
79.  Psal.  xxxvi.  2. 
BO.  Psal.  xxxii.  1,  2. 

81.  Gen.  xvii.  5.  - 

82.  Gen.  xv.  5.  • 

83.  Psal.  xliv.  22.  - 

84.  Gen.  xxi.  7.  - 

86.  Gen.  xxv.  23.  • 

87.  Mai.  i.  2,  3.      - 

88.  Exod.  xxxiii.  19. 

89.  Exod.  ix.  16.    - 

l    xviii.  5.    • 

110.  Psal.  lxix.  10.  • 

111.  Psal.  .xviii.  50. 
113.  Psal.  cxvii.  1.  • 
115.  Isa.  lii.  15.  - 
119.  Job  v.  13. 

121.  Deut.  xxv.  4.   - 

122.  Exod.  xxxii.  6. 

124.  Psal.  xxiv.  1.  - 

125.  PsaJ.  viii.  6.  . 
127.  Isa.  xxii.  13.  - 
129.  Isa.  xxv.  8. 

131.  Psal.  cxvi.  10. 

132.  Isa.  xlix.  8.      • 

136.  Exod.  xvi.  13.  - 

137.  Psal.  cxii.  9.  . 
142.  Isa.  liv.  1. 

146.  2  Sam.  vii.  14.- 
'48.  Psal.  civ.  4.  • 
.49.  Psal.  xlv.  7,  8. 

151.  Psal.  viii.  4—6. 

152.  Psal.  xxii.  23.   - 

153.  Isa.  viii.  17, 18. 
155.  Gen.  ii.  3. 

157.  Gen.  xxii.  16, 17. 
162.  Deut.  xxxii.  35. 
161  Gen.  xlvii.  31.  • 
165.  Josh.  i.5. 
172.  Lev.  xi.  44.      - 


■peei  with 


Chap,  and  Vene  of  N.  T. 
Matt.  ii.  15. 

Matt.  iv.  4.  Luke  iv.  4. 
Malt,  iv  7. 
Matt.  viii.  17. 
Matt.  ix.  13.  xii.  7. 
Matt.  xix.  19.  xxii.  39. 
\  Matt.  xxi.  42.   Mark  xii.  10.  Luke 
I     xx.  17.  Acts  iv.  11. 
)  Matt.  xxii.  44.  Mark  xii.  36.  Luke 
I     xx.  42. 
Matt,  xxvii.  36. 
Matt,  xxvii.  46. 
Mark  xv.  28.    Luke  xxii.  37. 
Luke  ii.  24. 
John  ii.  17. 
John  x.  34. 

John  xii.  38.    See  Rom.  x.  16. 
John  xix.  24. 
Acts  i.  20. 
Acts  Hi.  25. 
Acts  iv.  25,  26. 
Acts  xiii.  33. 
Acts  xxiii.  5. 
Rom.  iii.  13 
Rom.  iii.  13. 
Rom.  iii.  18. 
Rom.  iv.  7, 8. 
Rom.  iv.  17. 
Rom.  iv.  18. 
Rom.  viii.  36. 
Rom.  ix.  7. 
Rom.  ix.  12. 
Rom.  ix.  13. 
Rom.  ix.  15. 
Rom.  ix.  17. 
Rom.  x.  5. 
Rain.  xv.  3. 
Rom.  xv.  9. 
Rom.  xv.  11. 
Rom.  xv.  21. 
1  Cor.  iii.  19. 
1  Cor.  ix.  9. 
1  Cor.  x.  7. 
1  Cor.  x.  26. 
1  Cor.  xv.  27. 
1  Cor.  xv.  32. 

1  Cor.  xv.  54. 

2  Cor.  iv.  13. 
2Cor.vi.  2. 

2 Cor.  viii.  15. 
2  Cor.  ix.  9. 
Gel  iv.  27. 
Heb.  i.  5. 
Heb.  I.  7. 
Heb.  i.  8, 9. 
Heb.  ii.  6— 8. 
Heb.  ii.  12. 
Heb.  ii.  13. 
Heb.  iv.Y 
Heb.  vi.  13,  14. 
Heb.  x.  30. 
Heb.  xi.  21. 
Heb.  xiii.  5. 
1  Pet.  i.  16. 


II.     Quotations  nearly  agreeing  icith  tlie  Hebrew. 

These  correspond  nearly  with  the  Hebrew,  though  not  so 
iterally  as  those  in  the  preceding  class,  to  which  they  are 
nlmost  equal  in  number :  Thus, 


1.  Isa.  vii.  14.  nearly  agrees  with 
4.  Jer.  xxxi.  15.  - 
8.  Psal.  xci.  11,  12. 

10.  Deut.  vi.  13.    - 

11.  Isa.  ix.  1,  2.     - 

16.  Isa.  vi.  9,  10.    - 

19.  Gen.  ii.  24.       • 

20.  Exod.  xx.  12-16. 

25  Exod.  iii.  6.     • 
Vol.  I. 


Matt  i.  23. 

Matt  ii.  18. 

Man.  iv.  6. 

Matt,  iv   10. 

Matt.  iv.  15,  16. 
$  Matt.  xiii.  14,  15.    Acts  xxviii.  26. 
"      (     Mark  iv.  12.    Luke  viii.  10. 

Matt.  xix.  5. 

Matt.  xix.  18,  19. 
S  Matt.  xxii.  32.  Mark  xii.  20.  Luke 
'     i     xx  37. 

2T 


,'o.             Chap,  and  Vane  of  0.  T. 

Chap,  and  Vene  of  N.T. 

V                 ,                        .  . 

Matt.  xxii.  37.  Mark  xii.  30.  Luke 

26.  Deut.  vi.  5.  nearly  agrees  with 

x.  27. 

28.  Zech.  xiii.  7.  • 

Matt.  xxvi.  31. 

37.  Psal.  Ixxviii.  24. 

John  vi.  31. 

3R  Isa.  liv.  13.      . 

John  vi.  45. 

41    Psal.  xii.  9.      • 

John  xiii.  13. 

i  ix.  3.    • 

John  xv.  25. 

17.  Exod  in.  46.  • 

John  xix.  36. 

48.  Zech.  xii.  10.  • 

John  xix.  37. 

51.  Joel  iii.  1 — 5.  - 

Acts  ii.  17.    (See  Rom.  x.  11 

66.  Gen.  xii.  1.      - 

Acts  vii.  3. 

61.  Isa.  lxvi.  1,  2.  - 

Acts  vii.  49,  50. 
Acts  xiii.  47. 

67.  Isa.  xlix.  6.      - 

70.  Hab.  ii.  4. 

Rom.  I.  17. 

71.  Isa   lii.  6. 

Rom  ii.  24. 

It  6.        •            •            - 

Rom.  iii.  4. 

; ;  Gen.  xv.  §. 

Rom.  iv.  3. 

9J    11       ii.  1.  (i.  10.  of  English 

i 

Rom.  ix.  26. 

Version) 

93.  Isa.  i.  9. 

Rom.  ix.  29. 

91.   Isa.  viii.  14. 

i 

Rom.  ix.  33. 

95.  Isa.  xxviii.  16.  • 

i.i.7. 

Rom.  x.  15. 

99.  Psal.   xix.  5.  (4.  of  Englist 

! 

Rom.  x.  18. 

Version) 

100.  Deut.  xxxii.  21. 

Rom.  x.  19. 

101.  Isa.  lxv.  1,  2.  - 

Rom.  x.  20, 21. 

102.   1  Kings  xix.  14. 

Rom.xi.  3 

103.  1  Kings  xix.  18. 

Rom.  xi.  4. 

107.  I>.iut.  xxxii. 25. 

Rom.  xii.  19.    Heb.  x.  30. 

103.  Prov.  xxv.  21,  22. 

Rom.  xii.  20. 

112.  Deut.  xxxii.  42.  (43.  of  Eng 
lish  Version) 

j 

Rom.  xv.  10. 

116.  Isa.  xxix.  14.    • 

1  Cor.  i.  19. 

118.  Isa.  xii.  13. 

1  Cor.  ii.  16. 

120.  Psal.  xci  v.  11.  • 

1  Cor.  iii.  20. 

125.  Isa.  xxviii.  11,  12. 

1  Cor.  xiv.  21. 

128.  Gen.  ii.  7. 

1  Cor.  xv.  45. 

133.  Lev.  xxvi.  11,  12. 

2  Cor.  vi.  16. 

143.  Gen.  xxi.  10.    • 

Gal.  iv.  30. 

144.  Peal,  lxviii.  19. 

Eph   iv.8. 

145.  Exod.  xx.  12.  . 

Eph.  vi.  2,  3. 

147.  Psal.  xcvii.  7.  - 

Heb.  i.  6. 

150.  Psal.  cii.  25—27. 

Heb.  i.  10-12. 

154.  Psal.  xcv.  7— 11. 

Heb.  iii. 7— 10. 

158.  Exod.  xxv.  40. 

Heb.  viii.  5. 

159.  Jer.  xxxi.  31.  34. 

Heb.  viii.  8—12. 

160.  Exod.  xxiv.  8.  ■ 

Heb.  ix.20. 

167.  Psal.  cxviii.  6. 

Heb.  xiii.  6. 

173.  Isa.  xl.  6-8.    - 

1  Pet  i.  24,  25. 

175.  Exod.  xix.  6.    . 

1  Pet  ii.  9. 

176.  Isa.  liii.  9. 

1  Pet  ii.  22. 

177.  Isa.  liii.  5 

1  Pet.  ii.  24. 

178.  Psal.  xxxiv.  13—17.    • 

1  Pet.  iii.  10—12. 

179.  Isa.  viii.  12,  13. 

1  Pet  iii.  14,  15. 

180.  Prov.  x.  12.     - 

1  Pet  iv.  8. 

181.  Psal.  ii.  9.        -           • 

Rev.  ii.  27. 

in.  Quotations  agreeing  with  the  Hebrew  in  Sense,  but  Nd 
in  words. 


C  agrees  in  sense 

6.  Isa.  xl.  3—5.  <     but    not    in  > 

(     words,  with 

15.  Isa.  xiii.  1 — 4.  - 

Matt.  xii.  18—21. 

17.  Psal.  Ixxviii.  2. 

Matt  xiii.  35. 

22  Zech.  ix.  9.      - 

Matt.  xxi.  5. 

23.  Psal.  viii.  3.     - 

Matt.  xxi.  16. 

29.  Zech.  xi.  13.    - 

Matt.  Xjvii.  9, 10. 

33.  Exod.  xiii.  2.  • 

Luke  ii.  23. 

41.  Zech.  ix.  9.      • 

John  xii.  15. 

43.  Isa.  vi.  9,  10.    - 

John  xii.  40. 

49.  Psal.  lxix.  26.  • 

Acts  1.  20. 

53.  Deut  xviii.  15. 19. 

Acts  iii.  22, 23. 
Acts  vii.  16. 

59.  (see  Josh.  xxiv.  32.)  -           • 

74.  Psal.  xiv.  1—3. 

Rom.  iii.  10—12. 

78.  Isa.  lix.  7,  8.     - 

Rom.  iii.  15—17. 

85.  Gen.  xviii.  10.  • 

Rom.  ix.  9. 

90.  Hos.  ii.  23.       - 

Rom.  ix.  25. 

92,  Isa.  x.  22,  23.   - 

Rom.  ix.  27,  28. 

105.  Psal.  lxix.  23,  24. 

Rom.  xi.  9,  10. 

109.  Isa.  xlv.  23.     - 

Rom.  xiv.  11. 

114.  Isa.xi.  10. 

Rom.  xv.  12. 

134.  Isa.  lii.  11, 12.  • 

•       2  Cor.  vi.  17. 

130.  lien.  xii.  3.       • 

■       Gal.  iii.  8. 

140.  Deut.  xxvi'.  26. 

Gal.  iii.  10. 

163.  Hag.  ii.  6. 

Heb.  xii.  26. 

IV.  Quotations  that  give  the  general  Sense,  but  wmcfi  abndgt 
or  add  to  it. 
5.  (Psal.  xxii.  6.") 

lifXiiii   ZPch"    comPare'J  with    Malt-  «•  23- 
xi.  12,  13.)      J 
41.  Zech.  ix.  9.     - 

43.  Isa.  vi.  9,  10.   ■ 

57.  Gen.  xv.  13,  14. 

58.  Gen.  xlvi.  27.  - 
6a  Amos  ix.  11,  12. 

104.  Isa.  xxix.  10.    - 
170.  (Gen.  vi.  3.  5. 


John  xii  it).  ...     .  ,. 

C  John  xii.  40.  (and  see  Matt.  xiii.  14,  IB. 
)  Mark  iv.  12.  Luke  vai.  10.  Mti 
I     xxviii.  26.) 

Acts  vii.  6  7. 

Acts  vii.  14. 

Acts  xv.  16,  17. 

Rom.  xi.  8. 

James  iv.  5. 


312 


CLASSIFICATION  OF  QUOTATIONS  FROM  THE 


[Part  I.  Chap.  IV. 


V.  Quotations  that  are  taken  from  several  Passages  of  Scripture.  I  hand,  while  they  retained  the  words  of  the  Septuagint,  they 

1  had  taken  notice  of  each  inaccuracy,  they  would  have  diverted 
the  reader's  attention  from  the  main  object  to  the  consideration 


Sometimes  there  is  such  a  change  made  in  the  quotation, 
that  it  is  not  easy  to  ascertain  from  what  particular  passage 
of  the  Old  Testament  it  is  taken.  The  instances  of  this  de- 
scription, however,  in  which  the  citation  is  made  from  several 
passages  of  Scripture,  are  very  few.  Dr.  Randolph  has  men- 
tioned only  three,  to  which  we  have  added  two  others. 


Chip,  and  Vena  of  N.  T. 
Acts  ziii.  22. 


No.  Chap,  and  V«ne  of  0.  T. 

63.  (See  Psalms  ) 

lxxxix.20.  and  >  compared  with 
1  Sam.  xiii  14-5 

94.  Isa.  xxviii.  16.  •  •  -  } 

95.  Isa.  viii.  14.     -  •  •  S 
104.  Isa.  xxix.  10.  (and  see  Isa.  vi.  ) 

9.  and  Ezek.  xii.  2.)  S 

22.  Zech.  ix.  9.  (and  see  Isa. ) 

lxii.  11.)  S 

49.  Psal.  lxix.  26.  •  -  •  ? 

50.  Psal.  cix.  8.     -  -  -  i 
To  this  head  also  we  may  perhaps  refer  the  quotation,  No.  6.  p.  294. 

relative  to  the  Messiah  being  called  a  Nazarene. 


Rom.  ix.  33. 
Rom.  xi.  8. 
Matt.  xxi.  5. 
Acts  i.  20. 


VI. 


Quotations  differing  from  the  Hebrew,  but  agreeing  with 
the  Septuagint. 


13.  Isa.  xxix.  13.  compared  with 
52.  Psal.  xvi.  8—11. 
60.  Amos  v.  25—27. 
65.  Isa.  lv.  3. 

99.  Psal.  xix.  5.  (4.  of  English > 
Version)  $ 

171.  Prov.  iii.  34.    - 


Matt.  xv.  8,  9. 
Acts  ii.  25—28. 
Acts  vii.  42,  43. 
Acts  xiii.  34. 

Rom.  x.  18. 

James  iv. 


VII.  Quotations  in  which  there  is  reason  to  suspect  a  different 
Beading  in  the  Hebrew,  or  that  the  Apostles  understood  the 
Words  in  a  Sense  different  from  that  expressed  in  our  Lexi- 
cons. 


2.  Micah  v.  2.     compared  with 
14.  Mai.  Hi.  1. 
35.  Isa.  bri.  1,  2.    - 
62.  Isa.  liii.  7,  8.    • 
66.  Hab.  i.  5. 
68.  Amos  ix.  11,  12. 
77.  Psal.  x.  7.       • 
99.  Psal.  xix.  5.    - 

106.  Isa.  lix.  20,  21. 

107.  Deut.  xxxii.  35. 
112.  Deut.  xxxii.  42. 
117.  Isa.  lxiv.  3.  . 
.63.  Hab.  ii.  3,4.  • 
174   Isa.  xxviii.  16.- 


Matt.  ii.  6. 

Matt.  xi.  10.  Mark  i.  2. 

Luke  iv.  18,  19. 

Acts  viii.  32,  33. 

Acts  xiii.  41. 

Acts  xv.  16.  17. 

Rom.  iii.  14. 

Rom.  x.  18. 

Rom.  xi.  26,  27. 

Rom.  xii.  19. 

Rom.  xv.  10. 

1  Cor.  ii.  9. 

Heb.  x.  37,  38. 

1  Pet.  ii.  6. 


Luke  vii.  27. 


VIII.  Passages  in  which  the  Hebrew  seems  to  be  corrupted. 
compared  with 


2.  Micah  v.  2 

14.  Mai.  iii.  1. 

52.  Psal.  xvi.  8—11. 

68.  Amos  ix.  11,  12. 
161.  Psal.  xl.  7—9.  - 
163.  Hab.  ii.  3,  4. 


Matt.  ii.  6. 

Matt.  xi.  10.  Mark  i.  2.  Luke  vii.  27. 

Acts  ii.  25—28. 

Acts  xv.  16,  17. 

Heb.  x.  5—7. 

Heb.  x.  37,  38. 


IX.     Passages  which  are  not  properly   Citations,  but  mere 
References  or  Allusions. 


39.  Isa.  xii.  3.  alluded  to  in 

97.  Deut.  xxx.  12—14.     - 

123.  Deut.  xxxii.  17. 

130.  Hos.  xiii.  14.    . 

138.  Deut.  xix.  15.  - 

169.  Hos.  xiv.  3.      - 


John  vii.  38. 
Rom.  x.  6—8. 
1  Cor.  x.  20. 

1  Cor.  xv.  55. 

2  Cor.  xiii.  1. 
Heb.  xiii.  15. 

To  this  class  also  we  may  most  probably  refer  the  allusions  in  2  Cor. 
vi.  18.    See  p.  306.  and  note. 


of  trifles.  It  must,  however,  be  remarked,  that  the  writers  of 
the  New  Testament  appear  to  have  been  so  careful  to  give 
the  true  sense  of  the  Old  Testament,  that  they  forsook  the 
Septuagint  version,  whenever  it  did  not  give  that  sense,  so  far 
as  they  had  occasion  to  cite  it,  and  these  citations  often  cor- 
respond with  the  present  Hebrew  text.  The  quotations  from 
the  Septuagint  in  the  New  Testament  may  be  classed  under 
the  five  following  heads : — I.  Such  as  agree  verbatim  with 
the  Septuagint,  or  only  change  the  person,  number,  &c. ; — 
II.  Quotations  taken  from  the  Septuagint,  but  with  some 
variation ; — III.  Quotations  agreeing  with  the  Septuagint  in 
sense,  but  not  in  words ; — IV.  Quotations  differing  from  the 
Septuagint,  but  agreeing  exactly,  or  nearly,  with  the  Hebrew ; 
— and,  V .  Quotations  which  differ  both  from  the  Septuagint 
and  from  the  Hebrew,  and  are  probably  taken  from  some 
other  translation  or  paraphrase. 

I.  Quotations  agreeing  verbatim  with  the  Septuagint,  or  only 
changing  the  Person,  Number, 


Mo.  Chap,  and  Verse  of  0.  T. 

7.  Deut.  viii.  3.        agrees  with 
9.  Deut.  vi.  16.    - 
13.  Hos.  vi.  6.      • 

20.  Exod.  xx.  12—16.       • 

21.  Lev.  xix.  18.    • 

23.  Psal.  viii.  2.    - 

24.  Psal.  cxviii.  22,  23.    • 

25.  Exod.  iii.  6.    - 


§3.  CLASSIFICATION  OF  THE  QUOTATIONS  FROM  THE  SEPTUAGINT 
VERSION  IN  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 

Although  the  sacred  authors  of  tbe  New  Testament  have 
m  many  instances  quoted  from  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  as  the 
preceding  tables  have  shown ;  yet  it  is  equally  certain  that 
bhey  have  very  frequently  made  their  citations  from  the  Greek 
version  usually  denominated  the  Septuagint,  even  where  this 
translation  from  the  Hebrew  is  inaccurate,  but  where  the 
errors  are  of  such  a  nature  as  not  to  weaken  the  proofs  for  which 
they  were  alleged.  In  fact,  as  the  apostles  wrote  for  the  use 
of  communities  who  were  ignorant  of  Hebrew,  it  was  neces- 
sary that  they  should  refer  to  the  Greek  version,  which  was 
generally  known  and  read.  Had  they  given  a  new  and  more 
accurate  translation  according  to  the  Hebrew,  citing  as  they 
often  did  from  memory,  the  reader  would  not  have  known 
What  passage  they  intended  to  quote  •  and  if,  on  the  other 


27. 


Psal.  ex.  1. 
Zech.  xiii.  7. 


of, 


28. 

30.  Psal.  xxi.   18.    (xxii.  18.  of 

English  Bible) 
36.  Psal.  lxviii.   9.  (lxi*  9. 

English  Bible) 
40.  Psal.  lxxxii.  6. 
42.  Isa.  liii.  1. 
50.  Psal.  cix.  8.     - 
52.  Psal.  xvi.  8—11. 
55.  Psal.  ii.  1,  2.    • 
58.  Gen.  xlvi.  27.  • 
64.  Psal.  ii.  7. 
67.  Isa.  xlix.  6.      • 
69.  Exod.  xxii.  28. 
72.  Psal.  Ii.  4. 

75.  Psal.  v.  9. 

76.  Psal.  exxxix.  3.  (cxl.  3 

English  Bible) 

77.  Psal.  x.  7.        - 

79.  Psal.  xxxv.  1.  (xxxvi.  1 

English  Bible) 

80.  Psal.  xxxii.  1,  2. 

81.  Gen.  xvii.  5.    • 

82.  Gen.  xv.  6.      - 

83.  Psal.  xliv.  22.  - 

84.  Gen.  xxi.  12.  - 

86.  Gen.  xxv.  3.    - 

87.  Mai.  i.  2,  3.      - 

88.  Exod.  xxxiii.  19. 
91.  Hos.  i.  10. 
93.  Isa.  i.  9. 
96.  Lev.  xviii.  5.    - 
99.  Psal.  xix.  4.     • 

100.  Deut.  xxxii.  21. 

101.  Isa.  lxv.  1,  2.  - 
108.  Prov.  xxv.  21,  22. 

110.  Psal.  lxix.  9.   - 

111.  Psal.  xviii.  49.- 

112.  Deut.  xxxii.  43. 

113.  Psal.  cxvii.  1.  - 
115.  Isa.  Iii.  15.       - 

121.  Deut.  xxv.  4.  • 

122.  Exod.  xxxii.  6. 
124.  Psal.  xxiv.  1.  - 

126.  Psal.  viii.  6.    - 

127.  Isa.  xxii.  13.    - 

131.  Psal.  cxvi.  10.  - 

132.  Isa.  xlix.  8.  - 
137.  Psal.  cxii.  9.  - 
142.  Isa.  liv.  1. 

146.  2  Sam.  vii.  14.  - 

147.  Deut.  xxxii.  43. 

148.  Psal.  civ.  4.     - 

149.  Psal.  xlv.  6,  7. 

150.  Psal.  cii.  25—27. 

151.  Psal.  viii.  4-6. 

155.  Gen.  ii.  3. 

156.  Psal.  ex.  4.      • 

157.  Gen.  xxii.  16,  17. 

162.  Deut.  xxxii.  36. 

163.  Hab.  ii.  3,  4.  - 

164.  Gen.  xlvii.  31.- 

165.  Prov.  iii.  11.    . 

166.  Deut.  xxxi.  8.  - 

167.  Psal.  cxviii.  6.- 
169.  Hos.  xiv.  2.  • 
175.  Exod.  xix.  6.  - 
177.  Isa.  liii.  5. 

1  178.  Psal.  xxxiv.  12—16.  - 


"i 


Chap,  and  Vene  of  N.  T. 
Matt.  iv.  4.  Luke  iv.  4. 
Matt.  iv.  7. 
Matt.  ix.  13.  xii.  17. 
Matt  xix.  18,  19. 
Matt.  xix.  19.  xxii.  39. 
Matt.  xxi.  16. 

JMatt.  xxi.  42.  Mark  xii.  10.  Luke  xx> 
17.  Acts  iv.  11. 
!Matt.  xxii.  32.  Mark  xii.  26.  Luke  xx 
37. 
Matt  xxii.  44.  Mark  xii.  36.  Luke  xx, 
42. 
Matt.  xxvi.  31. 

Matt,  xxvii.  35.  John  xix.  24. 

John  ii.  17. 

John  x.  34. 
John  xii.  38. 
Acts  i.  20. 
Acts  ii.  25—28. 
Acts  iv.  25,  26. 
Acts  vii.  14. 
Acts  xiii.  33. 
Acts  xiii.  47. 
Acts  xxiii.  5. 
Rom.  iii.  4. 
Rom.  iii.  13. 

Rom.  iii.  13. 

Rom.  iii.  14. 

Rom.  iii.  18. 

Rom.  iv.  7, 8. 
Rom.  iv.  17. 
Rom.  iv.  18. 
Rom.  viii.  36. 
Rom.  ix.  7. 
Kom.  ix.  12. 
Rom.  ix.  13. 
Rom.  ix.  15. 
Rom.  ix.  26. 
Rom.  ix.  29. 
Rom.  x.  5. 
Rom.  x.  18. 
Rom.  x.  19. 
Rom.  x.  20,  21. 
Rom.  xii.  20. 
Rom.  xv.  3. 
Rom.  xv.  9. 
Rom.  xv.  10. 
Rom.  xv.  11. 
Rom.  xv.  21. 
1  Cor.  ix.  9. 
1  Cor.  x.  7. 
1  Cor.  x.  26. 
1  Cor.  xv.  27. 

1  Cor.  xv.  32. 

2  Cor.  iv.  13. 
2  Cor.  vi.  2. 
2  Cor.  ix.  9. 
Gal  iv.  27. 
Heb.  i.  5. 
Heb.  l.  6. 
Heb.  i.  7. 
Heb.  i.  8,  9. 
Heb.  i.  10-12. 
Heb.  ii.  6-€. 
Heb.  iv.  4. 
Heb.  v.  6 
Heb.  vi.  13, 14. 
Heb.  x.  30. 
Heb.  x.  37,  38. 
Heb.  xi.  21. 
Heb.  xii.  5. 
Heb.  xiii.  5. 
Heb.  xiii.  6. 
Heb.  xiii.  15. 
IPet.  ii  9 

1  Pet.  ii.  a*. 

1  Pet.  iii.  10-12 


r>Kr  r.  I.  §  4.] 


SEPTUAGINT  VERSION  IN  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 


II.   Quotations  taken  from  tfte  Septuagint,  but  with  some 
Variation. 

These  variations,  however,  are  immaterial,  consisting  occa- 
sionally,— 1.  Of  additions  of  words,  to  render  the  sense  more 
explicit  to  the  Gentiles; — 2.  Of  omissions  of  words,  win  n 
the  insertion  of  them  was  not  necessary  to  prove  the  point  for 
which  they  were  adduced; — 3.  Of  synonymous  changes, 
substituting  other  words  of  the  saint-  import  for  the  exact 
words  of  the  Septuagint, — which  might  easily  bedone, citing, 
as  the  apostles  sometimes  did,  from  memory ; — 1.  Of  trans- 
positions of  words; — 5.  Of  changes  of  propel  names  into 
appellatives; — and,  t>.  Of  occasional  alterations  in  the  divi- 
sions of  sentences.  But  in  all  these  sentences  the  sense  is 
invariably  given. 


No.  Chap,  ud  Vent  of  0.  T. 

I.  Isa  vii.  11.      compared  with 

a  Psal.  xci.  11,  12. 

10.  Deut.  vi.  13.    • 

16.  Isa.  vi.  9—11.  - 

18.  Isa.  xxix.  18.  • 
19   Oan.  ii.  'J4 

39.  Zech.  xi.  13.   • 

36.  Isa.  Ixi.  1,  2.    • 

37.  Psal.  lxxviii.  24. 

17.  Exod.  xii.  46.  - 
51.  Joel  ii.  28—32. 
:>i.  Oen.  nil.  18.  - 
66,  Sea  xii.  I.      ■ 

Miiosv.  25,26. 

laa.  liii-  7.        -  •  - 

!    i  Iv.  8. 

70.  Hab.  ii.  4. 

71    Isa.  lii.5. 

.1    l'sal.  xiv.  1— 3. 

89.  Exod.  ix.  16.    • 

C.M    Isa.  viii.  44.      • 

96.   Isa.  xxviii.  16. 
105.  Psal.  Ixix.  22,  23. 
105.  Isa.  lix.  20,  21. 
111.  Isa.  xi.  10. 
116.  Isa.  xxix.  14.  - 
118.  Isa.  xl.  13. 
120.  Psal.  xciv.  11.  - 
123.  Deut.  xxxii.  17. 
128.  Gen.  ii.  7.        -  -  - 

130.  Hos.  xiii.  14.   - 
133.  Lev.  xxvi.  11,  12. 
136.  Exod.  xvi.  18. 

138.  Deut.  xix.  15. 

139.  Gen.  xii.  3.  (and  see  xviii.  18.) 
143.  Gen.  xxi.  10.  - 

145.  Exod.  xx.  12.  - 

152.  Psal.  xxii.  22.  - 

153.  Isa.  viii.  17,  18. 

154.  Psal.  xcv.  7—11. 
158.  Exod.  xxv.  40.  • 
161.  Psal.  xl.6— 9.  - 
171.  Prov.  iii.  34.  - 
17.i.  Isa.  xl.  6—8.  • 
174.  Isa.  xxviii.  16. 
176.  Isa.  liii.  9. 

179.  Isa.  viii.  12,  13. 


Chip,  and  Vene  of  N.  T. 
Matt.  i.  S\. 
Matt  iv.  ii. 

Mall.  iv.  10. 
\  Malt.  till.   14,    15.     Acts  xxviii.  26,  27. 
(     Mark  iv.  12.     Luke  viii.  10. 

Malt.  xv.  8,  9. 

Matt.  xix.  5. 

Matt,  xxvii.9, 10. 

Luke  iv.  18,  19. 

John  vi.  31. 

John  xix.  36. 

Aclsii.  17—21. 

Acts  iii.  25. 

Acts  vii.  3. 

Acts  vii.  42,  43. 

Acls  viii.  32,  33. 

Acts  xiii.  34. 

Rom.  i.  17. 

Rom.  U.  24. 

Rom.  iii.  10—12. 

Rom.  ix.  17. 

?  Rom.  ix.  33. 

Rom.  xi.  9,  10. 
Rom.  xi.  26,  27. 
Rom.  xv.  12. 
1  Cor.  i.  19. 
1  Cor.  ii.  16. 
1  Cor.  iii.  20. 
1  Cor.  x.  20. 
1  Cor.  xv.  45 

1  Cor.  xv.  55. 

2  Cor.  vi.  16. 
2Cor.  viii.  15. 
2  Cor.  xiii.  1. 
Gal.  iii.  8. 
Gal.  iv.  30. 
Eph.  vi.  2,  3. 
Heb.  ii.  12. 
Heb.  ii.  13. 
Heb.  iii.  7—10. 
Heb.  viii.  5. 
Heb.  x.  5—7. 
James  iv.  ii. 

1  Pet.  i.  24,  25. 
1  Pet.  ii.  6 
1  Pet  ii.  22. 
1  Pet.  iii.  14,  15. 


3ir 

IV.  Quotations  differing  from  the  Septuagint,  but  agreeing 
exactly,  or  nearly,  with  the  Hebrew. 
There  are  several  instances  of  an  evidently  intentional  re- 
nunciation of  the  Septuagint  version,  in  order  to  adhere  to  the 
Hebrew  original :  these  instances  occur  when  the  Septuagint 
so  materially  differs  from  the  Hebrew,  as  to  render  the  pas- 
iage  unsuitable  to  the  purpose  for  which  the  sacred  writer  pro- 
duced  the  quotation,  or  where  it  is  palpably  erroneous.  The 
number  of  these  departures  from  the  Septuagint  is  eleven,-  viz. 


III.   Quotations  agreeing  with  the  Septuagint  in  Sense,  but 
not  ir   Words. 


C  agrees 

n  sense, ) 

Jer.  xxxi.  15.  1     but 

not     in  > 

Matt.  ii.  18. 

(     words,  with    ^ 

6.  Isa.  xl.  3 — 5.    - 

Malt.  iii.  3.    Mark  i.  3.     Luke  iii.  4—6 

17.  Psal.  lxxviii.  2. 

Matt.  xiii.  35. 

26.  Deut.  vi.  5. 

* 

Matt.  xxii.  37.  Mark  xii.  30.  Luke  x.27 

32.  Isa.  liii.  12.      • 

Mark  xv.  28.   Luke  xxii.  37. 

33.  Exod.  xiii.  2.    • 

Luke  ii.  23. 

34.  Lev.  xii.  8. 

Luke  ii.  24. 

3S.  Isa.  liv.  13.       • 

John  vi.  45. 

41.  Zech.  ix.  9.      • 

John  xii.  15. 

44.  Psal.  xii.  9.      • 

John  xiii.  18. 

45.  Psal.  cix.  3.     • 

John  xv.  25. 

48.  Zech.  xii.  10.  - 

John  xix.  37. 

49.  Psal.  Ixix.  25.  . 

Acts  i.  20. 

53    Dent,  xviii.  15.  10 

Aeta  iii.  22,  23. 

57.  (J^n.  xv.  13,  14. 

Acta  vii.  6,7. 

61.  Isa.  lxvi.  1,  2.  - 

Acts  vii.  49,  50. 

63.  Araosix.  11,  12. 

Acts  xv.  16,  17. 

7-.  tea.  lix.  7,  8.     - 

Rom.  iii.  15—17. 

85.  Gen.  xviii.  10.  • 

Rom.  ix.  9. 

90.  Hos.  ii.  23. 

Rom.  ix.  25. 

92.  Isa.  x.  22,  23.  • 

Rom.  ix.  27,  28. 

102.  1  Kings  xix.  14. 

Rom.  xi.  3. 

104.  Isa.  xxix.  10     •        , 

Rom.  xi  8. 

109.  Isa.  xlv.  23.      • 

Rom.  xiv.  11. 

119.  Job  v.  13. 

1  Cor.  iii.  19. 

134.  Isa.  Iii.  11,  12. 

2Cor.vi.  17. 

140.  Deut.  xxvii.  27.  (26. 

of  Eng-  £ 

Gal.  iii.  10. 

lish  Version) 

141.  Deut.  xxi.  23.  • 

. 

Gal.  iii.  13. 

159.  Jer.  xxxi.  31—34. 

. 

Heb.  viii.  8—12. 

160.  Exod.  xxiv.  8.  • 

Heb.  ix.  20. 

168-  Hag.  ii.  6. 
181.  Psal.  ii.  9. 

. 

Heb.  xii.  26. 
Rev.  ii.  27. 

No.  Chap,  and  Verae  of  0.  T. 

3.  Hos.  xi.  1.        -  •   citr  il  in 

4.  Jer.  xxxi.  15.  - 
12.  Isa.  liii.  4. 

22.  Zech.  ix.  9.      . 

31.  l'sal   xxii.  1.     - 

98.  Isa.  Iii.  7. 
103.  1  Kings  xix.  18. 
119.  Job  v.  13. ' 
129.  Isa.  xxv.  8.       - 
172.  Lev.  xi.  44. 
180.  Prov.  i.  12.      - 


Chap,  and  Verae  of  N.  T. 
Matt  ii.  15. 
Matt.  ii.  18. 
Matt.  viii.  17. 
Malt.  xxi.  5. 
Malt,  xxvii.  46. 
Rom  x.  15. 
Rom.  xi.  4. 
1  Cor.  iii.  19. 
1  Cor.  xv.  54. 
1  Pet.  i.  1»;. 
1  Pet.  iv.  18. 


V.  Quotations  which  differ  both  from  the  Septuagint  and  from 
the  Hebrew,  and  are  probably  taken  from  some  other  Trans- 
lation, or  Paraphrase,  or  were  so  rendered  by  the  sacred  Writers 
themselves. 


2.  Micah  v.  2. 
6.  Isa.  xl.  3 — 5.    - 
11.  Isa.  ix.  1,  2.      ■ 

14.  Mai.  iii.  1. 

15.  Isa.  xiii.  1—4. 
41.  Zech.  ix.  9.      - 
53.  Deut.  xviii.  15.  19. 
66.  Hab.  i.  5. 

85.  Gen.  xviii.  10.  - 
90  Hos.  ii.  23.  - 
92.  Isa.  x.  22,  23.  - 
97.  Deut.  xxx.  12—14. 

102.  1  Kings  xix.  14. 

107.  Deut.  xxxii.  35. 

117.  Isa.  lxiv.  4. 

125.  Isa.  xxviii.  11,  12. 

140.  Deut.  xxvii.  26. 

144.  Psal.  lxviii.  19. 

160.  Exod.  xxiv.  8.  - 


1.  Luke  iii.  4 — 6. 

2.  Luke  vii.  27 


cited  in    Matt  ii.  6. 

Matt.  iii.  3.  Mark 

Matt.  iv.  15,  16. 

Matt.xi.  10.  Mark 

Matt.  xii.  18—21. 

John  xii.  15. 

Acts  iii.  22,  23. 

Acts  xiii.  41. 

Rom.  ix.  9. 

Rom.  ix.  25. 

Rom.  ix.  27,  28 

Rom.  x.  6—8. 

Rom.  xi.  3. 

Rom.  xii.  19.  (and  see  Heb.  x  30 

1  Cor.  ii  9. 

1  Cor.  xiv.  21. 

Gal.  iii.  10. 

Eph.  iv.  8. 

Heb.  ix.  20. 


§  4.  CONSIDERATIONS  ON  THE  PROBABLE  CAUSES  OF  THE  SEEMING 
DISCREPANCIES  IN  THE  QUOTATIONS  FROM  THE  OLD  TESTA- 
MENT IN  THE  NEW. 

On  a  comparison  of  the  quotations  from  the  Old  Tes- 
tament in  the  New,  it  is  obvious  that  in  the  Epistles,  which 
were  addressed  generally  to  churches  consisting  of  converted 
Hellenists  (that  is,  Greek  Jews),  or  Gentiles,  or  of  both,  th« 
quotations  are  uniformly  made  from  the  Septuagint  version, 
or  with  express  reference  to  it,  except  where  some  importanl 
reason  induced  the  sacred  writer  to  deviate  from  it ;  for  the 
Septuagint  was  the  only  version  generally  known  in  those 
churches,  whose  members  were  mostly  strangers  to  the  He- 
brew. There  are,  however,  some  apparent  contradictions  in 
the  quotations  from  the  Old  Testament  in  the  New,  the  recon- 
ciliation of  which  has  much  engaged  the  attention  of  learned 
men,  who  have  assigned  various  causes  to  account  for,  01 
explain,  such  discrepancies.  These  it  may  be  useful  briefly 
to  consider,  before  we  discuss  the  mode  in  which  the  sacred 
writers  of  the  New  Testament  apply  their  quotations  from 
the  Old  Testament.  The  causes  of  the  differences  in  thesa 
quotations  may  be  reduced  to  three,  viz.  1.  Sophistications 
or  corruptions  of  the  Hebrew  text; — 2.  Various  Readings, 
or  differences  in  copies ; — 3.  Our  ignorance  of  the  correct 
meaning  of  particular  texts ; — and,  4.  The  different  designs 
with  which  they  were  quoted. 

1.  The  instances  of  probable  Sophistication,  or  Corrup- 
tion of  the  Hebrew  text,  are  comparatively  few,  and  are  only 
six  in  number, as  we  have  already  seen  :'  the  comparison  of 
manuscripts  and  versions  alone  can  enable  the  cntic  to  de- 
termine the  true  reading. 

2.  Various  Readings  in  the  manuscript  copies  of  the  Greek 
Bible,  used  by  the  sacred  writers  of  the  New  Testament,  and 
also  various  readings  in  different  manuscripts  of  the  New 
Testament  (some  of  which  have  been  specified  in  the  notes 
in  the  preceding  pages  of  this  section),  are  another  cause  of 
the  apparent  contradictions  in  the  quotations  made  in  it  from 
the  Old  Testament.  Professor  Michaelis  likewise  thinks  it 
possible  that,  in   hose  cases  where  the  quotations  are  mate 

'  Sea  §  MIL  p.  312.  supra. 


314 


CAUSES  OF  SEEMING  DISCREPANCIES  IN  QUOTATIONS. 


[Paiit  1.  Chap.  I\ 


nally  different,  another  translation  might  have  heen  added  in 
the  Septuagint  as  a  marginal  note,  in  the  same  manner  as  we 
find  in  the'Hexapla  of  Origen,  under  the  name  of  *\mc.  The 
Proverbs  of  Solomon,  he  observes,  present  instances  where 
the  same  Hebrew  words  are  twice  translated  ;  which  can  be 
explained  on  no  other  supposition,  than  that  one  of  them  was 
originally  a  marginal  note,  which  has  insensibly  crept  into 
the  text  itself.' 

3.  Another  cause  of  the  apparent  discrepancy  occurring  in 
the  quotations  from  the  Old  Testament  in  the  New  may  arise 
from  our  ignorance  of  particular  Hebrew  texts  or  words : 
a  few  such  instances  have  already  been  noticed.2  But  this 
is  only  a  temporary  cause — the  researches  of  commentators 
and  critics  (which  the  preceding  tables  have  tended  to  con- 
firm) have  shown  that  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament 
express  the  true  sense,  though  not  the  sense  generally  attri- 
buted to  the  Hebrew ;  and  in  proportion  as  such  researches 
are  more  diligently  prosecuted,  and  our  knowledge  of  the 
original  languages  of  the  Scriptures  is  increased,  these  diffi- 
culties will 'gradually  and  certainly  diminish. 

4.  It  is  further  to  be  observed  that  the  very  same  quotations 
are  often  contradicted  by  some  of  the  evangelists,  and  as  often 
enlarged  by  others.  This  difference  in  quoting  may  be 
accounted  for  by  the  different  occasions  on  which  they  are 
introduced,  and  the  Different  Designs  which  they  were 
intended  to  serve.  Thus  Luke,  who  wrote  hi_s  Gospel  for 
the  instruction  of  Gentile  converts,  quotes  (iii.  4 — 6.)  not 
less  than  three  verses  from  the  prophet  Isaiah  ;3  while  Mat- 
thew (iii.  3.)  and  Mark  (i.  3.)  quote  only  the  first  of  them. 
But  it  was  necessary  to  Luke  s  purpose  that  he  should  pro- 
ceed so  far,  in  order  to  assure  the  Gentiles,  that  they  were 
destined  to  be  partakers  of  the  privileges  of  the  Gospel,  and 
to  see  the  salvation  of  God.  On  the  other  hand,  Matthew 
(xiii.  14, 15.)  and  Paul  (Acts  xxviii.  26, 27.),  when  reproving 
the  Jews  for  their  incredulity,  which  Isaiah  had  long  before 
predicted,  introduced  the  prophecy  at  full  length,  whereas 
Mark  (iv.  11, 12.)  and  Luke  (viii.  10.)  only  refer  to  it  briefly. 
Mark,  whose  Gospel  was  written  for  a  mixed  society  of 
Jewish  and  Gentile  converts,  has  many  peculiarities  belonging 
to  him,  which  are  not  specified  by  the  other  evangelists.  Of 
these  peculiarities,  we  have  an  instance  in  his  manner  of 
citing  the  passage  of  Isaiah  just  noticed.  The  verse  in  his 
Gospel  runs  thus : — 

To/c  s£»  h  7rst£uj2o\aj;  ra  jravrst  yivercu'  'ha  fiKiTrcvrt;  0Ki7r<va-t,  *»/ 
UK  iSa*ri,  KUi  inwovfi;  ujt;ua«,  **/  jun  avvtaxri,  (juiTrcrt  'iTriTT^uxri,  ku 
dpsSvi  cwtok  t*  afjufTitfjL'XTn.  Unto  them  that  are  -without  all 
these  things  are  done  in  parables  :  That  seeing,  they  may  see 
and  not  perceive ;  and  hearing,  they  may  hear  and  not  un- 
derstand ;  lest  at  any  time  they  should  be  converted,  and  thdir 
sins  should  be  forgiven  them. 

In  order  to  engage  the  Jews  the  more  effectually  to  adopt  and 
obey  his  Gospel,  Mark  has  not  only  inserted  in  it  more  He- 
brew or  Tather  Syro-Chaldaic  phrases  than  all  the  other  evan- 
gelists together ;  but  in  the  verse  here  given,  he  has  forsaken 
both  the  Hebrew  and  Greek  of  lsa.  vi.  11.  (in  our  translation 
truly  rendered  and  I  will  heal  them),*  and  has  quoted  the 
Chaldee  Paraphrase,  which  he  translated  for  himself,  hxi 
*<p&»  Huron  va.  afAupTHfxctrct,  a7id  their  sins  should  be  forgiven 
them  ,-  and  which  thus  probably  became  more  intelligible  to 
the  Gentiles  also.  Now  these  particular  variations  are  so 
far  from  being  disparagements  to  the  Gospels,  that  they  are 
in  reality  the  excellencies  and  ornaments  of  them.  They  are 
such  variations  only,  as  these  different  converts,  of  different 
conceptions,  required  to  have  made,  for  their  obtaining  a  true 
and  right  knowledge  of  the  Old  Testament  prophecies.5  A 
similar  mode  of  citation  is  pursued  by  the  illustrious  apostle 
Paul,  who  does  not  mention  or  allege  the  law  and  the  pro- 
phets in  one  and  the  same  manner  to  Jews  and  Gentiles. 
Thus,  to  Felix  the  Roman  governor,  he  says  of  himself 
(Acts  xxiv.  14.),  Believing  all  things  which  are  written  in  the 
law  and  the  prophets.  But  to  king  Agrippa  (xxvi.  22.), 
Saying  none  other  things  than  those  which  the  prophets  and 
Moses  did  say  should  come.  And  thus  he  distinguishes  in  his 
Epistles.  In  that  to  the  Hebrews  are  many  passages  from 
the  Old  Testament,  but  not  a  single  instance  in  winch  it  is 
quoted  as  written.     But  in  his  other  Epistles  he  rarely  uses 

>  Marsh's  Michaelis,  vol.  i.  p.  235. 
»  See  §  2.  VII.  p.  312.  supra. 

«  See  the  passages  of  Isaiah  and  Luke  at  length,  in  p.  294.  No.  G. 
«  See  the  passages  of  Isaiah  and  of  the  Evangelists,  cited  in  p.  29j.    No.  16. 
•  Dr.  Owen,  on  the  Modes  of  Quotation  used  by  the  Evangelical  Writers, 
».  85-87.  •  I 


any  other  form  than,  It  is  written,  or  Tfir  S  r-pfure  with 
Thus  he  cites  it  to  the  Romans;  the  chief  variations  from 
which  mode  to  that  of  He  saith  are  in  the  three  chapters,  ix. 
x.  xi.  which  principally  relate  to  the  Jews;  and  ev<  n  tbere 
he  seldom  fails  to  name  the  prophet  whose  words  are  act 
duced.  To  the  Galatians,  and  in  both  Episth  e  to  the  (Corin- 
thians, with  one  or  two  exceptions,  he  ur^es  the  words  of  th« 
Old  Testament  as  written.  To  the  Phikppians,  Colossians, 
and  Thessalonians,  if  we  mistake  not,  he  makes  no  direct  quo- 
tation from  it.  In  the  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians  he  refers  to  i; 
twice,  and  there  indeed  in  both  places  ruder  the  fcrin  of  He 
saith.  But  he  himself  had  spent  above  !  v.  o  years  in  teaching 
them  with  the  utmost  diligence  and  attention  (Acts  xiw  -S. 
10.),  and  wrote  his  Epistle  to  them  some  years  after ;  when  lie 
might  have  full  assurance  that  he  spoke  to  those  who  knew  the 
law.  A  passage  in  this  epistle,  compared  with  a  similar  one 
in  that  to  the  Colossians,  seems  to  prove  that  he  made  a  dif- 
ference between  them,  and  judged  the  Ephesians  to  be  better 
versed  in  the  sacred  books.  To  these  he  proposes  the  precept 
of  obedience  to  parents  with  a  view  to  the  Mosaic  promise 
(Eph.vi.  1 — 3.):  Children,  obey  your  parents  in  the  Lords  for 
this  is  right.     Honour  thy  father  and  mother;  which  is 

THE  FIRST  COMMANDMENT  WITH  PROMISE.       But  lie  emits  this 

reference  to  the  words  of  the  Decalogue,  in  giving  the  same 
precept  to  the  Colossians;  with  whose  proficiency  in  the 
Scriptures  he  was  less  acquainted,  as  having  never  been 
among  them.  He  says  only  (Col.  iii.  20.),  Children,  obey 
your  parents  in  all  things ;  for  this  is  well  pleasing  unto  the 
Lord. 

Thus  we  see  that  Saint  Paul  has  one  mode  of  citing  the 
Old  Testament  to  the  Hebrews,  and  another  to  the  churches 
of  which  the  Gentiles  were  members ;  that  in  the  former 
case  he  agrees  with  Matthew,  in  the  latter  with  Mark  and 
Luke.  And  in  this  respect  there  is  so  much  uniformity  in 
the  apostle  and  two  evangelists,  that  we  may  justly  con- 
clude it  was  not  accidental,  but  designed  by  him  and  them, 
for  the  same  purpose  of  suiting  their  style  to  the  small 
measure  of  scriptural  knowledge  which  they  might  well 
suppose  many  of  their  readers  to  possess.  By  which  means 
the  unlearnecl  or  newly-converted  Gentiles  were  instructed, 
that  what  was  offered  to  them  as  the  word  of  God  which  came 
in  old  time,  was  to  be  found  in  the  books  of  Scripture ;  and, 
if  Judaizers  crept  in  and  perplexed  them  with  doctrines  of 
an  oral  or  traditionary  law,  they  were  furnished  with  this 
reply  to  such  teachers  : — "  When  the  apostles  and  evange- 
lists, who  have  been  our  more  immediate  guides,  propose  to 
us  any  part  of  the  Mosaic  economy,  they  allege  only  what 
is  written,  and  what  they  carefully  inform  us  to  be  so."6 

We  have  dwelt  the  longer  on  this  subject,  not  only  on 
account  of  its  importance  in  illustrating  the  external  form  of 
the  quotations  oi  the  Old  Testament  by  the  evangelists  and 
apostles,  but  also  because  it  furnishes  us  with  an  additional 
instance  of  those  simple  notes  of  authenticity  with  which 
the  New  Testament  abounds,  and  which  the  genius  of  for- 
gery could  never  have  devised. 

Upon  the  whole,  then,  as  it  respects  the  external  form  of 
quotations  from  the  Old  Testament,  it  may  be  observed  that 
the  writers  of  the  New  Testament  did  not  make  it  a  constant 
rule  to  cite  from  the  Greek  version,  because  there  are  many 
places  in  which  their  quotations  differ  from  that  version, 
and  agree  with  the  Hebrew.''  And  as  their  quotations  now 
correspond  with  the  Hebrew,  very  frequently  in  express 
words,8  and  generally  in  the  sense,9  so  it  is  highly  probable 
that  they  uniformly  agreed  at  first,  and  that,  where  the  He- 
brew was  properly  expressed  in  the  Greek  version,  they  used 
the  words  of  that  version.  But  where  it  materially  varied 
from  the  meaning  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  they  either  gave 
the  sense  of  the  passage  cited  in  their  own  words,  or  took  as 
much  of  the  Septuagint  as  suited  their  purpose,  introducing 
the  requisite  alterations.  Hence  several  passages  are  neither 
direct  quotations  from  the  Hebrew  text,  nor  quotations  from 
the  Septuagint;10  and  some,  as  we  have  already  seen,  agree 
with  the  latter  even  where  it  varies  from  the  former,  but  only 
where  the  deviation  does  not  so  affect  the  meaning  of  the 
passage  as  to  interfere  with  the  pertinency  of  the  quotation 
for  the  purpose  intended.  "  All  this  accords  to  what  ordinary 
writers,  in  similar  circumstances,  would  have  done,  and,  in 

«  Dr.  Townson's  Discourses  on  the  Four  Cospe's,  disc.  4  sect.  ii.  (VTorki, 
vol.  i.  pp.  101,  102.) 
'  See  §  3.  IV.  p.  313.  supra. 

•  See  §  2.  I.  and  II.  p.  311.  supra. 

•  See  §  3.  III.  IV.  p.  311.  supra. 
»•  See  §  3.  V.  p.  313.  supra. 


SUCT.  II.] 


ON  THE  INTERNAL  FORM  OF  QUOTATIONS. 


315 


fact,  have  been  authorized  to  do:  but  the  sacred  penmen, 
being  themselves  divinely  inspired,  might  take  liberties 
which  we  must  not;  because  their  comments  were  equally 
the  Word  of  God  with  the  texts  commented  on."1 


SECTION  II. 

OX  THE  INTERNAL  FORM  OF  QUOTATIONS,  OR  THE  MODE  IK 
WHICH  CITATIONS  FROM  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  ARE  AI'PI.IEII 
IN  THE  NEW. 

Qenerai  observations  on  the  rabbinical  and  other  modes  of 
quoting  the  Old  Testament — Classification  of  the  quota- 
tinns  in  the  New  Testament: — I.  Quotations  from  the  Old 
Testament  in  the  jYew,  in  which  the  predictions  are  literally 
accomplished  { — II.  Quotations  in  which  that  is  said  to  hate 
been  done,  of  which  the  Scriptures  have  not  spoken  in  a 
literal  but  in  a  spiritual  sense; — III.  Quotations  made  by 
the  sacred  writers  in  the  way  of  illustration  ; — IV.  Quota- 
tions and  other  passages  from  the  Old  Testament  which  ate 
alluded  to  in  the  JVtnv. 

In  considering  the  passages  of  the  Old  Testament,  which 
have  been  introduceu  by  the  apostles  and  evangelists  into 
the  writings  of  the  New,  "there  is  often  a  difficulty  with. 
respect  to  the  application  of  such  quotations;  when  they  are 
applied  to  a  purpose  to  which  they  teem  to  have  no  relation, 
according  to  their  original  design.  This  difficulty  arises 
from  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament  making  quotation;? 
from  the  Old  with  very  different  views;  aiul  it  can  be  re- 
moved only  by  attending  to  their  real  view  in  a  particular 
quotation.  An  accurate  distinction,  therefore,  must  be 
made  between  such  quotations  as,  being  merely  borrowed, 
are  used  as  the  words  of  the  writer  himself,  and  such  as  are 
quoted  in  proof  of  a  doctrine,  or  the  completion  of  a  prophecy. 

Michaelis2  has  remarked,  that  whenever  a  book  is  the 
subject  of  our  daily  reading,  it  is  natural  that  its  phrases 
should  occur  to  us  in  writing — sometimes  with  a  perfect 
recollection  of  the  places  whence  they  are  taken,  and  at  other 
times  when  the  places  themselves  have  totally  escaped  our 
memory.  Thus,  the  lawyer  quotes  the  maxims  of  the  law ; 
the  scholar,  his  favourite  classics ;  and  the  divine,  the  pre- 
eepts  of  the  Gospel.  It  is  no  wonder,  therefore,  if  the  same 
has  happened  to  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament;  who 
being  daily  occupied  in  the  study  of  the  Old  Testament, 
unavoidably  adopted  its  modes  of  expression,  and  especially 
of  the  Greek  Septuagint,  which  they  have  borrowed,  and 
applied  to  their  own  use  in  various  ways  and  for  various 
purposes. 

The  quotations  from  the  Old  Testament  in  the  New  are 
generally  introduced  by  certain  formulae,  such  as,  That  it 
might  be  fulfilled — h  it  is  written — Isaiah  prophesied,  &c. ; 
and  various  rules  have  been  framed  in  order  to  account  for 
their  application.  It  has  been  observed  by  the  same  great 
philologist,  that  the  Writers  of  the  New  Testament  quote  in 
general  like  the  Rabbins,  without  mentioning  the  place 
whence  the  quotation  is  taken  ;  as  they  presuppose  the  reader 
to  be  so  well  acquainted  with  the  Old  Testament,  as  to  be 
able  to  find  it  without  particular  direction.  The  Rabbins 
select  some  principal  word  out  of  each  section,  and  apply 
that  name  to  trie  section  itself,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Mo- 
hammedans distinguish  the  suras  or  chapters  of  their  Koran 
saying,  in  Eli,  in  Solomon,  when  they  intend  to  signify  the 
sections  where  those  names  are  mentioned.  For  instance, 
Rashi,  in  his  remarks  on  Hosea  ix.  9.  ( They  have  deeply 
corrupted  themselves,  as  in  the  days  of  Gibeah),  says — "  Some 
are  of  opinion  that  this  is  Gibeah  of  Benjamin  in  the  con- 
cubine" that  is,  is  mentioned  in  the  chapter  of  the  concubine, 
or  Judges  xix.  And  in  this  manner  quotations  are  sometimes 
made  in  the  New  Testament.  Thus,  in  Mark  xii.  26.  and 
Luke  xx.  37.  art  t«  @*.tou  {in  or  at  the  bush)  signifies,  M  in  the 
section  relating  to  the  burning  hush,"  which,  according  to  the 
modern  division,  is  the  third  chapter  of  Exodus.  Again,  in 
Rom.  xi.  2.  «  H>j*  (in  Elias)  signifies,  "  in  the  section  in 
which  the  actions  of  Elias  are  recorded;"  which  at  present 
forms  the  seventeenth,  eighteenth,  and  nineteenth  chapters 
of  the  first  book  of  Kings.3 

1  The  Rev.  T.  Scott,  on  the  authority  of  the  Soptnaglnt,  in  the  Christian 
Observer  for  1310,  vol.  ix.  p.  102 

*  Introduction  to  the  New  Testament,  toI.  i.  pp.  200—203. 

•  Michwdis,  vol.  i.  pp.  213,  214.  133,  134.  492.  Upon  the  same  rule,  Mi- 
chaelis  thinks  the  supposed  contradiction  between  Mark  ii.  20.  and  1  Sam. 
irf.  I.  ray  be  explain*"-1  "in  ,%     -v-"'fer  of  Abiatbar,"  or,  in  that  part  of 


Another  very  frequent  practice  of  the  Rabbins  was,  to  pro- 
duce only  the  initial  words  of  a  quoted  passage,  while  those 
are  omitted  in  which  the  force  of  the  argument  consists, 
or  the  absence  of  which  destroys  the  connection.  Of  this 
description  are  the  quotations  in  Rom.  vii.  7.  and  xiii.  9. 
(Thou  shalt  not  covet),  in  which  the  apostle  leaves  us  to 
supply  the  following  words  contained  in  Exod.  xx.  17.  Thou 
shall  not  covet  thy  neighbours  wife,  &c.  Similar  instances  are 
to  be  found  in  Rom.  xi.  27.  and  Heb.  ii.  13.4 

The  formulae  (as  it  is  written,  that  it  might  be  fulfilled,  it 
hath  been  said,  &c.  &c.)  with  which  the  quotations  in  the 
New  Testament  are  generally  introduced,  have  been  sup- 
posed by  Surenhusius5  (to  whose  learned  researches  biblical 
students  are  most  deeply  indebted)  to  be  the  indications  of 
the  modes  in  which  they  are  expressed  :  so  that  by  attending 
to  these  formulae,  we  may  easily  know  why  the  evangelists 
allege  the  subsequent  words  in  one  certain  manner  rathei 
than  in  another;  and  why  they  depart  more  or  less  from  the 
Hebrew  text.  Agreeably  to  this  hypothesis,  Surenhusius 
has,  with  infinite  labour  and  industry,  collected  a  great  variety 
of  rules''  out  of  the  Talmud  and  the  Rabbinical  writings,  and 
has  illustrated  them  with  numerous  extracts,  in  order  to 
explain  and  justify  all  the  quotations  made  from  the  Old 
Testament  in  the  New.  But  what  militates  against  this 
hypothesis  is,  that  we  find,  that  the  very  same  quotations, 
expressed  in  the  same  words,  and  brought  to  prove  the  very 
same  points,  are  introduced  by  different  formulae  in  different 
gospels.  A  further  objection  to  the  rules  adduced  by  Suren- 
husius is  their  number  and  their  complexity,  which  render  it 
difficult  to  refer  all  the  quotations  accurately  to  them.  It  is 
therefore  not  only  more  convenient,  but  more  intrinsically 
useful,  to  refer  the  citations  from  the  Old  Testament  in  the 
New  to  the  four  following  classes,  which  have  been  adopted, 
with  some  alteration,  from  Rosenmiiller,7  after  Gusset  and 
Wolfius.    According  to  these  critics,  the  phrases,  that  it  might 

the  books  of  Samuel  in  which  the  history  of  Abiathar  is  related.  This 
explanation,  Rosenmiiller  very  justly  remarks,  would  be  preferable  to  any 
other,  if  Mark  had  added  the  expression  it  is  written,  or  the  Scripture 
saith.  Scholia  in  N.  T.  torn.  i.  p.  573.  edit.  1801.  See  also  Kuinoel  on 
Mark  ii.  26.     Comm.  in  Libros  N.  T.  Historicos,  torn.  ii.  p.  32. 

■>  Micbaelis,  vol.  i.  pp.  244—246.  . 

'  In  the  preface  to  his  "  Bi^xo;  Kxru\K»ytif :  in  quo,  secundum  veterum 
Theologorum  Hebrreorum  Formulas  allegandi  et  modos  interpretandi.  con- 
ciliantur  loca  ex  Veteri  in  Novo  Testamenlo  allegata."  4to.  Ainst.  1713. 
The  words  of  Professor  Surenhusius  are  as  follow: — "  Etenim  omni  in 
loco  ex  V.  T.  in  N.  allegata  recte  conciliando,  xidendum  eat  prius,  quH 
allegandiformuld  utantur  Apostoli ;  ex  qua  statim  dignoscere  lice',  quart 
sequentia  verba  hoc,  et  non  alio  modo,  altegaverint,  atque  ad  r  'terem 
Scripturam  Ilebraum  plusve  minusve  attenderint.  Sic  alium  f  <urum 
involvil  ilia  allegandi  formula  ZffiSn  ;  alium  r(>?»^T*.  ;  aliuu  Ira 
■n\*p*S*  to  imSf*  ;  alium  i.*\*.?*Sii  n  yt*$i,  &.C. 

•  The  following  are  the  principal  theses  or  rules  laid  down  by  Surenhu- 
sius. whose  work,  it  may  be  proper  to  remark,  deserves  a  iilacc  in  the 
library  of  every  biblical  student,  on  account  of  its  learned  illustration  of 
many  passages  of  Scripture  not  immediately  connected  with  the  quotations 
from  the  Old  Testament : — 

1.  Sometimes  the  words  are  read,  not  according  to  the  regular  vowel- 
points,  but  agreeably  to  others  substituted  for  them.  Instances  of  this  sort, 
Surenhusius  is  of  opinion,  are  to  be  found  in  Acts  iii.  22,  23.  and  vii.  42,  ic. 
1  Cor.  xv.  54.  and  2  Cor.  viii.  ]•">. 

2.  Sometimes  letters  are  changed,  as  in  Rom.  ix.  33.  1  Cor.  ix.  9,  &c. 
Heb.  viii.  9.  and  x.  5. 

3.  Sometimes  both  letters  and  vowel-points  are  changed,  as  in  Acts  xiii. 
40,  41.  and  2  Cor.  viii.  15. 

4.  Sometimes  words  are  added  from  a  parallel  passage,  or  are  changed 
in  the  quotation,  which  words  appear  as  if  the  whole  occurred  in  the  cited 
text  as  in  Rom.  xi.  3.  xv.  10.  1  Cor.  xv.  45.  2  Cor.  vi.  16.  Eph.  v.  14.  and 
Hob.  xii.  IS,  13. 

5.  Sometimes  additional  words  are  inserted  to  complete  the  sense,  as  m 
Matt.  iv.  10.  xxi.  5.  John  vi.  49.  xii.  38.  and  Rom.  x.  6. 

6.  Sometimes  several  passages  are  abridged  together,  in  order  to  make 
the  subject  more  clear,  as  in  Matt.  xxi.  5.  Luke  iv.  18,  19.  John  viii.  5,  <tc. 

7.  Sometimes  the  beginnings  of  verses  are  only  added,  for  the  sake  of 
brevity,  although  the  sacred  writer  refers  to  the  whole  passage  which  he 
paraphrases.  Instances  of  this  sort  occur  in  Acts  i.  20.  Rom.  xi.  27.  Heb. 
iii.  and  iv.  and  x. 

8.  Some  passages  are  cited,  either  allcgorically,  or  by  way  of  simple 

Eroof,  in  which  case  the  subject  cannot  be  proved  unless  the  passage  cited 
e  compared  with  others,  and  illustrated,  as  in  Rom.  ix.  12,  13.  x.  8.  and 
Heb.  iv.  5,  6. 

9.  Sometimes  one  and  the  same  passage  is  cited  to  prove  many  things, 
and  is  applied  to  many  persons,  as  in  Matt.  xiii.  14.  compared  with  John 
xii,  40.  Hum.  ix.  33.  and  x.  11.  compared  with  1  Pet.  ii.  6. 

10.  Sometimes  a  subject  is  intended  to  be  proved  by  several  passages, 
though  one  only  is  adduced,  the  reader  being  left  to  find  them  out,  as  in 
Acts  xv.  15,  16. 

11.  The  first  and  last  clauses  of  a  verse  only  are  sometimes  cite<t,  the 
intermediate  clauses  being  omitted.     See  Eph.  v.  14.  and  1  Pet  I.  24,  25. 

12.  Sometimes  a  passage  is  simply  adduced  without  any  formula?  oiqiio- 
tation,  and  then  another  intervenes  parenthetically  ;  which  being  cited,  the 
acred  writer  returns  to  the  first  quoted  passage,  which  is  illustrated  in  a 
variety  of  particulars.  Thus  Saint  Paul,  in  Heb.  iii.  7.  first  cites  Fsal.  xcv. 
7. ;  then  he  interposes  references  to  Exod.  xvn.  2.  I\um.  xx.  is.  xiv.  a. 
and  Deut.  1.34. ;  and  at  length,  in  the  fifteenth  verse,  he  returns  to  Psalm 
xcv.  7. ;  which  he  explains,  as  if  all  the  intermediately  quoted  passage! 
were  contained  in  one  and  the  same  text.  Similar  instances  occur  in  Heb 
iv.  15.  and  1  Cor.  iii.  7.    Surenhusii  B. »>.',-  K*t«>.>.»>  *,-.  pp.  1-50. 

'  Scholia  in  Nov  Test.  torn.  i.  p.  25. 


316 


ON  THE  INTERNAL  FORM  OF  QUOTATIONS. 


[Part  I.  Chap.  IV. 


be  fulfilled,  as  it  is  written,  &c.  &c.  may  be  properly  applied  in 
the  New  Testament, — 

I.  When  the  thing  predicted  is  literally  accomplished. 

II.  When  that  is  done,  of  which  the  Scripture  has  spoken,  not 
in  a  literal,  but  in  a  spiritual  sense. 

III.  When  a  thing  is  done,  neither  in  a  literal  nor  in  a  spi- 
ritual sense  according  to  the  fact  referred  to  in  the  Scriptures  ; 
but  is  similar  to  that  fact.  1  he  passages  thus  cited  may,  briefly, 
be  termed  quotations  in  the  way  of  illustration. 

IV.  When  the  sacred  writers  have  made  simple  allusions  to 
passages  in  the  Old  Testament.* 

In  the  following  tables,  the  quotations  are  arranged  under 
each  class,  to  which  they  appear  respectively  to  belong. 
Some  of  the  references,  perhaps,  may  be  disputable ;  and  in 
some,  it  is  possible  that  the  author  may  be  mistaken :  but  as 
they  are  the  result  of  a  laborious  and  patient  comparison  of 
every  prophecy  or  citation,  in  classifying  which  he  could 
have  but  little  assistance,  he  trusts  he  may  be  allowed  to  say, 
that  he  has  exerted  the  best  of  his  judgment,  and  to  indulge 
the  hope  that  he  has  not  misapplied  the  quotations  in  any 
essential  point. 

I.  Of  Quotations  from  the  Old  Testament  in  the  New,  in  which 
the  things  predicted  are  literally  accomplished. 

Direct  prophecies  are  those  which  relate  to  Christ  and  the 
Gospel,  and  to  them  alone,  and  which  cannot  be  taken  in 
any  other  sense ;  and  the  Scripture  is  said  to  he  fulfilled  in  the 
literal  sense,  when  that  event  which  it  foretells  is  accomplished. 
The  quotations  from  the  Old  Testament  in  the  New,  which 
belong  to  this  class,  are  both  numerous  and  highly  important. 
Such  are  those  which  mention  the  calling  of  the  Gentiles  and 
the  everlasting  kingdom  of  Messiah:  such  also  is  the  110th 
Psalm,  which,  it  has  been  well  remarked,  is  as  plain  as  a  pro- 
phetic description  ought  to  be.  It  is  applicable  to  Christ  alone, 
and  it  sets  forth  his  exaltation,  his  royal  dignity,  his  priestly 
office,  the  propagation  of  his  Gospel,  the  obedience  of  his  subjects ; 
the  destruction  of  his  enemies,  and  of  the  Roman  emperors  who 
persecuted  his  church.2 

Other  examples  of  this  description  will  be  found  in  the 
following  quotations,  the  references  in  which  are  made  to  the 
authorized  English  version  of  the  Bible.3 


Isa.  liii.  1.    - 
Isa.  liii,3— G. 
Isa.  liii.  4—6.  11. 
Isa.  liii.  4.    - 
Isa.  liii.  9.    • 
Isa.  liii.  12.  ■ 
Isa.  liv.  13.  • 
Isa.  lv.  3.     - 
Jer.  xxxi.  31—34. 
Hosea  i.  10. 
Hosea  ii.  23. 
Joel  ii.  28—32. 
Amos  ix.  11,  12. 
Micah  v.  2.  - 
Habak.  i.  5. 
Haggai  ii.  6. 
Zech.  ix.  9.  • 
Zech.  xi.  13. 
Zech.  xii.  10. 
Zech.  xiii.  7. 
Mai.  iii.  1.    - 

Mai.  iv.  5,  6. 


1G. 


Gen.  xii.  3.  xviii.  18. )    „„„.„  j  • 

xxii.  18.  \    q»°ted  in 

Gen.  xvii.  7.  19.  xxii.  16,  17. 
Deut.  xviii.  15.  19.  - 
Psal.  ii.  1,  2. 
Psal.  ii.  7.    - 
Psal.  viii.  2.  • 
Psal.  viii.  4—6. 
Psal.  xvi.  8—11.      - 
Psal.  xvi.  10. 
Psal.  xxii.  1. 

Psal.  xxii.  18. 

Psal.  xxii.  22. 
Psal.  xxxi.  5. 
Psal.  xii.  9.  - 
Psal.  xlv.  6,  7. 
Psal.  lxviii.  18. 

Psal.  lxix.  21.  . 

Psal.  lxix.  25.  cix.  8. 

Psal.  xcv.  7—11.     - 

Psal.  cii.  25— 27.     - 

Psal.  ex.  1.  - 

Psal.  ex.  4.  - 

Psal.  cxviii.  22,  23.  - 

Psal.  cxviii.  25,  26.  - 

Psal.  exxxii.  11.  17. 

Isa.  vii.  14.  • 

Isa.  ix.  1,2..  .  .  . 

Isa.  ix.  7.  (with  Dan.  vii.  14  27  )  * 

Isa.  xi.  10.   -  .  . 

Isa.  xxv.  8.  - 

Isa.  xxvii.  9.  and  lix.  20,  21. 

Isa.  xx viii.  16.  (with  Joel  ii.  32  )  ■ 

Isa.  xl.  3—5.  .  . 

Isa.  xlii.  1-4. 

Isa.  xlix.  6.  - 


Acts  iii.  25.  Gal.  iii.  8. 

Luke  i.  55.  72,  73,  74. 

Acts  iii.  22,  23. 

Acts  iv.  25,  26. 

Acts  xiii.  33.  Heb.  i.  5.  v.  5. 

Matt.  xxi.  16. 

Heb.  ii.  6—8.     ,. 

Acts  ii.  25—28.  31. 

Acts  xiii.  35. 

Matt,  xxvii.  46.  Mark  xv.  34. 
(Matt,  xxvii.  35.    Mark  xv.  24.  Luke 
(     xxiii.  34.  John  xix.  24. 

Heb.  ii.  12. 

Luke  xxiii.  46. 

John  xiii.  18.  Acts  i.  16. 

Heb.  i.  8,  9. 

Eph.  iv.  7,  8. 
$  John  xix.  28,  29.  Matt,  xxvii.  48.  Mark 
(     xv.  36.  and  Luke  xxiii.  3G. 

Acts  i.  20. 

Heb.  iii.  7—1 1.;  iv.  3.  5— 7. 

Heb.  i.  10—12. 
$  Matt,  xxii.  44.   Mark  xii.  36.  Luke  xx. 
t     42.  Acts  ii.  31,  35.  Heb.  i.  13. 

Heb.  v.  6. 
$Matt.  xxi.  42.   Mark  xii.  10,  11.    Luke 
j     xx.  17.  Acts  iv.  11. 

Matt.  xxi.  9.  Mark  xi.  9.   John  xii.  13. 

Luke  i.  69.    Acts  ii.  30. 

Matt.  i.  23. 

Matt.  iv.  15,  16. 

Luke  i.  32,  33. 

Rom.  xv.  12. 

1  Cor.  xv.  54. 

Rom.  xi.  26,  27. 

Rom.  ix.  33.  and  1  Pet.  ii.  6. 

Matt.  iii.  3.  Mark  i.  3.  Luke  iii.  4—6. 

Matt.  xii.  17—21. 
\  Acts  xiii.  47,  48.  and  xxvi.  23.  Luke  ii. 
?     32. 


»  The  fourth  class  mentioned  by  Rosenmuller,  Gusset,  and  Wolfius,  is  as 
follows  :-When  that  which  has,  in  the  Old  Testament,  been  mentioned  as 
formerly  done,  is  accomplished,  in  a  larger  and  more  extensive  sense  in 
the  New  Testament.  But  as  the  citations  which  appear  to  be'one  to  this 
-.lass  may  be  referred  to  the  first  and  third,  we  have  substituted  the  oreced 
ng  in  lieu  of  it.  r 

»  Jortin's  Remarks  on  Eccles.  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  121.  2d  edit.  The  best  criti- 
cal illustration  of  the  prophetical  sense  of  Psalm  ex.  is,  perhaps,  that  given 
by  Dr.  Gregory  Sharpe,  in  his  "Second  Argument  in  Defence  of  Clfristi- 
tnity,  taken  from  the  ancient  Prophecies,"  pp.  275 — 311. 

■  As  the  passages  from  the  prophetic  writings  have  already  been  given 
at  full  length,  they  are  here  designedly  omitted. 


quoted  in        John  xii.  35.  Rom. 

Acts  xxvi.  22,  23. 

1  Pet.  ii.  24,  25. 

Matt.  viii.  17. 

1  Pet.  ii.  22. 

Mark  xv.  28.  Luke  xxii.  37. 

John  vi.  45. 

Acts  xiii.  34. 

Heb.  viii.  8—12.  x.  16,  17. 

Rom.  ix.  26. 

Rom.  ix.  25.  1  Pet.  ii.  10. 

Acts  ii.  16—21. 

Acts  xv.  16, 17. 

Matt.  ii.  5,  6.  John  vii.  42. 

Acts  xiii.  40. 

Heb.  xii.  26. 

Matt.  xxi.  4,  5.  John  xii.  14. 16 

Matt,  xxvii.9,  10. 

John  xix.  37. 

Matt.  xxvi.  31.  56.     Mark  xhr.  27-  60. 

Matt.  xi.  10.  Mark  i.  2.  Luke  vii.  27 
S  Matt.  xi.  13, 14.  xvii.  10—13.  Mark  ix 
?     11—13.    Luke  i.  16,  17. 

II.  Of  Quotations  from  the  Old  Testament  in  the  New,  in 
which  that  is  said  to  have  been  done,  of  which  the  Scriptures 
have  not  spoken  in  a  literal  but  in  a  spiritual  sense. 

There  are  citations  out  of  the  Old  Testament  in  the  New  in 
a  mediate  and  typical  or  spiritual  sense,  respecting  Christ  and 
his  mystical  body  the  church.  The  Scripture  is  therefore  said  to 
be  fulfilled,  when  that  is  accomplished  in  the  antitype  which  is 
written  concerning  the  type.  Thus,  in  John  xix.  36.  we  read, 
these  things  were  done  that  the  Scriptures  should  be  fid  filled — 
"  a  bone  of  him  shall  not  be  broken."  These  words,  which  were 
originally  written  of  the  paschal  lamb  (Exod.  xii.  46.  Num.  ix. 
12.),  are  said  to  be  fulfilled  in  Christ,  who  is  the  antitype  of  that 
lamb.  Additional  examples  of  the  same  kind  will  be  found  in 
the  annexed  passages. 

Gen.  xiv.  18.  20.  cited  and  applied 

Gen.  xv.  5. 

Gen.  xvi.  15. 

Gen.  xvii.  4.  -  k 

Gen.  xviii.  10. 

Gen.  xxi.  1 — 3. 

Gen.  xxi.  12. 

Gen.  xxv.  23. 

Exod.  xvi.  13-15.  - 

Exod.  xvii.  6.    Num.  xx.  11. 

Exod.  xix.  6. 

Exod.  xxiv.  8. 

Levit.  xxvi.  11, 12.  - 

Num.  xxi.  8,  9. 

Deut.  xxi.  23. 

Deut.  xxxii.  21. 

2  Sam.  vii.  14. 

Psal.  ii.  9.    - 

Psal.  viii.  4 — 6. 

Psal.  viii.  6. 

Psal.  xviii.  49. 

Psal.  xxxv.  19.  lxix.  4.  and  cix 

Psal.  xl.  6—8. 

Psal.  lxix.  9. 

Psal.  civ.  4. 

Isa.  xl.  6,  7. 

Isa.  Iii.  7.  and  Nahum  i.  15. 

Isa.  liv.  1.    - 

Isa.  lxiv.  4. 

Jonah  i.  17.  ii.  1.  and  iii.  5. 

Habak.  ii.  3. 

Habak.  ii.  4. 


I  Cor.  x.  3 


Heb.  vii.  1—10. 
Rom.  iv.  18. 
Gal.  iv.  22. 
Rom.  iv.  17. 
Rom.  ix.  9. 
Gal.  iv.  22,  &c. 
Rom.  ix.  7. 
Rom.  ix.  10. 
John  vi.  31.  49 
1  Cor.  x.  4. 

1  Pet.  ii.  9. 
Heb.  ix.  20. 

2  Cor.  vi.  16. 
John  iii.  14. 
Gal.  iii.  13. 
Rom.  x.  19. 
Heb.  i.  5. 
Rev.  ii.  27. 
Heb.  ii.  6—8. 
1  Cor.  xv.  27 
Rom.  xv.  9. 
John  xv.  25. 
Heb.  x.  5— 
John  ii.  17. 
Heb.  i.  7. 
1  Pet.  i.  24,  25. 
Rom.  x.  15. 
Gal.  iv.  27. 
1  Cor.  ii.  9. 

Matt.  xii.  40,  41.    Luke  xi.  30.  32. 
Heb.  x.  37. 
Rom.  i.  17.    Gal.  iii.  11.    Heb.  x.  38. 

the  Old  Testament  in  the  New,  in 
ther  in  a  literal  nor  in  a  spiritual 
sense,  according  to  the  fact  referred  to  in  the  Scriptures,  but  ii 
similar  to  that  fact, — in  other  words,  where  the  passages  re- 
ferred to  are  cited  in  the  way  of  illustration. 

The  attentive  reader  of  the  New  Testament  cannot  fail  to 
observe,  that  many  passages  of  the  Old  Testament  are  cited  and 
adapted  by  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament  to  an  occurrence 
which  happened  in  their  time,  on  account  of  their  correspondence 
and  similitude.  These  citations  are  not  prophecies,  though  they 
are  said  sometimes  to  be  fulfilled  ;  for  any  thing  may  be  said  to 
be  fulfilled  when  it  can  be  pertinently  applied.  This  method  of 
explaining  Scripture  by  the  way  of  illustration  will  enable  us  tt> 
solve  some  of  the  greatest  difficulties  relating  to  the  prophecies. 

For  the  better  understanding  of  this  important  subject,  it  should  be 
recollected,  that  the  writings  of  the  Jewish  Prophets,  which  abound  in  fine 
descriptions,  poetical  images,  and  sublime  diction,  were  the  classics  of  the 
later  Jews  ;  and,  in  subsequent  ages,  all  their  writers  affected  allusions  to 
them,  borrowed  their  images  and  descriptions,  and  very  often  cited  their 
identical  words  when  recording  any  event  or  circumstance  that  happened 
in  the  history  of  the  persons  whose  lives  they  were  relating;  provided  it 
was  similar  and  parallel  to  one  that  occurred  in  the  times,  and  was 
described  in  the  books  of  the  ancient  prophets.  It  was  a  familiar  idiom  of 
the  Jews,*  when  quoting  the  writings  of  the  Old  Testament,  to  say,— that  it 


III.   Of  Quotations  from 
which  a  thing  is  done  ne' 


*  The  Talmud  and  Rabbinical  writers  abound  w;th  instances,  great  num- 
bers of  which  are  quoted  by  Sureuhusius.  in  "  j  work  already  cited,  in  p 
315.  note  5. 


Sect.  IL] 


ON  THE  INTERNAL  FORM  OF  QUOTATIONS. 


might  be  fulfilled,  which  was  spoken  by  such  and  such  a  prophet ;  not 
Intending  to  be  understood  that  bucIi  a  particular  mange  in  one  of  the 
sacred  books  was  ever  designed  to  be  a  Teal  prediction  of  what  they  were 
then  relating,  but  signifying  only,  that  the  words  of  the  Old  Testament 
might  be  properly  adapted  to  express  their  meaning  and  Illustrate  their 
ideas.  And  thus  the  apostles,  who  were  Jews  by  birth,  and  wrote  and 
spoke  in  the  Jewish  idiom,  have  very  frequently  alluded  to  the  sacred 
books,  after  the  customary  style  of  their  nation ;  Intending  no  more  by 
this  mode  of  speaking,  than  that  the  words  of  such  an  ancient  writer  are 
happily  descriptive  of  what  was  transacted  in  their  time,  and  might,  with 
equal  propriety,  be  adapted  to  characterize  such  a  particular  circumstance 
as  happened  111  their  days:  that  there  was  a  ton-limitarit y  of  case  and 
incidents;  and  that  the  expressive  style  and  diction  of  the  old  Inspired 
prophets  were  as  justly  applicable  I"  the  occurrences  recorded  hy  the 
apostles,  as  they  were  suitable  to  denote  lhu.se  events  and  facts  in  their 
limes  which  they  had  commemorated. 

Thus,  our  I/ird  speaking  of  the  insurmountable  prepossessions  and  per 
verseness  of  the  Jews  to  whom  he  preached,  says,— Seeing  they  tee  not, 
and  hearing  they  hear  not,  neither  do  they  understand, — that  is,  their  stu- 
pidity is  so  gross,  and  their  prejudices  are  so  numerous,  that  though  they 
have  capacities  proper  for  understanding  and  receiving  my  doctrine,  they 
will  neither  understand  nor  receive  >< ;  so  that  in  them  is  fulfilled  the  pro- 
pbecv  of  Isaiah,— his  words  are  perfectly  applicable  to  the  presentage,  and 
descriptive  of  their  moral  character  and  condition  '.—Hearing  ye  will  hear, 
and  wilt  not  understand;  and  seeing  ye  will  see,  and  will  not  perciive.  For 
this  people's  heart  is  waxed  gross,  and  their  tart  are  dull  of  hearing,  and 
their  eyes  they  hare,  closed,  lest  at  any  time  they  should  see  with  their  eyes, 
and  hear  with  their  ears,  and  should  understand  with  their  heart,  and 
should  be  converted,  and  I  should  heal  them.  (Isa.  vi.  9,  10.  cited  in  Matt.  xiii. 
14,  IB.)  The  same  passage  of  tho  evangelical  prophet  is  cited  by  St.  Paul 
(Rom.  xi.  M),  and  applied  to  the  invincible  obstinacy  of  his  countrymen, — 
not,  indeed,  as  though:  they  bad  then,  and  then  only,  received  their  precise 
accomplishment,  but  as  beautifully  expressive  of  the  obduracy,  determined 
infidelity,  and  impenitence  of  the  Jews. 

Again,  the  prophet  Jeremiah,  describing  the  miseries  of  captivity  by  a 
beautiful  figure,  represents  Rachel  as  deploring  the  loss  of  her  children, 
bathed  in  tears,  piercing  the  air  with  loud  lamentations,  and  indulging  in 
inconsolable  grief.  When  Herod  imbrued  his  hands  in  the  blood  of  the 
Innocents  In  Bethlehem  and  its  vicinity,  bow  applicable  were  the  prophet's 
words  to  such  a  cruel  scene,  and  how  happily  are  they  cited  by  the  evan- 
gelist, to  exhibit  to  his  reader  the  mourning  and  lamentation  caused  by  that 
sanguinary  tyrant !  They  are  a  beautiful  quotation,  and  not  a  prediction 
of  what  then  happened,  and  yet,  upon  the  murder  of  these  babes,  the 
sacred  historian  say3,  according  to  the  Jewish  phraseology,  when  they 
cited  Scripture, — Then  was  fulfilled  that  which  was  spoken  by  the  prophet 
Jeremiah ;  In  Ramah  there  was  a  voice  heard,  lamentation  and  weeping, 
and  great  mourning,  Rachel  weeping  for  her  children,  and  would  not  be 
comforted  because  they  are  not.  (Jer.  xxxi.  15.  cited  in  Matt.  ii.  17,  18.) 

Once  more, — our  Lord  having  delivered  several  parables,  the  sacred  his- 
torian, after  remarking  that  Jesus  Christ  chose  to  convey  his  religious  and 
moral  instruction  to  the  Jews  by  means  of  parables,  with  which  all  his 
public  discourses  abounded,  says, — That  it  might  be  fulfilled  which  was 
spoken  by  the  prophet,  "  /  will  open  my  mouth  in  parables,  I  will  utter 
things  which  have  6«en  kept  secret  from  the  foundation  of  the  world. 
(Psal  lxxviii.  2.  quoted  is  Matt.  xiii.  35.)« 

A  similar  instance  occurs  in  St.  Paul's  second  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians 
(vi.  2.);  where  he  cites  the  saying  of  the  prophet  (Isa.  xlix.  8.)— /  have 
heard  thee  in  a  time  accepted,  and  in  the  day  of  salvation  J  have  suc- 
coured thee.  In  this  passage  the  apostle  does  not  mean  to  declare  that  the 
prophet  bad  the  Corinthians  in  view,  but  he  cites  it  as  a  parallel  case  :  inti- 
mating that  they  might  collect  from  that  saying  that  there  was  a  certain 
accepted  time,  in  which  God  would  hear  them,  and  which,  therefore,  it 
concerned  ihem  not  to  let  pass  without  carefully  improving  it. 

The  following  table  presents  a  list  of  the  passages  thus 
quoted  from  the  Old  Testament  by  the  writers  of  the  New, 
in  the  way  of  illustration : — 

cited  in 


Gen.  xv.  5. 
Cen.  xv.  6. 
Gen.  xviii.  10. 
Gen.  xix.  15.  26. 
Gen.  xxi.  12. 
Gen.  xxv.  33. 
Gen.  xxvii.  28,  Ac. 
Fxod.  ix.  16. 
F.xod.  xxxii.  6. 
I'xod    xwiii.  19. 
I, iv.  xi.  45. 
Lev.  xviii.  5. 
Dent.  vi.  13. 

Dent  vi.  16. 

Prut.  viii.  3. 
Deut  xxv.  4. 

Dent,  xxvii.  26. 
Dent  xxxii.  35. 
Dent,  xxxii.  36. 
Dent,  xxxii.  43. 

Josh.  i.  5.  - 
I  Sun  xxi.  6. 
I  Kings  xix.  11.  18. 


Rom.  iv.  18. 

Rom.  iv.  3.  Gal.  iii.  6.  and  James  ii.  23. 

Rom.  ix.  9. 

Luke  xvii.  28,  29.  32. 

Rom.  ix.  7. 

Heb.  xii.  16. 

Heb.  xi.  20.  xii.  17. 

Rom.  ix.  17. 

1  Cor.  x.  7. 

Rom.  ix.  15. 

1  Pet.  i.  16. 

Rom.  x.  5.     Gal.  iii.  12. 

Matt.  iv.  10.     Luke  iv.  8. 

Matt.  iv.  7.     Luke  iv.  12 

Matt.  iv.  4.     Luke  iv.  4. 

1  Cor.  ix.  9.     1  Tim.  v.  18. 

Gal.  iii.  10. 

Rom   xii.  19.    Heb.  x.  30. 

Heb.  x.  30. 

Rom    xv.  10. 

Heb,  xiii-  •">. 

Matt.xii.3,4.  Mark  ii .25,26.  I.ukevi.3,4. 

Rom.  xi.  3,  4. 


<  This  mode  of  quoting  passages  by  way  of  illustration  was  not  confined 
to  the  inspired  penman.  Pairaii  writers  often  cue  passages  from  I 
poets,  to  describe  things  of  which  these  poets  never  thought ;  and  this,  Dr. 
JOItin  remarks,  is  no  fault,  but  rather  a  beauty  in  writing  j  and  a  t 
applied  justly  in  a  new  sense,  is  ever  pleasing  to  an  Ingenious  leader  who 
loves  to  see  a  likeness  and  pertinency  where  lie  expected  none.  (Rem.  on 
Eccl.  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  120.)  In  .Elian,  Diogenes  the  Cynic  philosopher  is 
reported  to  have  said,  that  "he  fulfilled  in  himself  all  the  curses  of  tra- 
gedy ;"  and  Olympiodorus,  in  his  life  of  Plato,  has  this  expression,  "that 
it  might  be  true  concerning  him,"  and  then  cites  the  following  verse  from 
Homer : 

Tou  K»l  ttxo  ^->.ui9-iri;j  ulXirl;  Jlvxl».>  pll»  avin. 

Words  sweet  as  honey  from  his  lips  distill'd.  Pope. 

Which  verse,  however  applicable  to  that  great  philosopher,  is  not  to  be  con- 
sidered as  an  oracle  delivered  by  the  poet,  with  a  view  to  the  particular  use 
or  accommodation  of  it  by  this  biographer.  (Sharpe's  Second  Argument 
in  Defence  of  Christianity,  p.  349.) 


Psal.  v.  9.  and  cxI.  3. 

PsaL  x.  7.    - 

Psal.  xiv.  1—3.  and  liii.  1- 

Psal.  xix.  4. 

Psal.  xxiv.  1. 

Psal.  xxxii.  1,  2.      • 

Psal.  xxxiv.  12—16. 

Psal.  xxxvi.  1. 

Psal.  xliv.  22. 

Psal.  Ii.  4.     - 

Psal.  lxix.  9. 

Psal.  lxix.  22,  23.    ■ 

Psal.  lxxviii.  2. 

Psal.  1  xxxii.  6. 

Psal.  cxii.  9. 

Paal.  cxvi.  10. 

Psal.  cxvii.  1. 

Psal.  cxviii.  6. 

Prov.  i.  16.    Isa.  Ii*.  7,  9. 

Prov.  iii.  11,  12.      - 

Prov.  Iii.  34. 

Prov.  x.  12 

Prov.  xxv.  21,  22.   - 

Prov.  xxvi.  H. 

Isa.  i.  9. 

Isa.  vi.  9, 10. 


cited  in 


317 

Rom.  iii.  13. 
Rom.  iii.  14. 
Rom.  iii.  10—12 
Rom.  x.  W. 
1  Cor.  x.  26. 
Rom.  iv.  7,  8. 

1  Pet.  iii.  10-12 
Rom.  iii.  18. 
Rom.  viii.  36. 
Rom.  iii.  4. 
Rom.  xv.  3. 
Rom.  xi.  9,  10. 
Matt  xiii.  35. 
John  x.  34. 

2  Cor.  ix.  9. 

.  2  Cor.  iv.  13. 
Rom.  xv.  11. 
Heb.  xiii.  6. 
Rom.  iii.  15—17. 
Heb.  xii.  6.  6. 
James  iv.  6. 

1  Pet  iv.  8. 
Rom.  xii.  20. 

2  Pet.  ii.  22 
Rom.  Ix.  29. 

J  John  xii.  40.    Matt.  xiii.  A,  IS.    luke 
(     viii.  10.  Rom.  xi.  8. 

1  Pet.  iii.  14,  15. 

Heb.  ii.  13. 

Rom.  ix.  27,  28. 

Rom.  x.  11. 

Rom.  xi.  8. 

Matt.  xv.  8,  9.    Mark  vii.  6. 

1  Cor.  i.  19. 
Rom.  ix.  20,  21. 
Rom.  xiv.  11.     Phil.  ii.  10. 

2  Cor.  vi.  2, 
Rom.  ii.  24. 
Rom.  x  15. 
2  Cor.  vi.  17. 
Rom.  xv.  21. 

Matt  xxi.  13.  Mark  xi.  17.  Luke  xix  46. 
Luke  iv.  18,  19. 
Rom.  x.  20,  21. 
Acts  vii.  49,  50. 
Matt.  ii.  17,  18. 

2  Cor.  vi.  18. 

Matt.  ii.  15. 
Rom.  i.  17. 
Rom.  x.  13. 
Rom.  ix.  13. 


Isa.  viii.  12  13. 
Isa.  viii.  17,  18. 
Isa.  x.  22,  23. 
Isa.  xxviii.  16. 
Isa.  xxix.  10. 
Isa.  xxix.  13. 
Isa.  xxix.  14. 

Isa.  xxix.  16.  and  xiv.  9.    - 
Isa.  xiv.  23. 
Isa.  xlix.  8. 

Isa.  Iii.  5.  with  Ezek.  xxxvi.  20 
Isa.  Iii.  7.  and  Nahum  i.  15. 
Isa.  Iii.  11,  12. 
Isa.  Iii.  15.  - 

Isa.  lvi.  7.  (and  Jer.  vii.  11.) 
Isa.  Ixi.  1,  2. 
Isa.  lxv.  1,  2 
Isa.  lxvi.  1,  2 
Jer.  xxxi.  15. 

Jer.  xxxi.  33.  and  xxxii.  38.  (with  ) 
2  Sam.  vii.  14.)  S 

Ilosea  xi.  1. 
Hab.  ii.  4.  - 
Joel  ii.  32.  - 
Mai.  i.  2  3.  - 

It  cannot  escape  observation,  that  by  far  the  larger  portion 
of  the  preceding  passages  is  cited  and  adapted  to  the  pur- 

Eose  of  illustration  by  the  apostle  Paul.  Br.  John  Taylor* 
as  some  useful  remarks  (of  which  the  following  are  an 
abstract)  on  the  various  designs  with  which  St.  Paul  cited 
them : 

1.  Sometimes  his  intention  goes  no  further  than  using  the 
same  strong-  expressions,  as  being  equally  applicable  to  the  point 
in  hand.  Thus,  in  Rom.  x.  6 — 8.  he  uses  the  words  of  Moses 
(Deut  xxx.  12 — 14.)  not  to  prove  any  thing,  nor  as  if  he  thought 
Moses  spoke  of  the  same  subject ;  but  merely  as  intimating  that 
the  strong  and  lively  expressions,  used  by  Moses  concerning  the 
doctrine  he  taught,  were  equally  applicable  to  the  faith  of  the 
Gospel.  So,  in  Rom.  X.  18.  he  quotes  Psal.  xix.  4.  though  it  is 
not  unlikely  that  those  expressions  were  used  by  the  ancient 
Jews  in  application  to  the  Messiah,  as  the  apostle  applies  them. 

2.  Sometimes  the  design  of  the  quotation  is  only  to  show  that 
the  cases  are  parallel ;  or  that  what  happened  in  his  times  cor- 
responded with  what  happened  in  former  days.  See  Rom.  ii.  21. 
viii.  36.  ix.  27—29.  xi.  2 — 5.  8—10.  and  xv.  21. 

3.  Sometimes  the  quotation  is  only  intended  to  explain  a 
doctrinal  point.  See  Rom.  i.  17.  iv.  7,  8.  18—21.  ix.  20,21. 
x.  15.  and  xv.  3. 

4.  Sometimes  the  quotation  is  designed  to  prove  a  doctrinal 
point.  Sec  Rom.  iii.  4.  19—18.  iv.  3—17.  v.  12—14.  ix.  7.  9. 
12,  13.  15.  17.  x.  5.  11.  13.  xii.  20.  xiv.  11. 

Lastly,  when  a  passage  of  the  Old  Testament  is  quoted  in  the 
New,  in  order  to  prove  a  point  of  doctrine,  the  person  or  writer 
applies  it,  though  not  always  in  the  precise  words  of  the  original, 
vet  constantly  according  to  its  genuine  sense  as  it  stands  there. 
Examples  of  such  application  will  be  found  in  Deut.  viii.  3.  com- 
pared with  Matt.  iv.  4. ;  Deut.  vi.  16.  compared  with  Matt.  iv.  7. ; 
Deut.  xxxiii.  35.  and  Prov.  xxv.  21,22.  compared  with  Rom. 
xii.  19,  20.— The  expression  in  Hos.  vi.  6.,  mercy  and  not  sacri- 
fice, is  applied  to  different  purposes  in  Matt.  ix.  13.,  but  to  both 
properly. 

In  applying  passages  cited  from  the  Old  Testament  by  way 
of  illustration,  Turretin  has  suggested  the  three  following 
rules,  which  claim  the  attention  of  the  biblical  student  :— 

•  In  his  Paraphrase  and  Notes  on  Saint  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  p 
339  4th  edit.  1769. 


118 


ON  APOCRYPHAL  PASSAGES. 


1 .  In  applications  of  this  kind,  we  must  not  neglect  the  lite- 
ral sense,  which  is  the  first  and  only  genuine  sense  of  Scripture. 

2.  Such  applications  ought  not  to  be  forced,  or  far-fetched ; 
for  those  which  were  made  by  the  apostles  were  simple  and  easy 
to  be  apprehended. 

3.  Too  much  stress  ought  not  to  be  laid  on  these  applications ; 
which,  it  should  be  considered,  are  merely  illustrations  adduced 
by  the  sacred  writers  further  to  explain  the  subjects  under  their 
discussion. 

Such  being  the  nature  of  these  illustrative  quotations,  it  follows 
that  no  doctrines — at  least  such  as  are  necessary  to  salvation — 
either  can  or  ought  to  be  deduced  from  them.1 

[V.  Of  Quotations,  and  other  Passages  from  the  Old  Testament, 
ivhich  are  alluded  to  in  the  New. 
Besides  the  passages  mentioned  in  the  preceding  class  as  cita- 
aons  by  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament  in  the  way  of  illus- 
tration, there  is  a  fourth  class,  nearly  allied  to  them,  and  com- 
prising a  few  quotations,  together  with  a  larger  number  of  other 
passages  not  distinctly  cited  from  the  Old  Testament ;  but  which, 
on  comparing  them  with  the  New  Testament,  appear  most  evi- 
dently to  have  been  present  to  the  minds  of  the  sacred  writers, 
who  have  alluded  to  them  without  expressly  quoting  them.  A 
careful  inspection  of  such  passages,  with  reference  to  their  scope 
and  context,  together  with  an  application  of  the  rules  above  sug- 
gested by  Turretin,  will  readily  enable  the  student  to  judge  of 
the  allusions  which  he  may  meet  with  in  the  New  Testament ; 
and  in  addition  to  those  rules,  Dr.  Gerard  has  remarked,  that  when 
the  inspired  writers  quote  a  passage  from  the  Old  Testament, 
merely  in  the  -way  of  allusion,  it  is  enough  that  the  words  which 
they  borrow  emphatically  express  their  own  meaning.  It  is  not 
necessary  that  they  be  precisely  the  same  with  those  of  the  pas- 
sage alluded  to,  nor  that  they  be  there  used,  either  of  the  same 
subject  or  of  a  similar  subject.2  The  following  table  presents  a 
list  of  the  principal  passages  thus  alluded  to  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment : — 


Gen.  i.  6.  9.        •        alluded  to  in 

Ren.  i.  27. 

Gen.  ii.  2,  3. 

Gen.  ii.  7.  ... 

Gen.  ii.  81,  22. 

Gen.  ii.  24.  ... 

Gen.  iii.  6.  ... 

Gen.  iii.  4.  13.         - 

Gen.  iii.  16.  ... 

Gen.  iv.  4.   - 

(Jen.  iv.  8.   - 

Gen.  v.  24.  - 

Gen.  vi.  vii. 

Gen.  xii.  1 — 4. 

Gen.  xiii.  15. 

Gen.  xv.  13,  14.       -  ... 

Gen.  xvii.  10. 

Gen.  xviii.  3.  xix.  2. 

Gen.  xviii.  10. 

Gen.  xviii.  12.         - 

Gen.  xix.  24. 

Gen.  xxi.  12. 

Gen.  xlvi.  27. 

Gen.  xlvii.  31. 

Gen.  1.  24.   - 

Exod.  ii.  2.  11,        . 

Exod.  iii.  6.  ... 

Exod.  xii.  12.  18.     • 

Exod.  xiv.  22. 

Exod.  xix.  12.  16.  16,  19.    - 

Exod.  xx.  12—16.  Deut.  v.  16—20. 

Exod.  xiii.  2.    Num.  viii.  16,  17.  i 
xviii.  15.  17.  1 

Lev.  xiv.  3,  4.  10.   - 
Lev.  xix.  12.  ... 

Lev.  xix.  18. 

Num.  xi.  4.  -.. 

Num. xiv.  23.29. 37.  and  xxvi. 64,65. 
Num.  xxi.  4—6. 
Num.  xxii.  23.  39. 
Deut.  xviii.  1. 


1  Tim.  ii.  13. 

Mark  x.  7.  1  Cor.  vi.  16. 


2  Pet.  iii.  5. 
j  Matt.  xix.  4.    Mark  x.  6.    1  Cor   x!.  7. 

>  James  iii.  9. 
Heb.  iv.  4. 

1  Cor.  xv.  45. 
1  Cor.  xi.  8. 
j  Matt,  xix  5. 

>  Eph.  v.  31 

1  Tim.  ii.  14. 

2  Cor.  xi.  3. 
ICor.  xiv.  34. 
Heb.  xi.  4. 

j  Matt,  xxiii.  35.  Luke  xi.  51.  1  John  iii. 

>  12.  Jude,  verse  11. 
'  IIc'o.  xi.  5. 

i  Matt,  xxiv.37,38.  Luke  xvii.26,27.  Heb. 
i     xi.7.  1  Pet.  iii.  19,20.  2Pet.  ii.  5.  iii.  6. 

Acts  vii.  3.  Heb.  xi.  8. 

Rom.  iv.  13. 

Acts  vii.  6,  7. 

Acts  vii.  8. 

Heb.  xiii.  2. 

Bet.  xi.  11. 

1  Pet.  iii.  6. 

2  Pet.  ii.  6.    Jude,  verse  7. 
Heb.  xi.  18. 

Acts  vii.  14. 

Heb.  xi.  21. 

Heb.  xi.  22. 

Heb.  xi.  23—27.  Acts  vii.  20—29. 

Mark  xii.  26.  Acts  vii.  31,  32. 

Heb.  xi.  28. 

1  Cor.  x.  2.  Heb.  xi.  29. 

Heb.  xii.  18-20. 

i  Matt.  xix.  18,  19.    Mark  x.  19.    Luke 
•     xviii.  20.   Rom.  xiii.  9.  James  ii.  11. 

Luke  ii.  23. 

Matt.  viii.  4.  Mark  i.  44.  Luke  v.  14. 

Matt.  v.  33. 

Matt.  v.  43.  Gal.  v.  14. 

1  Cor.  x.  6. 

Heb.  iii.  16,  17.    Jude,  verse  5. 

1  Cor.  x.  9. 

2  Pet.  ii.  15,  16.  Jude,  5.  11. 
1  Cor.  ix.  13. 


'  Turretin,  De  Sacr.  Script.  Interpretatione,  pp.  118,  119.  see  also  pp. 
107—117.  The  subject  of  Scripture  quotations,  which  are  made  by  way 
•<(  illustration,  is  more  fully  discussed  by  Dr.  Sharpe  (Second  Argument 
from  Prophecy,  pp.  347—365.) ;  Dr.  Hey  (Norrisian  Lectures,  vol.  i.  pp. 
200. 262.);  Dr.  Harvvood  (Introduction  to  the  New  Test.  vol.  i.  pp.  279— 290.) ; 
Rumpauis  (Comment.  Crit.  ad  Libros  Nov.  Test.  pp.  443.  449,  450.) ; 
Bishop  Kidder  (in  his  Demonstration  of  the  Messias,  chap.  iii.  Boyle's 
Lectures,  vol.  i.  pp.  150—152.);  Dr.  Nicholls  (Conference  with  a  Theist, 
part  iii.  vol.  ii.  pp.  10—13.  ed.  1698.) ;  and  especially  by  Dr.  Sykes  (On  the 
Truth  of  the  Christian  Religion,  chapters  xiii.  xiv.  xv.  pp.  206—296.  edit. 
1725).  The  reader  will  also  find  some  excellent  remarks  on  the  different 
modes  of  quotation  in  Dr.  Cook's  Inquiry  into  the  Books  of  the  New  Testa- 
oent,  pp.  284—304. 

■«  Institutes  of  Biblical  Criticism,  p.  422.  §  135. 


Deut.  xxiv.  1 .  .  alluded  to  in 

Josh.  ii.  1.  vi.  22,  23. 

Josh.  vi.  20. 

Judges,  the  whole  book,  generally 

1  Sam.  viii.  5.  and  il,      ■ 

1  Sam.  xiii.  14.  xv.  23.  xvi.  12,  13. 

1  Kings  xvii.  1.  and  xviii.  42—45. 

1  Chron.  xxiii.  13.  - 

Psal.  xc.  4.  ... 

Prov.  xxvii.  1.        -  -  - 

Isa.  xii.  3.    - 

Isa.  Ixvi.  24.  ... 

Jer.  vi.  16.   - 

Lam.  iii.  45.  ... 

Dan.  iii.  23—25.      - 

Dan.  ix.  27.  xii.  11. 

Hos.  xiii.  14. 

Hos.  xiv.  2.  ... 

Amos  v.  25,  26,  27. 


[Pa*t  I 

Matt.  v.  31.  Mark  x.  4.  Luke  xvi.  18 

Heb.  xi.  31.  James  ii.  25. 

Heb.  xi.  30. 

Acts  xiii.  20.  Heb.  xi.32. 

Acts  xiii.  21. 

Acts  xiii.  22. 

.lames  ▼.  17,  18. 

Heb.  v.  4. 

2  Pet.  iii.  8. 

James  iv.  13,  14. 

John  vii.  38. 

Mark  ix.  44. 

Matt.  xi.  29. 

1  Cor.  iv.  13. 

Heb.  xi.  34. 

Matt.  xxiv.  15.  Mark  xiii.  14. 

1  Cor.  xv.  55. 

Heb.  xiii.  15. 

Acts  vii.  42,  43. 


SECTION  III. 

OF    APOCRYPHAL   PASSAGES,    SUPPOSED   TO   BE    QUOTED    IN   THtt 
NEW  TESTAMENT. QUOTATIONS  FROM  PROFANE  AUTHORS. 

It  was  a  practice  of  the  ancient  Hebrew  divines  to  cite, 
not  only  the  Scriptures,  as  we  have  seen  in  the  preceding 
sections,  but  also  to  quote  histories,  facts,  and  apophthegms 
or  sayings  of  their  early  sages,  which  they  had  received^  by 
oral  tradition  from  the  time  of  Moses, -in  order  to  supply 
those  passages  which  are  wanting  in  the  Pentateuch.  Of 
this  method  of  quotation  we  have  three  supposed  instances 
in  the  New  Testament.  The  first  is  2  Tim.  iii.  8.  where 
we  meet  with  the  name  of  Jannes  and  Jambres  as  the  two 
Egyptian  magicians  who  opposed  Moses.  Schickard  and 
some  other  learned  men  are  of  opinion  that  Saint  Paul,  being 
deeply  conversant  in  Jewish  literature,  derived  his  knowledge 
of  these  names  from  the  Targum  or  Chaldee  Paraphrase  of 
Jonathan  Ben  Uzziel,  on  Exod.  vii.  11.  But  as  there  is 
reason  to  believe  that  this  Targum  is  of  too  late  a  date  to 
have  been  consulted  by  the  apostle,  it  is  most  probable  that 
he  alluded  to  an  ancient  ana  generally  received  tradition 
relative  to  those  men.  What  corroborates  the  latter  conjec- 
ture is,  that  their  names  are  mentioned  by  some  ancient  pro- 
fane writers,  as  Numenius  the  Pythagorean,3  by  Artapanus/ 
and  by  Pliny. 5  The  Jews  affirm  that  they  were  princes  of 
Pharaoh's  magicians,  and  that  they  greatly  resisted  Moses. 
Origen,  who  flourished  in  the  second  century,  informs  us, 
that  there  was  extant,  in  his  time,  an  apocryphal  book  con- 
cerning these  magicians,  inscribed  Jannes  et  Mambres  Liber.' 
The  other  two  instances  alluded  to  are  the  9th  verse  of  the 
Epistle  of  Jude,  which  cites  the  story  of  Michael  the  arch- 
angel, contending  with  Satan  about  the  body  of  Moses,  and 
the  14th  verse  ot  the  same  epistle,  in  which  it  has  been  sup- 
posed that  he  quoted  an  apocryphal  prophecy  of  Enoch:8 
but  both  these  instances  are  borrowed  from  traditional 
accounts  then  received  by  the  Jews,  with  whom  the  apostle 
argues  from  their  own  authors  and  concessions.9  If,  how- 
ever, it  could  be  proved  that  the  apostle  had  quoted  a  singlo 
passage  from  the  apocryphal  book  of  Enoch,  such  a  quota 
tion  will  no  more  prove  his  approbation  of  the  whole  book, 
than  Paul's  quotations  from  certain  heathen  poets  prove  that 
apostle's  approbation  of  every  part  of  the  compositions  to 
which  he  referred.  On  the  subject  of  the  supposed  apocry- 
phal quotations  by  Jude,  see  further,  Vol.  II.  pp.  377,  378. 

On  a  reference  to  the  passages  of  the  Old  Testament, 
which  are  cited  in  the  way  of  illustration  by  the  evangelical 
writers,10  it  will  be  observed  that  by  far  the  greater  number 
of  such  quotations  has  been  made  by  Saint  Paul.  But  the 
same  great  apostle  of  the  Gentiles,  becoming  all  things  t: 
all  men,  and  Deing  deeply  versed  in  the  works  of  heathen 
authors,  as  well  as  in  the  sacred  writings,  did  not  confine 
himself  exclusively  to  the  inspired  books;  and,  accordingly, 
we  have  three  instances  in  the  New  Testament  of  the  fin« 

»  Apud  Origen.  contra  Celsum,  pp.  198,  199.  edit.  Spencer,  and  in  Ease 
bius  de  Praep.  Evang.  1.  8.  c.  8. 
«  In  Eusebius,  1.  9.  c.  27. 

•  Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  1.  30.  c.  1. 

«  Surenhusius,  Bi/3m>?  KxTxk\xy>«;t  pp.  539,  590. 

i  Tract  35.  in  Matt,  cited  by  Dr.  Whitby  on  2  Tim.  iii.  8. 

•  See  an  account  of  the  Apocryphal  Book  of  Enoch  the  Prophet,  in  the 
Bibliographical  Appendix  to  the  second  Volume,  Part  I.  Chap.  III. 
Sect.  I.  art.  11. 

»  Surenhusius  (pp.  699—702.)  has  given  a  long  extract  from  the  Jalkut 
Rubeni,  fol.  76.  col.  2.  which  details  the  history  of  Michael's  conflict  wilt 
the  devil.  The  same  author  (pp.  709—712.)  has  nloo  referred  to  ma»v 
Rabbinical  writers,  who  take  notice  of  Enoch's  prophesy 

>•  See  pp.  316—318.  supra. 


'hap    V. i 


HAUMONIES  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


319 


taste  and  ability  with  which  he  cited  and  applied  passages 
'"roin  Pagan  authors  when  contending  with  the  Ccntilcs,  or 
writing  to  Gentile  converts.  The  first  is  in  Acts  xvii.  28., 
where  he  cites  part  of  a  verse   from  the  Phenomena  of 

\ratus. 

T*   J  *f  K-M  >«ViC   ITfXM. 

fur  we  liis  offspring  are. 

The   passage   was   originally  spoken  of  the  heathen  deity 
lupiter,  and  is  dexterously  applied  to  the  true  God  by  Paul, 
who  draws  a  very  strong  and  conclusive  inference  from  it. 
The  second  instance  alluded  to  is  in  1  Cor.  xv.  33.    in 


which  passage  the  apostle  quotes  a  senary  iambic,  which  is 
supposed  to  liave  been  taken  from  Menander's  lost  comedy 
ofThais, 

>\&vf,:\jtTti  *$»  Xf»<r$I   IfAtktJU  ttiH.it: 

rendered,  in  our  translation,  Evil  communications  corrupt 
manners. 

The  last  instance  to  be  noticed  under  this  head  is  Titus  i. 
12.,  where  St.  Paul  quotes  from  Epimenides,  a  Cretan  poet 
the  verse  which  has  already  been  cited  and  illustrated  in 
Vol.  1.  p.  81. ;  to  which  the  reader  is  referred. 


CHAPTER  V. 


ON    HARMONIES     OF     SCRIPTURE. 


[    Occaiion  ami  Design  of  Harmonies  of  the  Scriptures. — II.  Harmonies  of  the  four  Gospels. — III.  Observations  on  the  different 
Schemes  of  Jfarmonizers,  and  on  the  Duration  of  the  public  Ministry  of  Jesus  Christ. 


I.  The  several  books  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  having, been 
written  at  different  times  and  on  different  occasions,  neces- 
sarily treat  OO  a  great  variety  of  BubjectS,  historical,  doctrinal, 
moral,  and  prophetic.  The' sacred  authors  also,  writing  with 
■ent  designs,  have  not  always  related  the  same  events 
in  the  same  order:  some  are  introduced  by  anticipation;  and 
others  again  are  related  first  which  should  have  been  placed 
I  ist.  1  fence  seeming  contradictions  have  arisen,  which  have 
been  eagerly  seized  by  the  adversaries  of  Christianity,  in 

in  perplex  the  minds  and  shake  the  faith  of  those  who 
t  able  to  cope  with  their  sophistries.     These  contra- 
i,  however,  are  not  real,  for  they  disappear  as  soon  as 
they  are  brought  to  the  test  of  candid  examination. 

The  manifest  importance  and  advantage  of  comparing  the 

I  writers  with  each  other,  and  of  reconciling  apparent 

idictions,  have  induced  many  learned  men  to  undertake 

impilation  of  works,  which,  being  designed  to  show 

the  perfect  agreement  of  all  parts  of  the  sacred  writings,  are 

aonly  termed  Harmonies.     A  multitude  of  works  of  this 

.  ption  has,  at  different  times,  been  issued  from  the  press ; 

cecution  of  which  has  varied  according  to  the  diiferent 

designs  of  their  respective  authors.     They  may,  however,  be 

red  to  three  classes;  viz. 

I.  Works  which  have  for  their  object  the  reconciling  of 
APPARENT  contradictions  in  the  sacred  writings. — These, 
in  fact,  are  a  sort  of  commentaries;  and  a  notice  of  the 
principal  publications  of  this  kind  will  he  found  in  the 
BiooRAPHicAL  Appendix  to  the  second  Volume,  Part  II. 
Chap.  V.  Seer.  III.  §  8.  among  the  commentators  and 
expositors  of  Holy  Writ. 

3.  Harmonies  of  the  Old  Testament. — The  design  of 
these  is,  to  dispose  the  historical,  poetical,  and  prophetical 
books  in  chronological  order,  so  that  they  may  mutually 
explain  and  authenticate  one  another.  Our  learned  country- 
man, Dr.  Lightfoot,  in  the  year  1  (» IT,  published  a  "  Chro- 
"  or  Harmony  of  the  Old  Testament;  on  the  basis  of 
which  the  Rev.  George  Townsend  constructed  M  The  Old 
luent  arranged  in  Historical  and  Chronological  Order;" 
but  he  *>as  deviated  from,  and  improved  upon,  the  plan  of 
Lightfoot   very   materially.     His   work    is   noticed   in   the 

iORAPHICAL  Appendix  to  the  si nd  Volume,  Part  I. 

.  U.  Sect.  1. 
3.   Harmonies  of  the  New  Testament  are  of  two  sorts; 
riz. 

(1.)  Harmonies  of  the  entire  New  Testament,  in  which 
not  only  are  the  four  Gospels  chronologically  disposed,  but 
B pieties  are  also  placed  in  order  of  time,  and  inter- 
ed  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  Mr.  Townsend's 
•■  New  Testament  arranged  in  Chronological  and  Historical 
Order"  is  the  most  complete  work  of  this  kind  in  the 
English  language. 

(•J.)  Harmonies  of  the  four  Gospels,  in  which  the  narra- 
tives or  memoirs  of  the  four  evangelists  are  digested  in  their 
proper  chronological  order. 

II.  The  Memoirs  or  Narratives  of  the  life  of  Jesus  Christ 
iff  been  written  with  different  designs,  and  for  the  use  of 

particular  classes  of  Christians,  the  importance  and  advan- 
tage of  collating  these  relations  with  each  other,  and  obtain- 
ing the  clear  amount  of  their  various  narratives,  at  a  very 
Vol.  1.  2  U 


early  period  suggested  the  plan  of  forming  the  Gospels  into 
harmonies,  exhibiting  completely  their  parallelisms  and 
differences,  or  into  a  connected  history,  termed  respectively 
Monotessarcm  and  Diatessaron  ,■  in  which  the  four  accounts 
are  blended  into  one,  containing  the  substance  of  them  all. 
Works  of  this  description  are  extremely  numerous.  Mr. 
Pilkington  has  enumerated  one  hundred  and  four,  which  had 
come  to  his  knowledge  in  1747 ;'  and  Walchius  has  given  a 
select  list  of  one  hundred  and  thirty,  which  had  been  pub- 
lished prior  to  the  year  1765. 2  The  indefatigable  bibliogra- 
pher Fabricius,  and  his  editor,  Professor  Harles,  have  given 
a  list  of  those  which  were  known  to  be  extant,  to  the  year 
1795,  which  amounts  to  one  hundred  and  seventy-two,  but 
it  is  by  no  means  complete.3  Our  notice  must  necessarily 
be  confined  to  a  few  of  the  principal  composers  of  harmo- 
nies.4 

1.  Tatian,  who  wrote  about  the  middle  of  the  second 
century,  composed  a  digest  of  the  evangelical  history,  which 
was  called  to  h*  ru-mpcD/,  that  is,  the  Gospel  of  the  four,  or 
tAciortraufof,  Bfonoteaaaron,  that  is,  one  narrative  composed  out 
of  the  four.  Tatian  is  the  most  ancient  harmonist  on  record  ; 
for,  if  Theophilus  bishop  of  Antioch  had  before  written  on 
that  subject  (as  Jerome  insinuates),  his  work  is  long  since 
lost. 

2.  In  the  beginning  of  the  third  century,  Ammonius,  an 
Alexandrian,  composed  a  harmony  which  was  also  called  ti 
it*.  Tta-a-ufKtv  or  the  Gospel  of  the  four,  of  the  execution  of 
which  Eusebius  speaks  with  approbation.  The  works  of 
Tatian  and  Ammonius  have  long  ago  perished  ;  but  attempts 
have  been  made  to  obtrude  spurious  compilations  upon  the 
world  for  them  in  both  instances.  Victor,  who  was  bishop 
of  Capua,  in  the  sixth  century,  gave  a  Latin  version  of  a 
harmony,  which  was  published  by  Michael  Memler  at  May- 
ence,  in  1524,  as  a  translation  of  jSmmoniua'a  Harmony,  vo 
consequence  of"  Victor  being  undetermined  to  which  of  those 
writers  it  was  to  be  ascribed,  though  he  was  disposed  to 
refer  it  to  Tatian.     And  Ottomar  Luscinius  published  one  at 

urirli  in  1534,  which  he  called  that  of  Ammonius, 
though  others  have  ascribed  it  to  Tatian.  It  is  not  a  har- 
mony in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term,  but  a  mere  summary  of 
the  life  of  Christ  delivered  in  the  author's  own  words. 

3.  The  diligent  ecclesiastical  historian  Eusebius,  who 
wrote  in  the  former  part  of  the  fourth  century,  composed  a 
very  celebrated  harmony  of  the  Gospels ;  in  which  he  di- 
vided the  evangelical  history  into  ten  canons  or  tables,  which 
are  prefixed  to  many  editions  and  versions  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament, particularly  to  Dr.  Mill's  critical  edition  of  it.  In 
the  first  canon  he  has  arranged,  according  to  the  ancient 
chapters  (which  are  commonly  called  the  Ammonian  Sec- 
tions, from  Ammonius,  who  made  these  divisions),  those 
parts  of  the  history  of  Christ  which  are  related  by  all  four 
evangelists.  In  the  rest  he  has  disposed  the  portions  of 
history  related  by, 

'  Pilkington's  Evangelical  History  and  Harmony,  Preface,  pp.  xviii.— xx. 

»  Walcliii  Bibliotheca  Selects,  vol.  iv.  pp.  863—900. 

»  Bibliotheca  Graeca,  vol.  iv.  pp.  882— SS9-      _      .,„,,.      ,».,..„  „„,u.. 

«  Our  notices  of  Harmonies  ire  chiefly,  derived  from Jh toewria 
just  cited,  and  from  Michaelis's  Introduction  to  the  New  Testament,  vol 
iti.  part  i.  pp.  31—36.  and  part  ii.  pp-  29—49- 


320 


ON  HARMONIES  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


2.  Matthew,  Mark,  and  Luke. 

3.  Matthew,  Luke,  and  John. 
1.  Matthew,  Mark,  and  John. 

5.  Matthew  and  Luke. 

6.  Matthew  and  Mark. 

7.  Matthew  and  John. 

8.  Luke  and  Mark. 

9.  Luke  and  John. 

10.  Only  one  of  the  four  evangelists. 
Though  these  Eusebian  canons  are  usually  considered  as 
harmony,  yet  it  is  evident,  from  a  bare  inspection  of  them, 
that  they  are  simply  Indexes  to  the  four  Gospels,  and  by  no 
means  form  a  harmony  of  the  same  nature  as  those  which 
have  been  written  in  modern  times,  and  which  are  designed 
to  bring  the  several  facts  recorded  by  the  evangelists  into 
chronological  order,  and  to  reconcile  contradictions.  On 
this  account  Walchius  does  not  allow  them  a  place  in  his 
bibliographical  catalogue  of  harmonies. 

4.  About  the  year  330,  Juvencus,  a  Spaniard,  wrote  the 
evangelical  history  in  heroic  verse.  His  method  is  said  to 
be  confused,  and  his  verse  is  not  of  a  description  to  ensure 
him  that  immortality  which  he  promised  himself.  His  work 
has  fallen  into  oblivion. 

5.  The  four  books  of  Augustine,  bishop  of  Hippo,  in 
Africa,  Be  Conse?isu  Quatuor  Evangcliorum,  are  too  valuable 
to  be  omitted.  They  were  written  about  the  year  400,  and 
are  honourable  to  his  industry  and  learning.  Augustine 
wrote  this  work  with  the  express  design  of  vindicating  the 
truth  and  authority  of  the  Gospels  from  the.  cavils  of  ob- 
jectors. 

From  the  middle  ages  until  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century 
various  harmonies  were  compiled  by  Peter  Comestor,  Guido  de 
Perpiniano,  Simon  de  Cassia,  Ludolphus  the  Saxon  (a  Ger- 
man Carthusian  monk,  whose  work  was  held  in  such  high  esti- 
mation that  it  passed  through  not  fewer  than  thirty  editions, 
besides  being  translated  into  French  and  Italian).  Jean  Char- 
lier  de  Gerson,  chancellor  of  the  university  of  Paris,  Peter 
Lombard,  Thomas  Aquinas,  and  many  others,  which  are  now 
of  little  value,  and  which  have  long  since  fallen  into  disuse. 
Of  the  various  harmonies  published  since  the  Reformation, 
by  foreign  authors,  the  Latin  Harmony  of  Chemnitz  (or 
Chemnitius)  is  the  most  esteemed ;  and  among  our  British 
divines  those  of  Drs.  Doddridge  and  Macknight  are  most 
generally  read  on  account  of  their  valuable  expositions  and 
commentaries.  But,  for  exhibiting  the  parallel  passages  of 
each  evangelist,  perhaps  the  columnar  form  of  Archbishop 
Newcome,  or  of  the  Rev.  Edward  Greswell,  is  preferable; 
while  he,  who  is  desirous  of  perusing  one  connected  and 
continuous  narrative,  in  which  all  the  shades  of  circum- 
stances are  judiciously  interwoven,  will  find  Mr.  Townsend's 
"  New  Testament  arranged  in  Historical  and  Chronological 
Order,"  &c.  the  most  useful.1 

III.  In  the  construction  of  an  Evangelical  Harmony,  two 
questions  have  presented  themselves  to  the  consideration  of 
harmonizers ;  vu.  first,  what  evangelist  has  preserved  the 
true  order  of  circumstances,  to  which  all  the  others  are  to  be 
reduced  ]  And,  secondly,  what  was  the  duration  of  the  public 
ministry  of  Jesus  Christ  1 

1 .  On  the  first  of  these  topics,  we  may  remark  that  all  the 
modern  harmonies  of  the  Gospels  may  be  divided  into  two 
classes;  viz.  1.  Harmonies,  of  which  the  authors  have  taken 
for  granted,  that  all  the  facts  recorded  in  all  the  four  Gospels 
are  arranged  in  chronological  order;  and,  2.  Harmonies,  of 
which  the  authors  have  admitted,  that  in  one  or  more  of  the 
four  Gospels  the  chronological  order  has  been  more  or  less 
neglected.  At  the  head  of  the  first  class  is  Andrew  Osiander, 
one  of  Luther's  fellow-labourers,  in  promoting  the  reformation 
in  Germany :  his  method  is  followed  by  Calovius,  Sandhagen, 
and  others,  on  the  Continent,  and  in  this  country  by  Dr. 
Macknight.  Chemnitz  stands  at  the  head  of  the  other  class, 
and  also  has  many  followers  of  his  method  of  arrangement. 
"  The  harmonies  of  the  former  kind  are  very  similar  to  each 
other,  because,  though  the  authors  of  them  had  to  interweave 
the  facts  recorded  in  one  Gospel  with  the  facts  recorded  in 
another,  yet,  as  they  invariably  retained  the  order  which  was 
observed  in  each  Gospel,  and  consequently  repeated  whatever 
facts  occurred  in  different  places  in  different  Gospels,  as  often 
as  those  facts  presented  themselves  to  the  harmonists  in  their 
progress  through  the  Gospels,  there  was  less  room  for  material 

»  See  the  Bibliographical  Appendix  to  the  second  Volume,  Part  I. 
Chap.  II.  Sect.  II.— IV.  for  an  account  of  these  and  of  the  Harmonies  of 
the  JJosrel,  or  of  particular  books  of  the  New  Testament. 


[Part  1 

deviations  in  their  plan  and  method.  Bit  in  the  harmonies 
of  the  latter  kind  we  meet  with  considerable  variations, 
because,  though  the  authors  of  them  are  unanimous  in  their 
principle,  they  are  at  variance'in  the  application  of  it;  and, 
though  they  agree  in  making  transpositions,  by  which  they 
distinguish  themselves  from  the  harmonists  of  the  first  class, 
yet  they  do  not  always  make  the  same  transpositions.  Some, 
for  instance,  have  supposed,  as  Chemnitz,  Archbishop  New- 
come,  and  other  harmonists  of  this  class  have  done,  that  St. 
Matthew  has  mostly  neglected  chronological  order,  while 
others,  as  Bengel  and  Bertlino:,  have  supposed,  that  he  has 
in  general  retained  it.  Hence,  though  they  have  all  the  same 
object  in  view,  namely,  to  make  a  chronological  harmony,  ox 
to  arrange  the  events,  which  are  recorded  in  the  Gospels,  as 
nearly  as  possible  according  to  the  order  of  the  time  in  which 
the  events  happened,  they  have  adopted  different  modes  of 
producing  this  effect.  For  in  some  harmonies  the  order  of 
St.  Matthew  is  inverted,  and  made  subservient  to  that  of  St. 
Mark,  while  in  other  harmonies  St.  Mark's  order  is  inverted. 
and  made  subservient  to  that  of  St.  Matthew.  Some  har- 
monists again  suppose,  that  all  the  evangelists  have  neglected 
chronological  order,  while  others  make  an  exception  in  favour 
of  one  or  more  of  them,  though  the  question,  which  of  the 
evangelists  should  be  excepted,  likewise  affords  matter  of 
debate.  And  even  those  harmonists,  who  agree  as  to  the 
Gospel  or  Gospels,  in  which  transpositions  should  be  made, 
differ  in  respect  to  the  particular  parts  where  these  trans- 
positions ought  to  take  place."2 

A  late  excellent  writer  on  the  evidences  and  criticism  of 
the  New  Testament,3  however,  is  of  opinion  that  the  evan- 
gelists did  not  design  to  adhere  to  the  order  of  time  in  writing 
their  respective  memoirs  of  the  life  of  Jesus  Christ.  The 
purpose  with  which  the  four  Gospels  were  written,  he  re- 
marks, appears  to  have  been,  not  a  regular  chronologically 
disposed  history  of  the  life,  ministry,  and  sufferings  of  Jesus 
Christ,  but  the  collection  of  such  a  body  of  well-authenticated 
facts,  as  might  disclose  the  nature,  and  form  sufficient  proof 
of  the  truth  of  Christianity.  This,  he  thinks,  is  obvious  from 
the  manner  in  which  the  evangelists  generally  place  together 
the  facts  narrated.  "  That  manner  is  such  as  completely  to 
effect  the  latter,  but  not  the  former,  purpose.  There  are  no 
marks  of  an  intention,  on  the  part  of  any  of  the  evangelists, 
to  give  to  their  narratives  a  regular  chronological  order. 
While,  in  general,  there  are  no  indications  of  the  succession 
and  proximity  of  the  events  narrated,  but  from  their  being 
prior,  or  posterior,  and  contiguous  in  the  narrative,  or  from 
such  indefinite  expressions  as  tcte, t^am,  aivmi  hwmc  mimic,* 
ouivu  rot  Ksiifa,  iv  tm  x*()tg>ic,  y.irru.  tmjto.  ;  on  the  other  hand,  it 
sometimes  occurs,  that  the  events  which  one  evangelist  re- 
lates as  in  immediate  succession,  are  noticed  by  himself  to 
be  not  contiguous  in  time,  and  aTe  put  down  by  another, 
with  some  of  the  intervening  transactions  interposed.  Than 
evidence  of  this  kind,  as  to  the  purpose  of  a  history,  no 
declaration  by  the  writer  can  be  more  satisfactory.  Such 
declaration,  unless  perfectly  explicit,  may  require  to  lie 
modified  by  what  his  work  bears  within  itself  of  its  purpose. 
But  there  can  be  no  ambiguity  in  the  evidence,  deduced  from 
such  facts  as  we  have  noticed,  in  the  Gospel  narratives. 

"  Against  this  evidence,  too,  there  is  no  contrary  declaration 
to  be  weighed.  The  evangelist,  John  (xx.  30, 31.),  expressly 
asserts  that  the  purpose  of  his  writing  was  to  make  such  a 
selection  of  facts  as  might  be  good  ground  of  faith  in  the 
divine  mission  of  Jesus  Christ ;  but  he  nowhere  affirms  the 
chronological  order  of  the  selection.  Luke,  also,  thus  declares 
the  purpose  of  his  writing  to  Theophilus  : — 'Jva  trrtyven  mpi  JL> 
*u7»;t»8xc  hcyuv  t»v  a.<rq-jLxui.v  (Luke  i.  4.),  and  the  expression 
in  the  preceding  verse,  ESo%e  ki/aci,  7rufi»Ki\cvG»KCTC  xvcebzv  ir*<ni 
ctKftfotc,  koB&c  <roi  yfu-^'M,  is  to  be  interpreted  according  to  that 
purpose.  For  this  purpose,  thus  distinctly  expressed  by  two 
of  the  evangelists,  and  evident  from  the  manner  of  writing 
common  to  them  all,  it  was  assuredly  necessary  that,  either 
directly  or  indirectly,  they  should  furnish  us  with  such  in- 
formation, as  might  enable  us  to  refer  the  facts  in  the  Gospel 
history  to  a  certain  country,  and  a  certain  period  in  the  history 
of  the  world.  Without  this,  the  Gospels  would  not  have 
afforded  the  proper  means  for  distinguishing  them  from 
fictitious  histories ;  and  hence,  could  not  have  answered  the 
purpose  of  furnishing  evidence  to  the  truth  of  Christianity. 
This  it  was  possible  to  do,  either  formally  by  dates,  such  aa 

*  Michaelis's  Introduction,  vol.  iii.  part  ii.  p.  io. 

»  The  Rev.  Dr.  Cook,  in  his  Inquiry  into  Hie  Books  of  the  New  Tea 
lament. 


Chap.  V.] 


ON  HARMONIES  OF  SCRIPTLKE. 


321 


are  found  in  the  beginning  of  the  second  and  third  chapters 
of  Luke's  Gospel;  or  by  allusions  to  known  places,  persons, 
and  circumstances,  to  be  learnt  from  other  histories.  Of  these 
two  modes,  the  evangelists,  with  a  few  exceptions,  follow 
the  latter;  natural  to  men  writing  immediately  for  contem- 
poraries, upon  or  near  the  seme  of  the  events ;  and  conformable 
to  the  usual  simplicity  by  which  their  whole  style  is  pervaded. 
But  for  this  purpose,  it  was  not  in  the  least  necessary  to  frame 
regular  chronological  narratives;  and  accordingly  whal  was 
not  necessary,  lias  not  been  effected  ;  the  connections  carrying 
.forward  the  arrangement  of  events  in  the  Gospels,  being  not 

merely  those  of  time,  but  of  the  various  associations,  Mich  as 

similarity  in  the  facts  themselves,  vicinity  of  place,  &c.  by 
which  it  is  possible  that  the  human  mind  may  be  guided,  m 
recollecting  and  classifying  things  that  are  past.     And  such, 

perhaps,  upon   the  whole,  is   the  impression    made   on    moSl 

readers  by  the  narratives  of  the  evarfgelists.  \s  we  read 
them,  we  have  a  general  feeling  that  they  are  carrying  us 

ultimately  forward,  from  dt(  ceding  to  subsequent  events,  yet, 
occasionally,  over  intervals  of  time  concerning  which  nothing 
has  been  n  cord,  d,  or  with  deviations  from  the  chronological 
order;  thus  rendering  it  difficult,  or  impossible,  to  make  one 
harmonious  arrangement  of  the  whole  Gospel  history,  in 
which  each  event  shall  obtain,  in  perfect  consistency  with  the 
account  of  each  evangelist,  its  proper  chronological  place."1 

Amid  this  diversity  of  opinions,  supported  as  each  is  by 
the  most  ingenious  arguments  which  its  author  could  pro- 
duce, it  is  extremely  difficult  to  decide,  liy  the  adoption  of 
the  very  probable  hypothesis  last  stated, concerning  the  pur- 
pose for  which  the  "evangelists  wrote,  we  certainly  get  rid, 
and  in  the  fairest  way,  01  all  the  difficulties  with  which  the 
two  classes  of  authors  id'  Harmonies  of  the  Gospels  above 
noticed  have  to  combat.  As  the  evidence  laid  before  the 
reader  will  enable  him  to  determine  for  himself  which  of 
these  hypotheses  to  adopt,  we  shall  only  remark,  that  Bishop 
Marsh  recommends  Griesbach's  Synopsis  of  the  first  three 
Gospels  as  preferable  to  every  other  harmony  extant.2 

2.  Very  different  opinions  have  been  entertained  by  the  com- 
pilers of  harmonies,  with  regard  to  the  duration  of  Christ's 
public  ministry  ;  whence  a  corresponding  diversity  has  neces- 
sarily arisen  in  the  disposition  of  their  respective  harmonies. 
During  the  first  three  centuries,  the  common  opinion  was, 
that  Christ's  ministry  lasted  only  one  year,  or  at  furthest 
one  year  and  four  months.  Early  in  the  fourth  century, 
Eusebius,  the  ecclesiastical  historian,  maintained  that  it 
inued  between  three  and  four  years:  this  opinion  was 
generally  received,  though  the  ancient  opinion  was  retained 
By  Augustine.  During  the  middle  ages, .no  further  inquiries 
appeal  to  have  been  made  on  this  subject;  and,  after  the  Re- 
formation, all  the  harmonizcrsof  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries  assumed  it  for  certain  that  Christ's  ministry  lasted 
between  three  and  four  years.  Bengel,  however,  in  his  Ger- 
man Harmony  of  the  Gospels,  published  at  Tubingen  in  173o', 
reduced  it  to  two  years ;  and.  three  years  before,  Mr.  Mann, 
in  his  essay  "Of  the  true  Years  of  the  Birth  and  Death  of 
Christ"  (London,  1733,  8vo.),  revived  the  ancient  opinion 
that  it  lasted  only  one  year.  This  was  also  followed  by  Dr. 
Priestley  in  his  Greek  and  English  Harmonies.  The  hypo- 
thesis of  Eusebius  was  adopted  by  Archbishop  Newcome, 
who  maintained  that  one  year  was  by  far  too  short  a  period 
for  the  several  progresses  of  Jesus  Christ  in  Galilee,  and  the 
transactions  connected  with  them;  and  Bishop  Marsh  ob- 
serves, that  the  Gospel  of  John  presents  almost  insuperable 
obstacles  to  the  opinion  of  those  who  confine  Christ's  mi- 

•  Dr   Cnok's  Inquiry,  pp.  211—211. 

1  Kichai  hs'x  Introduction,  vol.  iii.  part  ii,  p   17.    Michaelis  has  given  n 
harmonized  table  of  die  tour  Qospeu  (Introd.  vol  iii  pari  i  pp, 
which  Bishop  Harsh  (pan  ii.  p,  670  pronounces  t"  be  a  rerj  use 
considered  as  a  general  index  lo  the  four  Gospels.     Dr.  A.  Clarke   lias 
reprinted  MicbaeuVs  harmonised  table  al  the  end  of  ins  Commentary  on 
(he  Gospels;  observing  thai  it  is  useful  to  the  reader  of  them,  in  pointing 
out  irhere  the  same  transaction  is  mentioned  bj  the  evangelists,  v. 
!uve  in  common,  and  what  is  pecuHar  to  each     Michaelis  has  ■  i 
followed  Matthew's  account,  with  which  the  narratives  oi  the  otn<  r  evan 
eehsts  are  collated.    In  1821,  an  English  Harmony  was  compiled 

printed  at  the  expense  of,  Thomas  Howt.ks.  Esq.  (lor  private  distribution 
onlvV  entitled  "  Die  (essaron,  or  the  History  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
compiled  from  the  four  Gospels,  according  to  the  Translation  of  Dr.  (amp 
bell,  and  in  the  Order  adopted  by  John  David  Michaelis,  London,"  8vo. 
In  this  beautifully  executed  volume  the  compiler  has  made  some  slight 
variations  from  the  order  of  time  followed  by  Michaelis  in  the  harmonized 
table  just  mentioned. 


nistry  to  one  year.  For,  in  order  to  effect  this  purpose,  it  is 
necessary  to  make  omissions  and  transpositions  in  St.  John's 
Gospel,  which  are  not  warranted  by  the  laws  of  criticism, 
bul  are  attempted  merely  to  support  a  previously  assumed 
hypothesis.  On  the  other  hand,  he  thinks  that  the  opinion, 
which  makes  Christ's  ministry  to  have  continued  three  years 
(and  which  receives  DO  support  whatever  from  the  first  three 
Gospels),  cannot  be  satisfactorily  proved  even  from  the  Gos- 
pel of  Saint  John,  who  at  the  utmost  has  noticed,  or  at  least 
named,  only  three  distinct  passovere. 

\uoiin  r  opinion  was  announced,  with  equal  modesty  and 
learning,  in  a  dissertation  mi  "The  Chronology  of  our 
Saviours  Life/1  by  the  Elev.  CyBcnsoir,  M.  A. (Cambridge, 
is  hi.  mvo.)  The  results  of  his  investigation  (which  depends 
on  minute  chronological  and  critical  discussions  that  do  not 
admit  of  abridgment)  are.  that  Herod  died  in  the  year  of  the 
Julian  period  4711 J  and,  consequently,  that  the  birth  of 
Christ  took  place  A.  7.  P.  17<>!l,  in  the  spring  (probably  in  the 
month  of  April  or  May)  ;  that  his  baptism  was  performed  in 
or  about  the  month  of  .November,  a.  j.  p.  17.'!!',  during  the 
procuratorship  of  Pontius  Pilate;  that,  arrreeably  to  the  indi- 
cations of  time  contained  in  Saint  John's  Gospel,  the  ministry 
of  Jesus  Christ  lasted  through  three  passovers,  or  ftoo  years 
and  a  half,'  and  that  he  was  crucified  on  the  fifteenth  day  of 
the  month  Nisan  (April  15th),  a.  j.  p.  4742. 

From  the  difficulty  of  producing  a  harmony,  complete  in 
all  its  parts,  some  eminent  critics  (and  among  them  the 
elegant  and  accomplished  expositor  Gilpin)  have  maintained 
that  we  ought  to  peruse  the  four  several  memoirs  of  Jesus 
Christ,  written  by  the  evangelists,  separately  and  distinctly ; 
and  that,  by  explaining  them  separately,  the  uhole  becomes 
more  uniform.  Archbishop  Newcome,  however,  has  ably 
vindicated,  and  proved,  the  utility  and  advantage  of  har- 
monies ;  and  with  his  observations  the  present  chapter  shall 
conclude.    A  harmony,  he  remarks,  has  the  following  uses  : — 

By  the  juxta-position  of  parallel  passages,  it  is  often  the 
best  comment;  and  it  cannot  but  greatly  alleviate  the 
reader's  trouble,  in  his  attempts  to  illustrate  the  phraseology 
and  manner  of  the  evangelists.  It  also  shows  that  Mark, 
who  inserts  much  new  matter,  did  not  epitomize  the  Gospi  I 
of  Matthew  ;  and  it  affords  plain  indications,  from  the  addi- 
tions and  omissions  in  John's  Gospel,  that  his  was  designed 
to  be  a  supplemental  history.  Further,  a  harmony  in  many 
instances  illustrates  the  propriety  of  our  Lord's  conduct  and 
works.  Thus,  previously  to  the  call  of  the  four  apostles 
(Mark  i.  Id — 20.)  Andrew  had  been  the  Baptist's  disciple, 
and  had  received  his  testimony  to  Jesus  (John  i.  35.  10.)' 
Peter  had  been  brought  to  Jesus  by  Andrew  his  brother 
(John  i.  42.)  ;  and  Jesus  had  shown  more  than  human 
knowledge  and  more  than  human  power  (John  i.  48.  ii.  11. 
33.  iii.  '.!.  iv.  29.  49,  50.)  than  what  had  probably  fallen 
within  the  experience  of  these  disciples,  or  at  least  must 
have  gained  tneir  belief  on  the  firmest  grounds.  So,  the 
words  of  Christ  (John  v.  21.  25.)  are  prophetically  spoken 
btfore  he  had  raised  any  from  the  dead;  and  his  reproofs 
(Matt.  >ii.  .'i  i.  Mark  vii.  6.)  are  uttered  after  he  had  wrought 
miracles,  during  two  feasts  at  Jerusalem.  Nor  was  the 
jealousy  of  the  Jewish  rulers  early  awakened  by  the  call  of 
the  twelve  apostles  to  a  stated  attendance.     This  event  took 

?lace  after  our  Lord  had  celebrated  his  second  passover  at 
erusah  in,  and  when  he  was  about  to  absent  himself  from 
that  city  for  so  long  a  period  as  eighteen  months.  In  like 
manner,  the  seventy  were  not  sent  forth  to  show,  throughout 
a  wide  tract  of  c,  untry,  with  what  wisdom  and  power  their 
Master  endued  thi  m,  till  within  about  six  months  of  our 
Lord's  crucifixion  ;  and  the  scene  of  raising  the  dead,  a  kind 
of  miracle  which  would  have  exasperated  his  enemies  in 
proportion  as  it  tended  to  exalt  his  prophetic  character,  was 
remote  from  Jerusalem,  till  the  last  passover  approached. 
Lastly,  strong  presumptions  of  the  inspiration  of  the  evange- 
lists arise  from  an  accurate  comparison  of  the  Gospels,  from 
their  being  so  wonderfully  supplemental  to  each  other,  in 
ges  reconcilable  only  by  the  suggestion  of  a  seemingly 
indifferent  circumstance,  and  from  their  real  agreement  in  the 
midst  of  a  ••"  ming  disagreement.  "  Truth,  like  honesty,  often 
neglects  appearances :  hypocrisy  and  imposture  are  always 
guarded. "J 

»  Mil  haelis's  introduction,  vol.  ii.  part  ii.  p.  66. 

4  West  on  the  Resurrection,  p.  278.     (I-ondon  edit.  1907.  8vo.) 


A  22 


ON  THE  SENSE  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


Tart  II.  Boom.  I 


PART  II. 

ON    THE    INTERPRETATION    OF    SCRIPTURE. 


BOOK  I. 

GENERAL    PRINCIPLES    OF    INTERPRETATION 

CHAPTER  I. 

ON    THE    SENSE    OF    SCRIPTURE. 


SECTION  I. 


ON   THE    MEANING    OF    WORDS. 


i  Nature  of  Words. — II.  The  Sense  of  Scripture  defined:  1.  The  literal  Sense; — 2.  The  allegorical,  typical,  and  para' 
bolical  Sense; — 3.  The  moral  Sense  of  Professor  Kant  shown  to  be  destitute  of  Foundation ; — i.  The  Declarations  of 
Jesus  Christ  and  his  Apostles  are  not  an  Accommodation  to  popular  Opinion  and  Prejudice. 


Man,  being  formed  for  society,  has  received  from  his 
Creator  the  faculty  ^f  communicating  to  his  fellow-men,  by 
means  of  certain  signs,  the  ideas  conceived  in  his  mind. 
Hence,  his  organs  of  speech  are  so  constructed,  that  he  is 
capable  of  forming  certain  articulate  sounds,  expressive  of 
his  conceptions;  and  these,  being  fitly  disposed  together, 
constitute  discourse :  which,  whether  it  be  pronounced  or 
written,  must  necessarily  possess  the  power  of  declaring  to 
others  what  he  wishes  they  should  understand. 

I.  The  vehicles,  or  signs,  by  which  men  communicate 
their  thoughts  to  each  other,  are  termed  words;  whether 
these  are  orally  uttered,  or  described  #by  written  characters, 
the  idea,  or  notion,  attached  to  any  word,  is  its  significa- 
tion ;  and  the  ideas  which  are  expressed  by  several  words 
connected  together, — that  is,  in  entire  sentences  and  proposi- 
tions, and  which  ideas  are  produced  in  the  minds  of  others, — 
are  called  the  sense  or  proper  meaning  of  words.  Thus,  if 
a  person  utter  certain  words,  to  which  another  individual 
attaches  the  same  idea  as  the  speaker,  he  is  said  to  under- 
stand the  latter,  or  to  comprehend  the  sense  of  his  words.  If 
we  transfer  this  to  sacred  subjects,  we  may  define  the  sense 
of  Scripture  to  be  that  conception  of  its  meaning,  which  the 
Holy  Spirit  presents  to  the  understanding  of  man,  by  means 
of  the  words  of  Scripture,  and  by  means  of  the  ideas  com- 
prised in  those  words.1 

Every  Word  must  have  some  meaning. 

Although  in  every  language  there  are  very  many  words 
which  admit  of  several  meanings,  yet  in  common  parlance 
there  is  only  one  true  sense  attached  to  any  word  ;  which  sense 
is  indicated  by  the  connection  and  series  of  the  discourse,  by 
its  subject-matter,  by  the  design  of  the  speaker  or  writer,  or 
by  some  other  adjuncts,  unless  any  ambiguity  be  purposely 
intended.  That  the  same  usage  obtains  in  the  Sacred  Writ- 
ings there  is  no  doubt  whatever.  In  fact,  the  perspicuity  of  the 
Scriptures  requires  this  unity  and  simplicity  of  sense  in  order 
to  render  intelligible  to  man  the  design  of  their  Great  Author, 
which  could  never  be  comprehended  if  a  multiplicity  of  senses 
vyere  admitted.  In  all  other  writings,  indeed,  besides  the 
Scriptures,  before  we  sit  down  to  study  them,  we  expect 
to  find  one  single  determinate  sense  and  meaning  attached  to 
the  words ;  from  which  we  may  be  satisfied  that  we  have 
attained  their  true  meaning,  and  understand  what  the  authors 
intended  to  say.  Further,  in  common  life,  no  prudent  and 
conscientious  person,  who  either  commits  his  sentiments  to 
writing  or  utters  any  thing,  intends  that  a  diversity  of  mean- 
ings should  be  attached  to  what  he  writes  or  says ;  and,  con- 
sequently, neither  his  readers,  nor  those  who  hear  him,  affix 
to  it  any  other  than  the  true  and  obvious  sense.  Now,  if 
such  be  the  practice  in  all  fair  and  upright  intercourse  be- 
tween man  and  man,  is  it  for  a  moment  to  be  supposed  that 
God,  who  has  graciously  vouchsafed  to  employ  the  ministry 
•f  men  in  order  to  make  known  his  will  to  mankind,  should 

>  Stuart's  Elements  of  Interpretation,  p.  7.    (Andover,  1822.) 


have  departed  from  this  way  of  simplicity  and  truth  ?  Few 
persons,  we  apprehend,  will  be  found,  in  this  enlightened 
age,  sufficiently  hardy  to  maintain  the  affirmative.2 

II.  The  Sense  of  Scripture  defined. 

1.  The  Literal  Sense  of  any  place  of  Scripture  is  that 
which  the  words  signify,  or  require,  in  their  natural  and  pro- 
per acceptation,  without  any  trope,  metaphor,  or  figure,  and 
abstracted  from  any  mystic  meaning :  thus,  in 

Gen.  i.  1.  We  read  that  God  created  the  heaven  and  the 
earth.  These  words  mean  what  they  literally  import,  and  are 
to  be  interpreted  according  to  the  letter.  So,  in  John  x.  30.  we 
read,  I  and  the  Father  are  one ;  in  which  passage  the  deity  of 
Christ,  and  his  equality  with  God  the  Father,  are  so  distinctly 
and  unequivocally  asserted,  that  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  how 
any  other  than  its  proper  and  literal  meaning  could  ever  be  given 
to  it. 

The  literal  sense  has  also  been  termed  the  grammatical 
sense;  the  term  grammatical  having  the  same  reference  to  the 
Greek  language  as  the  term  literal  to  the  Latin,  both  referring 
to  the  elements  of  a  word.  Words  may  also  be  taken  pro- 
perly and  physically,  as  in  John  i.  6.  There  wosm  man  whose 
nam-'  was  John  :  this  is  called  the  proper  literal  sense.  When, 
however,  words  are  taken  metaphorically  and  figuratively, 
that  is,  are  diverted  to  a  meaning  which  they  do  not  naturally 
denote,  but  which  they  nevertheless  intend  under  some  figure 
or  form  of  speech, — as  when  the  properties  of  one  person  oi 
thing  are  attributed  to  another, — this  is  termed  the  tropical  or 
figurative  sense.3 

"  Thus,  when  hardness  is  applied  to  stone,  the  expression  is 
used  literally,  in  its  proper  and  natural  signification: — when  it  is 
applied  to  the  heart,  it  is  used  figuratively,  or  in  an  improper 
acceptation.  Yet,  the  sense,  allowing  for  the  change  of  subject, 
is  virtually  the  same,  its  application  being  only  transferred  from 
a  physical  to  a  moral  quality." '  An  example  of  this  kind  occurs 
in  Ezek.  xxxvi.  26.  and  xi.  19.,  where  the  heart  of  stone  de- 
notes a  hard  obdurate  heart,  regardless  of  divine  admonitions, 
and  the  heart  of  fiesh  signifies  a  tender  heaTt,  susceptible  of  the 
best  and  holiest  impressions.  In  like  manner,  in  Zech.  vii.  12., 
the  obdurate  Jews  are  said  to  have  made  their  hearts  as  an  ada 
mant  stone.  Numerous  similar  expressions  occur  in  the  New 
as   well  as  in  the  Old  Testament,  as  in  Luke  xiii.  32.  John  i. 

»  Keillii  Eleinenta  Hermeneut.  Nov.  Test.  p.  12.  On  this  subject  the 
reader  may  consult  M.  Winterbers's  "  Prolusio  de  interpretation^  unicii, 
unicft,  ct  certaj  persuasionis  de  doctra?  religionis  veritate  et  amice  con 
sensionis  causa,"  in  Velthusen's  and  Kuinb'el's  Commentafiones  Tbeolo 
gicre,  vol.  iv.  pp.  420—438. 

»  "The  tropical  sense  is  no  other  than  the  figurative  sense.  As  we 
say,  in  language  derived  from  the  Greek,  that  a  trope  is  used  when  a  word 
is  turned  from  its  literal  or  grammatical  sense ;  so  we  say,  in  language 
derived  from  the  Latin,  that  ^figure  is  then  used,  because  in  such  cases 
the  meaning  of  the  word  assumes  a  new  farm.  The  same  opposition, 
therefore,  which  is  expressed  by  the  term*  literal  sense  and  figurative 
sense,  is  expressed  also  by  the  terms  grammatical  sense  and  tropica. 
sense."    Bishop  Marsh's  Lect  part  iii.  p.  67. 

•  Bishop  Vanmildert's  Bamp.  Lect.  p.  222 


Chap.  I.  Sect.  I.] 


ON  THE  SENSE  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


iZ* 


29.  and  xv.  5. ;  where  Herod,  for  his  craftiness  and  cruelty  U 
termed  &  fox  s  the  Saviour  of  the  world  ia  called  the  Lamb  of 
God,  l>ecause  to  his  great  atoning  sacrifice  for  the;  aini  of  the 
whole   world,  the   Iamb,   which   w;is  olfcrrd   every   moming   am! 

evening,  had  a  typical  reference  ;  he  i-  also  called  a  vine,  as  all 
true  Christians  are  designated  the  branchea,  to  intimate   that 

Christ  is  the  support  of  tin'  whole  church,  and  of  every  particular 
believer, — that,  in  the  language  of  the  New  Testament,  they 
tre  all  implanted  and  grafted  into  him,  that  is,  united  to  him  by 
true    faith    and    sincere    love,    and    that   they    all   derive   spiritual 

life  and  vigour  from  him.  It  wen'  unnecessary  to  multiply  exam- 
ples of  this  hind,  as  every  diligent  reader  of  the  Word  of  God 
will  doubtless  !»■  able  to  recollect  them. 

Further,  the  literal  been  called  the  Historical 

Sense,  a-  conveying  tin-  meaning  "f  the  words  and  ph 

used  by  a  writi  r  at  a  certain  time. 

Thus,  in  the  more  ancient  hook;  of  the  Old  Testament,  the 
wed  ialea  or  itlanda  signifies  every  inhabited  region,  particu- 
larly all  the  western  coasts  of  the  Mediterranean  8ea,  and  the 
seats  of  Japhet's  posterity,  viz.  the  northern  part  of  Asia,  Asia 
Minor,  and  Europe,  together  with  some  other  regions.  Of  this 
of  the  word  we  bave  examples  in  Gen.  x.  5.  Isa.  xi.  11. 
w.  B,  >:\iii.  6.  wiv.  I").  xlii.  15.  l\vi.  1!).  Ezek.  xxvi.  15.  18. 
xxvii. :i — 7.  lo.  :i.r).  But,  in  a  later  age,  it  denotes  islands  pro- 
perly so  called,  as  in  Esther  i.  I.,  and,  perhaps,  Jer.  xlvii.  4. 
(marginal  rendering.)'  Again,  the  phrase,  topoaaeaa  or  inherit 
the  lam/,  which  is  of  very  frequent  occurrence  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, if  we  consider  it  historic  ally,  that  is,  with  reference  to  the 
history  of  the  Jewish  nation,  means  simply,  to  hold  the 
and  undisturbed  possession  of  the  promised  land  ;  and  in  tlu> 
New  Testament,  the  phrase  to  "follow  Chriat*  must  in  like 
manner  be  understood  historically  in  some  passages  of  the  Gos- 
pels; implying  no  more  than  thai  the  persons  there  mentioned 
followed  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  in  his  progresses,  and  were  audi- 
tors of  his  public  instructions,  precisely  as  the  apostles  followed 
him  from  place  to  place,  and  heard  his  doctrine. J 

Interpreters  now  speak  of  the  true  sense  of  a  passage,  by 
calling  it  the  Grammatico-Historical  Sense;  and  exi 
founded  on  the  nature  of  language,  is  called  grammatico-hjs- 
torical.    The  object  in  using  this  compound  name  is,  to  show 
that  both  grammatical  and  bisli  iderations  are  em- 

ployed in  making  out  the  sense  of  a  word  or  passage. 

9.  Where,  besides  the  direct  or  immediate  signification  of 
a  passage,  whether  literally  or  figuratively  expressed,  there 
is  attached  to  it  a  more  remote  or  recondite  meaning,  this  is 
termed  the  Mediate,  Spiritual,  or  Mystical  Sense;3  and 
this  sens.'  is  founded,  not  on  a  transfer  of  words  from  one 
signification  to  another,  hut  on  the  entire  application  of  the 
matter  itself  to  a  different  sub 

Thus,  what  is  said  literal!;!  in  Exod.  XXX.  10.  and  Levit.  xvi. 
concerning  the  high-priest's  entrance  into  the  most  holy  place  on 
the  day  of  expiation,  with  the  blood  of  the  victim,  we  are  taught 
by  St.  Paul  to  understand  spiritually  of  the  entrance  of  Jesus 
Christ  into  the  presence  of  God  with  his  own  blood.  (Heb.  ix. 
7—20.) 

The  spiritual  simi.sc  of  Scripture  has  frequently-been  divided 
into  allegorical^  typical,  and  parabolical.  The  reason  of  this 
mode  of  classifications,  as  well  as  of  some  other  minor  dis- 
tinctions, does  not  sufficiently  appear.  Since,  however,  it  has 
obtained  a  place  in  almost  every  treatise  on  the  interpretation 
of  the  Scriptures,  it  may  not  be  irrelevant  to  define  and  illus- 
trate these  sensed  by  a  few  examples. 

(1.)  The  Allegorical  Sense  is,  when  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
besides  the  literal  sense.  Bignify  any  thing  belonging  to  faith 
or  spiritual  (/■■  drint . 

Such  is  the  sense  which  is  required  rightly  to  understand  Gal. 
iv.  24.  ci  Tin  tTm  aK>j-  .    .:iich  things   are  allegorically 

ijahn,  Enchiridion  Hi  p.  -I.,  who  cites  Mictaaelie's 

Bptcllegium  G  ograph  Bjjpart  i.  pp.  131— 143.,  and  a 

Suppleraentutn  ad  Lexica  Hebraic*,  pp. 

»  Many  additional  instances  mtghj  be  offered,  if  the  limits  of  this  work 
would  permit  The  reader,  who  is  desirous  of  fully  investigating  the 
historic  sense  of  Scripture,  will  derive  much  solid  benefit  from  l>r.  Storr'a 
Uisc|iiisiiieu  de  Sensu  Historico,  in  vol.  i.  (pp.  l — ,xs.)  of  his  "Opuscnla 
Acaderaica  ad  Inti  rpretationem  Librarian  aacrorum  pcrtinentia,"  8vo. 
Tubingen,  1796. 

1  "  Dicitur  mysticus,"  says  a  learned  and  sensible  writer  of  the  Romish 
communion,  "a  pin,  rfaudo;  quia  licet  non  semper  fidei  mysteria  eompre- 
hernial,  niagis  tamen  occultus,  et  damns  est,  quain  literalis,  qui  per  verba 
rite  intellecta  facilius  innoteacit."  Adaini  Viger,  Hermeneutica  Sacra 
Novi  Testamenti,  pars  ii.  pp.  51,  52.  See  also  Jalin's  Enchiridion  Ilernic- 
neuticai  Generalif,  pp.  41,  4'2. ;  aud  Bishop  Vanmildert's  Bamptun  I.ec- 
mraa,  p  ZU. 


spoken,  or  which  things  are  thus  allegorized  by  me  ;  that  is, 
under  the  veil  of  the  literal  sens"  they  further  contain  a  spiritual 
or  mystical  st  nse. 

(*J.)  The  TYPICAL  Senbe  is,  when,  under  external  objects 
or  prophetic  vt  ions,  eeret  things,  whether  present  or  future, 
are  represented  ;  especially  when  certain  transactions,  record- 
ed in  the  Old  Testament,  presignify  or  adumbrate  those  related 
in  the  New  Testament. 

Thus,  in  Psal.  xcv.  11.,  the  words  "they  should  not  enter  int* 
my  rest"  literally  understood,  signify  the  entrance  of  the  Israelites 
into  the  promised  land  ;  but,  spiritually  and  typically,  the  entering 
into  the  rest  and  enjoyment  of  heaven,  through  the  merits  and 
mediation  of  Christ,  as  is  largely  shown  in  the  epistle  to  the 

Hebrew-,  chapters  iii.  and  iv. 

(3.  ~)  The  PaRABOLK  IB,  whin,  besides   the  plail 

and  obvious  meaning  of  the  thing  related,  an  occult  or  spi- 
ritual sense  is  intended.  As  this  chiefly  ocean  in  passages 
of  a  moral  tendency,  the  parabolic  has  by  some  writers  been 
termed  the  moral  or  tropological  -> 

Of  this  description  is  the  parable  of  the  talents :  the  design  of 
which  is  to  show  that  tin-  duties  which  men  are  called  to  perform 
are  suited  to  their  situations  and  the  talents  which  they  severally 
receive  ;  that  what)  vet  a  good  man  possesses  he  has  received  from 
God,  as  well  as  the  ability  to  improve  that  good ;  and  that  the 
grace  and  temporal  mercies  of  God  are  suited  to  the  power 
which  a  man  has  of  improving  them.  Thus,  also,  the  injur 
in  Deut.  xxv,  4.,  relative  to  muzzling  the  ox  while  treading  out 
the  corn,  is  explained  by  Saint  Paul  with  reference  to  the 
of  maintenance  of  ministers  of  the  Gospel.  (1  Cor.  ix.  9 — 11.) 

It  were  easy  to  multiply  examples  of  each  of  the  different 
senses  here  mentioned ;  but  as  they' have  all  on< 
foundation,  and  as  we  shall  have  occasion  to  adduce 
in  the  course  of  the  following  pages,  when  stating 
for  interpreting  the  sense  of  Scripture  after  it  has  b<<  n 
tained,  the  instances  above  quoted  may  suffice  toillusi 
distinctions  subsisting  between  them.'1 

3.  The  Moral  Sense  or  interpretation,  advocated  by* the 
late  Professor  Kant  of  Berlin  (whose  philosophical  system 
has  obtained  many  followers  on  the  Continent),  consists  in 
setting  aside  the  laws  of  grammatical  and  historical  inter- 
pretation, and  attributing  a  moral  meaning  to  those  passages 
of  Scripture,  which,  agreeably  to  grammatical  int 
contain  nothing  coincident  with  the  moral  dictates  of  un- 
assisted reason.  According  to  this  hypothesis,  nothing  more 
is  necessary,  than  that  it  be  pussibklo  attach  a  moral  me 
to  the  passage  ; — it  is  of  little  moment  how  forced  or  unnatural 
it  may  be.  Against  this  mode  of  interpretation  (which  ii 
here  noticed  in  order  to  put  the  student  on  his  guard)  th« 
following  weighty  objections  have  been  urged  : — 

(1.)  Such  a  mode  of  explaining  Scripture  doesnotd. 
the  name  of  an  interpretation  ;  for  this  moral  interpreter  does 
not  inquire,  what  the  Scriptures  actually  do  teach  by  their 
own  declarations,  but  what  they  ought  to  teach,  agreeably  tc 
his  opinions. 

(2.)  The  principle  is  incorrect,  which  is  assumed  as  the 
basis  of  this  mode  of  interpretation ;  viz.  that  the  grammatical 
sense  of  a  passage  of  Scripture  cannot  be  admitted,  or  at  leas) 
is  of  no  use  in  ethics,  whenever  it  contains  a  sentiment  which 
reason  alone  could  not  discover  and  substantiate. 

(3.)  Such  a  mode  of  interpretation  is  altogether  unneces- 
sary ;  for  the  Bible  is  abundantly  sufficient  for  our  instruction 
in  religion  and  morality,  if  its  precepts  are  construed  at 
applying  directly  or  by  consequence  to  the  moral  necessities 
of  every  man.  And  although  there  are  passages  of  difficult 
explanation  in  the  Bible,  as  might  naturally  be  expected  from 
the  antiquity  and  peculiar  languages  of  the  Scriptures,  yet  in 
most  instances  these  passages  do  not  relate  to  doctrines;  and 
when  they  do,  the  doctrines  in  question  are  generally  taught 
in  other  and  plainer  passages. 

(1.)  As,  on  this  plan,  the  mere  possibility  of  attaching  a 

4  Bauer,   Herm.  Sacr.  pp.  13 — !!.    Vlser,  Hermeneutica  Sacra,  Nor. 

i  iffer,  Institution-*  Hermeneutic*  Sacna, 

pp.  122—132.    Aug,  Pfe'iffer,  Herm.  Sacr.  cap.  iii.  (Op  torn,  ii- pp.633— 638.) 

Ernest]  InsUtuUo Interpreli  i  11—30.  (4th  eclit.)Mori_Acroasei 

Academics!  super  Hermeneutica   Nov.  Test   torn,  i    pp.  27 — '■>■    J-  B. 

■.ii.  Prims  Lines  Herm.  Sac jp.  24.    Alber,  lnstitutiones  Hermenen 

■   torn.  i.  pp.  41— 16.     Bishop  Midrfieton  on  (lie  Greek  Article, 

'  -590.  Bishop  M  t.  part  iii   lee:  «v  and  xvi.  PJ*42— 78. ;  and 

Vanmildert's  Bampton  Lectures,  Serm.  \  i  pp.  217—232.  and  notes, 

pp,  335—396.    The  two  wril   re  last  i  'rated  the  sense  of 

re,  by  applying  -.nam  controversial 

points  between  Proh  Bmta  of  a  oractieal 

work  will  not  admit  of  beinc  in  ti  red 


324 


RULES  FOR  INVESTIGATING  THE  MEANING  OF   WORDS. 


[Paut  II.  Book  1. 


moral  import  to  a  texAs  regarded  as  sufficient  for  considering 
it  as  a  true  sio-nification  ;  almost  every  passage  must  be  sus- 
ceptible of  a°multitude  of  interpretations,  as  was  the  case 
durincr  the  rei<*n  of  the  mystical  and  allegorical  mode  of 
interpretation,  which  has  long  since  been  exploded.  This 
must  produce  confusion  in  religious  instruction,  want  of  con- 
fidence in  the  Bible,  and,  indeed,  a  suspicion  as  to  its  divine 
authority ;  for  this  must  be  the  natural  effect  of  the  moral  of 
interpretation  on  the  majority  of  minds. 

(5.)  Lastly,  if  such  a  mode  of  interpreting  the  doctrines 
of  Christianity  should  prevail,  it  is  not  seen  how  insincerity 
and  deceit,  on  the  part  of  interpreters,  are  to  be  detected  and 
exposed.1 


his  apostles,  are  a  doctrinal  Accommodation  to  the  Opi 
mons  and  Prejudices  of  the  Jews.2 

Since  the  time  of  Semler,  about  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  an  opinion  has  prevailed  widely  in  the  Protestant 
churches  of  Germany,  that  the  Old  Testament  contains  very  few 
passages,  or  none  at  all,  which  treat  literally  and  properly  of  Jesus 
Christ ;  and  that  all  or  most  of  the  passages  cited  in  the  New 
Testament  are  used  in  the  way  of  accommodation.  In  support 
of  this  theory,  its  advocates  have  offered  the  following  reasons  : — 
The  Jews,  at  the  time  of  Christ,  were  very  much  given  to  the 
allegorical  interpretation  of  Scripture.  Even  after  the  time  of 
the  Babylonish  captivity,  when  the  expectation  of  a  Messiah  had 
become  universal  among  them,  they  had  eagerly  searched  the 
Old  Testament  for  every  thing,  which  in  the  least  favoured  this 
expectation  ;  and,  by  the  help  of  their  allegorical  interpretation, 
they  had  succeeded  in  making  their  Scriptures  seem  to  contain 
predictions  respecting  a  Messiah.  Jesus  and  the  apostles  (these 
theorists  affirm)  were,  therefore,  compelled  to  pursue  the  same 
method,  and  to  use  it  as  a  means  of  gradually  bringing  the  Jews 
t .  a  better  knowledge  of  religion. 

But  in  this  statement  we  must  carefully  distinguish  between 
what  is  true,  and  what  is  erroneous  and  exaggerated;  for, 

1.  The  allegorical  interpretation  of  the  sacred  Scriptures  can- 
not be  historically  proved  to  have  prevailed  among  the  Jews  from 
the  time  of  the  captivity,  or  to  have  been  common  with  the  Jews 
of  Palestine  at  the  time  of  Christ  and  his  apostles. 

Although  the  Sanhedrin  and  the  hearers  of  Jesus  often  appealed  to  the 
Old  Testament,  yet  they  give  no  indication  of  the  allegorical  interpretation; 
even  Josephus  has  nothing  of  it.  The  Platonic  Jews  of  Egypt  began  in  the 
first  century,  in  imitation  of  the  heathen  Greeks,  to  interpret  the  Old  Tes- 
tament allegorically.  Pliilo  of  Alexandria  was  distinguished  among  those 
J  \vs  who  practised  this  method  ;  and  he  defends  it  as  something  new  and 
before  unheard  of,  and  for  that  reason  opposed  by  the  other  Jews.»  Jesus 
was  not.  therefore,  in  a  situation  in  which  he  was  compelled  to  comply  with 
a  prevailing  custom  of  allegorical  interpretation ;  for  this  method  did  not 
prevail  at  that  time  among  the  Jews,  certainly  not  in  Palestine,  where  Jesus 
taught.  Moreover,  the  representations  contained  in  the  works  of  Philo  and 
Josephus  differ,  in  a  variety  of  respects,  from  the  doctrines  of  the  New 
T  'Stament.  If,  however,  some  of  the  instructions  of  Jesus  Christ  and  his 
apostles  did  coincide  with  the  popular  opinion  of  the  Jews,  it  will  by  no 
m  ins  follow  that  they  must  therefore  have  been  erroneous.  So  far  as 
these  Jewish  opinions  were  correct,  they  were  worthy  of  the  approbation 
f  Jesus  ;  and  the  providence  of  God  may,  by  previous  intimations  of  them, 
nave  paved  the  iv  ly  for  the  reception  of  the  peculiar  doctrines  of  Chris- 
ti  liiity. 

(2.)  The  writers  of  the  New  Testament  themselves  make  a 
cl  ■  .ir  distinction  between  the  allegorical  and  literal  interpretation 
of  the  Old  Testament. 

When  they  do  use  the  allegorical  method,  they  either  say  expressly, 
•'These  things  may  he  allegorized"  (Gal.  iv.  24.) ;  or  they  show  it  by  the 
context,  or  by  prefixing  some  particle  of  comparison;  for  instance,  warn-sp 
or  laze;  {as)  in  John  iii.  14.  and  Matt.  xii.  40.  But  they  express  them- 
Relvesvery  differently  in  lexis,  which  they  quote  as  literal  prophecy  for 
Hie  purpose  of  proof. 

(3.)  If  the  apostles  did  not  allude  to  the  Old  Testament  in  the 
instructions  which  they  gave  to  the  Gentiles,  it  does  not  follow 
either  that  they  believed  the  Old  Testament  to  be  of  no  use  to 
them,  or  that  they  did  not  seriously  consider  the  passages  which 
they  cited  as  predictions,  in  their  instruction  to  the  Jews,  to  be 
really  such.     The   reason  why  the   apostles   omitted  these  al- 

«  Schmucker'.s  Elementary  ('nurse  of  Biblical  Theology,  vol.  i.  pp.  272, 
273.  (Andover,  North  America,  1827.)  Alber,  Institutiones  Hermeneut. 
Nov.  Test.  vol.  i.  pp.  90—93. 

*  Knapp's  Lectures  on  Christian  Theology,  vol.  ii.  pp.  137 — 15'J.  (New 
York,  1833.)  Schtnucker'a  Biblical  Theology,  vol.  i.  pp.  229,  230.  Dr. 
Tittman  has  examined  and  refuted  at  considerable  length  the  theory  of 
accommodation  ;  and  has  most  convincingly  shown,  t tint  it  is  a  mode  of  in- 
terpretation altogether  unexampled,  deceptive,  and  fallacious,  manifestly 
uncertain,  and  leading  to  consequences  the  most  pernicious.  See  the 
Preface  to  his  Meletemata  Sacra,  sive  Commentarius  in  Evangelium  Jo- 
hannis,  pp.  xiv. — xxi. 

»  Philo  de  Confusione  Linguarum,  p.  317.  c t  seq. 


fusions  at  the  commencement  of  the  instructions  which  they 
gave  to  the  heathen,  is  the  same  as  leads  the  wise  missionary  at 
the  present  day  to  omit  them  in  the  same  circumstances.  Their 
Gentile  hearers  »nd  readers  knew  nothing  of  the  Bible,  and  could 
not,  of  course,  be  convinced  from  an  unknown  book.  The 
apostles,  however,  gradually  instructed  their  Gentile  converts  in 
the  contents  of  this  book,  and  then  appealed  to  it  as  frequently 
before  them  as  before  Jews  or  converts  from  Judaism.  This  is 
proved  by  the  Epistles  and  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  Thus  Peter 
says  to  the  heathen  centurion,  Cornelius,  after  the  latter  had 
become  acquainted  with  the  prophets, — To  him  [Jesus]  gh/e  all 
the  prophets  witness,  &c.  (Acts  x.  43.  compared  with  Acts  viii 
26—35.  and  the  Epistles  of  Saint  Paul.) 

(4.)  It  cannot  be  shown  in  general  that  Jesus  Christ  and  his 
apostles,  in  compliance  with  the  current  prejudices  of  their  con- 
temporaries, ever  taught  any  thing,  or  seemingly  affirmed  any 
thing  to  be  true,  which  they  themselves  consider  as  false.  (Theii 
moral  character  renders  such  a  supposition  inadmissible.)  Neither 
can  it  be  shown,  in  particular,  that  they  adopted  and  authorized 
any  explanations  of  the  Old  Testament,  which  they  themselves 
considered  as  invalid,  merely  because  they  were  common  among 
their  contemporaries. 

Such  compliance  is  entirely  contrary  to  their  usual  course  of  action  (see 
Matt.  v.  19.  23.);  nor  can  it  be  at  all  justified  on  pure  moral  principles. 
When  therefore  Christ  says  distinctly  in  Matt.  xxii.  43.  that  David  by  divine 
revelation  called  the  Messiah  Lord  (Psal.  ex.  1.),  he  must  have  believed 
exactly  as  he  said ;  and  consequently  must  have  admitted  a  divine  predic- 
tion respecting  the  Messiah  in  this  Psalm. 

Hence  it  follows  that  whenever  Jesus  and  his  apostles  expressly 
assent  to  the  Jewish  explanations  of  the  Old  Testament,  or  build 
proofs  upon  them,  they  themselves  must  have  considered  these 
explanations  as  just. 

(5.)  The  hypothesis  of  the  theory  of  accommodation,  that 
Jesus  and  his  apostles  propagated  falsehoods  under  the  garb  of 
truth,  is  overturned  by  the  fact,  that  miracles  attested  their  high 
authority  as  teachers. 

(6.)  No  such  criteria  can  be  given,  which  shall  enable  us  to 
distinguish  between  such  of  their  declarations  as  they  believed 
themselves,  and  those  in  which  they  accommodated  themselves 
to  the  erroneous  notions  of  the  Jews.  The  Scriptures  nowhere 
make  a  distinction  between  what  is  universally  true,  and  what  is 
only  local  or  temporary.  The  theory  of  accommodation  involves 
the  whole  of  revelation  in  uncertainty. 


SECTION  II. 

general  rules  for  investigating  the  meaning  of  words. 

Since  words  compose  sentences,  and  from  these,  rightly 
understood,  the  meaning  of  an  author  is  to  be  collected,  it  is 
necessary  that  we  ascertain  the  individual  meaning  of  words 
before  we  proceed  further  to  investigate  the  sense  of  Scripture. 
In  the  prosecution  of  this  important  work,  we  may  observe, 
generally,  that  as  the  same  method  and  the  same  principles 
of  interpretation  are  common  both  to  the  sacred  volume  and 
to  the  productions  of  uninspired  man,  consequently  the  signi- 
fication of  words  in  the  Holy  Scriptures  must  be  sought  pte- 
cisely  in  the  same  way,  in  which  the  meaning  of  words  in 
other  works  usually  is  or  ought  to  be  sought.  Hence  also 
it  follows,  that  the  method  of  investigating  the  signification 
of  words  in  the  Bible  is  no  more  arbitrary  than  it  is  in  other 
books,  but  is  in  like  manner  regulated  by  certain  laws,  drawn 
from  the  nature  of  languages.  And  since  no  text  of  Scrip 
ture  has  more  than  one  meaning,  we  must  endeavour  to  fintJ 
out  that  one  true  sense  precisely  in  the  same  manner  as  we 
would  investigate  the  sense  of  Homer  or  any  other  ancient 
writer  ;  and  in  that  sense,  when  so  ascertained,  we  ought  to 
acquiesce,  unless  by  applying  the  just  rules  of  interpretation, 
it  can  be  shown  that  the  meaning  of  the  passage  had  been 
mistaken,  and  that  another  is  the  only  just,  true,  and  critical 
sense  of  the  place.  This  principle,  duly  considered,  would 
alone  be  sufficient  for  investigating  the  sense  of  Scripture  ; 
but  as  there  are  not  wanting  persons  who  reject  it  altogether, 
and  as  it  may,  perhaps,  appear  too  generally  expressed,  we 
shall  proceed  to  consider  it  more  minutely  in  the  following 
observations.4 

*  The  following  rules  are  chiefly  drawn  from  Chladenius's  Institutiones 
Exegeticae,  pp.  238—242. ;  Jahn's  Enchiridion  Herrneneuticre  Sacroc,  pp.  34 
—38.;  Langii  Hermeneutica Sacra,  p.  16.  et  scr/. ;  f  imbachii  Institutiones 
HermeneuticsB  Sacrse,  p.  33.  et  se</. ;  and  Sender's  Apparatus  ad  Liberalem 
Novi  Testament!  Interpretationem,  p.  179.  et  n  |  b«e  also  J.  E.  Pfeiffer's 
Inst.  Ilcrm.  Sacr.  p.  3l5.  et  seu 


Ciiai'.  i.  Sect.  II.] 


RULES  FOR  INVESTIGATING  THE  MEANING  OF  WORDS. 


325 


1.  Ascertain  the  usilfl  loquendi,  or  notion  affixed  to  a  word 
by  the  persons  in  general,  by  whom  the  language  either  is  now 
or  formerly  was  spoken,  and  especially  in  the  particular  con- 
nection iti  which  such  notion  is  affix <  d. 

The  meaning  of  a  word  used  by  an)  writer  la  the  meaning  affixed  toil 
nv  thoae  for  whom  he  immediately  wrote,    For  there  i   a  kind  ol 
wmpact  between  thoae  who  write  and  language;  by 

which  they  are  mutually  bound  to  i  e,  there- 

fore, who  uses  such  words  in  a  different  signification,  in  a  maonei 
that  compact,  and  ia  in  clanger  of  leading  men  Into  error,  contrary  to  the 
design  ol  God,  "who  will  have  all  men  to  be  saved,  and  to  come  unto  the 
knowledge  ol  the  truth."  (I  Tun.  11.4.)  The  aids  for  Inve  itlgatlng  '< 
toquendi  being  conaidered  In  the  ensuing  chapter,  It  will  be  aiuDi 
observe  in  Illustration  of  the  present  canon,  thai 

1 1  )  '/'Ac  book*  of  tht  Did  and  Sue  Testament  are,  each,  to  be  frequently 
and  run  fully  rim/,  and  the  subject*  tht  I  art  to  be  compared 

r,  in  order  that  iremuy  ascertain  tht  meaning  of  what  the  authors 
thought  and  wrote. 

They,  who  wish  to  attain  an  accurate  knowledgi   of  the  philoa 
notions  of  Plato,  Aristotle,  or  any  other  of  the  anclenl  Grecian  sages,  will 
i,,ii   con  mil  the  later  Platonic  writers,  or  the  scholastic   SUthoi     H 
pended  wholly  on  the  authority  of  Aristotle,  and  whose  knowledge  of  his 
works  w.is  frequently  very  Imperfect,  bul  will  rather  peruse  the  writings 
ol  the  philosophers  themselves :    In  Uke  manner,  the  books  ol  I 
and  New  Testament  are  to  !"■  constantly  and  carefully  penned  and  weighed 
by  linn,  who  la  sincerely  desirous  to  obtain  a  correct  knowledge  of  their 
Important  contents,    for,  while  we  collate  the  expressions  of  each  writer, 
dl  be  enabled  to  harmonize  those  passages  which  treat  on  the  same 

and  in  iy  reasonably  hope  to  discover  their  true  sense,    s 

foreign  biblical  critics,  however  (who,  in  their  zeal  to  accommodate  tin' 
immutable  truths  of  Scripture  to  tha  standard  ol  the  present  age,  would 
.  dispensation  of  its  most  important  doctrines),  have  as- 
serted that,  In  the  Intepretation  of  the  <>M  Testament,  all  reference  n>  the 
New  Testament  is  to  be  excluded,  llut,  unless  we  consult  the  latter,  there 
are  passages  in  the  * >i<i  Testament  whose  meanini;  cannot  he  hilly  appre- 
hended. To  mention  only  one  instance,  out  of  many  that  might  he  adduced 
M.  I.  26,  27.  God  is  said  to  have  created  man  after  hie  own  image : 
this  passage  (which,  it  should  be  recollected,  describes  man  in  his  prime- 
val atate  ol  spotless  innocence,  before  he  became  corrupted  by  the  fall), 
the  divines  in  question  affirm,  must  be  interpreted  according  to  the  crude 
and  Imperfect  notions  entertained  by  the  ancient  heathen  nations  concern- 
ing the  Deity!'  Hut,  if  we  avail  ourselves  of  the  information  communicated 
in  the  New  Testament  (as  we  arc  fully  warranted  to  do  by  the  example  of 
Christ  anil  his  inspired  apostles),  we  shall  be  enabled  to  form  a  com  i  I 
notion  of  the  divine  image  intended  by  the  sacred  historian;  viz.  thai  it 
consisted  in  righteousness,  true  holiness,  and  knowledge.  See  Eph.  iv.  24. 
and  Col.  iii.  10. 

('J.)  It  in  ulso  indispensable  that  we  lay  aside,  in  many  instances,  that 
more  accurate  knowledge  which  we  possess  of  natural  things,  in  order 
that  we  may  fully  enter  into  the  meaning  of  different  parts  of  the  sacred 
writings. 

The  ancient  Hebrews  being  altogether  ignorant  of,  or  imperfectly  ac- 
quainted with,  many  things,  the  nature  of  which  is  now  fully  explored  and 
well  known,  it  were  absurd  to  apply  our  more  perfect  knowledge  to  the 

explanation  of  things  which  are  related  according  to  the  limited  degrei 

knowledge  they  possessed.  Hence  it  is  not  necessary  that  we  Bhould  attempt 
to  illustrate  the  mosaic  account  of  the  creation  according  to  the  Copernican 
system  of  the  universe,  which  the  experiments  of  philosophers  have 
shown  to  be  the  true  one.  As  the  Scriptures  were  composed  with  the 
express  design  of  making  the  divine  will  known  to  man,  the  sacred  authors 
might,  and  did,  make  use  of  popular  expressions  and  forms  of  speech,  then 
in  use  among  the  persons  or  people  whom  they  addressed ;  the  philoso- 
phical truth  of  which  they  neither  affirmed  nor  denied. 

2.  The  received  signification  of  a  word  is  to  be  retained, 
unless  weighty  and  necessary  reasons  require  that  it  should  be 
abandoned  or  neglected. 

We  shall  be  justified  in  rejecting  the  received  meaning  of  a  word  in  the 
following  cases ;  viz. 

(1.)  It  such  meaning  clash  with  any  doctrine  revealed  in  the  Scriptures. 

Thus,  according  to  our  authorized  English  version,  Eli's  feeble  re- 
proaches of  his  profligate  sons  served  only  to  lull  them  into  security, 
because  the  Lord  would  slay  them  (1  Sam.  ii.  26.),  the  meaning  of  which 
rendering  is,  to  make  their  continuance  in  sin  the  effect  of  Jehovah's  ile- 
termination  to  destroy  them  ;  and  thus  apparently  support  the  horrid  tenet, 
that  God  wills  his  creatures  to  commit  crimes  because  he  Is  determined  to 
display  his  justice  in  their  destruction.  It  Is  true  that  the  ordinarily  re. 
ceived  meaning  of  the  Hebrew  particle  >a  (ki)  is,  because  ;  but  in  this  in- 
stance it  ought  to  be  rendered  therefore  or  though*  which  makes  their 
wilful  ami  impenitent  disobedience  the  cause  of  their  de  truction,  and  is 
m  unison  with  the  whole  tenor  of  the  sacred  writings.  The  pmper  ren- 
dering, therefore,  of  this  passage  is,  Notwithstanding,  they  hearkened  no! 
unto  the  voice  of  their  father.    Thbkbi-'ork  the  I.oun  would  slay  them. 

It  a  certain  passage  reijuire  a  different  explanation  from  that  which 
it  appears  to  present:  as  Hal.  iv.  .">,  6.  compared  with  I. uke  i.  |7.  -,,1,1 
Matt.  xi.  ii. 

(3.)  If  the  thing  itself  will  not  admit  ol  >r  figurative  meaning 

beina  affixed  to  the  word. 

3.  Jfliere  a  word  has  several  significations  in  common  use, 
that  must  be  selected  which  best  suits  the  passage  in  question, 

'How  crude,  imperfect,  and  erroneous  these  views  of  the  heathens 
Were  respecting  (he  Almighty  has  been  shown  at  greet  length  by  various 
eminent  advocates  for  the  truth  of  the  divine  origin  of  Revelation ;  hut  DO 
one  has  discussed  it  more  elaborately  than  l>r.  1.1  land,  iii  his  "Advantage 
and  Necessity  of  the  Christian  Revelation,  as  shown  from  the  State  of  Re- 
ligion in  the  Heathen  World."  17f>S,  Svo.  Reprinted  at  Glasgow  in  1819, 
In  2  vols.  A  compendious  notice  of  the  heathen  notions  respecting  the 
Deity  is  (jiven  in  Vol.  I.  pp.  16,  17. 

•Noldias,  in  his  work  on  Hebrew  particles,  has  shown  thai  <;  (kj)  has 
the  meaning  of  therefore  in  a  great  number  of  instances,  among  which  he 
quotes  this  very  passaae.  He  has  also  adduced  others,  where  it  evidently 
means  though.  Purver  adopts  the  latter,  and  thus  translates  the  clause  in 
question  : — Notwithstanding  they  would  not  hearken  to  the  voice  of  their 
father  though  the  Lord  should  slay  them. 


and  which  is  consistent  with  an  author's  kno-xn  character 
aentiments,  and  situation,  and  the  known  circumstances  undet 
which  he  wrote. 

Tor  instance,  the  word  Hi.ood,  which  ir:  various  accounts  is  very  signi 
flcanl  in  the  mcred  writings,  denotes— our  natural  descent  from  on< 
common  family,  in  Acts  xvfl.  26.  —death  in  Heb.  xii.  4. ;  the  Suffering 
and  Death  of  Christ,  considered  as  an  atonement  for  the  souls  ol  sinners, 
in  Km.  i  h  i  ?.:  and  also  as  the  procuring  cause  of  our  juatifi 

cation  iii  Rom.  v.  '.(.,  and  of  our  sanctification  in  Hob.  i.\.  11. » 

4.  Although  the  force  of  particular  words  cuti  only  be  de 
rived  from  etymology,  yet  too  much  confidence  must  not  bt 
placed  in  that  frequently  uncertain  science  ;  because  the  pri 
mart)  signification  of  a  word  is  frequently  very  different  from 
its  Common  meaning. 

5.  The  distinctions  between  words,  which  are  apparently 
synonymous,  should  be  carefully  examined  and  considered. 

in  the  Latin  language  many  words  are  accounted  pen,  ctly  synonymous 
which,  however,  only  partially  accord  together.  Thus,  a  person  whose 
Id  to  be  silent  {silere') ;  and  one,  who  has  noi 
lie» on  t,,  speak,  is  said  to  hold  his  tongue  (lai  i , ,  i.  Cicero,  in  speaking  of 
beauty,  observes,  thai  then;  arc-  two  kinds  ol  it;  the  one  dignified  ana 
majestio  (dignitus) ;  th*  other  soft  and  graceful  (venustas) ;  the  latterUi 
proper  to  women,  tl  men.'     The  same   remark 

will  apply  to  the  language  of  Scripture.  For  Instance,  in  the  1 19th  Psalm 
there  are  not  fewer  than  ten  different  words,  pointing  out  the  word  of  God  ; 
viz.  Law,  Way,  Word,  Statutes,  Judgments,  Commandmenti .  Pi  ei  epta,  Tes- 
timonies, Righteousness,  and  Truth  or  Faithfulness.  Nov.-  all  tl  i  e  words 
though  usually  considered  as  synonymous,  are  not  literally  synonymoui 
but  refer  to  some  latent  and  distinguishing  properties  of  the  Divine  Word, 
whose  manifold  excellences  and  perfections  are  thus  illustrated  with  mucl 
elegant  variety  of  diction.  In  the  New  Testament  we  meet  with 
instances,  as  in  Col.  ii.  '-'J.  i>i»j.^i»  xxi  S,ixrxxkixA  the  com 

mandments  and  doctrines  of  ?nen.     Doctrines  in  this  passage  Include 
truths  propounded  to  be  believed  or  known  ;    Commands  imply  laws, 
which  direct  what  is  to  be  done  or  avoided:  the  latter  depend  upon  end 
are  derived  from  the  former.    The  apostle  is  speaking  ol  the  in.' 
taught  by  the  elders,  and  the  load  of  cumbrous  ceremonies  command f  d  bj 
them,  in  addition  to  the  significant  riles  prescribed  in  the  law  ol  Mo 
Rom.  xiv.  13.  ?T|)o<rxC|U,u:e,  a  stumbling-block,  means  a  slighter  cans,    o'. 
offence,  viz.  that  which  wounds  and  disturbs  the  conscience  of  another 
o-xzvixkov,  an  occasion  to  full,  means  a  more  weighty  cause  ol  offeni  i 
that  is,  such  as  may  cause  any  one  to  apostatize  from  the  Christian  faith 
Similar  examples  occur  in  ITim.  ii.  1.  and  1  Pet  iv.  3,» 

6.  The  epithets  introduced  by  the  sacred  writers  are  alto 
to  be  carefully  weighed  and  considered,  as  all  of  them  have 
either  a  declarative  or  explanatory  force,  or  serve  to  distin- 
guish one  thing  from  another,  or  unite  these  two  characters 
together. 

The  epithets  of  Scripture  then  are, — 

(1.).  Exegetical  or  Explanatory,  that  is,  such  as  declare  the 
nature  and  properties  of  a  thing. 

Thus,  in  Tit.  ii.  11.  the  grace  of  God  is  termed  saving,  riot  iodei 
there  were  any  other  divine  grace  bestowed  on  man.  that  was  not  saving  , 
but  because  the  grace  of  God  revealed  in  the  Gospel  is  the  primary  and 
line  source  of  eternal  life.  Similar  epithets  occur  in  2Tim.  i  9  in  which 
our  calling  is  styled  holy  ;  in  1  Pet.  iv.  3.  where  idolatry  is  termed  aborm 
nable,  and  in  1  Pet.  ii.  9.  where  the  Gospel  is  called  the  marvellous  light 
of  God,  because  it  displays  so  many  amazing  scenes  of  divine  wonders. 

(2.)  Diacritical  or  Distinctive,  that  is,  such  as  distinguish 

one  thing  from  another. 

For  instance,  in  1  Pet.  v.  4.  the  crown  of  future  glory  is  termed  a  iievrr- 
fading  crown,  «|U»pi»TnD(,  to  distinguish  it  from  that  corruptible  crown 
which,  in  the  Grecian  games,  was  awarded  to  the  successtnl  candidate 
In  like  manner,  genuine  faith,  in  ITim.  i.  5.  is  called  undissembled,  >,»ji. 
xfToc;  God,  in  the  same  chapter  (v.  17),  is  designated  the  King  incor- 
ruptible, Bx<r»>.iu,-  x^jxpTOf  •  and  in  Rom.  xii.  1.  Christians  dedicating 
themselves  to  God,  is  termed  a  reasonable  service,  kxr?ux  /:>•",  in 
contradistinction  to  the  Jewish  worship,  which  chiefly  consisted  in  the 
sacrifice  of  irrational  creatures. 

(3.)   Both  Explanatory  and  Distinctive,  as  in  Rom.  ix.  5. 

Where  Christ  is  called  God  blessed  for  ever.  By  which  epithet  both 
his  divine  nature  is  declared,  and  lie  is  eminently  distinguished  from  the 
Gentile  deities  Similar  examples  occur  in  John  xvii.  11.  (compared  with 
I. uke  xi.  11 — 13.),  where  Cod  is  termed  Holy  Father;  in  I  John  v.  20. 
where  Christ  is  styled  the  true  God,  as  also  the  Great  God  in  Til.  ii.  13 
and  Heb   ix.  1 1,  where  the  Holy  Spirit  is  denominated  the  Eternal  Spirit. 

7.  General  terms  are  used  sometimes  in  their  whole  extent, 
and  sometimes  in  a  restricted  tense,  and  whether  they  are  to  be 
understood  in  the  one  way  or  in  the  other  must  depend  upon 
the  scope,  subject-matter,  context,  and  parallel  passages. 

Thus,  in  IThess.  iii.  S.  St.  Paul,  speaking  to  the  Theasalonian* 
Now  ire  lire,  if  (more  correctly,  when)  ye  stand  fast  in  the  Lord.    The 
word  five,  in  this  passage,  is  not  to  be  understood  in  its  whole   exti 
implying  that  the  apostle's  physical  life  or  existence  depended  on  their 


•  For  the  various  meanings  of  the  word  blood,  see  the  Index  of  the  Sym- 
bolical Language  of  Scripture,  voce  Blood,  in  the  second  volume  of  this 
work. 

*  Cum  autem  pulchritudinis  duo  genera  sint,  quorum  in  altero  venustas 
Bit,  in  altero  dignitas ;  venustatem  muliebrem  ducere  debemus;  dignita- 
tem virilem.  Cicero  de  Officiis,  lib.  i.  c.  xxxvi.  (op.  torn.  xii.  p.  57.  ed. 
Bipont.) 

»  On  the  subject  of  words  commonly  thought  synonymous,  see  Dr. 
Campbell's  Dissertation  prefixed  to  his  translation  of  the  Gospels,  vol.  i. 
pp.  1G1—  lin  (edit.  1S07.),  and  especially  Dr.  Titlmann's  Treatise  de  gy- 
nonymis  in  Novi  Tcstamcnti,  or  Mr.  Cray's  translation  of  it  (E  tinhurgh, 
1833-1.  2  vols.  12mo.1 


326 


OF   EMPHASES. 


[Part  II.  Book  I 


standing  fasr  in  the  I.ora,  but  must  be  understood  in  a  limited  sense.  It  is 
as  if  lie  had  said,  "Your  steadfastness  in  the  faith  gives  me  new  life  and 
comfort.  I  now  fed  thai  1  live  tolrome  purpose— 1  relish  and  enjoy  life— 
my  labour  in  the  Gospel  i.-"  not  in  vain.''  T'.at  this  is  the  true  mean- 
ing of  the  apostle,  is  evident  both  from  the  subject  -matter  and  from  the 
context;  for  Saint  Paid,  filled  with  deep  anxiety  lest  the  Tbessalonians 
should  have  been  induced  to  depart  from  the  faith  by  the  afflictions  which 
they  had  to  endure,  had  sent  Timothy  to  raise  and  comfort  them.  Having 
heard  of  their  constancy  in  the  faith,  he  exclaims,  Now  tee  live,  if  ye  stand 
fast  in  the  Lord. 

8.  Of  any  particular  passage  the  most  simple  setise — or  that 
which  most  readily  suggests  itself  to  an  attentive  and  intelli- 
gent reader,  possessing  competent  knowledge, — is  in  all  proba- 
bility the  genuine  sense  or  meaning. 

This  remark  is  so  obvious  as  to  require  no  illustrative  example.  Where 
indeed  two  meanings  or  senses  present  themselves,  without  doing  any 
violence  to  the  words  or  to  their  scope  and  connection,  and  to  the  subject- 
matter,  &c.  in  such  case  the  different  arguments  for  and  against  each 
meaning  must  be  carefully  discussed,  and  that  meaning  which  is  supported 
by  the  most  numerous  and  weighty  arguments,  and  is  found  to  be  the 
most  probable,  must  be  preferred,  as  being  the  genuine  sense.  Yet,  sim- 
ple and  obvious  as  this  canon  confessedly  is,  it  is  perpetually  violated  by 
thg  modern  school  of  interpreters  in  Germany,  at  the  head  of  which  stand 
the  names  of  Professors  Sender,  Bauer,  Paulus,  Wegscheider,  Eichhorn, 
and  others  ;  against  whose  tenets  the  unwary  student  cannot  be  sufficiently 
put  upon  his  guard,  on  account  of  the  great  celebrity  which  some  of  these 
writers  have  justly  acquired  for  their  profound  philological  attainments. 
The  teachers  of  this  school  assert  that  there  is  no  such  thing  as  a  divine 
revelation  in  the  sense  attached  to  this  word  by  Christians;  and  that  the 
miracles  recorded  in  the  Scriptures  are  merely  natural  occurrences,  ex- 
aggerated and  embellished  by  those  who  have  related  them.  According 
to  these  antisupernaturalists,  the  whole  of  the  doctrines  of  Scripture  con- 
sist either  of  the  precepts  of  nature  clothed  in  obscure  expressions,  or 
of  absolutely  false  doctrines  invented  by  the  sacred  writers,  who  were 
men  subject  to  error  like  ourselves,  and  (what  they  say  is  still  worse)  who 
were  deprived  of  that  mass  of  knowledge  which  constitutes  the  glory  of 
our  age.    To  confirm  the  preceding  observations  by  a  few  examples : — 

(1.)  According  to  Eichhorn,  the  account  of  the  creation  and  fall  of  man 
is  merely  a  poetical,  philosophical  speculation  of  some  ingenious  person, 
"ii  the  origin  of  the  world  and  of  evil. ;  So,  in  regard  to  the  offering  up  of 
Isaac  by  Abraham,  he  says,  "The  Godhead  could  not  have  required  of 
\braham  so  horrible  a  crime;  and  there  can  be  no  justification,  palliation, 
nr  excuse  for  this  pretended  command  of  the  Divinity."  He  then  explains 
it.  "Abraham  dreamed  that  he  must  offer  up  Isaac,  and,  according  to  the 
superstition  of  the  times,  regarded  it  as  a  divine  admonition.  He  prepared 
to  execute  the  mandate  which  his  dream  had  conveyed  to  him.  A  lucky 
iit  (probably  the  rustling  of  a  rain  who  was  entangled  in  the  bushes) 
Hindered  it;  and  this,  according  to  ancient  idiom,  was  also  the  voice  of  the 
divinity."'  But  "what  is  there  in  the  character  of  Abraham  which  will  jus- 
til y  taking  such  a  liberty  with  it.  as  to  maintain  that  he  was  not  raised  above 
me  superstitions  of  the  merest  savages  ;  or,  who  can  show  that  he  under- 
nothing  of  the  nature  of  dreams?  And  then,  whence  the  approbation 
;f  God,  of  Christ,  and  of  the  holy  apostles,  bestowed  on  a  horrible  act  of 
mere  superstition?  For  horrible  it  was,  if  superstition  only  dictated  it. 
This  is  a  nodus,  to  solve  which  something  more  than  witty  conjectures  and 
brilliant  declamation  is  needed."' 

(2.)  The  same  writer  represents  the  history  of  the  Mosaic  legislation, 
at  Mount  Sinai,  in  a  curious  manner.  Moses  ascended  to  the  top  of  Sinai, 
and  kindled  a  fire  there  (how  he  found  wood  on  this  barren  rock,  or 
raised  it  to  the  top,  Eichhorn  does  not  tell  us),  afire  consecrated  to  the 
worship  of  God,  before  which  he  prayed.  Here  an  unexpected  ami  tre- 
mendous thunder-storm  occurred.  He  seized  the  occasion  to  proclaim  the 
laws  which  he  had  composed  in  his  retirement,  as  the  statutes  of  Jehovah  ; 
leading  the  people  to  believe  that  Jehovah  had  conversed  with  him.  Not 
that  he  was  a  deceiver;  but  he  really  believed,  I  hat  the  occurrence  of  such 
a  thunder-storm  was  a  sufficient  proof  of  the  fact,  that  Jehovah  had  spoken 
to  him,  or  sanctioned  the  work  in  which  he  had  been  engaged.*  The  pro- 
phecies of  the  Old  Testament  are,  according  to  him,  patriotic  wishes, 
expressed  with  all  the  fire  and  elegance  of  poetry,  for  the  future  prosperity, 
and  a  future  deliverer,  of  the  Jewish  nation.* 

(3.)  In  like  manner,  C.  F.  Amnion,  who  was  formerly  professor  of  the- 
ology at  Erlangen,  tells  us,  in  respect  to  the  miracle  of  Christ's  walking  on 
the  water,  that  "  to  walk  on  the  sea,  is  not  to  stand  on  the  waves,  as  on  the 
solid  ground,  as  Jerome  dreams,  but  to  walk  through  the  waves  so  far  as 
the  shoals  reached,  and  then  to  swini."«  So,  in  regard  to  the  miracle  of 
the  loaves  and  fishes,''  he  says,  that  Jesus  probably  distributed  some  loaves 
and  fishes  which  he  had,  to  those  who  were  around  him ;  and  thus  excited, 
by  his  example,  others  among  the  multitude,  who  had  provisions,  to  dis- 
tribute them  in  like  manner.* 

(1)  Thiess,  in  his  -rommentary  on  the  Acts,  explains  the  miraculous 
effusion  of  the  Spirit  >i  the  day  of  Pentecost,  =>  in  the  following  manner:— 
It  is  not  uncommor  '  says  be,  "  in  those  countries,  for  a  violent  gust  of 
wind  to  strike  on  a  particular  spot  or  house.  Such  a  gust  is  commonly 
accompanied  by  the  electric  fluid  ;  and  the  sparks  of  this  are  scattered  all 
around.  These  float  about  the  chamber,  become  apparent,  and  light  upon 
the  disciples.  They  kindle  into  enthusiasm  at  this;  and  believe  the  pro- 
mi  -  of  their  Muster  )s  now  to  be  performed.  This  enthusiasm  spectators 
assemble  to  witness;  and  instead  of  preaching  as  before  in  Hebrew,  each 
•  me  uses  his  own  native  tongue  to  proclaim  his  feelings  " 

(o.)  The  same  Thiess"  represents  the  miraculous  cure  by  Peter,  of  the 
man  who  was  lame  from  his  birth,  in  a  very  singular  way.  '"This  man  " 
says  he,  "was  lame  only  according  to  report-  He  never  walked  at  all ; 
so  the  people  believed  ihat  he  could  not  walk.— Peter  and  John,  bein« 
more  sagacious,  however,  threatened  him.  '  In  the  name  of  the  Messiah," 
said  they,  Stand  up.'  1  he  word  Messiah  hada  magical  power.  He  stood 
up.  Now  they  saw  that  he  could  walk.  To  prevent  the  compassion  of 
men  from  being  turned  into  rage  rat  his  deceit),  he  chose  the  most  sao-a- 
eious  party,  and  connected  himsetl  with  the  apostles." 

(6.)  The  case  of  Ananias  falling  jown  dead  is  thus  represented  by  the 
same  writer :—"  Ananias  fell  down  terrified  ;  but  probably  be  wan  carried 
out  and  buried  while  still  alive."  Heinrichs,  however,  who  produces  this 
tomment  of  Thiess,  relates  another  mode  of  explaining  the  occurrer.ee  in 

'  Urgeschichte  passim.  «  Bibliothek.  Band.  i.  s.  45,  &c 

s  Stuart's  Hebrew  Chrestomathy,  p.  104. 

*  Bibliothek.  Band.  i.  Theil.  1.  s.  7G,  Sec. 
»  Propheten,  Bibliothek.  Einleit.  passim. 

*  Pref.  to  edit,  of  Ernesli  Inst.  Interpret,  p.  12. 
i  Matt.  xiv.  15.  •  P.  16. 

*  >o?«  ;■  io  Comm.  on  chap.  iii. 


question;  viz.  that  Peter  stabbed  Ananias;  "which  does  not  at  all  dis 
agree  with  the  vehement  and  easily-exasperated  temper  of  Peter."  It  is, 
however,  but  just  to  Heinrichs  to  state  that  he  has  expressed  his  decided 
disapprobation  of  this  pretended  interpretation  n 

(7.)  Professor  de  Wette,  in  his  treatise  De  Morte  Chrisli  Hxpiatoria  (on 
the  atonement  of  Christ),  represents  Christ  as  disappointed,  thai  the  Jews 
would  not  hearken  to  him  as  a  moral  teacher  simply  ;  which  was  the  first 
character  he  assumed.  Christ  then  assumed  the  character  of  a  prophet, 
and  asserted  his  divine  mission,  in  order  that  the  Jews  might  be  induced  to 
listen  to  him.  Finding  that  they  would  not  do  this,  and  that  they  were 
determined  to  destroy  him,  in  order  not  to  lose  the  whole  object  of  his 
mission,  and  to  convert  necessity  into  an  occasion  of  giving  himself  credit 
he  gave  out,  that  his  death  itself  would  be  expiatory  .'«9 

9.  Since  it  is  the  design  of  interpretation  to  render  in  our 
own  language  the  same  discourse  which  the  sacred  author* 
origi?ially  wrote  in  Hebrew  or  Greek,  it  is  evident  that  our 
interpretation  or  version,  to  be  correct,  ought  not  to  affirm  or 
deny  more  than  the  inspired  penmen  affirmed  or  denied  at  the 
time  they  wrote  ;  consequently  we  should  be  more  willing  to  take 
a  sense  from  Scripture  than  to  bring  one  to  it. 

This  is  one  of  the  most  ancient  laws  of  interpretation  extant,  and  cannot 
be  sufficiently  kept  in  mind,  lest  we  should  teach  for  doctrines  tiip  cr,>/t. 
mandments  of  men,   and  impose  our  narroxo  and  limited  conceptions 
instead  of  the  broad  and  general  declarations  of  Scripture.    F<  r  . 
attending  to  this  simple  rule,  how  many  forced  and  unnatural  inti 
tions  have  been  put  upon  the  sacred  writings! — interpretations  alii- 
tradictory  to  the  express  meaning  of  other  passages  of  Scripture,  as  well  as 
derogatory  from  every  idea  we  are  taught  to  conceive  of  the  justii 
mercy  of  the  Most  High.    It  will  suffice  to  illustrate  this  ren 
single  instance  : — In  John  iii.  16,  17.  we  read  that  "  God  so  loved  the  world 
that  he  gave  his  only  begotten  Son,  that  whosoever  believeth  in  him  shall 
not  perish  but  have  everlasting  life:for  God  sent  not  his  Sun  to  (  mdemn 
the  world,  but  that  the  world  through  him  might  be  saved."    The  plain, 
obvious,  and  literal  sense  of  this  passage,  as  well  as  of  its  whole  context,  i-, 
that  the  whole  of  mankind,  including  both  Jews  and  Gentiles,  withoi 
exception  in  favour  of  individuals,  were  in  a  ruined  state,  about  to  perish 
everlastingly  and  utterly  without  the  power  of  rescuing  themselves  from 
destruction  ;  that  God  provided  for  their  rescue  and  salvation  by  giving  his 
Son  to  die  for  them  ;  and  that  all  who  believe  in  him,  that  is,  who  believe 
what  God  has  spoken  concerning  Christ,  his  sacrifice,  the  end  for  which 
it  was  offered,  and  the  way  in  which  it  is  to  be  applied  in  order  to  become 
effectual;  that  all  who  thus  believe  shall  not  only  be  exempted  from  eternal 
perdition,  but  shall  also  ultimately  have  everlasting  life,  in  other  words,  be 
brought  to  eternal  glory.    Y'et  how  are  these  "good  tidings  of  great  joy  to 
all  people"  narrowed  and  restricted  by  certain  expositors,  who  adopt  the 
hypothesis  that  Jesus  Christ  was  given  for  the  elect  alone!  How,  indeed, 
could  God  be  said  to  love  those,  to  whom  he  denies  the  means  of  salvation, 
and  whom  he  destines  by  an  irrevocable  decree  to  eternal  misery?  And 
what  violence  are  such  expositors  compelled  to  do  to  the  passage  in  ques- 
tion in  order  to  reconcile  it  to  their  preconceived  notions  !  They  are  obliged 
to  interpret  that  comprehensive  word,  the  world,  by  a  synecdoche  of  a  part 
for  the  whole  ;  and  thus  say,  that  it  means  the  nobler  portion  of  the  world, 
namely,  the  elect,  without  calling  to  their  aid  those  other  parallel  pas 
of  Scripture,  in  which  the  above  consolatory  truth  is  explicitly  affirmed  in 
other  words.     A  similar  instance  occurs  in  Matt,  xviii.   11.,  where  Jesus 
Christ  is  said  to  have  "come  to  save  that  which  was  lost,"  to  »*h) 
which  word,  as  its  meaning  is  not  restricted  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  is  not  to  be 
interpreted  in  a  restricted  sense,  and  consequently  must  be  taken  in  its 
most  obvious  and  universal  sense.    In  this  way  we  are  to  understand  I>eut. 
xxvii.  26i  and  Isa.  Ixiv.  6. 

10.  Before  we  conclude  upon  the  sense  of  a  text,  so  as  to 
prove  any  thing  by  it,  we  must  be  sure  that  such  sense  is  not 
repugnant  to  natural  reason. 

If  such  sense  be  repugnant  to  natural  reason,  it  cannot  be  the  true  mean- 
ing of  the  Scriptures  ;  for  God  is  the  original  of  natural  truth,  as  well  as  of 
that  which  comes  by  particular  revelation.  No  proposition,  therefore, 
which  is  repugnant  to  the  fundamental  principles  of  reason,  can  be  the 
sense  of  any  part  of  the  word  of  God  ;  and  that  which  is  false  and  contrary 
to  reason,  can  no  more  be  true  and  agreeable  to  the  revelations  contained  in 
the  sacred  writings,  than  God  (who  is  the  author  of  one  as  well  as  the  other) 
can  contradict  himself.  Whence  it  is  evident  that  the  words  of  Jesus  Christ, 
—This  is  my  body,  and  This  is  my  blood— (Matt.  xxvi.  26.  28.)  are  not  to  be 
understood  in  that  sense,  which  makes  for  the  doctrine  of  transubstantia- 
tion  :  because  it  is  impossible  that  contradictions  should  be  true  ;  and  we 
cannot  be  more  certain  that  any  thing  is  true,  than  we  are  that  that  doctrine 
is  false. 


SECTION  III. 


OF    EMPHASES. 


I.  Nature  of  emphasis. — Its  different  kinds. — II.  Verbal 
Emphases.  1.  Emphases  of  the  Greek  article. — 2.  Em- 
phases of  other  words. — 3.  Emphatic  adverbs. — III.  Real 
Emphases. — IV.  General  rules  for  the  investigation  of 
emphases. 

I.  Nature  of  Emphasis  : — its  different  kinds. 
In  the  use  of  language,  cases  arise  where  the  ordinary  sig- 
nification of  a  word  receives  a  certain  augment  (auetarium) 

»'  Nov.  Test.  Koppianum,  vol.  iii.  Partic.  ii.  pp.  255 — 2b"  &c. 

i»  For  the  preceding  examples,  the  absurdity  and  extras  tance  of  which 
are  too  obvious  to  require  any  comment,  the  author  is  indebted  to  the 
researches  of  Professor  Stuart  in  his  letters  to  the  Rev.  W.  E.  Channing, 
(pp.  144,  145.  147.)  Andover  (North  America),  1819.  12mo.  On  the  topic 
above  discussed,  the  reader  will  find  some  painfully-interesting  details  in 
Mr.  Jacob's  Agricultural  and  Political  Tour  in  Germany  (London,  18:20,  4to.), 
pp.  208—212.  ;  in  the  Maitasin  Evangelique  (Geneva,  1920,  8vo.),  tome  ii.  pp. 
26—32.  ;  in  Dr.  J.  P.  Smith's  Scripture  Tcstii  ny  to  the  Messiah,  vol.  ii 
part  ii.  pp.  634,  635. ;  and  Mr.  Rose's  State  of  Protestantism  in  Germany.  It 
is  proper  to  add,  that  the  system  of  obscurity  and  impiety  above  noticed 


Ciiap.  I    Sect.  Ill  i 


OF  EMPHASES. 


327 


or  idea,  which  such  worn  has  not  of  itself.  This  augment 
is  of  two  kinds :  "the  one  affects  the  dignity  of  the  word 
itself;  the  other,  the  extent  and  weight  of  its  signification. 
In  the  former  case  the  word  receives  a  sort  of  honour  or 
dishonour  from  popular  usage."  Of  this  kind  of  augment  it 
would  be  irrelevant  to  treat  in  this  place.  The  second  class 
of  words  comprisrs  those  which  receive  an  accession  or 
augmentation  in  the  extent  or  fm  ng.    These  con- 

stitute what  may  with  propriety  be  called  emphatic  words. 
Emphasis,  therefore,  may  be  thus  defined: — An  accession  or 
augment  to  the  ordinary  signification  of  a  word,  either  at  to  the 
extent  or  force  of  its  meaning. 

Thus,  when  the  Jews  speak  of  Moses,  they  simply  term  him 
the  Prophet,  [n  like  manner,  the  ancient  Greeks  called  De- 
mosthenes the  Orator  t  Plato,  the  Philosopher  j  Homer,  the 
Poet,  bj  way  <>f  eminence.  These  respectiTe  appellations  arc 
emphatic.  The  title  of  the  Prophet,  given  by  the  Jews  to  Moses, 
signifies  th;it  be  was  the  first  of  the  Jewish  prophets,  and  of  such 
distinguished  dignity,  that  there  arose  no  subsequent  prophet  in 
Israel  Hke  unto  Moses,  whom  the  Lord  knew  face  to  face,  and 
conversed  mouth  to  mouth.  (Dent,  xxxiv.  10.  Num.  xii.  8.)' 

Emphases  arc  either  verbal,  that  is,  such  as  occur  in  words 

eparately  and  together,  or  real,  that  is,  such  ae  appear 

in  the  magnitude  and  sublimity  of  the  thing  described  by 

words.     The  propriety  of  this  division  has  been  contested  by 

lluet,  Ernesti,8  and  sc ■  others,  who  affirm  that  emphases 

subsist  in  words  oniy,  and  not  in  things,  and  that  in  things 
grandeur  and  sublimity  alone  are  to  be  found.  On  this 
classification,  however,  there  is  a  difference  of  opinion  ;  and 
Longinus  himself,  who  has  placed  emphases  among  the 
sources  of  the  suhlhne,  seems  to  have  admitted  that  they 
exist  also  in  things,  in  the  first  instance,  unquestionably, 
they  are  to  be  sought  in  words,  sometimes  in  particles,  and 
also  in  the  (.reek  article;  and  when  their  torce  is  fully 
apprehended,  they  enable  us  to  enter  into  the  peculiar  ele- 
gances and  beauties  of  the  sacred  style.  A  few  examples 
illustrative  of  this  remark  must  suffice. 
II.  Verbal  Emphases. 

1.  Emphases  of  the  Greek  article. 

la  Matt.  xxvi.  28.  onr  Saviour  having  instituted  the  sacrament  of  die  Lord's 
rapper,  after  giving  the  cup  to  his  disciples,  adds, — "For  this  Is  my  blood 
oi  the  New  Testament  which  is  shed  for  many  for  the  remission  of  sins." 
Almost  every  syllable  of  the  original  Greek,  especially  the  articles,  is  sin- 
gularly  emphatic.  It  rims  thus: — Tcuro  yxp  ij-i  TO  x\u.x  ,ucu,  TO  rifs 
ia<t>«;  '.z  ?,•<,,-,  TO  -rip.  -r;>.).»»  iK/,v»^!»w  n,-  xt;ia-iv  i,«*pTiuji..  The  fol- 
lowing literal  translation  and  paraphrase  do  not  exceed  its  meaning  : — "  For 
this  is  [represents]  that  liiuud  of  mine,  which  was  pointed  out  by  all  the 
sacrifices  under  the  Jewish  law,  and  particularly  by  the  shedding  and 
sprinkling  of  the  blood  of  the  paschal  lamb;  that  blood  of  the  sacrifice 
slain  lor  the  ratification  of  the  new  covenant ;  the  blood  ready  to  be  poured 
out  fur  tht  multitudes,  the  whole  Gentile  world  as  well  as  the  .lews,  for  the 
atcay  qf  tins  i  sin,  whether  original  or  actual,  mall  its  power  and 
guilt,  in  all  Its  enerjj  In   Watt.  xvi.  16.  the  following  sen- 

tence occurs:— lu  "i  'O  Xp.,-c<  "O  u.'o?   TOT  fcitou  TOT  frvTOj,    "Thou  art 
the  Christ,  the  Son  of  the  Uving  God."     In  this  passage,  also 
word  is  highly  emphatic,  agreeably  t"  a  rule  of  the  Greek  language,  which 
is  observed  both  by  the  sacred  writers,  as  well  as  by  the  most  elegant  pro- 
fane authors,  viz  that  when  the  article  is  placed  before  a  noun,  it  denotes 

in  and  definite  obj<  cl ;  bul  when  -t  is  omitted,  it  in  general  in 
any  person  or  thing  indefinitely.  The  apostle  did  not  say,  "Thou  art 
Christ,  Son  of  God,"  without  the  article:  but,  "Thou  art  the  Christ,  the 
Messiah,  the  Son,"  that  very  Son,  thus  positively  asserting  his  belief  of 
thai  fundamental  article  of  the  Christian  religion,  the  divinity  and  office  of 
the  Redeemer  of  the  world  —"Of  the  living  God,  or  of  God  the  living 
one."  Similar  instances  occur  in  John  1. 21.  'o  -rp-.;*i->^  ■■  «-u;  "art  thou 
that  Prophet"  whom  the  Jewish  nation  have  so  long  and  so  anxiously  ex- 
and  who  had  been  promised  by  Moses  (Deut.  xviii  15.  IS.)!  and 
also  in   .loan  x.  11.      Ej  ■  11/41  '0   -roi,uiiv  'O  «).:;,  I  am  THAT  gotn! 

herd,  or  the  shepherd,  that  good  one,  of  whom  Isaiah  (xl.  11.)  and  E 
(xxxiv.  23.)  respectively  prophesied. 


has  met  with  able  refutations;  and  KuinSel,  whose  commentary  on  the 
historical  books  of  tin-  New  Testament  (noticed  in  another  part  of  this 
i  tnposed  principally  for  Gen 

refutations.  Por  ■  refutation  ofthe  neologian  hypothesis  thai  the  first  three 
chapters  of  the  book  of  Genesis  are  a  philosophical  niythos  or  fable,  see 
Vol   I!   p.  805. 

•  Ernesti,  Inst.  Intern  Nor.  Test.  pp.  10,41.    Mr.  Terrot's  translation  of 
Ernesti,  vol  i  p  52.    Mori  Dermeneut.  Nov.  Test  Acroases,  torn.  i.  pp. 
Smart's  Elements  of  Interpretation,  p.  2f. 

'  Ernesti  (Inst.  Intern.  Nov   Test,  p,  il.)  and  after  him  Bauer    I 
Sacra,  p.  232.)  and  Moras     Herraeneul.    No?.  Test    keroasi  •.  lorn.  i. 
pp.  323—326.)  have  distinguished  emphasis  into  temporary  and  perma- 
nent.   The  former  is  that  which  la  given  to  a  word  at  a  certain  tin 
place,  and  arises  from  the  feelings  of  the  party  speaking,  or  from  the 
importance  of  the  Buhject  r<  quiring  that  the  word  us.'d  should  be  under- 
stood with  some  addition  to  its  usual   force.     The  latter  or  pen; 
emphases  are  those,  in  which  a  word  receives  from  custom  a  greater  signi- 
fication than  it  has  of  itself,  and  which  it  retains  in  particular  modes  of 
speaking.    The  knowledge  of  both  these  is  to  be  derived  from  aeon - 
tion  of  the  context  and  subject-matter.    Hut  the  examples  adduced  in 
defence  of  this  definition  concur  to  make  it  a  distinction  without  a  differ- 
ence, when  compared  with  the  ordinary  classification  of  emphases  into  ver- 
bal and  real,  which  we  have  accordingly  retained. 

'  Dr.  A.  Clarke's  Discourse  on  the  Eucharist,  pp.  61,  62 
Vol.  I.  3  X 


Common  Version. 

Before  God  and  the  Lord  Jesus 

Christ. 


Another  very  important  rule  !n  the  construction  of  the  Greek 
article  is  the  following,  which  was  first  completely  illustrated  by 
the  late  eminently  learned  Granville  Sharp  ;  though  it  appears  not 
to  have  been  unknown  to  former  critics  and  commentators.4 

'•  When  two  or  more  personal  nouns  of  the  same  gender, 
number,  anil  case,  are  connected  by  the  copulative  x.*i  (and), 
if  the  first  has  the  definitive  article,  and  the  second,  third,  &c 
have  not,  thru  both  relate  to  the  same  person.' 

This  rule  Mr.  S.  has  illustrated  by  the  eight  following  ex 
amples : — 

1.  'O  ©Kf  kui  TTxriip  Kt/^cw  ijum.     2  Cor.  i.  3. 

2.  Ta>  (due  Hit  Trxrpi.      1  Cor.  xv.  24. 

g  properly  rendered,  ho  the  authorised  translation,  and 
according  to  the  preceding  rule: 

1.  The  God  and  Father  of  our  Lord. 

2.  To  God  even  the  Father. 

3.    Ec  Ti|  pxrtKn*  tov  Xpi>cu  xxi  fcdeu.   Eph.  V.  6- 
Common  Version.  Corrected  Version. 

In  the  Kingdom  of  Christ  and  of  God.        In  the  Kingdom  of  Christ,  eetn 

of  God 
4.  Kin  x«f"  ««  S"»  ^"»  *»'  K'|ie'J  if"  Xpri".    2  Thess.  i.  12. 
I  sion.  Corrected  Version. 

According  to  the  grace  of  our  God         According  to  the  grace  of  Jesus 
audi  Christ.  |  Christ,  our  God  and  Lord. 

5.   BvMsrio*  n»  Wiou  xxi  Kup.iou  Ihtou  Xpi.-ou.     1  Tim.  v.  21. 
Corrected  Version. 
Before  Jesus  Christ,  the  God  and 
Lord ;  or.  our  God  and  Lord, 
(for  the  definitive  Article  has  some 
times  the  power  of  a  posx* 
Pronoun.) 
6.    Zm^xvuxv  Tl){  JoJk;  tou  /iiyxXou  0iou  xcci  a-wTMfSj  r.n»v  ','?:  l 

Xfis-ou.  Titus  ii.  13. 
Common  Version.  Corrected  Version. 

The  glorious  appearing  of  the  great    The  glorious  appearing  of  our  great 
God  and  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ.    |      God  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ. 

7.    En   JlXX10<TUVI|    TOU  ©SOU   y„UJjV  X. X 1   <T.OTI)f 3{    lr,<TC,V   XflfOU.     2  Pet.    i.    1 

Common  Version.  Corrected  Version. 

Through  the  righteousness  of  God,    Through  the  righteousness  of  Jesus 

and  of  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ.      |        Christ,  our  God  and  Saviour 

8.     Kxi    TCV   /tC0»OI»   JiO-fl-OTIJI/  ©1CU  XXI    KupiOV   r,fmv   lv,tTlvv 

apvov/uiyoi.   Jude  4. 

Common  Version.  Corrected  Version. 

And  denying  the  only  Lord  God,  and    And  denying  our  only  Master,  God 

our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  and  Lord  Jesus  Christ.' 

The  above  rule  and  examples  are  further  confirmed  by  the 
researches  of  Bishop  Middleton ;  and  altogether  furnish  a  most 
striking  body  of  evidence  in  behalf  of  the  divinity  of  our  Saviour. 
The  fundamental  and  most  important  doctrine  of  the  Christian 
faith  does  not  indeed  depend  upon  the  niceties  of  grammatical 
construction;  but  when  these  are  eagerly  seized  by  those  who 
deny  the  divinity  of  the  Son  of  God,  in  order  to  support  their 
interpretation,  we  are  amply  justified  in  combating  them  with  the 
same  weapons.  On  this  account  the  reader  will  be  gratified  by 
the  addition  of  a  few  examples,  both  from  classic  authors,  as  well 
as  from  two  or  three  of  the  fathers  of  the  Christian  church,  in 
which  Mr.  Sharp's  rule  is  completely  exemplified.  They  are 
seiccted  from  Mr.  Boyd's  supplementary  researches  on  the  Greek 
article,  annexed  to  Dr.  A.  Clarke's  Commentary  on  Eph.  vi.  and 
on  the  Epistle  to  Titus. 

O^x  txs  Tupiixj 

MxtiSc,  iiKif»;  xXex'u 

K.^^xxreu  r  ««Jo»oj.  iEschyli  Supplices,  v.  62 — 64. 

The  voice  of  the  wretched  wife  of  Tereus,  the  nightingale  pursued  by 
the  falcon. 

'O  Jufuxti  Sxipev,  i  <rt(  xi/uof.  Sophoclis  Electra. 

Mine  and  thine  evil  genius. 

'O  ifiOf  ysnrmt  xxi  o-oj. 

My  sen  and  thine. 

Si*  ti  Tiff-%:/*iv  ix  TS6  f*v<rxpx;t 

Kxi  ^«.Jo9ovo«  t«j  i"i  Ajamw.      Euripidis  Ion,  v.  1389.  1403. 

What  things  we  suffer  from  this  execrable  lioness,  and  slayer  of  children 

Tcu /uxxxpiou  in  nJ:;:u  rixuAou. — Ofthe  blessed  and  illustrious  Paul. 
(Polycarp.  Eplst  ad  Philipp.) 

Ay  »«-■«  tcu  Xpifov,  tcu  ©icu  I,/** v.— The  love  of  Christ  our  God.  (Igna- 
tius. Epist.  ad  Romanos.) 

T:v  Kt.,-,.,  x...  Ar.uieupyon.— The  Creator  and  Maker.  (Irensus  adv. 
Hares,  lib.  iv.  p.  -Is.  edit.  Oxon.  1702.) 

T:j  x.:puJx.0Txt-.u  rrxp'    -.jUx'V    xxi    TrpvTtv    To>»  srolxragv,  'Oyrf.u. — Homel 

the  most  distinguished  among  you,  and  first  of  the  poets.  (Justin  Martyr, 
Cohorlalia  ad  Qrsoos.) 

'O   Apx'fpxrxyos  xx*  Tlziuy.v  twv  nr'  cupxv  cr,    u>    Trxvtx  m  i.rc  n*i, — The 

great  Ruler  and  Shepherd  of  them  in  heaven,  whom  all  things  obey 
(Methodius.) 

A«ei  t:v  x,xpx:v  xx,  «»»xi;f-,»  Bjti).i:.- Around  the  King,  without 
beginning  and  immortal.  (Ibid.) 

«  Venema.  in  an  admirable  dissertation  on  the  true  reading  of  Acts  xx 
23.  has  advened  to  it  (*r-r  the  passage  in  the  British  Cr  xi.  p 

612.) ;  and  also  Mr.  De  Gols,  in  his  valuable,  thnutrh  now  neg*cted,  Vindtce 
tion  of  the  Worship  of  Jesus  Christ.   (London,  1726.  8vo.)  p.  37. 

•  Sharp  on  the  Greek  Article,  pp.  xxxix.  xL  1—66. 


328 


OF  EMPHASES. 


[Paiit  II.  Book  L 


iv*  to./  Bta-ixia  ysoaipH  sra»T.ui<  xm  nonjriii'.— That  he  may  venerate  the 
King  and  Maker  of  all.    Methodius. 

'O  rpar>iyo;  ',,/i^v  ui    sroijuiiv  I>i<rou,-,  xxi  »j>2->"',  mi  vv.u?  .0;.— JesUS,  our 

lea'ier,  and  shepherd,  and  governor,  and  bridegroom.  (Ibid.) 

Tov  fcl.ov    fitvtiv  xpvti<r5l,   tov    Jscr-3T>iv  xot<    Uttftmufyov   tou    mvtoj. — Ye 

deny  the  only  God,  the  Lord  and  Creator  of  all.  (Chrysostom.  Orat.  de  non 
anathem.  vivis  aut  defunctis.) 

Ev  YlMtpx  itti^xvux;  xxi  xrroxxy.v'i'ijj;  tou  niyxWu  0iou  xxi  Afxirrsinivos 
AfMav,  Iwa-au  Xp.s-ou. — In  the  day  of  the  appearing  and  revelation  of  Jesus 
Christ,  the  Great  God  and  Chief  Shepherd  of  us.  (Gregor.  Nazianzen. 
Orat.  4.  adv.  Julian,  in  fine.) 

2.  Emphasis  of  other  Words. 

John  i.  14.  The  word  teas  made  flesh  and  dwelt  among  us,  itrxwjKnv  iv 
(UUIV,  literally  tabernacled  among  us.  The  verb  o-xiivosu  (from  <rxvivv\)  signi- 
fies to  erect  a  booth,  tabernacle,  or  temporary  residence,  and  not  a  perma- 
nent habitation  or  dwelling  place :  it  was  therefore  fitly  applied  to  the 
human  nature  of  Christ;  which,  like  the  ancient  Jewish  tabernacle,  was  to 
be  only  for  a  temporary  residence  of  the  Eternal  Divinity. 

Matt.  ix.  36.  When  Jesus  saw  the  multitudes,  he  had  compassion  on 
them, — ZinrXxyxvKrSyi  (fromSsrXaypsvov,  a  bowel) ;  the  ancients  generally, 
and  the  Jews  in  particular,  accounting  the  bowels  to  be  the  seat  of  sym- 
pathy and  the  tender  passions,  applied  the  organ  to  the  sense.'  The  proper 
meaning,  therefore,  of  this  phrase  is,  that  our  Lord  was  moved  with  the 
deepest  sympathy  and  commiseration  for  the  neglected  Jews. 

Heb.  iv.  13.  All  things  are  naked  and  opened,  Teipa%ii>.iirf<i»«,  to  the  eyes 
■if  him  with  whom  we  have  to  account.  The  emphasis  is  here  derived  from 
:he  manner  in  which  sacrifices  were  anciently  performed. 

3.  Emphatic  Adverbs. 

[i.]  Sometimes  adterbs  of  time  are  emphatic  ;  and  a  care- 
ful notation  of  the  time  indicated  by  them  will  materially 
illustrate  the  force  and  meaning  of  the  sacred  -writings. 

Thus,  in  Mai.  iii.  16.  we  read,  Then  they  that  feared  the  Lord,  spake  often 
one  to  another,  fyc.  The  word  then  is  here  peculiarly  emphatic,  and  refers 
to  the  time  when  the  last  of  the  prophets  wrote,  and  when  many  bold  infi- 
dels and  impious  persons  were  found  among  the  Jews,  who  spake  "  stout 
words"  against  God,  and  vindicated  them.  They  considered  all  the  time 
spent  by  them  in  his  service  as  lost ;  they  attended  his  "ordinances"  with 
many  expressions  of  self-denial  and  humiliation,  but  they  derived  no 
benefit  from  them ;  and  they  concluded  that  those  haughty  rebels  who  cast 
off  all  religion,  and  tempted  God  by  their  presumptuous  wickedness,  were 
the  most  prosperous  and  happy  persons,  (v.  13 — 15.)  Then,  viz.  at  this 
season  of  open  wickedness,  there  was  a  remnant  of  pious  Jews,  who  "spake 
often  one  to  another,"  met  together  from  time  to  time  that  they  might  con- 
fer on  religious  subjects,  animate  each  other  to  their  duty,  and  consult  how 
to  check  the  progress  of  impiety.  Of  these  persons,  and  their  pious 
designs  and  discourses,  we  are  told  that  Jehovah  took  especial  notice  ;  and 
that  "a  book  of  remembrance  was  written  before  him  for  them  that  feared 
the  Lord,  and  that  thought  upon  his  name." 

[ii.]  A  knowledge  of  historical  circumstances,  however,  is 
-equisite,  lest  -we  ascribe  the  emphasis  to  a  wrong  source ;  as  in 
Acts  ix.  31. 

Then  hadthe  churches  rest  (si^vy,v,  literally,  peace  or  prosperity).  The 
cause  of  this  peace  has  by  some  commentators  been  ascribed  to  the  con- 
version of  Saul,  who  had  previously  "made  havoc  of  the  church  :"  but 
this  is  not  likely,  as  he  could  not  be  a  cause  of  universal  persecution  and 
distress,  whatever  activity  and  virulence  he  might  have  shown  during  the 
time  of  his  enmity  to  the  Christian  church.  Besides,  his  own  persecution 
(as  the  context  shows)  proves  that  the  opposition  to  the  Gospel  continued 
with  considerable  virulence  three  years  after  his  conversion.  If  we  advert 
to  the  political  circumstances  of  the  Jewish  nation  at  that  time,  we  shall 
find  the  true  cause  of  this  rest.  The  emperor  Caligula  had  ordered  his 
statue  to  be  erected  in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem ;  and,  in  pursuance  of  his 
mandate,  Petronius,  the  president  of  Syria,  was  on  his  march  with  an  army 
for  that  purpose.  Filled  with  consternation,  the  Jews  met  him  in  vast 
multitudes  in  the  vicinity  of  Ptolemais  or  Acre,  and  ultimately  prevailed  on 
him  to  abandon  his  design.  It  was  this  persecution  of  the  Jews  by  the 
Romans  that  the  sacred  writer  had  in  view,  which  diverted  the  Jews  from 
persecuting  the  Christians  ;  and  "Then  had  the  churches  rest  throughout 
all  Judea  and  Galilee  and  Samaria  ,-"  the  terror  occasioned  by  the  impe- 
rial decree  having  spread  itself  throughout  those  regions.' 

III.  Real  Emphases. 

The  knowledge  of  these  can  only  be  derived  from  an  ac- 
quaintance with  the  manners,  customs,  &c.  of  ancient  nations, 
which  are  noticed  by  writers  on  biblical  antiquities  and  by  com- 
mentators, so  far  as  they  are  necessary  to  illustrate  the  sacred 
writings.  Two  or  three  instances  of  these  also  will  suffice  to 
explain  their  nature. 

1.  Horn.  xi.  17.  In  this  verse  we  have  a  very  beautiful  illustration  taken 
lroin  thi;  ingrafting  of  trees;  an  art  with  which  we  find  St.  Paul  was  well 
acquainted.  I  he  point  to  be  explained  was,  the  union  of  the  Gentiles  with 
the  Jews  under  the  Gospel  dispensation.  The  Jews  were  the  olive  tree  ; 
the  grafts  were  both  Gentiles  and  Jews  ;  and  the  act  of  ingrafting  was,  the 
initiation  of  both  into  the  Christian  religion.  The  Jews  arc  informed  that 
olive  branches  may  with  greater  ease  be  ingrafted  into  their  own  original 
stock,  which  is  more  natural  and  congenial  to  them.  The  Gentiles  are 
again  reminded,  that,  if  the  natural  branches  were  not  spared  because  of 

heir  unfruitfulness  much  less  would  they  be  spared  who  were  aliens  to 
the  Jewish  stock,  if  they  should  prove  unfruitful 

2.  The  prize,  BfxZtnv  mentioned  in  1  Cor.  ix.  24.,  is  the  crown  awarded 
to  the  victor  in  the  Olympic  games;  whence  K»T«/3p»Giue.v'  rendered 
beguile  you  of  your  reward  (Col.  ii.  18.),  means  to  dpprive  any  one  of  a 
reward  or  prize,  either  by  partial  judgment  or  in  any  way  impeding  him  in 
nis  Christian  course.  In  ICor.  ix.  24.  the  apostle  illustrates  the  necessity 
of  being  in  earnest  in  the  Christian  race,  by  a  beautiful  allusion  to  the 

»  Kuinoel  in  loc.  who  has  given  illustrations  from  classical  writers  and 
also  from  the  Apocrypha. 

»  Dr.  Lardner  has  collected  and  given  at  length  various  passages  from 
Josephus  (De  Bell.  Jud.  lib.  ii.  c.  10.  and  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  xviii.  c.  9.)  and  Philo 
(De  Legal,  ad  Caium.  1024.),  which  confirm  the  above  statement.  See  his 
Credibility  book  i.  ch.  ii.  §  12. 


games  of  the  heathen.  As  the  racers  and  wrestlers  in  those  games  fitted 
themselves  for  their  different  exercises,  and  each  strove  zealously  for  the 
victory,  so  should  the  Christian  prepare  himself  for  his  religious  course, 
and  strive  for  the  victory  in  his  great  contest  with  the  world. 

3.  1  Cor.  iv.  13.  We  are  made  the  filth  of  the  earth,  ^ifixxf/ixra, 
literally,  a  purgation  or  lustrutive  sacrifice:  the  allusion  is  to  a  custom 
common  among  heathen  nations  in  times  of  public  calamity,  who  se- 
lected some  unhappy  men  of  the  most  abject  and  despicable  character. 
These,  after  being  maintained  a  whole  year  at  the  public  expense,  were 
then  led  out  crowned  with  flowers,  as  was  usual  in  sacrifices,  and  were 
devoted  to  appease  or  avert  the  anger  of  their  deities,  being  either  pre 
cipitated  into  the  sea,  or  burnt  alive,  after  which  their  ashes  were  thrown 
into  the  sea. 

4.  Eph.  v.  27.  That  it  (the  church  of  Christ)  should  be  holy  and  without 
blemish,  ujuoo^o;,  i.  e.  so  pure  and  spotless,  so  free  from  all  censure,  that 
even  Momus  himself  (the  fictitious  deity  of  mirth  and  ridicule)  could  fim 
nothing  to  carp  at  or  ridicule. 

IV.  General  Rules  for  the  Investigation  of  Emphases. 

A  consideration  of  the  affections  by  which  the  sacred 
authors  were  animated,  when  they  committed  their  inspired 
communications  to  writing,  as  well  as  the  scope  and  context 
of  the  passage  under  consideration,  together  with  the  pature 
of  its  subject,  will  always  enable  us  to  ascertain  the  true  em- 
phasis of  words  :  but,  as  ingenious  and  fanciful  minds  are  apt 
to  discover  them  where  they  do  not  actually  exist,  it  may  not  be 
irrelevant  to  offer  a  few  leading  hints  respecting  the  particular 
investigation  of  emphases,  selected  from  the  great  mass  of 
observations,  which  have  been  collected  by  eminent  biblical 
critics. 

1.  JVo  emphases  are  to  be  sought  in  refined  explanations  of 
passages,  or  from  etymology,  both  of  them  uncertain  guides 
at  the  best ;  and  -which  are  too  often  carried  to  extremes  by 
men  of  lively  imaginations.  JYeither  -will  prepositions  always 
enlarge  or  give  additional  force  to  the  meaning  of  a  word, 
particularly  in  the  Greek  language. 

We  may  instance  in  1  Cor.  xiii.  6.,  where  we  read  that  true  charity  re- 
joiceth  not  in  iniquity,  but  rejoiceth  (Tuyxxipn)  in  the  truth.  Some  com- 
mentators have  conceived  that  this  word  is  emphatic,  and  have  rendered 
the  passage  rejoiceth  jointly  (with  true  believers)  in  the  truth.  But  in  this 
instance,  as  Schleusner  has  remarked  from  Hesychius,  the  Greek  com- 
pound verb  means  no  more  than  the  simple  verb  %«'pu>  implies,  viz.  to  be 
delighted  or  to  rejoice  in  a  thing.  Our  authorized  version  therefore  fully 
expresses  the  apostle's  meaning.  But  in  Heb.  xii.  2.  the  preposition  is 
highly  emphatic,  and  demands  particular  attention,  in  order  to  apprehend 
the  full  force  and  beauty  of  the  passage,  which  is  wholly  agonistical,  i.  e. 
allusive  to  the  ancient  footraces.  Having  in  the  first  verse  exhorted 
Christians  to  divest  themselves  of  every  incumbrance,  and  to  run  with 
patience  their  Christian  course,  St.  Paul  adds  (v.  2.),  Looking  unto  Jesus 
the  author  and  finisher  of  our  faith.  The  original  word  here  rendered 
looking  (*9op*)VT£s),a  literally  means  to  look  off  feom  every  other  object  to 
some  particular  object  placed  full  in  view;  as  the  reward  destined  to  the 
victor  in  the  Olympic  footrace  was  placed  immediately  in  view  of  the  can- 
didates. It  is  impossible  to  express  the  full  import  of  this  passage  without 
the  aid  of  a  paraphrase.  The  whole  clause  may  be  thus  rendered — Tl^ere- 
fore,  seeing  we  are  also  compassed  about  icith  so  great  a  cloud  of  uitnesses, 
who  (like  the  spectators  at  the  ancient  Olympic  race)  surround  us  on  every 
side  in  a  vast  innumerable  assembly,  the  spectators  of  our  trial,  let  us  lay 
aside  every  incumbering  weight,  and  especially  the  sin,  which  in  present 
circumstances  has  the  greatest  advantage  [against  us],  or  the  well  circum- 
stanced sin,  that  which  has  every  thing  in  its  favour,  time,  place,  and  op- 
portunity, more  particularly,  a  disposition  to  relinquish  or  dissemble  our 
profession  of  the  Gospel  for  fear  of  sufferings  ;  and  let  us  run  with  pa- 
tience and  perseverance  the  race  which  is  set  before  us,  resolutely  persist- 
ing in  it,  however  long  and  painful  it  may  be  :  Looking  off  from  every 
object  that  would  interrupt  us  in  our  career,  and  fixing  our  eyes  upon  (or 
to)  Jesus,  the  author  (or  leader)  and  finisher  of  our  faith ;  who  called  us 
out  to  this  strenuous  yet  glorious  enterprise ;  who  animates  us  by  his  ex- 
ample, and  supports  us  by  his  grace,  until  the  season  arrive,  when  he  will 
bestow  upon  us  the  promised  crown.* 

2.  Further :  Emphases  are  not  to  be  sought  iti  versions  : 
which,  however  excellent  they  may  in  general  be,  are  yet  lia- 
ble to  error  ;  consequently  the  derivation  »f  emphases  from  them 
may  lead  us  not  merely  to  extravagant,  but  even  to  false 
expositions  of  Scripture. 

One  instance  will  suffice  to  illustrate  this  remark.  In  Col.  ii.  6.  according  to 
the  authorized  English  version,  we  read  thus,  As  ye  have  therefore  received 
Christ  Jesus  the  Lord,  so  walk  ye  in  him.  From  this  rendering  of  the  Greek 
text  many  persons  have  laid  much  stress  on  the  words  as  and  so  (which  last 
is  not  to  be  found  in  the  original),  and  have  deduced  a  variety  of  inferences 
from  them,  viz.  as  ye  received  Jesus  Christ  in  a  spirit  of  faith,  so  walk  ye 
in  him ;  as  ye  received  him  in  a  spirit  of  humility,  so  walk  ye  in  him,  &.c. 
Now  all  these  inferences,  though  proper  enough  in  themselves,  are  de- 
rived from  false  emphases,  and  are  contrary  to  the  apostle's  meaning,  who 
intended  to  say  no  such  thing.    His  meaning,  as  Dr.  Macknight  has  well 


»  This  word  occurs  in  Josephus  precisely  in  the  very  same  meaning  as 
it  is  used  by  the  apostle-  The  Jewish  historian,  relating  the  aggression; 
of  the  Jews  which  led  to  the  war  with  the  Romans,  says,  among  othei 
things,  that  those  who  officiated  in  the  temple-service  rejected  tht  sacri- 
fice for  Caesar  and  the  Roman  people.  "And  when  many  of  the  high- 
priests  and  principal  men  besought  them  not  to  omit  the  sacrifice,  which 
it  was  customary  for  them  to  offer  for  their  princes,  they  would  not  be 
prevailed  upon.  These  relied  much  upon  their  number,  for  the  most 
flourishing  part  of  the  innovators  assisted  them,"  A*OPi!NTEs;  (1;  T0» 
EhtxCxpnv,  "having  the  chief  regard  to  Eleazar,  the  governor  of  the  tem- 
ple;" looking  to  him  exclusively,  by  whom  thev  had  been  instigated  to 
those  offensive  measures.     De  Bell.  Jud.  lib.  I|   c.  xvii.  §2. 

*  See  Braunius,  Krebsius;  Kypke,  Erneiti,  and  also  Drs.  Doddridge, 
Macknight,  and  A.  Clarke  on  Heb.  xii.  1,  2.  hv  whom  every  emphatic  word 
in  these  two  verses  is  particu'arly  illustrated. 


viiap.  II.  Sect.  I.  $  1.] 


OF  ASCERTAINING  THE  USUS  LOQUENDI. 


329 


translated  the  passage,  is  simply  this,—  "Since  ye  have  received  Christ 
Ji<ns  the.  Lord,  uallt  ye  in  him:"  in  Other  words,  a  .  (he  I  ontl  .xl  plainly 
■hows,  "  since  ye  have  embraced  the  doctrine       I  onllnue  to  hold 

it  fast,  and  permit  not  yourselves  to  be  turned  aside  hy  sopliistical  or  Ju- 
daizing  teachers."1 

3.  J\ro  emphases  are  to  be  sought  merely  in  the  plural  number 
of  -words. 

We  must  be  cautious,  alto,  that  we  >i<i  not  deduce  empbasii  men  ly 
from  the  use  of  the  plural  number;  supposing  that,  where  the  plural  ii 

put  instead  of  the  singular,  it  m I  .inly  denotes  empha  i       Thus  eupatvoc 

and  «uf»«i  simply  mean  heaven;  jrel  Origan,  following  the  trU  n 
Unctions  of  some  Jewish  writers,  has  attempted  to  distinguish  between 
them,  and  has  announced  the  i  il  i  reral  heavens  each  above 

the  other. 

4.  JVo  emphases  are  to  be  sought  in  words  where  the  abstract 

i.i  put  for  the  concrete. 

In  the  Old  Testament  the  abstract  is  very  frequently  put  for  the  con- 
crete; that  is,  substantives  ore  necessarily  put  in  the  place  of  adjectives, 


on  account  of  the  simplicity  of  the  Hebrew  language,  which  has  few  or  nc 
adjectives,  a  similar  mode  of  expression  obtains  in  the  New  Testament 
Thus,  in  Eph.  v.  8.  we  read,  Ye  were  sometimes  darkness,  «-»«Ttv :  m  n,,, 
parallel  place,  in  iv.  Is  in,-  metonymy  is  thus  expressed  ■  being  darkened. 
iTxirif/ijHi,  in  the  understanding  ;  or,  as  it  is  rendered  in  our  authorized 
version,  having  tho  understanding  darkened.'  Numerous  examples,  in 
which  the  abstract  is  put  for  the  concrete,  will  he  found,  infra,  Book  II. 
Chap.  II.  Sect.  II.  4  4. 

5.  As  every  language  ubounde  with  idioms,2  or  expressions 
peculiar  to  itself,  which  cannot  be  rendered  verbatim  into 
another  language  without  violating  its  native  purity,  we  shoula 
be  careful  not  to  look  for  emphases  in  such  expressions.3 

"In  the  sacred  books,  and  especially  In  the  Hebraisms  of  the  New 
Testament,  we  must  tak.:  cars  not  to  seek  for  and  recognise  emphasis, 
merely  in  tin-  idiom,  which  is  so  very  dissimilar  i"  <>urs.  Many  persons, 
though  acquainted  with  Hebrew,  have  often  made  this  mistake;  hut  no- 
thing la  more  fallacious.  In  the  oriental  languages  many  things  appear 
hyperbolical  (if  you  translate  them  literally,  thai  is,  merely  hy  the  aid  of 
common  lexicons  and  etymology)  which  are  not  in  reality  hyperbolical."* 


CHAPTER  II. 


ON  THE  SUBSIDIARY  MEANS  FOR  ASCERTAINING  THE  SENSE  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


Words  being  the  arbitrary  signs  of  things,  the  meaning  of 
mill  depends  upon  tkv  usus  loquendi,  or  the  custom  of  ex- 

essing  certain  tilings  by  certain  words.  It  is  surprising 
■  M  any  attempts  should  have  been  made  to  find  the  sense 
words  in  a  dead  language,  by  means  different  in  their 
."Attire  from  those  which  we  employ  in  order  to  find  the  sense 
of  words  in  a  living  language.  The  meaning  of  a  word  must 
;il  w  ays  be  a  simple  matter  of  fact ;  and,  of  course,  it  is  al\s  ays 
to  be  established  by  appropriate  and  adequate  testimony.  The 
original  languages  of  Scripture  being  to  us  dead  languages, 
the  usus  loquendi  in  them  is  to  be  ascertained  by  the  testi- 
mony of  those  who  lived  at  the  time  when  these  languages 
were  flourishing  and  in  common  use,  and  who  well  under- 
stood them.     This  testimony  is  either  direct  or  indirect. 

Direct  Testimony  is  to  be  obtained,  in  the  first  place,  from 
those  writers  to  whom  the  language,  which  is  to  be  investi- 
gated by  us,  was  vernacular,  either  from  the  same  authors 
whom  we  interpret,  or  from  their  contemporaries ;  next  from 
ancient  versions  made  by  persons  to  whom  the  language  was 
not  vernacular,  but  who  lived  while  it  was  a  spoken  lan- 
guage, and  by  individuals  who  were  acquainted  with  it ; 
thirdly  from  Scholiasts  and  Glossographers  ;  fourthly,  from 
those  who,  though  foreigners,  had  learned  the  language  in 
question. 

Where  direct  testimony  fails,  recourse  must  be  had  to  indi- 
rect testimony  ;  under  which  head  we  may  include  the 
Context,  Subject-matter,  Scope,  Analogy  of  Languages,  Ana- 
logy of  Doctrine,  Jewish  Authors,  the  Greek  Fathers,  Histo- 
rical Circumstances,  and  Commentators.5  Some  of  these 
various  aids  are  peculiar  to  the  Old  Testament,  and  others  to 
the  New  Testament :  to  avoid  unnecessary  repetition,  it  is 
proposed  to  discuss  them  in  the  order  pursued  in  the  follow- 
ing Sections. 


SECTION  I. 

DIRECT   TESTIMONIES    FOR   ASCERTAINING   THE    USUS    LOQUENDI. 
§    1.    THE    TESTIMONY    OF    CONTKMPORAHT     WRITERS. 

Thb  most  important  aid  is  afforded  by  those  writers  to 
whom  the  language  to  be  investigated  was  vernacular  ;  and 

»  See  Dra.  Macknighl  and  a.  Clarke  on  Col.  ii.  6. 

*  On  the  Hebraisms,  or  Hebrew  Idioms  peculiar  to  the  Sacred  Writings, 
see  Dp.  196    198.  of  the  present  volume. 

«  Bauer,  Herm  Sacr  pp.231  -240.  Erneali  Instil.  Interp.  Nov.  Test,  pp, 
40— lo.  Mori  Acroases  in  Ernesti,  torn.  i.  pp.  321—336.  Aug.  Pfeiner, 
Herm.  Sacr.  c.  vi.  §  It* — 25.  (Op  torn.  pp.  649—651.)  Wetatein,  LibelU  a.l 
Crisin  el  Interp.  Nov.  Test.  pp.  120—  139.  Vtoer,  Herm.  9acr.  Nov  i 
pars  in.  pp.  263—277.  Bishop  Marsh's  Lectures,  lect  rv.  pp.  43 — 19.  Prof 
Gerard  has  collected  numerous  valuable  observations  on  the  topics  .lis- 
:  in  this  and  the  two  preceding  sections,  in  bis  Institutes  of  Biblical 
Criticism,  pp.  293—369.  particularly  in  sect  ill.  (pp.  300—314.)  on  the 
filiation  of  words.  J.  H.  Carpzovii  Prima-  Lines  Herm.  Sacra:,  pp.  23.40—45, 
The  subject  ol  emphasis  is  copiously  treated  by  Langiua  in  his  Herme- 
neutica  Sacra,  pp.  64— 96.  j  hv  Rambach,  in  his  Institutiones Hermeneu- 
tics  sacra?,  lib.  ii.  c.  >  pp.  317— 362.;  by  Jahn.  in  his  Enchiridion  Bonn. 
Beneralia,  pp.  127—135.;  by  Chladenius.  in  his  Institutiones  Bxegetjce, 
P.I,  l.°-322 . ;  and  by  J.  B.  Pfeiner,  in  his  Institutiones  Herm.  Sacr.  pp. 
Ml— o69.    Stuart's  Elements  of  Interrelation,  pp.  S3— 87. 

4  Stuart's  Elements  of  Interpretation,  p.  B7. 

»  Bauer,  Hermeneut.  Sacra,  pp.  77—79.     Mori  Acroases  Hermeneuticae, 
torn.  i.  pp.  75—77.    Stuart's  Elements  of  Interpretation,  pp.  34,  a5. 


where  it  is  undubitable  its  evidence  is  abundantly  sufficient. 
This  testimony  may  be  drawn  from  three  sources,  viz.  I. 
From  the  definitions  of  words;  II.  From  examples,  and  the 
nature  of  the  subject ;  and,  III.  From  parallel  passages. 

I.  With  regard  to  definitions,  nothing  more  is  necessary 
than  to  take  good  care  that  the  definition  De  well  understood; 
and  to  consider  how  much  weight  the  character  of  the  writer 
who  defines  may  properly  give  to  it.  ■ 

Professor  Moms  has  collected  various  examples  of  defini- 
tions from  profane  writers,  both  Greek  and  Latin,  which  it  is 
not  necessary  to  adduce  in  this  place :  but  the  following 
definitions  of  certain  words  occurring  in  the  New  Testament 
are  of  importance  for  the  right  understanding  of  the  sacred 
wrirtes. 

1.  In  Heb.  v.  14.  St.  Paul  says  that  he  writes  tc/c  tcauck,  to 
the  perfect ;  and  he  there,  with  almost  logical  precision,  defines 
the  perfect  to  be  those  who  by  reason  of  use  have  their  senses 
exercised  to  discern  both  good  and  evil ;  that  is,  those  who  by 
long  custom  and  conversation  in  the  sacred  writings  have  so 
exercised  and  improved  their  faculties,  that  they  can  discern  be- 
tween good  and  bad,  true  and  false  doctrines.  In  the  whole  oi 
that  passage,  therefore,  we  are  to  understand  who  are  the  perfect, 
agreeably  to  St.  Paul's  definition. 

2.  If  we  are  at  a  loss  to  understand,  in  the  style  of  the  same 
apostle,  what  he  means  by  tho  body  of  Christ ;  we  may  learn 
it  from  Eph.  i.  23.,  where  it  is  defined  by  the  church  :  thus, .  . . 
the  church,  which  is  his  body,  the  fulness  of  him  that  filleth 
all  in  all. 

3.  Heb.  xi.  1.  contains  a  definition  of  faith ;  which  is  there 
said  to  be  the  substance  of  things  hoped  for  and  the  evidence 
of  things  not  seen. 

II.  Examples  and  the  nature  of  the  subject  also  show 
us  the  u.?us  loquendi  and  force  of  words ;  but  in  order  to  judge 
correctly,  and  to  make  proper  distinctions,  a  good  understand- 
ing and  considerable  practice  are  highly  necessary. 

1.  By  Examples  is  meant,  that  the  writer  who  uses  a  parti- 
cular word,  though  he  does  not  directly  define  it,  yet  gives  in 
some  one  or  more  passages  an  example  of  what  it  means  by 
exhibiting  its  qualities  or  showing  the  operation  of  it.     Thus, 

(1.)  In  order  to  explain  the  word  $ixx4ocruv>!,  righteousness,  which  is  of 
very  frequent  occurrence  in  the  New  Testament,  we  must  examine  what 
examples  of  righteousness  are  added  in  each  passage. 

(2.)  hi  (;al  Iv.  3.  St.  Paul  uses  the  term  u-toi^mx  tou  xoo-^ou,  elements  of 
the  world,  at  first  without  an  explanation:  but  afterwards  we  have  an 
example  of  the  meaning  of  it  in  Gal.  iv.  9.,  where  the  expression  is  used  of 
th>"  religion  and  philosophy  of  the  Jews  and  Gentiles  which  preceded  the 
Christian  dispensation,  and  includes  the  idea  of  incompleteness  and  im- 
perfection. 

2.  The  JYature  of  the  subject,  in  innumerable  instances,  helps 
to  define  which  meaning  of  a  word  the  writer  attaches  to  it,  in 
any  particular  passage. 

For  instance,  X*?>s,  in  our  version  usually  rendered  grace,  denotes 
pardon  of  sin,  divine  benevolence,  divine  aid,  temporal  tilessings,  <kc. 
Which  of  these  senses  it  bears  in  any  particular  passage  is  to  be  deter 
mined  from  the  nature  of  the  subject. * 

III.  In  order  to  ascertain  the  usus  loquendi,  and  to  mves 
tigate  the  meaning  of  a  passage,  recourse  is  in  the  next  place 

«  Stuart's  Elements  of  Interpretation,  p  35.     Morus,  torn.  i.  p.  79. 
1  Mori  Acroases,  torn.  i.  pp.  SI— S4.     Stuart's  Elements,  p.  35. 


330 


PARALLEL  PASSAGES,  A  MEAN 


[Part  II.    Dook  I 


to  be  had  to  the  comparison  of  similar  or  parallel  passages  ; 
and  as  much  caution  is  requisite  in  the  application  of  this 
hermeneutic  aid,  it  becomes  necessary  to  institute  a  particu- 
lar inquiry  into  its  nature,  and  the  most  beneficial  mode  of 
employing  it  in  the  interpretation  of  the  Bible. 

1.  '•  When,  in  any  ordinary  composition, a  passage  occurs 
of  doubtful  meaning  with  respect  to  the  sentiment  or  doctrine 
it  conveys,  the  obvious  course  of  proceeding  is,  to  examine 
what  the  author  himself  has  in  other  parts  of  his  work  deli- 
vered upon  the  same  subject;  to  weigh  well  the  force  of  any 
particular  expressions  he  is  accustomed  to  use ;  and  to  inquire 
what  there  might  be  in  the  occasion  or  circumstances  under 
which  he  wrote,  tending  to  throw  further  light  upon  the  im- 
mediate object  he  had  in  view.  This  is  only  to  render  com- 
mon justice  to  the  writer;  it  is  necessary  both  for  the  disco- 
very of  his  real  meaning,  and  to  secure  him  against  any 
wanton  charge  of  error  or  inconsistency.  Now,  if  this  may 
iustlv  be  required  in  any  ordinary  work  of  uninspired  com- 
position, how  much  more  indispensable  must  it  be  when  Ave 
sit  in  judgment  upon  the  sacred  volume  ;  in  which  (if  we 
acknowledge  its  di  trine  original)  it  is  impossible  even  to 
imagine  a  failure  either  in  judgment  or  in  integrity."1 

"  God  has  been  pleased,  in  sundry  portions  and  in  divers 
manners,  to  speak  unto  us  in  his  word;  but  in  all  the  books 
of  Scripture  we  may  trace  an  admirable  unity  of  design,  an 
intimate  connection  of  parts,  and  a  complete  harmony  of 
doctrines.  In  some  instances  the  same  truths  are  conveyed 
nearly  in  the  same  modes  of  expression  ;  in  other  instances 
the  same  sentiments  are  clothed  with  beautiful  varieties  of 
language.  While  we  are  interested  in  discovering  some  of 
the  indications  of  mental  diversity  among  the  sacred  writers, 
we  clearly  perceive  that  the  whole  volume  of  revelation  is 
distinguished  by  a  certain  characteristic  style  and  phraseology 
altogether  its  own,  and  which,  for  simplicity,  dignity,  energy, 
andlulness,  must  be  allowed  to  have  no  parallel.  Now,  if 
there  be  in  the  various  parts  of  Scripture  such  important 
coincidences  of  sentiment,  of  language,  and  of  idiom,  it  is 
evident  that  we  proceed  on  just  and  rational  principles,  in 
comparing  together  passages  that  have  some  degree  of  re- 
semblance, and  in  applying  those,  the  meaning  of  which  is 
clear,  to  the  illustration  of  such  as  are  involved  in  some 
degree  of  obscurity."2 

The  passages,  which  thus  have  some  degree  of  resem- 
blance, are  termed  Parallel  Passages  ;  and  the  comparison 
of  them  is  a  most  important  help  for  interpreting  such  parts 
of  Scripture  as  may  appear  to  us  obscure  or  uncertain ;  for, 
on  almost  every  subject,  there  will  be  found  a  multitude  of 
phrases,  which,  when  diligently  collated,  will  afford  mutual 
illustration  and  support  to  each  other;  the  truth  which  is  more 
obscurely  intimated  in  one  place  being  expressed  with  greater 
precision  in  others.  Thus,  a  part  of  the  attributes  or  circum- 
stances, relating  to  both  persons  and  things,  is  stated  in  one 
text  or  passage,  and  part  in  another;  so  that  it  is  only  by 
searching  out  several  passages,  and  connecting  them  together, 
that  we  can  obtain  a  just  apprehension  of  them.  More  par- 
ticularly, the  types  of  the  Old  Testament  must  be  compared 
with  their  antitypes  in  the  New  (as  Num.  xxi.  9.  with  John 
iii.  14.);  predictions  must  be  compared  with  the  history  of 
their  accomplishment  (as Isa.  liii.  the  latter  part  of  v.  12.  with 
Mark  xv.  27,  28.  and  Luke  xxii.  37.  and  the  former  part  of 
Isa.  liii.  12.  with  Matt,  xxvii.  57.  Mark  xv.  43.  Luke  xxiii. 
50.),  and  the  portion  of  Scripture,  in  which  any  point  is  spe- 
cifically treated,  ought  to  be  chiefly  attended  to  in  the  com- 
parison, as  Genesis  ch.  i.  on  the  creation,  Romans  ch.  iii. — 
v.  on  the  doctrine  of  justification,  &c.  &c.s 

>  Bp.  Vanmildert's  Lectures,  p.  190. 

»  Rev.  H.  F.  Burder's  Sermon  on  the  Duty  and  Means  of  ascertaining 
the  Sense  of  Scripture,  pp.  17,  IS. 

a  On  ttie  importance  and  bun.  lit  of  consulting  parallel  passages,  Bishop 
Horsley  has  several  tine  observations  in  his  comment  on  Psal.  xcvii.  The 
whole  passage  is  too  Ion:;  to  extract,  hut  the  following  sentences  are  so 
appropriate  to  the  subject  of  this  section,  that  the  author  deems  any 
apology  for  their  insertion  unnecessary.  " It  should,"  says  his  lordship, 
"  be  a  rule  with  every  one,  who  would  read  the  Holy  Scriptures  with  advan- 
tage and  improvement,  to  compare  every  text  which  may  seem  either 
important  for  the  doctrine  it  may  contain,  or  remarkable  for  the  turn  of 
the  expression,  with  the  parallel  passages  in  other  parts  of  Holy  Writ; 
that  is,  with  the  passages  in  which  tin-  subject-matter  is  the  same,  the 
sense  equivalent,  or  the  turn  of  the  expression  similar.  These  parallel 
passages  are  easily  found  by  the  marginal  references  in  Bibles  of  the 

larger  form." "It  is  incredible   to  any  one,  who   has  not  in  some 

degree  made  the  experiment,  what  a  proficiency  may  he  made  in  that, 
knowledge  which  raaketh  wise  unto  salvation,  by  studying  tin-  Scriptures 
in  this  manner,  without  any  other  commentary  or  exposition  than  what  the 
different  parts  of  the  sacred  volume  mutually  furnish  for  each  other.  / 
will  not  szruple  to  assert  that  the  most  illiterate  Christian,  if  he  can  hut 
read  his  English  Bible,  and  will  take  the  pains  to  read  it  in  this  manner, 


The  foundation  of  the  parallelisms  occurring  In  the  Sacred 
Writings  is  the  perpetual  harmony  of  Scripture  itself;  which, 
though  composed  by  various  writers,  yet  proceeding  tV 
and  the  same  infallible  source,  cannot  bu1  agree  in  words  as 
well  as  in  things.  Parallelisms  are  either  ttear  or  •(mote  ,•  in 
the  former  case  the  parallel  passages  are  sought  from  the  same 
writer,  in  the  latte*  from  different  writers.  Tiny  are  further 
termed  adequate,  when  they  affect  the  whole  subject  proposi  d 
in  the  text;  and  inadequate,  when  they  affect  it  only  in  p  irl  ; 
but  the  most  usual  division  of  the  analogy  of  Scripture,  or 
parallelisms,  is  into  verbal,  or  parallelisms  of  words,  and  real, 
or  parallelisms  of  things. 

2.  A  Verbal  Parallelism  or  Analogy  is  that  in  which,  on 
comparing  two  or  more  places  together,  the  same  word: 
phrases,  the  same  mode  of  argument,  the  same  Method  oi 
construction,  and  the  same  rhetorical  figures,  are  respectively 
to  be  found.  Of  this  description  are  the  following  in- 
stances : — 

(1.)  Parallel  words  and  phrases. — Thus,  when  the  prophet 
Jeremiah,  speaking  of  the  human  heart,  says,  that  it  is  "de- 
ceitful above  all  things,  and  desperately  wicked"  (Jer.  xvii. 
9.),  in  order  to  understand  the  full  import  of  the  original 
word  there  rendered  desperately,  we  must  compare  .ler.  xv. 
18.  and  Micah  i.  9.  where  the  same  word  occurs,  and  is  ren- 
dered desperate  or  incurable.  From  which  two  passages  it  is 
obvious  that  the  prophet's  meaning  was,  that  the  deceitfulness 
and  wickedness  of  the  heart  of  man  are  so  great  that  they 
cannot  be  healed  or  removed  by  any  human  art.  Compare 
also  Isa.  xl.  11.  and  Ezek.  xxxiv.  23.  with  John  x.  11.  14, 
15.  Heb.xiii.  20.  and  1  Pet.  ii.  25.  and  v.  4. 

(2.)  Parallel  modes  of  arguing. — Thus  the  apostles,  Paul, 
James,  and  Peter,  respectively  suppport  their  exhortations 
to  patience  by  the  example  of  Jesus  Christ.  Compare  Heb. 
xii.  2,  3.  James  t.  10,  11.  and  1  Pet.  ii.  21.  On  the  con- 
trary, dissuasives  from  sin  are  more  strongly  set  forth  in  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments,  by  urging  that  sinful  courses 
the  way  of  the  heathen  nations.  Compare  Lev.  xviii.  24. 
Jer.  x.  2.  and  Matt.  vi.  32. 

(3.)  Of  Parallel  constructions  and  figures  we  have  exam- 
ples in  Itom.  viii.  3.  2  Cor.  v.  21.  and  Heb.  x.  6.  in  which 
passages  respectively  the  Greek  word  ctpAprist,  there  trans- 
lated sin,  means  sacrifices  or  offerings  fir  sin,  agreeably  to  the 
idiom  of  the  Hebrew  language,  in  which  the  same  word  ellip- 
tical ly  signifies  both  sin  and  sin-offering,  which  the  Septua- 
gint  version  invariably  renders  by  x/uufnix  in  upwards  i 
hundred  places.  Dr.  Whitby,  on  2  Cor.  v.  21.,  has  pointed  out 
a  few  instances ;  but  Dr.  A.  Clarke  (on  the  same  text)  has 
enumerated  all  the  passages,  which  are,  in  fact,  so  many  ad- 
ditional examples  of  verbal  parallelisms.  To  this  class  some 
biblical  critics  refer  those  passages  in  which  the  same  sen- 
tence is  expressed  not  precisely  in  the  same  words,  but  in 
similar  words,  more  full  as  well  as  more  perspicuous,  and 
concerning  the  force  and  meaning  of  which  there  can  be  no 
doubt.  Such  are  the  parallelisms  of  the  sacred  poets ;  which, 
from  the  light  they  throw  on  the  poetical  books  of  the  Scrip- 
tures, demand  a  distinct  consideration. 

Verbal  Parallelisms  are  of  great  importance  for  ascertain 
ing  the  meaning  of  words  that  rarely  occur  in  the  Bible,  as 
well  as  of  those  which  express  peculiar  doctrines  or  terms  of 
reli°ion,  as  faith,  repentance,  new  creature,  &c,  likewise  in 
explaining  doubtful  passages,  and  also  the  Hebraisms  appear- 
ing in  the  New  Testament. 

3.  A  Ileal  Parallelism  or  .Analogy  is,  where  the  same  thing 
or  subject  is  treated  of,  either  designedly  or  incidentally,  in 
the  same  words,  or  in  others  which  are  more  clear,  copious, 
and  fuli,  and  concerning  whose  force  and  meaning  there  can 
be  no  doubt.     In  comparing  two  passages,  however,  we  must 

will  not  only  attain  all  that  practical  knowledge  which  is  necessary  to  his 
salvation;  but,  by  God's  blessing,  he  will  become  learned  in  every  thing 
relating  to  his  religion  in  such  degree,  that  he  will  not  be  liable  to  be  misled 
either  by  the  refined  arguments  or  by  the  false  assertions  of  those  ul.. 
endeavour  to  ingraft  their  men  opinions  upon  the  oracles  of  God.  He  may 
safely  be  ignorant  of  all  philosophy,  except  what  is  to  be  learned  from  the 
sacred  books;  which  indeed  contain  the  highest  philosophy  adapted  to  the 
lowest  apprchension<  He  may  safely  remain  ignorant  of  all  history,  except 
so  much  of  the  history  of  the  first  ages  of  the  Jewish  and  of  the  Christian 
church,  as  is  to  be  gathered  from  the  canonical  books  of  the  Old  and  New 
Testament.  Let  him  study  these  in  the  manner  I  recommend,  and  let  him 
never  cease  to  pray  for  the  illumination  of  that  Spirit  by  which  these 
books  were,  dictated ;  and  the  whole  compass  of  abstruse  philosophy,  and 
n  condite  history,  shall  furnish  no  argument  uithu-hich  the  perverse  will 
of  man  shall  be  able  to  shake  this  learned  C'HiusTiAN's/a///».  The  Bible, 
thus  studied,  will  indeed  prove  to  be  what  we  Prol  tants  esteem  it— a  cer- 
tain  paid  sufficient  rule  of  faith  and  practice,  a  nelmet  of  salvation,  which 
alone  may  quench  the  fiery  darts  of  the  wick  •■;.'— Sermons  on  Uie  Resur 
rection  &c.  un.  221—228. 


C.IAI-.  II.  Sect.  I.  §  1.] 


OF  ASCERTAINING  THE  USUS  LOQUENDI. 


331 


ascertain  whether  the  same  thing  is  really  expressed  moil 
fully  as  well  as  more  clearly,  and  also  without  any  ambiguity 
whatever,  otherwise  little  or  no  assistance  can  t>e  obtained 
for  illustrating  obscure  places.  Real  parallelisms  are  tw> 
fold — historical,  and  didactic  or  doctrinal. 

(1.)  An  Historical  Parallelism  of  things  is,  where  the  same 
thing  or  event  is  related:  it  is  of  great  and  const.int  use  in  order 
to  understand  aright  the  Four  Gospels,  in  which  the  same  thing! 
are  for  the  most  part  related  more  fully  by  one  evangelist  than 
by  the  others,  according  to  the  design  with  which  the  Gospelf 
were  respectively  written. 

Thus  the  account  of  our  Saviour's  stUling  the  tempest  iii  the 
Qennessxeth  la  more  copiously  related  by  Sainl  Mark  (iv. :.'')  1 1.)  and  Samt 
l.ukc  (viii.  22—25.)  than  it  li  l>y  Balnl  Matthew.  (Till.  24.  28.)  Hy  comparing 
i  of  the  evangelists  together,  harmonise  are  constructed 
from  their  separate  hi  itoi  lea.  In  like  manner,  the  historical  books  of  the 
OM  Testament  are  mutually  illustrated  by  comparing  together  the  books 
of  Samuel,  Kings,  and  Chronicles.  I'm-  Instance,  many  passages  in  the 
book  of  Genesis  are  parallel  to  1  Chron.  i. — ix.  ;  many  parts  of  the  honks 
>i  i:  codas,  Leviticus,  and  Numbers  are  parallel  in  tin'  hook  of  Deuteronomy; 
tin-  I ii mks  of  Sam i ie I  ;ui' I  Kings,  to  the  two  hooks  of  chronicles;  and,  lastly, 
•>  Kings  xviii.  i:i— :'.?.  and  2  Chron.  xxxii.  arc  parallel  with  Isa.  xxxvi.  Dr. 
Light  foot  and  Mr.  Townsend  have  compiled  »ery  valuable  harmonies  of  the 
Ola  Testament,  In  which  the  historical  and  prophetical  passages  are  inter- 
woven in  the  order  of  time,  ofwhlch  an  account  Is  given  in  the  Hiei.iographi- 
cal  Appendix  to  the  second  Volume,  Part  I.  Chap.  II.  Shot.  I. 

(2.)  A  Didactic  or  Doctrinal  Parallelism  of  things  is,  where 
the  same  thing  is  taught:  this  species  of  parallel  is  of  the  great- 
est importance  for  comprehending  the  doctrines  inculcated  in  the 
Bible,  which  we  should  otherwise  be  liable  to  mistake  or  grossly 
pervert. 

We  have  examples  of  it  In  all  those  Psalms  which  occur  twice  in  the  book 
of  Psalms,  as  in  Psal  xiv.  compared  with  liii. ;  xl.  Y3 — 17.  with  lxx. ;  lvii. 
7—11.  with  cviii.  l—S,  ;  lx.  5—12.  with  cviii.  6—13.;  and  cxv.  4—8.  with 
CXXXV.  15-— 18.  Sometimes  also  a  hymn  of  David,  which  occurs  in  the  book 
of  Psalms,  is  to  be  found  In  some  one  of  the  historical  hooks,  as  Psalm  xcvi. 
compared  with  1  Chron.  xvi.  23 — 33. ;  Psalm  cv.  1  —  15.  with  1  Chron.  xvi 
8—22.  and  Psal  cvi.  17.  18.  with  1  Chron.  xvi.  35,  36. 

In  like  manner,  In  the  New  Testament,  the  same  thing  is  taught  nearly 
in  the  same  words,  as  in  the  Epistle  of  Jude  compared  with  2  Pet.  eh.  II. 
Frequently  also  the  same  doctrine  is  explained  nn pre  fully  in  one  place, 
which  had  been  more  concisely  stated  in  another :  such,  for  instance,  are 
the  superseding  of  the  Mosaic  dispensation  by  that  of  the  Gospel,  and  all 
those  passages  which  are  parallel  as  to  the  tiling  or  subject  discussed 
though  different  in  words;  so  that,  by  comparing  them,  the  scope  of  the 
doctrine  inculcated  will  readily  be  collected.  On  the  other  hand,  where 
the  same  subject  or  doctrine  is  delivered  with  more  brevity,  all  the  various 
3  must  no  diligently  collated,  and  the  doctrine  elicited  from  them. 
t)i  this  description  are  the  numerous  predictions,  <fec.  relative  to  the  future 
happiness  of  mankind,  connected  with  the  removal  of  the  Jewish  economy, 
an  I  th    conversion  of  the  Gentiles  to  the  Christian  religion. 

Hut  the  use  of  this  parallelism  will  more  fully  appear  from  one  or  two 
;es.  Let  us  then  compare  Gal.  vi.  15.  with  Gal.  v.  6.  1  Cor.  vii.  19. 
2  t '  ir.  v  17  and  Rom.  ii.  23,  29.  In  the  former  passage  we  read,  In  Christ 
circumcision  availeth  any  thing  not  uncircumcision,  but 
a  new  creature,  or  rather  [there  is]  a  new  creation.  In  Gal.  v.  G.  the 
apostle  had  briefly  delivered  the  same  doctrine  in  the  following  terms:  In 
Christ  Jesus  neither  circumcision  availeth  any  thing,  nor  uncircumcision, 
but  faith  that  worketh  by  love. — 1  Cor.  vii.  19.  Circumcision  is  nothing,  nor 
uncircumcision,  but  the  keeping  of  the  commandments  of  God. — 2  Cor.  v.  17. 
Therefore  if  any  man  be  in  Christ,  he  is  a  new  creature,  or  more  correctly, 
I  there  is]  a  new  creation  :  old  things  have  passed  away  ;  behold!  all  things 
are  become  new. — Rom  ii.  28,  29.  Tie  is  not  a  Jew  that  is  one  outwardly, 
:  ••.  he  is  not  a  genuine  member  of  the  church  of  God  who  has  only  an  out- 
ward profession  :  neither  is  that  circumcision  ichich  is  outward  in  the  flesh. 
But  he  is  a  Jew,  a  true  member  of  the  church  of  God,  which  is  one 
inwardly,  end  circumcision  is  that  of  the  heart,  in  the  spirit,  and  not  in  the 
letter ;  whose  praise  is  not  of  men,  but  of  God.  From  these  passages  it  is 
evident  that  what  Saint  Paul,  in  Gal.  vi.  15.  terms  a  neto  creature,  or 
creation,  he  in  Gal.  T.  6.  denominates  faith  that  worketh  by  love;  and  in 
I  Cor   >i  i^the  commandments  of  God.    rroin  this  collation  of 

1,  then,  we  perceive,  that  what  the  apostle  intends  by  a  new  creature. 
creation,  is  the  entire  conversion  of  the  heart  from  sin  to  God :  and 
as  creation  is  the  proper  work  of  an  All-wise  and  almighty  Being,  so  this 
total  change  of  heart,  soul,  and  life,  which  takes  place  under  the  ministra- 
tion of  the  Gospel,  is  effected  by  the  power  and  grace  of  God,  and  is  cvi- 
denced  by  that  faith  and  obedience  which  are  indtspensablj  necessary  to 
all  Christians  in  order  to  salvation  !' 

i  :  in  2  Cor.  i.  21.  God  is  said  to  have  anointed  us  :  the  parallel 
I,  where  this  expression  is  so  explained  as  to  gWe  an  idea  of  the 
thing  Intended,  la  i  John  ii.  201,  where  true  Christians  are  said  to  have  an 
unction  f  ram  the  Holy  One,  and  to  know  all  thinns  :  and  in  v.  27.  the  same 
anointin;  is  said  to  teach  all  things.  Now,  if  the  effect  of  this  unction  be 
that  we  should  know  all  things,  the  anointing  will  he  whatever  brings  know- 

ledge  to  US,  and  therefore  teaching.     From  this  comparie f  passages, 

therefore,  we  learn  that  by  unction  and  anointing  IS  intended  the  Holy 
Spirit,  whose  office  is  to  teach  all  things,  and  to  guide  uS  into  all  truth  (John 
xiv.  26.  ami  xvi.  13  );  and  whose  gilts  and  graces  are  diffused  throughout 
the  church  of  Christ,  and  imparled  to  every  living  member  of  it.  For  his 
assistances  are  equally  necessary  to  all,  to  the  learned  as  well  as  the 
unlearned,  to  teachers  as  well  as  to  hearers:  lie  it  is  that  enlightens  our 
min. Is,  purifies  our  hearts,  and  inclines  our  wills,  not  only  beginning  but 
carrying  on  and  perfecting  a  new  and  spiritual  life  in  our  souls.  The 
expression  in  v.  20.  and  ye  know  all  things,  is  not  to  bo  understood  in  the 
largest  sense,  but  must  be  limited  to  those  things  which  are  necessary  to 
salvation.  These  every  true  Christian  not  only  knows  speculatively — that 
is,  he  not  only  has  a  notion  of  them  in  his  mind — but  he  has  also  a  practical 
and  experimental  knowledge  and  taste  of  them,  which  is  productive  of  holy 
obedience.  This  inestimable  gift  was  purchased  by  the  sufferinsrs  and 
death  of  Christ,  who  is  here,  styled  the  Holy  One.  The  words  in  v.  27.  and 
ye  need  not  that  any  man  should  teach  you,  cannot  be  intended  to  set 

1  Mori  Acroases  Hermcneuticue,  torn.  i.  p.  95.  See  also  Macknight  and 
Scott  on  the  texts  above  cited. 


aside  all  outward  teaching ;  but  their  meaning  is,  either  that  ye  need  not 
the  teaching  of  any  of  those  antichrists  and  false  teachers  mentioned  in 
various  parts  of  this  epistle,  or  that  ye  need  not  that  any  one  should  teach 
you  how  to  judge  of  those  deceivers  and  their  doctrines. 

4.  Besides  verbal  and  real  parallelisms,  there  is  a  third 
species  partaking  of  the  nature  of  both,  and  which  is  of  equal 
importance  for  understanding  the  Scriptures :  this  has  been 
termed  a  parallelism  of  members :  it  consists  chiefly  in  a  cer- 
tain equality,  resemblance,  or  parallelism,  between  the  mem- 
bers of  each  period  ;  so  that  in  two  lines,  or  members  of  the 
same  period,  things  shall  answer  to  things,  and  words  to 
words,  as  if  fitted  to  each  other  by  a  kind  of  rule  or  measure. 

The  nature  of  this  kind  of  parallelism,  which  is  the  grand 
characteristic  of  the  poetical  style  of  the  Hebrews,  being 
fully  considered  in  a  subsequent  chapter,2  a  few  examples  of 
its  utility  as  a  hermeneutical  aid  will  only  be  necessary  in 
this  place. 

in  the  poetical  parts  of  the  Old  Testament,  it  sometimes 
happens  that,  in  the  alternate  quatrain,  the  third  line  forms 
a  continuous  sense  with  the  first,  and  the  fourth  with  the 
second.  Bishop  Lowth  has  given  a  striking  example  of  this 
variety  of  parallelism  in  his  nineteenth  preelection,  from  Deut. 
xxxii.  42.  But  as  its  distinguishing  feature  is  not  there  suffi 
ciently  noted,  Bishop  Jebb  adopts  the  following  translation 
of  Mr.  Parkhurst: — 

I  will  make  mine  arrows  drunk  with  blood ; 
And  my  sword  shall  devour  flesh : 
With  the  blood  of  the  slain  and  the  captive  ; 
From  the  hairy  head  of  the  enemy. 

That  is,  reducing  the  stanza  to  a  simple  quatrain  : — 

I  will  make  mine  arrows  drunk  with  blood: 
With  the  blood  of  the  slain  and  the  captive  : 
And  my  sword  shall  devour  flesh ; 
From  the  hairy  head  of  the  enemy. 

Again, — 

From  without  the  sword  shall  destroy  ; 
And  in  the  inmost  apartments  terror; 
Both  the  young  man  and  the  virgin: 
The  suckling,  with  the  man  of  gray  hairs. 

Deut.  xxxii.  25. 

"  The  youths  and  virgins,"  says  Bishop  Jebb,  "  let  out  of 
doors  by  the  vigour  and  buoyancy  natural  at  their  time  of  life, 
fall  victims  to  the  sword  in  the  streets  of  the  city:  while  infancy 
and  old  age,  confined  by  helplessness  and  decrepitude  to  the 
inner  chambers  of  the  house,  perish  there  by  fear  before  the  sword 
can  reach  them." 

Mr.  Green,  in  his  "  Poetical  Parts  of  the  Old  Testament  trans- 
lated," observes  that  there  is  a  similar  hyperbaton  in  Isa.  xxxiv. 
6.  And  Dr.  Hales  reduces  to  a  similar  form  that  remarkable 
prophecy,  Gen.  xlix.  10. : — 

The  sceptre  shall  not  depart  from  Judab  ; 

Nor  a  scribe  of  his  offspring  ; 
Until  Shiloh  shall  come  ; 

And  [until]  to  him  a  congregation  of  peoples. 

"  That  is,  according  to  Dr.  Hales,  the  sceptre,  or  civil  govern- 
ment, shall  not  depart,  till  the  coming  or  birth  of  Shiloh  ;  and 
the  scribe,  or  expounder  of  the  law,  intimating  ecclesiastical  re- 
gimen, shall  not  depart,  or  cease,  until  there  shall  be  formed  a 
congregation  of  people,  a  church  of  Christian  worshippers  from 
various  nations;  the  former  branch  of  this  prophecy  was  fulfilled, 
when  Augustus  made  his  enrolment  preparatory  to  the  census 
throughout  J uda?a  and  Galilee;  thereby  degrading  Judaea  to  a 
Roman  province :  the  latter  branch  was  fulfilled  at  the  sacking 
of  Jerusalem  by  Titus  ;  when  the  temple  was  destroyed,  and  the 
Jewish  ritual  abolished."3 

By  the  application  of  this  parallelism  of  members,  Bishop 
Jebb  has  thrown  considerable  light  upon  a  difficult  passage 
in  the  eighty-fourth  psalm,  which  he  considers  as  an  intro 
verted  parallelism  s — 

Blessed  is  the  man  whose  strength  is  in  Thee  : 
The  passengers,  in  whose  hearts  are  thy  ways, 
In  the  valley  of  Baca  make  it  a  spring, 
The  rain  also  filleth  the  pools ; 
They  go  from  strength  to  strength  ; 
He  shall  appear  before  God  in  Zion. 

Psal.  lxxxiv.  5—7. 

"  The  first  and  sixth  lines  are  here  considered,  at  once,  as 
constructively  parallel,  and  as  affording  a  continuous  sense :  the 
intermediate  four  lines  may  be  accounted  parenthetical ;  the 
second,  constructively  parallel  with  the  fifth  ;  and  the  third  with 
the  fourth.  The  first  line  seems  to  contain  the  character  of  a 
confirmed  proficient  in  religion, — his  strength  is  in  God;  ths 

»  See  Book  II.  Chap.  II.  infra. 

»  Jebb's  Sacred  Literature,  pp.  30,  31. 


<m 


PARALLEL  PASSAGES,  A  MEAN 


[Part  II.  Book 


sixth  line,  to  describe  his  final  beatification, — he  shall  appear 
before  God  in  '/Aon.  The  intermediate  quatrain  may  be  re- 
garded as  descriptive  of  the  intermediate  course  pursued  by  those 
who  desire  to  be  good  and  happy  :  they  are  passengers,  but  they 
know  their  destination,  and  they  long  for  it ;  at  a  distance  from 
the  temple  (the  mystical  "  sapientum  templa  serena"),  they  are 
anxious  to  arrive  there  ;  the  very  highways  to  Jerusalem  are  in 
their  heart.  And  what  is  the  consequence  '.'  Affection  smooths 
all  difficulties ;  the  parched  and  sandy  desert  becomes  a  rich  well- 
watered  valley ;  and  they  cheerfully  advance  from  strength  to 
strength ;  from  one  degree  of  virtuous  proficiency  to  another."' 

One  or  two  examples  more  will  show  the  great  importance 
of  applying  the  poetical  parallelism  to  the  study  of  the  New 
Testament : — 


nrxorttr/nsvo 

Stx  tuv  «yv 
?««Ti,v«r, 


T>!5  |jajl){  TOU  ©sou  ; 


Being  darkened  in  the  understanding ; 

Being  alienated  from  the  life  of  God 
Through  the  ignorance  which  is  in  them  ; 

Through  the  blindness  of  their  hearts. 

Eph.  iv.  18. 

fhat  is,  adjusting  their  parallelism  : — 

Being  darkened  in  the  understanding, 
Through  the  ignorance  which  is  in  them  ; 
Being  alienated  from  the  life  of  God, 
Through  the  blindness  of  their  hearts. 

\gain,— 

XXI  C^TOUV  KUTOV  xpxTqirxi' 
y.xi  l%o%v\b'<\(rxv  TOv  o%Kov  j 

tyVitlTXV   yxp,    OTi    TrpOf    «UTOUff   "DJl-   7TX[>x£qKV1V   SlTTl' 

xxt  oe^evTts  xvt'.v,  XTrtKbzv. 

And  they  sought  to  seize  him ; 

And  they  feared  the  people  ; 
For  they  knew,  that  against  them  he  spake  the  parable  ; 

And  having  left  him,  they  departed. 

Mark  xii.  12. 

rhat  is,  adjusting  the  parallelism,  and  giving  the  particle  km, 
the  three  different  senses  which  Dr.  Henry  Owen  has  ob- 
served that  it  bears  in  this  passage  : — 

And  they  sought  to  seize  him; 

For  they  knew,  that  against  them  he  spake  the  parable  ; 

But  they  feared  the  people  ; 

Therefore,  having  left  him,  they  departed." 


5.  As  it  requires  particular  attention  and  much  practice  in 
order  to  distinguish  the  different  species  of  parallelisms, — 
especially  the  sententious  or  poetical  parallelism, — the  fol- 
lowing hints  are  offered  to  the  biblical  student  in  the  hope  of 
enabling  him  to  avail  himself  of  them,  and  advantageously 
to  apply  them  to  the  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures  : — 

(1.)  Ascertain  the  primary  meaning  of  the  passage  under 
consideration. 

In  1  Cor.  iv.  5.  we  read,  Judge  nothing  before  the  time,  until  the  Lord 
come,  who  both  will  bring  to  light  the  hidden  things  of  darkness,  and  will 
make  manifest  the  counsels  of  the  hearts.  Now  here  is  a  parallelism  of 
members,  but  the  fundamental  meaning  is,  that  God  judges  the  counsels  of 
men ;  he  therefore  judges  without  respect  of  persons,  and  with  unerring 
impartiality.  The  apostle's  design  was  to  show  that  it  is  impossible  for  men 
to  perceive  and  judge  the  counsels  of  one  another.  Thus  again,  words  are 
also  construed  with  words,  and  things  with  things,  in  order  that  an  enu- 
meration may  be  made  of  the  species,  kinds,  or  parts  of  the  whole  ;  as  in 
the  divine  ode  of  the  Virgin  Mary  contained  in  Luke  i.  46—55.,  in  which  the 
specific  displays  of  divine  power  are  enumerated.  God  hath  put  down  the 
proud,  but  exalteth  them  of  low  degree,  &c.  The  diligent  reader  will 
observe,  that  this  place  describes  the  power  of  God,  in  whose  hands  is  the 
distribution  of  prosperity  and  adversity  ;  and  that  all  these  parts  or  species 
are,  in  an  exposition,  to  be  joined  together  with  the  proposition  exhibiting 
the  genus  or  kind,  viz.  that  prosperity  and  adversity  are  in  the  hand  of  the 
Almighty. 

(2.)  Although  the  Sacred  Scriptures,  primarily  coming 
from  God,  are  perfectly  consistent,  and  harmonize  throughout  ; 

«  Sacred  Literature,  p.  55.  In  p.  56.  Bishop  Jebb  has  given  a  passage 
from  Euthymius's  Commentary  on  Psal.  lxxxiv.  7.  which  is  so  truly  beau- 
tiful, that  we  cannot  help  inserting  it.  Ex  Swxut^i  f'S  Svvxp.iv  tjj  «piT>,f 
ii;  xpiTvtv  o.'oi/,  ik  T«jriivo?po,rgv>i,  il(  -nit/So;,  ix   Ss  iivSeu;  ti(  x*t«vu£iv 

»»'     "■jTj'i    -•*    T*UT»5    |l{    tXl,Vr>V     •UpOXOTTTOVTi;,    «  „  cC/S  „  j-j  VT  X  ,    Vf0;    T  „  „     „  x  p  W  f  S  I  . 

r,v  Swxniv  S,  xqv  «P(T>,v  exaXiiriv,  cS;  .cr^upo-n-o.oua-ctv  tov  vitiovtx  «uti,v 
"  From  strength  to  strength  ;  from  virtue  to  virtue :  for  example,  from  low- 
liness of  mind  to  mourning  ;  from  mourning  to  contrition  ;  and  thus  advanc- 
ing from  one  attainment  to  another,  they  shall  ascend  the  summit  of  the 
mountain.  The  psalmist  calls  virtue  strength,  because  it  makes  him  stron» 
who  attains  it." — "  Perhaps,"  the  learned  prelate  remarks,  "  each  grada^ 
lion  of  goodness  may  be  accounted,  as  it  were,  a  fortress  or  stronghold 
upon  the  way  :   a  secure  stage  in  the  pilgrimage  of  virtue." 

»  "Jebb's  Sacred  Literature,  p.  198.  This  elegant  critic  has  thrown  more 
light  than  all  the  commentators  extant  on  that  very  obscure  passage,  Matt, 
xv.  3—6.  by  exhibiting  it  in  the  form  of  an  introverted  parallelism  (see  pp. 
SM4 — 248.) ;  and  also  on  that  very  difficult  portion  of  the  New  Testament — 
the  song  of  Zacharian  (Luke  i.  67—79.),  by  dividing  it  according  to  the 
poetical  parallelism.    Bee  Sacred  Literature,  pp.  403—417. 


y%t,  as  they  -were  secondarily  -written  by  different  authors,  on 
various  topics,  and  in  different  styles,  those  books  and  parti 
of  books  are,  in  the  first  instaiice,  to  be  compared,  -which  -were 
composed  by  the  same  author,  in  the  same  language,  and  on  a 
parallel  subject. 

[i.]  Thus,  by  comparing  Psal.  xxxviii.  10.  with  1  Sam.  xiv.  26,  27.  (in  which 
Jonathan  having  taken  some  honey  for  his  refreshment  is  said  to  have  haci 
his  eyes  enlightened),  we  shall  readily  apprehend  the  force  of  the  psalmist's 
complaint,  that  the  light  of  his  eyes  was  gone  from  him :  for  the  eyes  of  a 
person  in  good  health  are  so  strong,  as  to  sparkle  with  the  rays  of  light  thai 
fall  upon  them ;  whereas,  when  the  constitution  is  worn  by  long  sickness, 
or  broken  by  grief,  the  eyes  lose  their  vigour  and  brilliancy,  and  in  cases 
of  incipient  blindness,  the  light  gradually  fails  the  eyes.  In  like  manner,  it 
we  compare  1  Thess.  v.  23.  with  Jude,  verse  19.  we  shall  find  that  the  spirit, 
mentioned  in  the  former  passage,  does  not  denote  any  third  constituent 
part  of  man,  distinct  from  the  soul  and  body,  but  that  it  means  the  spiritual 
strength  bestowed,  through  the  grace  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  in  our  renovation 
and  sanctification  ;  for  the  apostle  Jude,  speaking  of  false  teachers,  de- 
scribes them  as  sensual,  not  haviiig  the  spikit,  that  is  as  persons  aban- 
doned to  follow  their  own  evil  ways,  unrenewed  and  unsanctified  by  the 
Holy  Spirit. 

[ii.l  But  the  propriety  of  this  canon  will  particularly  appear,  if  we  com 
pare  the  parallel  passages  of  the  same  author,  in  preference  to  every  other 
sacred  writer.  For  instance,  in  Rom.  iii.  24.  Saint  Paul,  when  treating  of 
our  justification  in  the  sight  of  God,  says,  that  we  are  justified  freely  by  his 
grace ;  now  that  this  is  to  be  understood  of  the  free  favour  of  God  towards 
us,  and  not  of  any  quality  wrought  in  us,  is  evident  from  Eph.  ii.  ,4,  5.  2Tiin. 
i.  9.  and  Tit.  iii.  5.  7.  in  which  passages  our  salvation  by  Jesus  Christ  is 
expressly  ascribed  to  the  great  love  wherewith  God  loved  us — to  his  own 
purpose  and  grace — and  to  his  mercy  and  grace. 

(3.)  Besides  the  kindred  dialects,  much  assistance  -will  be 
derived,  in  studying  the  parallelisms  of  Scripture,  from  a  dili- 
gent comparison  of  the  Greek  Septuagint  version  -with  the 
JVe-w  Testament ;  as  the  latter  -was  very  frequently  cited  by 
Jesus  Christ  and  his  apostles,  and  -was  constantly  used  in  the 
synagogues  during  the  apostolic  age,  as  -well  as  by  the  Gentile 
converts  to  Judaism. 

Thus  the  force  of  our  Saviour's  expression  in  Luke  xii.  42.  (giving  a  por 
Hon  of  meal  a-ircpirpiov  in  due  season)  will  best  appear  if  we  compare  it 
with  the  Septuagint  version  of  Gen.  xlvii.  1,  2.,  where  we  are  told  that 
Joseph  (when  Pharaoh  had  constituted  him  intendant-general  of  Egypt) 
supplied  his  father  and  his  brothers,  and  all  his  father's  household,  with  a 
certain  portion  of  corn  for  each  person;  co-its fctrpii  o-jtoi/,  the  very  ex- 
pression used  by  St.  Luke.  It  was  usual  for  the  stewards  of  great  families, 
in  ancient  times,  to  measure  out  to  each  slave  his  allotted  portion  of  corn 
every  month.  Again,  in  Luke  xv.  13.  the  younger  son  is  said  to  have  taken 
his  journey  into  a  far  country,  xirtSift-viirtv  n;  x^fxv  ftxxpxv  •  an  expres- 
sion, Grotius  remarks,  which  is  singularly  appropriate  :  for  in  the  Septua- 
gint version  of  Psal.  lxxiii.  27.  those  who  have  wilfully  cast  off  the  fear  ul 
God  are  said<««xpuv£iv  xzro  tou  0jou  e^utou;,  to  withdraw  themselves  afar 
from  God. 

(4.)  Whenever  the  mind  is  struck  -with  any  resemblance, 
in  the  frst  place  consider  -whether  it  is  a  true  resemblance, 
and  whether  the  passages  are  sufficiently  similar  ;  that  is,  not 
only  -whether  the  same  -word,  but  also  the  same  thing,  ans-wers 
together,  in  order  to  form  a  safe  judgment  concerning  it. 

It  often  happens  that  owe  word  has  several  distinct  meanings,  one  of  which 
obtains  in  one  place,  and  one  in  another  place.  When,  therefore,  words 
of  such  various  meanings  present  themselves,  all  those  passages  where 
they  occur  are  not  to  be  immediately  considered  as  parallel,  unless  they 
have  a  similar  power.  Thus,  if  any  one  were  to  compare  Jonah  iv.  10. 
(where  mention  is  made  of  the  gourd  which  came  up  in  a  night,  and  per- 
ished in  a  night,  and  which  in  the  original  Hebrew  is  termed  the  son  of  a 
night)  with  1  Thess.  v.  5.,  where  Christians  are  called,  not  children  of  the 
night,  but  children  of  the  day,  it  would  be  a  spurious  parallel. 

(5.)  Where  tvio  parallel  passages  present  ihemselvet,  the 
clearer  and  more  copious  place  must  be  selected  to  illustrate 
one  that  is  more  briefly  and  obscurely  expressed. 

The  force  and  meaning  of  a  word  can  never  be  ascertained  from  a  single 
passage ;  but  if  there  be  a  second  passage  on  the  same  subject,  we  have  a 
criterion  by  which  to  ascertain  the  writer's  meaning.  Or,  if  we  consider 
the  subject  discussed  by  him,  we  shall  find  that  he  has  in  one  part  touched 
very  slightly  on  topics  which  are  elsewhere  more  fully  explained,  and  in 
which  he  has  omitted  nothing  that  could  more  copiously  illustrate  the  for- 
mer place.  In  availing  ourselves,  therefore,  of  a  parallel  passage  to  eluci- 
date any  part  of  the  inspired  writings,  it  is  evident  that  the  clearer  places, 
and  those  which  treat  more  fully  on  a  subject,  are  to  be  considered  as  fun- 
damental passages,  by  which  others  are  to  be  illustrated.  Thus,  in  Hosea 
xii.  4.  there  is  an  allusion  to  the  patriarch  Jacob's  wrestling  with  an  angel 
of  God;  now  this  place  would  be  extremely  obscure,  if  the  whole  history 
of  that  transaction  were  not  more  amply  related  in  Gen.  xxxii.  24—31. 

(6.)  Other  things  being  equal,  a  nearer  parallel  is  preferable 
to  one  that  is  more  remote 

If  a  writer  elsewhere  repeat  the  same  forms  of  speech,  and  also  discuss 
in  another  part  a  subject  which  he  has  but  slightly  touched  in  one  place,  if 
is  better  to  explain  that  place  from  the  same  writer,  than  from  parallel  pas- 
sages collected  from  others.  But  where  a  writer  supplies  nothing  by  which 
to  illustrate  himself,  recourse  must  in  that  case  be  had  to  such  as  were 
contemporary  with  him,  or  nearly  so,  and  from  their  compositions  similar 
passages  are  to  be  collected.  Thus  Hosea,  Isaiah,  Micah,  and  Amos, 
having  been  nearly  contemporary  with  each  other,  and  having  uttered  pre- 
dictions relative  to  nearly  the  same  events,  mutually  elucidate  each  other, 
as  the  prophecy  of  Ezekiel  illustrates  that  of  Jeremiah,  and  vice  versa. 
This  rule  will  apply  generally,  unless  the  more  remote  writer  define 
obscure  places  better,  or  continue  and  adorn  the  subject  discussed. 

(7.)  JVo  assistance  is  to  be  derived  from  similar  passagei 
the  sense  of -which  is  uncertain. 


Chap  II.  Sect.  I.  §  2.] 


For  if  such  passages  be  citeil  to  explain  another  that  is  obscure,  Ihey 
will  be  of  no  use  whatever,  however  similar  they  may  be,  bill  equally  ob- 
scure.   It  is  to  little  purpose,  therefore,  to  accumulate  similar  pe 
where  the  same  name  of  a  tree,  plant,  herb,  dsc  is  mentioned,  sad  espe- 
cially where  there  is  no  note  or  mark  attached  to  it  ;  for  Several  of  the 

:rds,  beasts,   fishes,  trees,  plants,   precious  .-.tones,  and  musical 
merits,  mentioned  in  the  Scriptures,  are  cither  unknown  to  us,  er  cannol 
now  be  precisely  distinguished.' 

(8.)    The  exercise  of  comparison  should  be  often  repeated. 

"To  the  observance  of  the  principles  above  stated,  frequent  practice 
must  be  added,  so  that  the  Interpreter  m;'y  easily  discern  whal  pa 
are  similar,  and  how  he  may  rightly  compare  them,  and  Judge  "t  them. 
It  will  be  very  useful,  here,  to  consult  good  Interpreters,  nol  only  of  the 
Scriptures,  but  of  profane  authors;  thai  where  they  carry  these  principles 
Into  practice,  anil  plainly  make  a  rtghl  and  skilful  application  of  them,  we 
may  learn  to  Imitate  them,  by  attentively  considering  the  manner  In  which 
they  attain  to  the  understanding  of  things  which  are  obscure  or  ambiguous. 
toy  frequently  renewing  this  exercise,  we  may  lean,  to  go  In  the  same  path 

in  which  they  have  travelled. 

"The  books  of  the  s,  w  Testament  present  more  inducement  to  repeat 
this  exercise  very  frequently,  than  any  other  bonks.  For(l.)  They  are 
of  all  books  the  most  Important.  (2.)Theyare  not  only  all  of  the  same  idiom 
in  general  but  they  have  reference  to  the  same  subject,  viz.  the  develope- 
ment  of  Christianity.  They  originated,  too,  from  contemporary  writers, 
possessed  of  views,  feelings,  and  languages  that  were  alike.  Hence  com- 
parison has  more  force  in  ulustratins  the  New  Testament,  than  in  the  illus- 
tration of  either  Greek  or  Latin  authors ;  many  of  whom,  thai  agreed  with 
each  other  in  all  the  circumstances  just  stated,  cannot  be  found  But  (!) 
To  all  who  admit  that  the  same  Holy  Spirit  guided  the  authors  of  the  New 
Testament,  and  that  their  views  of  religion,  in  consequence  of  this,  must 
n.ive  been  karmonioua.  the  inducement  to  comparison  of  various  parts 
and  passages  with  each  other,  In  order  to  obtain  a  correct  view  of  the 
whole,  must  he  very  great ;  and  the  additional  force  of  the  evidence  arising 
from  comparison,  on  account  of  the  really  harmonious  views  of  the  writers, 
must  make  this  exercise  an  imperious  duty  of  every  theologian."' 
(9.)  Many  parallel  passages  should  be  compared. 
"To  compare  one  passage  only  is  often  insufficient,  whether  you  are 
endeavouring  to  find  the  usus  loqutndi  by  the  aid  of  paralb 
by  testimony  derived  from  the  nature  of  the  subject  and  from  examples. 
Specially  is  Ibis  the  case,  when  we  are  investigating  the  sense  of  words 
that  have  a  complex  or  generic  meaning,  made  up  of  various  parts.     In 

this  case,  comparisons  should  be  made  ft numerous  passages,  until  we 

perceive  that  what  we  are  seeking  is  fully  and  entirely  discovered. 

'Suppose  the  word  wjttij  occurs  in  a  particular  passage,  where  you  are 

doubtful  what  sense  should  be  applied  to  it.     First,  you  call  to  mind,  that 

is  ;i  generic  word,  having  several  meanings  related  to  each  other, 

but  still  diverse,  as  species  under  the  genus.     You  wish  to  determine  how 

many  species  of  meaning  nrrij  has;  and  in  order  to  accomplish  this,  many 

[es  where  it  is  used  must  be  compared,  in  order  that  you  may  know 

whether  all  the  species  are  found.    This  being  done,  you  proceed  to  com- 

them  with  the  passage  under  investigation,  and  see  which  will  fit  it. 

S ii. t  iii  this  way  all  generic  words  must  be  investigated,  before  the  generic 

hi  be  determined."* 

(10.)  It  -will  be  of  great  use  to  collect  and  reduce  into  alpha- 
betical order  all  those  similar  passages  in  which  the  same  forms 
of  speech  occur,  and  the  same  things  are  proposed  in  a  diffe- 
rent order  of  narration  :  but  care  must  be  taken  to  avoid  the 
accumulation  of  numerous  passages  that  are  parallel  to  each 
other  in  forms  of  speech,  or  in  things  which  are  of  themselves 
clear  and  certain  ;  for  such  accumulations  of  parallel  places 
savour  more  of  a  specious  display  of  learning  than  real. utility.' 

The  best  and  most  certain  help  by  which  to  find  out  parallel  passages  is, 
unquestionably,  the  diligent  and  attentive  perusal  of  the  Scriptures,  re- 
peated after  short  intervals  of  time,  and  accompanied  by  the  committal 
of  the  most  difficult  passages  to  writing,  together  with  such  other  passages 
as  are  either  similar  in  words  or  in  things,  and  which  tend  to  throw  any 
light  on  obscure  places.  But,  in  instituting  such  parallelisms,  care  must 
be  taken  no|  to  multiply  references  unnecessarily  for  mere  show  rather 
than  for  their  practical  utility,  and  also  that  they  do  nol  violate  the  analogy 
of  faith.  For  instance,  Rom.  iii.  28.  and  James  ii.  24.  are  not  in  every  re- 
spect parallel  to  each  other  ;  because  in  the  former  passage  Saint  Paul 
is  treating  of  Justification  in  the  sight  of  God — a  doctrine  which  numerous 
passages  of  Scripture  most  clearly  testify  to  be  by  faith  alone;  whereas 
Saint  .lames  is  speaking  of  justification  in  the  sight  of  men,  who  form  their 
ludgment  of  a  man  by  his  works. 

The  method  here  indicated  is  the  only  effectual  way  by 
which  to  ascertain  parallel  words  and  phrases,  as  well  as 
parallelisms  of  things  :  it  will  indeed  require  a  considerable 

Eortion  of  time  and  study,  which  every  one  may  not  perhaps 
e  able  to  give ;  but  individuals  thus  circumstanced  may 
advantageously  facilitate  tbeir  researches  by  having  recourse 
to  editions  of  the  Bible  with  parallel  references,  and  to  Con- 
cordances.5 

■  See  some  instances  of  this  observation  in  Mr.  Pilklllgton'S  "Remarks 
3ii  several  Passages  of  Scripture,"  pp.  83—50. 

»  Stuart's  Elements  of  Interpretation,  p.  40.  •  Ibid,  p.  !1. 

*  Moras  in  Ernesti  Inst.  Interpret.  Nov.  Test.toui.  i.  pp  07—110.  Bauer, 
Herm.  S.ior.  pp.  163 — 174.  J.  B.  Carpzov.  Prima-  Lines  Derm.  Sacr.  pp. 
15 — 17.  Pfeiffer,  Hermeneut  Sacr.  e-xi.  Franckii  PrtBlect  Hermeneut 
pp.  95.  el  seq.  153.  el  seq.  Rambach,  Inst.  Herm  Sacrts,  pp.  363—331.  661, 
6.V2. ;  also  his  Exercit.  Herm.  pp.  209—219.  J.  E.  Pfeitfer,  Inst  Herm. 
9acr.  pp.  278 — 303.  Jahnii  Enchiridion  Herm.  Generalise  pp.  81—94.;  and 
Ctdadenius's  Institutiones  ExegetictB,  pp.  399 — 406.  Schaeter,  Instituuones 
ScripturistKaB,  pars  ii.  pp.  77—84.  Dr.  Gerard's  Institutes  of  Biblical 
I'riticism,  pp.  148—157.  Arigler,  Hermeneutica  Biblica,  pp.  131 — 194. 
Alber,  Inst.  Herm.  Nov.  Test.  pp.  132—136. 

•  For  an  account  of  the  principal  editions  of  the  Bible  with  Parallel 
References,  see  the  Bibliographical  Appendix  to  the  second  Volume, 
Part  I  Chap.  I.  Sect.  VI.  §  3. ;  and  for  Concordances,  see  Part  II.  Chap. 
VI.  Skot.  I 


OF  ASCERTAINING  THE  USUS  LOQUENDI. 

§  2.    ANCIENT   VERSIONS. 


333 


Observations   on   the  respective  merits  of  the  several  ancient 
versions. —  Rules  for  consulting  them  to  the  best  advantage. 

Of  the  Ancient  Versions  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  their 
uses  in  sacred  criticism,  an  account  has  already  been  given 
in  pages  262 — 280.  286,  287.  and  it  may  here  be  remarked, 
that,  to  those  who  are  able  to  consult  them,  these  versions 
afford  a  very  valuable  aid  yi  the  interpretation  of  the  Bible  : 
for  they  were  the  works  of  men,  who  enjoyed  several 
advantages  above  the  moderns,  for  understanding  the  original 
languages  and  the  phraseology  of  Scripture.  One  or  two 
instances  will  illustrate  the  propriety  of  this  remark. 

1.  In  the  first  promulgation  of  the  Gospel  to  mankind  (Gen. 
iii.  15.),  God  said  to  the  serpent  that  beguiled  our  first  parents, 
And  I  will  put  enmity  between  thee  and  the  woman,  and 
between  thy  seed  and  her  seed,  and  IT  (that  is,  the  seed  of  the 
woman,  as  our  authorized  translation  rightly  expounds  it)  shall 
bruise  thy  head,  and  thou  shall  bruise  his  heel.  Hut  in  the 
Anglo-Romish  version,  after  the  Latin  Vulgate  (which  has  [7U 
conteret  caput  tuum),  it  is  rendered,  She  shall  bruise  his  head, 
as  if  a  woman  should  do  it ;  which  the  Romanists  interpreting 
of  the  Virgin  Mary,  ascribe  to  her  this  great  victory  and  triumph 
over  sin  and  Satin,  and  are  taught  to  say  in  their  addresses  to  her, 
"  Adoro  et  benedico  sanctissimos  pedes  tuos,  c/vihus  antiqui 
serpentis  caput  calcdsti;"  that  is,  "I  adore  and  bless  thy  moat 
holy  feet,  whereby  thou  hast  bruised  the  head  of  the  old  serpent." 
That  this  rendering  of  the  Romanists  is  erroneous,  is  proved  by 
the  Septuagint  Greek  version,  by  the  Chaldee  paraphrase,  and  by 
the  Syriac  version,  all  of  which  refer  the  pronoun  IT  to  the  seed 
of  the  woman,  and  not  to  the  woman  herself." 

2.  As  the  expression  breaking  bread,  mentioned  in  Acts  it. 
46.,  ordinarily  means  taking  food  in  the  Jewish  idiom,  some  ex 
positors  have  understood  that  expression  in  this  sense  ;  but  the 
old  Syriac  version,  executed  towards  the  close  of  the  first  or  early 
in  the  second  century,  renders  it  breaking  of  the  Eucharist. 
We  are  justified,  therefore,  in  referring  the  term  to  the  celebration 
of  the  Lord's  supper  among  the  first  Christians  (kut'  cw.v)  in  a 
house  appropriated  to  that  purpose. 

In  applying  ancient  versions,  as  an  auxiliary,  to  the 
interpretation  of  Scripture,  it  is  material  to  observe,  that, 
since  no  version  can  be  absolutely  free  from  error,  we  ought 
not  to  rely  implicitly  on  any  one  translation :  but,  if  it  be 
practicable,  the  aid  of  the  cognate  dialects  should  be  united 
with  reference  to  a  version,  in  order  that,  by  a  comparison 
of  both  these  helps,  we  may  arrive  at  the  knowledge  of  the 
genuine  readings  and  meanings.  From  inattention  to  this 
obvious  caution,  many  eminent  men  have  at  different  time9 
ascribed  to  particular  versions  a  degree  of  authority  to  which 
they  were  by  no  means  entitled.  Thus,  by  many  of  the 
fathers,  the  Alexandrian  interpreters  were  accounted  to  be 
divinely  inspired,  and  consequently  free  from  the  possibility 
of  mistake ;  a  similar  opinion  was  held  by  various  eminent 
modern  critics,  particularly  by  Isaac  Vossius,  who  asserted 
the  Septuagint  to  be  preferable  to  the  Hebrew  text,  and  to  be 
absolutely  free  from  error  !  The  Church  of  Rome  has  fallen 
into  the  like  mistake  with  respect  to  the  Vulgate  or  Latin 
version,  which  the  Council  of  Trent  declared  to  be  the  only 
authentic  translation. 

Further,  verrioru  if  versions,  that  is,  those  translations 
which  were  not  made  immediately  from  the  Hebrew  Old 
Testament,  or  from  the  Greek  New  Testament,  are  of  no 
authority  in  determining  either  the  genuine  text  or  meaning 
of  the  original,  but  only  of  that  version  from  which  they 
were  taken.  This  remark  applies  particularly  to  the  Anglo- 
Saxon,  Old  English,  Spanish,  French,  and  German  transla- 
tions, whether  of  the  Old  or  New  Testament ;  which.  In  ing 
made  before  the  sixteenth  century,  were  executed  immediately 
from  the  Latin :  and  subsequently,  even  in  those  examples 
where  they  are  unanimous  in  a  reading,  their  united  voices 
are  of  no  more  authority  than  thai  of  the  Latin  version  alone.' 
In  all  cases,  therefore,  which  require  the  aid  of  a  version, 
either  for  the  purpose  of  criticism  or  interpretation,  recourse 
must  be  had  to  those  translations  which,  being  more  ancient 
or  better  executed,  are  preferable  to  every  other.  And  in  this 
view  the  following  will  be  found  most  deserving  of  attention, 
not  only  as  uniting  the  two  qualifications  of  antiquity  and 


•  Bp.  Beveridge's  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  193.  vol.  ii 
Propheties  concernant  Jesus  Christ  et  l'Eglise,  pp.  24: 
'  Michaelis,  vol.  ii.  p.  3. 


pp.  233,  234. 
3,244 


Agier 


331 


OF  ASCERTAINING  THE   HSUS  LOQUENDI. 


[Paut  II.  Book  I. 


excellence,  but  also  as  being  more  generally  accessible  to 
students,  being  for  the  most  part  comprised  in  the  Polyglott 
Bibles,  which  are  to  be  found  in  almost  every  public  library. 

I.  The  Mexandriun  Version  is  confessedly  the  most  ancient, 
and,  with  all  its  errors  and  imperfections,  contains  very  much 
that  is  highly  valuable,  and  on  this  account  it  has  been  used 
by  nearlyaall  the  more  ancient  interpreters.  With  the  Sep- 
tuatrint  should  be  consulted  the  fragments  of  the  translations 
executed  by  Aquila,  Symmachus,  and  Theodotion,  and  also 
ihe  fifth,  sixth,  and  seventh  versions.  The  version  of  Aquila, 
:n  particular,  exhibits  a  diction  similar  to  that  of  the  New 
Testament,  as  he  was  not  very  remote  from  the  age  of  the 
apostles ;  and  he  has  some  things  which  may  be  of  especial 
use  in  the  interpretation  of  the  New  Testament.  The  version 
of  Symmachus  is  also  a  valuable  r.ermene  ltic  aid ;  as,  by 
translating  into  pure  Greek,  he  has  facilitated  the  understand- 
ing of  Hebrew. 

II.  The  Syriac  Peschito,  whose  fidelity  as  a  version,  in- 
dependently of  the  excellence  of  its  style,  has  received  the 
highest  commendations  from  Michaelis,  is  particularly  ser- 
viceable for  the  interpretation  of  the  New  Testament.1  Nor 
is  its  value  inferior  in  the  interpretation  of  the  Old  Testament. 
"•Of  all  the  ancient  versions,"  says  a  living  critic,  "the 
Syriac  is  the  most  uniformly  faithful  and  accurate ;  and  as  the 
language  so  nearly  resembles  the  Hebrew,  its  value  can 
scarcely  be  estimated  too  high."2 

III.  The  Latin  Vulgate,  with  the  exception  of  the  Psalms, 
deservedly  claims  the  third  place. 

IV.  The  Targums,  or  Chaldee  Paraphrases,  though  un- 
equally executed,  contain  many  things  that  aie  exceedingly 
useful,  and  necessary  to  be  known,  especially  the  paraphrases 
jf  Jonathan  Ben  Uzziel ;  they  not  only  contribute  essentially 
to  the  understanding  of  many  difficult  passages  in  the  Old 
Testament,  but  also  throw  much  light  on  the  interpretation 
of  the  New  Testament,  as  well  as  aiford  much  advantage  in 
arguing  with  the  Jews,  because  they  almost  invariably  view 
the  prophecies  in  the  same  light  as  Christians  do,  as  referring 
to  tne  Messiah.3  Extracts  from  them  are  to  be  found  in 
all  the  larger  commentaries,  and  also  in  the  works  of  Dr. 
Lightfoot. 

V.  The  Jewish  Antiquities  of  Josephus  (of  whose  writings 
some  account  is  given  in  page  346.  infra)  may  be  reckoned 
among  the  ancient  versions  :  for  though,  on  some  occasions, 
he  followed  the  Septuagint,  yet  he  derived  his  representations 
of  sacred  history  chiefly  from  the  Hebrew  Text,  as  is  evident 
by  his  abandoning  the  sense  of  that  version  in  very  many 
places.  With  regard  to  these  he  is  an  evidence  of  great 
authority,  for  he  is  more  ancient  than  the  other  translators, 
except  the  Alexandrine  or  Septuagint;  the  Chaldee  was  his 
vernacular  dialect ;  and  as  he  was  a  learned  priest,  and  sub- 
sequently a  commander  of  an  army  in  Galilee  during  the  war 
with  the  Romans,  he  was  well  versed  in  all  ecclesiastical, 
livil,  and  military  matters.  His  readers,  however,  will  find 
it  necessary,  not  rashly  to  give  credence  to  all  his  statements, 
especially  such  as  are  warped  in  favour  of  his  own  nation,  or 
even  of  the  heathens,  or  such  as  represent  the  temple  of 
Solomon  by  a  description  taken  from  that  of  Herod.4 

VI.  The  other  versions  made  immediately  from  the  Hebrew 
and  Greek  originals  follow  next  in  order,  particularly  the 
Arabic  translations  of  the  Old  Testament :  but  no  certain 
dependence  can  be  placed,  as  an  authority,  on  the  Latin 
translations  of  the  Oriental  versions,  which  are  printed  in  the 
Polyglott  Bibles. 

It  will  not  however  be  necessary  to  consult  ancient  versions, 
except  in  passages  that  are  reaily  difficult,  or  unless  a  par- 
ticular examination  of  them  be  instituted  for  some  special 
object  of  inquiry.  In  this  case  not  one  or  two  versions  merely 
should  be  consulted,  but  every  version  that  is  accessible 
ehould  be  referred  to  :  and  ail  such  places  should  be  com- 
pared together  as  are  parallel,  that  is,  those  passages  in  which 
the  same  word  or  the  same  form  of  speaking  respectively 
occurs ;  and,  where  any  thing  worthy  of  preservation  offers 
itself,  it  will  materially  facilitate  future  studies  to  note  it 
either  in  an  interleaved  Bible,  or,  which  perhaps  is  preferable, 
in  an  interleaved  Lexicon.  This  practice  will  not  only  enable 
the  biblical  student  to  discover  and  correctly  to  appreciate 
the  genius  of  a  version,  and  the  ability,  or  the  reverse,  with 

'  On  the  critical  use  of  the  Syriac  version,  the  reader  may  consult.  G.  B. 
Winer's  Commentatio  de  Versionis  N.  T.  Syriaca;  Usu  Ciitico  caute  insti- 
tuendo.    Erlangae,  1824. 

*  Mr.  Holden's  Translation  of  the  Book  of  Proverbs,  p.  cviii. 

«  Hamilton's  lntrod.  to  lleb.  Script,  p.  192. 

«  Jahn's  Introduction,  by  Prof.  Turner,  p.  105.  Muntinge,  Brevis  Expo- 
•itio  Critices  Vet.  Feed.  pp.  126—129 


which  it  may  be  executed;  but  it  will  also  supply  many 
important  helps  for  the  interpretation  of  Scripture.  As, 
however,  some  of  the  ancient  versions  have  been  altered  or 
interpolated  in  many  places,  great  care  must  be  taken  to 
distinguish  the  modern  amendments  from  the  genuine  text 
of  the  original  ancient  translator.  The  various  excellent  con 
cordances  that  are  extant  will  afford  great  assistance  in  finding 
out  such  parallel  words  or  phrases. 

In  order  to  ascertain  how  far  the  ancient  versions  represent 
correctly  the  meaning  of  Hebrew  or  Greek  words,  the  fol- 
lowing rules  will  be  found  useful : — 

1.   That  meuning  is  to  be  taken  and  received  as  the  true 

one,  -which  all  the  versions  give  to  a  -word,  and  which  is  also 

confirmed  by  the  kindred  dialects. 

Because,  the  number  of  testimonies  worthy  of  credit  being  as  great  as 
possible,  there  can  be  no  room  left  for  doubt. 

2.  All  those  significations,  formerly  given  to  Hebrew  words, 
are  to  be  considered  as  correctly  given,  -which  the  Septuagint 
or  other  Greek  translators  express  by  the  same  or  similar  Greek 
words,  although  no  trace  of  such  meaning  appear  in  any  Ori- 
ental language  : 

For,  as  no  doubt  can  be  entertained  of  the  diligence  and  scrupulous 
learning  of  those  translators,  who  can  presume  to  measure  the  vast  copi- 
ousness of  the  Arabic,  Syriac,  and  other  Oriental  languages  by  the  lew 
books  which  in  our  time  are  extant  in  those  languages'!  since  no  one  is  sc 
ignorant  as  to  suppose  that  all  the  riches  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  languages 
are  comprised  in  the  very  numerous  remains  of  classical  literature  with 
which  our  age  happily  abounds.  With  regard  to  the  New  Testament,  "  in 
cases  where  the  sense  is  not  affected  by  different  readings,  or  the  transla- 
tor might  have  taken  them  for  synonymous,  the  evidence  of  Greek  manu- 
scripts is  to  be  preferred  to  that  of  an  ancient  version.  The  same  pre- 
ference is  due  to  the  manuscripts  wherein  the  translator  has  omitted  words 
that  appeared  of  little  importance,  or  a  passage  in  the  Greek  original  is 
attended  with  a  difficulty  which  the  translator  was  unable  to  solve,  and 
therefore  either  omitted  or  altered  according  to  the  arbitrary  dictates  of 
his  own  judgment."' 

3.  Where  the  versions  differ  in  fixing  the  sense  of  a  word, 
the  more  ancient  ones,  being  executed  with  the  greater  care 
and  skill,  are  in  the  first  place  to  be  consulted,  and  preferred 
to  all  others  : 

For,  the  nearer  a  translator  approaches  to  the  time  when  the  original 
language  was  vernacular,  we  may  readily  infer  that  he  has  expressed  with 
so  much  the  greater  fidelity  the  true  signification  of  words,  both  primary 
and  proper,  as  well  as  those  which  are  derivative  and  translaled.  There 
are,  however,  some  cases  in  which  ancient  versions  are  of  more  authority 
than  the  original  itself.  Most  of  the  translations  of  the  New  Testament, 
noticed  in  the  preceding  pages,  surpass  in  antiquity  the  oldest  Greek 
manuscripts  now  extant:  "and  they  lead  to  a  discovery  of  the  readings 
in  the  very  ancient  manuscript  that  was  used  by  the  translator.  By  their 
means,  rather  than  from  the  aid  of  our  Greek  manuscripts,  not  one  of 
which  is  prior  to  the  fourth  or  fifth  century,  we  arrive  at  the  certain  know 
ledge,  that  the  ancient  writings  have  been  transmitted  from  the  earliest  to 
the  present  age  without  material  alteration ;  and  that  our  present  text,  if 
we  except  the  passages  that  are  rendered  doubtful  by  an  opposition  in  the 
readings,  ;'s  the  same  ichich  proceeded  from  the  hands  of  the  apostles. 
Whenever  fhe  reading  can  be  precisely  determined,  which  the  translator 
found  in  his  Greek  manuscript,  the  version  is  of  equal  authority  with  a 
manuscript  of  that  period  :  but  as  it  is  sometimes  difficult  to  acquire  this 
absolute  certainty,  great  caution  is  necessary  in  collecting  readings  from 
the  ancient  versions."' 

4.  A  meaning  given  to  a  word  by  only  one  version,  pro- 
vided this  be  a  good  one,  is  by  no  means  to  be  rejected  ;  espe- 
cially if  it  agree  with  the  author'' s  design  arid  the  order  of  his 
discourse  : 

For,  it  is  possible  that  the  force  and  meaning  of  a  word  should  be  un- 
known to  all  other  translators,  and  no  trace  of  it  be  discoverable  in  the 
kindred  dialects,  and  yet  that  it  should  be  preserved  and  transmitted  to 
posterity  by  one  version.  This  remark  applies  chiefly  lo  things  which  a 
translator  has  the  best  opportunity  of  understanding  from  local  and  other 
circumstances.  Thus  the  Alexandrine  interpreters  are  the  most  ample 
testimony  for  every  thing  related  in  the  Old  Testament  concerning  Egypt, 
while  others,  who  were  natives  of  Palestine,  and  perhaps  deeply  skilled 
in  Jewish  literature,  are  the  best  guides  we  can  follow  in  whatever  belongs 
to  that  country.' 

5.  Lastly,  "  Those  versions"  of  the  New  Testament,  "  in 
which  the  Greek  is  rendered  word  for  word,  and  the  idioms 
of  the  original,  though  harsh  and  often  unmeaning  in  another 
language,  are  still  retained  in  a  translation,  are  of  more  value 
in  point  of  criticism  tha?i  those  which  express  the  sense  of  the 
original  in  a  manner  more  suitable  to  the  language  of  the 
translator." 

The  value  of  the  latter,  as  far  as  regards  their  critical  application,  de- 
creases in  proportion  as  the  translator  attends  to  purity  and  elegance,  and 
of  course  deviates  from  his  original :  but  their  worth  is  greater  in  all  other 
respects,  as  they  are  not  only  read  with  more  pleasure,  but  understood  in 


»  Michaelis,  vol.  ii.  p.  3.  •  Ibid.  p.  2._ 

'.Tahn,  Introduct.  ad  A'et.  Feed.  pp.  116-122.  Pictet,  Theologie  Chre- 
tienne,  torn.  i.  pp.  151,  152.  Bauer,  Herm.  Sacr.  pp.  147—162.  301-309. 
J.  P.  Carpzov,  Prim.  Lin-  Herm.  pp.  62—65.  Ernesli,  Inst.  Interp.  N.  Test, 
p.  57.  Morus  in  Ernesti,  torn.  i.  pp.  130,  131.  Stuart's  Elements,  pp.  43.  64 
Gerard's  Institutes,  pp.  107—111.  Bishop  Lowth's  Isaiah,  vol.  i.  pp.  Ixxxwl 
— xc.  8vo.  ed.  Pfeiffer,  Herm.  Sac.  c.  14.  (Op.  torn.  ii.  pp.  663.  664.1 
Arigler,  Hermeneutica  Biblica,  pp.  102-  -107. 


Uuap.  II.  Sect.  I.  §  4.] 


ON  THE  TESTIMONY  OF  FOREIGNERS. 


33«i 


Si-neral  with  greater  ease.    By  means  of  tin:  former  we  discover  the  north 
of  Ibe  original,  ami  even  their  arrangement ;— bul  the  lattei  u  e  ol 

. . : i n«  cn  the  authenticity  "i  a  reading,  if  the  various  readings  of  the 
passage*  in  question  make  no  alteration  In  ii"'  sense.  No  translation  is 
more  literal  than  llio  Philoxenian  (or  New)  Syriac,  and  none,  therefore, 
leads  to  a  more  accurate  discovery  of  the  text  In  the  ancient  manuscript 
whence  that  version  was  taken  ;  hut,  setting  this  advantage  aside,  the  Old 
Wyriao  is  of  much  greater  value  than  the  New.' 


$  3.    SCHOLIASTS    AND    OLO8S0OKAPHKRS. 

I.  Nature  of  Scholia, — II.  Jind  of  Glossaries. — III.  Rule*  for 
consulting  them  to  advantage  in  the  interpretation  of  the 
Scriptures. 

\\i:  have  already  stated  that  scholiasts  and  glossographers 
afford  direci  testimonies  for  finding  out  <>r  fixing  the  meaning 
if  words  :  it  now  remains  mat  we  briefly  notice  the  nature  of 
the  assistance  to  be  derived  from  these  helps. 

1.  Scholia  are  short  notices  on  ancient  authors,  and  are  of 
two  kinds — exegetieal  or  explanatory,  and  grammatical.  The 
former  briefly  explains  the  seme  of  passages,  and  are,  in  fact, 
a  species  of  commentary  ;  the  latter,  which  are  here  to  be 
considered,  illustrate  the  force  and  meaning  of  words  by  other 
words  which  are  better  known.  Such  scholia  are  extant  on 
mosl  of  the  ancient  classics,  as  Homer,  Thucydides,  Sopho- 
cles,  Aristophanes,  Horace,  Juvenal,  Pcrsius,  &c.  &c. 

On  the  Old  Testament,  we  believe,  there  are  no  ancient 
lia  extant :  but  on  the  New  Testament  there  are  several 
lions,  which  present  themselves  under  three  classes. 

1.  Scholia  taken  from  the  writings  of  the  Greek  fathers, 
who  in  their  homilies  and  commentaries  have  often  briefly  ex- 
plained the  force  of  particular  words. 

The   homilies  of  ChrysosMm,   in   particular,  abound  with  these  scho- 
i'  i  ,  and  from  his  works,  as  well  as  those  of  Origen  and  other  fathers,  the 
more   modern  Greeks   have   extracted   what  those  illustrious  men   had 
concisely  stated  relative  to  the  meaning  of  words.     Similar  grammatical 
expositions,   omitting  whatever  was  rhetorical  ami  doctrinal,  have  been 
collected  from  Chrysostom  by  Theodoret  ill  a  commentary  on  the  four- 
teen Epistles  of  Saint  Paul ;  by  Theophylact,  in  an  indifferent  commentary 
mi  the  four  Evangelists;  and,  to  mention  no  more,  by  Euthymius  in  a 
r  commentary  executed  with  better  judgment.    There  are  extant 
numerous  collections  of  this  kind  of  explanations,  made  from  the  writings 
lathers,  and  known  by  the  appellation  of  Catena*  which  follow  the 
of  the  hooks  comprised  in  the  New  Testament.     Many  such  scholia 
i'een  published  by  Matthrei  in  his  edition  of  the  New  Testament. 

2.  Scholia,  written  either  in  the  margin,  within  the  text,  or 
(it  the  end  of  manuscripts. 

Many  "f  thi-'  description  have  been  published  separately  by  Wetstein  in 
tea  i"  his  elaborate  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament,  and  particularly 
...  Matthtai  in  his  edition  of  the  New  Testament  already  noticed. 

3.  .  Indent  Scholia,  -which  are  also  exegetieal  or  explanatory ; 
these,  in  fact,  arc  short  commentaries,  and,  therefore,  are  discussed 
infra,  in  the  Appendix  to  the  second  volume. 

II.  A  Glossary  differs  from  a  Lexicon  in  this  respect,  that 
the  former  treats  only  of  words  that  really  require  expla- 
nation, while  the  latter  gives  the  general  meaning  of  words. 
The  authors  of  the  most  ancient  Glossaries  are  Hesychius, 
Suidas,  Phavorinus,  Photius,  and  Cyril  of  Alexandria.  The 
celebrated  Ernesti  selected  from  the  first  three  of  these  writ- 
ers, and  also  from  the  Etymobgicon  Magnum,  whatever 
related  to  the  New  Testament,  and  published  the  result  of  his 
researches  at  Leipsic,  in  1786,  in  two  octavo  volumes  ;  from 
which  Schleusner  has  extracted  the  most  valuable  matter, 
and  inserted  it  in  his  well  known  and  excellent  Greek  Lexi- 
con to  the  New  Testament. 

III.  In  estimating  the  value  of  scholiasts  and  glosso- 
graphers, and  also  the  weight  of  their  testimony,  for  ascer- 
taining the  force  and  meaning  of  words,  it  is  of  importance 

insider,  first,  whether  they  wrote  from  their  own  know- 
of  the  language,  and  have  given  as  the  result  of  their 
own  learning,  or  whether  they  compiled  from  others.  Almost 
ill  the  scholia  now  extant  are  compiled  from  Chrysostom, 
Origen,  or  some  other  fathers  of  the  third  and  fourth  cen- 
turies; if  the  scholiast  have  compiled  from  good  authorities, 
his  labours  have  a  claim  to  our  attention. 

In  proportion,  therefore,  to  the  learning  of  a  scholiast  (and 
the  same  remark  will  equally  apply  to  the  glossographer),  he 
becomes  the  more  deserving  of  our  confidence :  but  this  point 
can  only  be  determined  by  daily  and  constant  use.  The 
Greek  fathers,  for  instance,  are  admirable  interpreters  of  the 
New  Testament,  being  intimately  acquainted  with  its  lan- 

1  Michaelis's  Introduction,  vol.  ii.  p.  3. 

*  See  an  account  of  the  principal  Catena,  in  the  niELiooRAPHiCAt.  A*- 
Pkndix  to  the  second  Volume,  Part  II.  Chap.  V.  Sect.  III.  §  1. 

Voi..  J.  2  Y 


gnage;  notwithstanding  they  are  sometimes  mistaken  in  the 
exposition  of  its  Hebraisms.  But  the  Latin  fathers,  many 
of  whom  wen-  bat  indifferently  skilled  in  Hebrew  and 
Greek,  are  less  to  be  depended  on,  and  are,  in  fact,  only 
wretched  interpreters  of  comparatively  ill-executed  versions 
Again,  our  confidence  in  a  scholiast,  or  in  the  author  of  a 
glossary,  increases  in  proportion  to  his  antiquity,  at  least  in 
the  explanation  of  every  thing  concerning  ancient  history,, 
rites,  or  civil  life.  But,  in  investigating  the  force  and 
meaning  of  words,  the  antiquity  of  scholia  and  glossaries 
proves  nothing;  as  their  authors  are  liable  to  error,  notwith- 
standing they  lived  near  the  time  when  the  author  flourished* 
whose  writings  they  profess  to  elucidate.  It  not  unfrequently 
happens  that  a  more  recent  interpreter,  availing  himself  of  all. 
former  helps,  perceives  the  force  of  words  much  better  than 
one  that  is  more  ancient,  and  is  consequently  enahli  i  to  elicit 
the  sense  more  correctly.  The  result, therefore, of  our  inquiry 
into  the  relative  value  of  scholiasts  and  compilers  of  glos- 
saries is,  that  in  perusing  their  labours,  we  must  examine 
them  for  ourselves,  and  form  our  judgment  accordingly, 
whether  they  have  succeeded,  or  failed,  in  their  atteni; 
explain  an  author.3 


§4. 


ON    THE    TESTIMONY    OF    FOREIGNERS    WHO    HAVE 
ACQUIRED    A    LANGUAGE. 


I.  Importance  of  this  testimony. — II.  Rules  for  applyi?ig  it  to 
the  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures. 

The  testimony  of  those  who,  though  foreigners,  have 
acquired  a  language,  are  an  important  help  for  ascertaining 
the  Usus  Loquendt.  Thus,  the  writings  of  Philo  and  Jo- 
sephus,  who  were  Jews,  and  also  those  of  the  Emperor  Mar- 
cus Antoninus,  may  be  used  to  illustrate  the  meaning  of  Greek 
words;  because,  although  foreigners,  they  well  understood 
the  Greek  language.  The  productions  of  those  writers. 
indeed,  whom  by  way  of  distinction  we  commonly  term 
Pagan  Writers,  are  in  various  ways  highly  deserving  the 
attention  of  the  biblical  student,  for  the  confirmation  they 
afford  of  the  leading  facts  recorded  in  the  sacred  volume,  and 
especially  of  the  doctrines,  institutions,  and  facts,  upon 
which  Christianity  is  founded,  or  to  which  its  records  indi- 
rectly relate.  "  Indeed  it  may  not  be  unreasonably  presumed, 
that  the  writings  of  Pagan  antiquity  have  been  providentially 
preserved  with  peculiar  regard  to  this  great  object,  since, 
notwithstanding  numerous  productions  of  past  ages  h?ve 
perished,  sufficient  remains  arc  still  possessed,  to  unite  the 
cause  of  heathen  literature  with  that  of  religion,  and  to  ren- 
der the  one  subservient  to  the  interests  of  the  other."' 

Of  the  value  of  the  heathen  writings  in  thus  confirming 
the  credibility  of  the  Scriptures,  very  numerous  instances  have 
been  given  in  the  early  part  of  this  volume.  We  have  there 
seen  that  the  heathen  writings  substantiate,  by  an  independent 
and  collateral  report,  many  of  the  events,  and  the  accom- 
plishment of  many  of  the  prophecies  recorded  by  the  inspired 
writers;  and  that  they  establish  the  accuracy  of  many  inci- 
dental circumstances  which  are  interspersed  throughout  the 
Scriptures.  "Above  all,  by  the  gradually  perverted  represen 
tations  which  they  give  of  revealed  doctrines,  and  institutions, 
they  attest  the  actual  communication  of  such  truth  from  time 
to  time;  and  pay  the  tribute  of  experience  to  the  wisdom  ano 
necessity  of  a  written  revelation.  Valuable  as  these  testi- 
monies, from  the  works  of  heathen  authors,  confessedly  are, 
their  uses  are  not  confined  to  the  confirmation  of  Scripture 
(acts;  they  also  frequently  contribute  to  elucidate  the  phrase- 
ology of  the  sacrea  writers.  Two  or  three  instances  will 
illustrate  this  remark. 

1.  Pagan  writers  use  words  and  phrases  coincident  with, 
or  analogous  to,  those  of  the  sacred  writers,  whose  meaning 
they  enable  us  to  ascertain,  or  show  us  the  force  and  propriety 
of  ttyeir  expressions. 
Thus,  the  sentiment  and  image  of  the  prophet  Isaiah, 

On  what  part  will  ye  smite  again,  will  ye  add  correction  1 
The  whole  head  is  sick,  and  the  whole  heart  faint : 

Isa.  i.5.  Bp  Lowth's  Translation. 

Are  exactly  the  same  with  those  of  Ovid,  who,  deploring  his  exile  to  Atticus. 
says  that  he  is  wounded  by  the  continual  strokes  of  fortune,  so  that  there 
is  no  space  left  in  him  for  another  wound  : 


»  Mori  Acroases,  torn.  i.  pp.  110—130.     Arigler,  Hermeneutica  Biblica. 
pp.65.  115—119.  „  ,   ■       , 

«  Bp.  Gray's  Connection  of  Sacred  and  Profane  Literature,  vol.  i.  p.  3 


336 


OF  THE  CONTEXT. 


[Part  II.  Book 


Ego  continuo  fortunie  vrmeror  ictu  : 

Vixque  habet  in  nobis  jam  nova  plaga  locum. 

Ovin,  Epist.  ex  Ponto.  lib.  ii.  ep.  vii.  41,  42. 

But  the  prophet's  sentiment  and  image  are  still  more  strikingly  illus- 
trated by  the  following  expressive  line  of  Euripides,  the  great  force  and 
effect  of  which  Longinus  ascribes  to  its  close  and  compressed  structure, 
analogous  to  the  sense  which  it  expresses. 

Ti/tio  xaxtuf  Sif  x'  ovxi-r'  iri'  Stt>i  ri5<. 

I  am  full  of  miseries  :  there  is  no  room  for  more. 

Eurip.  Here.  Furens,  v.  1245.» 

2.  Pagan  -writers  often  employ  the  same  images  with  the 
sacned,  so  as  to  throw  light  on  their  import,  and  generally  to 
set  off  their  superior  excellence. 

Thus,  the  same  evangelical  prophet,  when  predicting  the  blessed  effects 
that  should  flow  from  the  establishment  of  the  Messiah's  kingdom,  says, 

They  shall  beat  their  swords  into  ploughshares, 
And  their  spears  into  pruning-hooks  : 
Nation  shall  not  lift  up  sword  against  nation, 
Neither  shall  they  learn  war  any  more. 

Isa.  ii.  4. 

The  same  prediction  occurs  in  the  same  words,  in  Micah  iv.  2.  The 
description  Of  well-established  peace  (Bp.  Lowth  remarks)  by  the  image 
"  of  beating  their  swords  into  ploughshares,  and  their  spears  into  pruning- 
kooks,  is  very  poetical.  The  Roman  poets  have  employed  the  same  image. 
Thus  Martial  has  an  epigram  (lib.  xiv.  ep.  xiv.)  entitled  Falx  ex  ense — the 
sword  converted  into  a  pruning-hook. 

The  prophet  Joel  has  reversed  this  image,  and  applied  it  to  war  prevail- 
ing over  peace. 

Beat  your  ploughshares  into  swords, 
And  your  pruning-hooks  into  spears. 

Joel  iii.  10. 

And  so  has  the  prince  of  the  Roman  poets : 

Non  ullus  aratro 
Dignus  honos :  squalent  abductis  arva  colonis, 
Et  curvce  rigidum  falces  conflantur  in  ensein. 

Virgil,  Georg.  lib.  i.  506—508. 

Dishonour'd  lies  the  plough  :  the  banish'd  swains 
Are  hurried  from  the  uncultivated  plains; 
The  sickles  into  barbarous  swords  are  beat.3 

Additional  examples,  finely  illustrative  of  the  above  remark,  may  be  seen 
u;  Bishop  Lowth's  notes  on  Isa.  viii.  6—8.  xi.  6—8.  xx.  xjcix.  4,  5.  xxxii.  2. 
xiv.  2.  and  xlix.  2. 

The  following  cautions  will  be  useful  in  applying  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  Greek  and  Latin  writers  to  the  ascertaining 
of  the  usus  loquendi. 

1.  The  profane  writers  are  not  to  be  promiscuously  used. 

2.  We  must  observe  in  what  sense  each  of  the  Greek  writers 
uses  the  expression  which  occurs  in  the  New  Testament,  in 
what  places,  in  what  manner,  and  in  what  kind  of  writings. 

3.  We  are  not  to  seek  illustration  from  profane  authors  of 
those  passages  and  expressions,  which  may  more  properly  be 
explained  from  Jewish  sources. 

4.  Nor  are  we  to  expect  from  them  an  explanation  of  those 
expressions  which  are  peculiar  to  the  Christian  system. 

5.  They  are  not  to  be  consulted  with  a  view  of  proving  the 
entire  purity  of  the  style  of  the  sacred  writers ;  nor  that  the 
rules,  which  (it  may  be  found)  they  observed,  should  be  applied 
in  all  cases  to  determine  the  sense  of  the  sacred  penmen. 

G.  It  is  not  sufficient,  when  a  single  word  in  a  phrase  used  in 
the  New  Testament  is  found  in  profane  writers,  to  prove  that  the 
latter  may  properly  be  cited  as  an  illustration  of  the  former. 

7.  Some  Greek  authors  may  be  more  advantageously  compared 
with  certain  writers  of  the  New  Testament  than  with  others,  as 
Thucydides  with  Saint  Paul ;  and  particular  modes  of  expression 
may  be  more  happily  illustrated  from  some  authors  than  from 
othersj 

8.  Some  of  the  Greek  writers  may,  to  a  certain  extent,  be 
applied  to  the  illustration,  not  only  of  the  language,  but  also  of 
the  ideas  and  subjects,  of  the  sacred  writers.  This,  however, 
must  be  done  with  the  greatest  caution.3 

The  great  benefit  which  is  to  be  derived  from  Jewish  and 
Heathen  profane  authors,  in  elucidatino-  the  Scriptures,  is 
•xcellently  illustrated  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Gray  [now  Bishop  of 
Bristol],  in  his 

"Connection  between  the  Sacred  Writings  and  the  Literature 
of  Jewish  and  Heathen  Authors,  particularly  that  of  the  Classi- 
cal Ages,  illustrated."     London,  1819,  in  2  vols.  8vo. 

Grotius  and  other  commentators  have  incidentally  applied 
the  productions  of  the  classical  writers  to  the  elucidation  of 
the  Bible :  but  no  one  has  done  so  much  in  this  department 

'  Longinus,  de  Sublim.  c.  40.     Bp.  Lowth's  Isaiah,  vol.  ii.  p.  9. 

»  Lowth's  Isaiah,  vol.  ii.  p.  29. 

»  Beckii  Monogrammata  Hermeneuticep  NoviTest.  pp.  148,  149 


of  sacred  literature,  as  Eisner,  Raphelius,  and  Kypke,  o. 
whose  publications  sn  account  is  given  in  the  Bibliographica 
Appendix  to  the  second  Volume. 


SECTION  II. 

INDIRECT    TESTIMONIES    FOR    ASCERTAINING   THE    USU8 
LOQUENDI. 

The  usus  loquendi  cannot  always  he  found  with  sufficier 
certainty  by  those  direct  means  which  have  been  discusse- 
in  the  preceding  section.     Proper   evidence  is  sometimf 
wanting ;  sometimes  usage  is  variable  or  inconstant,  even  ij 
the  same  age  or  in  the  same  writer ;  or  there  is  an  ambiguity 
of  language,  or  of  grammatical  forms  ;  or  an  obscurity  covers 
the  thing  or  subject  treatedof ;  or  novelty  of  language  occurs 
or  a  neglect  of  the  usus  loquendi,  which  sometimes  happens 
even  in  the  most  careful  writers.     Other  means  must,  there- 
fore, be  used,  by  which  the  true  sense  can  be  elicited.  These 
indirect  means  it  is  the  object  of  the  present  section  to  state 
and  to  illustrate. 


§  1.  OF    THE   CONTEXT. 

1.   The  Context  defined  and  illustrated. — II.  Rules  for  inves- 
tigating the  Context. 

1.  Another  most  important  assistance,  for  investigating 
the  meaning  of  words  and  phrases,  is  the  consideration  of 
the  Context,  or  the  comparison  of  the  preceding  and  subse- 
quent parts  of  a  discourse. 

1.  If  we  analyze  the  words  of  an  author,  and  take  them  out 
of  their  proper  series,  they,  may  be  so  distorted  as  to  mean  any 
thing  but  what  he  intended  to  express.  Since,  therefore,  words 
have  several  meanings,  and  consequently,  are  to  be  taken  in  va- 
rious acceptations,  a  careful  consideration  of  the  preceding  and 
subsequent  parts  ivill  enable  us  to  determine  that  signification, 
whether  literal  or  figurative,  which  is  best  adapted  to  the  pas- 
sage in  question. 

A  few  instances  will  illustrate  this  subject,  and  show  tijt 
only  the  advantage,  but  also  the  necessity,  of  attending  to 
the  context. 

(1.)  It  has  been  questioned  whether  those  words  of  the  prophet  Micaiah 
(1  Kings  xxii.  15.),  Go  and  prosper,  for  the  Lord  shall  deliver  it  (Rainoth; 
into  the  hand  of  the  king,  are  to  be  understood  affirmatively  according  tc 
their  apparent  meaning,  or  are  to  be  taken  in  an  ironical  and  contrary 
sense  1  That  they  are  to  be  understood  in  the  latter  sense,  the  considera- 
tion of  the  context  will  plainly  show,  both  from  the  prophet's  intention, 
and  from  the  prophetic  denunciation  afterwards  made  by  him.  Hence  i. 
may  be  inferred  that  some  sort  of  ironical  gesture  accompanied  Micaiah's 
prediction,  which  circumstance  ought  to  be  borne  in  mind  by  the  Interpre 
ter  of  Scripture.* 

(2.)  Further,  there  is  a  difference  of  opinion  whether  the  address  of  Job's 
wife  (Job  ii.  9.)  is  to  be  understood  in  a  good  sense,  as  Bless  (or  ascribe 
glory  to)  God,  and  die,  or  in  a  different  signification,  Curse  God,  and  die, 
as  it  is  rendered  in  our  authorized  version.  Circumstances  show  that  the 
last  is  the  proper  meaning  ;  because  as  yet  Job  had  not  sinned  with  his 
lips,  and,  consequently,  his  wife  had  no  ground  for  charging  him  with  in- 
dulging a  vain  opinion  of  his  integrity. 

(3.)  Job  xli.  Whether  the  leviathan  is  a  whale  or  a  crocodile  has  also 
divided  the  judgment  of  commentators.  That  the  latter  animal  is  intended 
is  evident  from  the  circumstances  described  in  the  context,  which  admi- 
rably agree  with  the  crocodile,  but  can  in  no  respect  be  applied  to  the 
whale  :  for  instance,  ch.  xli.  17,  <tc.  relative  to  the  hardness  of  his  skin,  and 
v.  13 — 16.  concerning  his  teeth  and  impenetrable  scales. 

(4.)  Once  more,  it  has  been  doubted  whether  our  Lord's  command  to  his 
disciples,  to  provide  neither  gold  nor  silver  in  their  purses  (Matt.  x.  9.),  be 
a  rule  of  perpetual  observation.  That  it  was  only  a  temporary  command 
is  evident  from  the  preceding  and  subsequent  parts  of  the  chapter,  which 
prove  that  particular  mission  to  have  been  only  a  temporary  one  ;  and  th;.i 
as  they  were  to  go  for  a  short  time  through  Judea,  and  then  to  return  to 
Jesus,  he  therefore  forbade  them  to  take  any  thing  that  would  retard  theii 
progress. 

2.  The  context  of  a  discourse  or  book  in  the  Scriptures,  may 
comprise  either  one  verse,  a  few  verses,  entire  periods  or  sec 
tions,  entire  chapters,  or  whole  books. 

Thus,  if  1  Cor.  x.  16.  be  the  passage  under  examination,  the  preceding 
and  subsequent  parts  of  the  epistle,  which  belong  to  it,  are  the  eighth, 
ninth,  and  tenth  chapters.  If  Isa.  Ii.  be  the  chapter  in  question,  the  reader 
must,  not  stop  at  the  end  of  it,  but  continue  his  perusal  to  the  twelfth  verse 
of  ch.  Iii. ;  for  these  together  form  one  subject  ir  argument  of  prediction 
in  which  the  prophet  is  announcing  to  his  countrymen  the  certainty  o 
their  deliverance  and  return  from  the  Babylonish  captivity.  This  entire 
portion  ought,  therefore,  to  be  read  at  once,  in  order  to  apprehend  tullj 
the  prophet's  meaning.  In  like  manner,  the  verses  from  v.  13.  of  ch.  Iii 
to  the  end  of  ch.  liii.  form  a  new  and  entire  section  relative  to  the  euffei 
ings  of  the  Messiah.    Here,  then,  is  a  wrong  vision  of  chapters,  to  vvhicl 


«  See  a  further  illustration  of  this  passage  in  Vol.  I.  p.  120  121 


Chaf.II.  Sect.  II.  §  1.] 


OF  THE    CONTEX1 


337 


ao  regard  should  be  paid  iaexaminii  li  (t  of  a  book.    Ch  li.  ought 

to  Include  v.  12.  of  en.  Hi.,  and  ch.  Hi.  ought  to  commence  at  v.  13 
continued  to  the  end  of  ch.  Liii.    In  like  manner,  tl  ol  the 

fourth  chapter  of  Saint  Paul's  Epistle  i"  the  ''"I"  stans  oughl  to  bi 
K,  the  third  chapter,  the  slightest  attention  i"  this  point  mil 
Kent  student  to  add  numerou  nplei 

3.  Sometimes  a  book  of  Scripture  comprise*  only  'in- 
ject or  argument,  in  which  case  the  whole  of  it  mutt  be  refer- 
red to  precedent!  and  tubtequenti,  and  ought  to  be  considered 

together. 

Of  this  description  is  Saint  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Epheslaua,  whii 

i  two  parts,  doctrinal  and  practical.  The  design  ol  the  doctrinal 
oortion  Is  t<  Itl ch  there  was  a  difference  between  Jewish 

d  Gentile  believers,  inasmuch  as  the  for ■  enjoyed  a  priorii) 

..i  i">iiit  of  expecting  and  acknowledging  Christ,  and  through  the  fi  •  i 

of  God  they  were  a  church  or  congregation  of  believers  before  the  Oentiles  j 

tl  rune,  the  latter  an  if  the  sa grace  with  them 

mununlon  ol  grace,  ev<  rj  n 

botwoen  thi  tn  i     iboll  bed  :  i.  therefore,  thai  both  Jews  and  '■'■ 

togi  t  hi  r.  form  one  body  of  the  churcl ler  one  head,  even  Je  ins  CI 

Ouiei  .  peciai  doctrines,  Indeed,  are  incld  nlsily  mentioned  ;  but  thi 

idduceil  to  explain  and  enforce  the  principal  doctrine,  or  thi  >  are 
lerfved  from  it.  The  practical  p  tri  or  exhortation,  which  naturally  flows 
iron,  the  doctrine  Incarnated,  Is  concord  and  peace  between  Jew  and  Gen- 
tile, which  the  apostle  enforces  with  great  beauty  and  energy.1 

To  this  head  may  also  be  referred  the  Psalms,  each  ol  winch  being  sepa- 
rated from  tl ther,  and  having  no  connection  with  the  preceding  or 

following  Psalm,  for  the  mosl  part  comprises  a  distinct  and  entire  subject 
That  some  of  the  Psalms  have  been  divided,  and  forcibly  disjoined,  which 
ought  to  have  remained  united,  and  to  have  formed  one  ode,  is  evident  as 
well  from  the  application  of  sacred  criticism  as  from  the  subject-matter. 
The  mtmoerof  the  Psalms  by  no  means  corresponds,  either  in  manuscripts 
or  in  the  ancient  versions.  Thus,  in  some  manuscripts,  the  first  and 
Psalms  an-  not  reckoned  at  all.  while  in  others  the  former  is  considered  as 
part  of  the  second  Psalm  :  that  they  are  two  distinct  composition  i 
evident  from  a  i-.nupan.sun  of  the  subject-matter  of  each  Psalm.  In  the 
tirst  Psalm  the  characters  of  the  pious  man  and  the  sinne  r,  as  well  as  their 
respective  en. is.  are  contrasted:  the  second  Psalm  is  prophetic  of  the 
Messiah's  exaltation.  The  ninth  ami  tenth  Psalms  are  united  together  in 
the  Septuaginl  version  ;  while  the  hundred  and  - 1  rteenth  and  hundred  and 
forty- sev.  nth  are  each  divided  Into  two.  The  argument  which  pervades 
the  forty-second  and  forty-third  Psalms  plainly  slews  tin*  they  are  properly 

but  OIM  divine  ode,  and   are,   therefore,   rightly  joined    together  in  many 

manuscripts,  although  they  occur  as  separate  compositiona  in  all  our 
printed  editions.1 

II.  In  examinin<r  the  context  of  a  passage,  it  will  be  de- 
sirable, 

1.  To  investigate  each  word  of  e\>ery  passage  :  and  as  the 
connection  is  formed  by  particles,  these  should  always  receive 
that  signification  which  the  subject-matter  and  context  require. 

The  Hebrew  C  ncordances  of  Noldius  and  Taylor,  and  also  Glassius's 
Philologia  Sac  a.3  will  materially  assist  in  ascertaining  the  force  of  the 
Hebrew  particles  ;  as  will  the  elaborate  work  of  Hoogeveen  on  the  subject 
of  the  Greek  panicles.*  Further,  where  particles  are  wanting,  as  thty 
soin  ues  are,  it  is  only  by  examining  the  argument  and  context  that  we 
can  rightly  supply  them.    For  instance,  the  conditional  conjunction  is 

sometimes  wanting,  as  in  Gen.  xlii.  38..  and  [If]  mischief  befall  him  by  the 
tray.*  in  Exod.  iv.  23,  and  [if]  thou  refuse  to  let  him  go.  Particles  of  com- 
parison also  are  frequently  wanting,  as  in  Sen.  xvi.  12.,  he  will  lie  u  irild 
man ;  literally,  he  will  be  a  tcild  ass  vian.  that  is,  [like]  a  wild  ass.  How 
appropriately  this  description  was  given  to  the  desc  indents  of  I  shun  el.  will 
readily  appear  by  comparing  the  character  of  the  wild  ass  in  Job  XXXJX 
5—3.  with  the  wandering,  lawless,  and  (reebooting  lives  of  the  Irabsofthe 
Desert,  as  portrayed  by  all  travellers.    Psal  A  1    Flee  [as)  sparrow*  to 

your  mountain.  Psal.  xii.  6.  The.  words  of  the  Lord  ire  pure  tr.-nA',  [as| 
silver  tried  in  a  furnace  of  earth.  Isaiah  ix.  18.  They  shall  mount  up  [as 
or  like]  the  ascending  of  smoke.  Similar  examples  occur  in  the  New  Tes- 
tament;  as  in  John  v.  17.   My fathef  trorkelh  hitherto,  and  I  work :  that  is, 

as  my  Father  worketh  hitherto,  so  also  do  I  work  together  with  him. 
Sometimes  particles  are  wanting  both  at  the  beginning  and  end  of  a  sentence: 
thus  Job  xxiv.  ID.  [As]  drought  and  heat  consume  the  snow:  so  doth  fAe 
grave  those  which  hare  sinned.  Jer.  xvii.  11.  [As]  the  partridge  sitteth 
on  eggs,  and  hatrheth  not  :  [so]  he  thai  geiteth  riches  and  tint  hy  right,  -\  c. 
Numerous  similar  instances  occur  in  the  book  of  Job,  and  especially  in  the 
Proverbs;  where,  jt  is  but  justice  to  our  admirable  authorized  version  to 
vld.  that  the  particles  omitted  are  properly  supplied  in  Italic  characters  and 
thus  complete  the  sense. 

.  2.  Examine  the  entire  passage  with  minute  attention. 

Bometiraes  a  single  passage-will  require  a  whole  chapter,  or  s  vera!  of 

the  preceding  and  following  chapters,  or  even  the  entire  book,  to  be  pe- 
rused, and  that  not  once  or  twice,  but  several- times.  The  ;i.U  rntage  of 
this  practice  will  be  very  great:  because,  as  the  same  thing  is  frequently 
stated  more  briefly  in  the  former  pan  of  s  Look,  which  is  ,  iore  clearly 
and  fully  explained  in  the  subsequent  p  rtion,  such  a  perusal  will  render 

>  Moidenhaweri  Introductio ad  I.ibros  Vet.  e(  Nov.  Foederis,  p  307.  Pro- 
feasor  Franck's  Guide  to  the  Reading  of  the  Scriptures,  translated  by  Mr 
Jacques,  p.  178,  ( 1st  edit  ) 

S  They  are  considered,  and  translated  as  one  Psalm,  by  Bishop Horslcy. 
Sefl  his  Version  of  the  Psalms,  vol.  i.  pp.  110—114.  and  the  n 

«  See  particularly,  tract  v.— viii  on  adverbs,  prepositions,  and  conjunc- 
tions, torn,  i  pp  361 — 656.  ed.  Dathii, 

«  Hbogewn,  Doctrine  Partieularurn Gneearutn,  3  vols  ito  1700  Though 
treating  of  fJreek  particles  generally,  this  elaborate  work  incidentally  illus- 
trates a  great  number  of  passages  in  the  New  Testament.  A  valuable  abridg- 
ment of  it,  with  the  notes  of  various  literati,  was  published  by  Professor 
SchulzatLeipsic  in  1S06,  which  has  been  handsomely  reprinted  at  Glasgow, 
1813.  See  also  Dr.  Macknight  on  the  Epistles,  vol.  i.  essay  4.  §7-1.,  to  the  end 
of  that  essay. 

•  Purver  rightly  supplies  it,  and  rentiers  the  passage  thus,  and  should 
death  befall  him  in  the  way :  in  the  authorized  English  version  the  con- 
junction and  is  omitted,  and  the  conditional  if  is  properly  supplieil 


ever]  thing  plain  to  the  meanest  capacity.    For  instance,  that  otherwise 

difficult  passage,   Rom.  ix.  18.  Therefore  hath  he  mercy  on  whom  he  will 

.ri/,  indwhom  ht  wilt  he  hardencth,  will  become  perfectly  cleai 

e  examination  ol  the  context,  beginning  at  verse  18.  of  chap,  viii., 

the  •  nd  of  the  eleventh  chapter  ;  this  portion  of  the  epistle 

being  mosl  ultimately  connected.    Disregarding  this  simple  and  all  but 

explained  1  Pet.  II.  8.  as  meaning 
thai  certain  persons  were  absolutely  appointed  tu  destruction;  a  notion, 
the  whole  tenor  of  Scripture,  but  also  repugnant  to 
even  idea  winch  we  are  there  taught  to  entertain  ol  the  mercy  and  justice 
a.i  attentive  considerate  Dl<  xl  and  of  the  proper 

punctuation  of  the  passage   alluded  to  (lor  the  most  ancient  manuscripts 
rcelj  an]  point  i  wi  u!d  have  prevented  them  from  giving  so  re- 
in interpretation.    Hie  fit  Pi  b  i  (il  should  be  recol- 
lected) ■                                             I  Jews.'    After  congratulating  them  on 
then  happiness  in  being  called  to  the  glorious  privileges  and  hopes  of  the 
exp  itiate  upon  the  sublime  manner  in  which 
ii  was  introduced,  both  by  the  prophets  and  a]  o.-.;loi- ;  and  having  enforced 

Ac   by  an  affecting  represcnta- 
tion  oi  our  relation  to  God,  our  redemption  by  the  precious  blood  of 
Christ,  the  vanity  of  Ml  worldly  enjoyments,  and  the  excellence  and  per- 
Ihi    Gi    pel   dispensation  (ch.  i,   throughout); — he  proceeds 
i  :   i     12  i  to  urge  ii.' in  b]  ition  of  their  Christian  pri* 

ve  the  woni  oi  Cod  with  mi  ekness,  to  continue  in  the  exer. 
faith  in  Chris)  as  the  great  foundation  ol  thi  ir  i  tenia]  hopes,  and  to  main 
tain  aucii  an  exemplary  conduct  as  might  adorn  his  Gospel  among  the 
unconverted  Gentiles.     1 1  /•  rt  fore,  says  he,  in  consideration  of  the  evei 

lasting  permanency  and  invariable  certainty  of  the  word  of  God,  laying 
aside  all  malice,  and  all  guile,  and  hypocrisies,  and  envies,  ami  all  evu 
speakings,  winch  are  so  contrary  to  us  benevolent  design,  with  all  sini 
pliciiv.  as  new-born  babesi  (or  infants),  who  are  regenerated  by  divine 
grace,  di  si! '  the  sincere  mUk  of  the  word,  that  ye  may  grow  thereby  [unit 
salvation).1  since  [or  seeing  that]  you  have  tasted  that  the  Lord  is  gra- 
dous.  unto  a  living  stone,  disallowed  indeed  of  men, 

bul  chosen  of  God,  and  precious,  Ye  also  (who  believe),  as  living  stones 
are  built  up  a  spiritual  house,  an  holy  priesthood,  to  offer  up  spiritual 
sacrifict  (  Wherefore  also  it  is  contained  in  the  Scrij 

lure,  Behold  I  lay  in  Sion  a  chief  corner-stone,  elect,  precious;  and  tit 
that  belli  i  ■  /•  on  it  (confideth  in  it)  shall  not  confounded,  or  ashamed). 
Unto  TOO,  therefore,  who  eei.ieve,  he  is  precious;  but  unto  them  that 
DISBELIEVE,  *-•  -•  ..vi,9  the  stone  which  the  builders  disallowed,  the  same 
corner,  and  a  stone  of  stumbling,  and  a  rock 

of  offence.     They  DISBELIEVING  THE  WORD  O  "  K'.yu.  x-ri  i  jsuvT!,-),  that  is  the 

word  of  the  Gospel,  which  contains  this  testimony,  stumble  at  this  corner- 
stone, whertunto  they  wire  appointed.  But  ye  (believers,  who  n 
salvation  on  n)  are  u  chosen  generation,  a  royal  priesthood,  a  peculiar 
people,  Sec.  &c.  Hence,  it  is  evident,  that  the  meaning  of  1  Pet.  ii.  8.  is  not. 
!  bad  ordained  them  to  disobedience  (for  in  that  case  their  obe- 
dience would  I  ave  been  impossible,  ami  their  disobedience  would  have 
been  DO  sin):  but  that  God,  the  righteous  judge  of  all  the  earth,  had  ap- 
pointed, oi  I  en  •  1  that  destruction  and  eternal  perdition  should  be  the 
punishment  of  such  disbelieving  persons,  who  wilfully  rejected  all  the 
evident  es  that  Jesus  Christ  was  the  Messiah,  the  Saviour  of  the  world 
The  mode  of  pointing  above  adopted,  is  that  proposed  by  Drs.  John  'i 
Doddridge,  and  Mi. knight,  and  recognised  hy  Griesbach  in  his  crviral 
edition  of  the  Greek  Testament,  and  is  manifestly  required  by  the  context 

3.  A  verse  or  passage  must  not  be  connected  -with  a  remott 
context,  unlet!  the  latter  agree  better  -with  it  than  a  nearer 
context. 


«  See  this  proved,  infra,  Vol.  II.  p.  361. 

1  This  expression  very  emphatically  denotes  those  who  are  newly  con 
verted  or  regenerated,  as  the  apostle  had  said  (IPet  i.  23.)  the  beUevini 
.lews  wi  re.  through  the  incorruptible  word  of  God.  It  is  well  known  thai 
the  ancient  Jewish  rabbiea  styled  new  proselytes  to  their  religion,  /1///4 
children  ami  newborn  babes ;  and  Peter,  who  was  a  Jew,  very  naturally 
adopts  the  same  phraseology,  when  writing  to  Jewish  converts  to  th« 
Gospel. 

•  These  words  [unto  salvation,  i<;  <r»>-rvpi*i  [.  though  omitted  in  the 
common  printed  editions,  are,  by  Griesbach.  Inserted  in  the  text,  of  which 
they  form  an  integral  part.  They  are  found  in  the  Codices  Alexandrinils, 
Vaucanus,  and  Ephremi  (the  three  oldest  manuscripts  exlanl);  in  thirty 
nine  others  of  good  authority,  though  of  less  antiquity  ;  and  also  in  the  Olc 
Syri.i.-.  the  Philoxenian  (or  later) Byriac,  the  Arabic  edited  by  Erpenius, 
the  Coptic,  Ethiopic,  Armenian,  Sclavonic,  and  Vulgate  versions,  and  are 
quoted  bv  Clemens  alexandrinus,  Origen,  Cyril,  Joannes  Damascenaa,  ant? 
Theophyiact,  among  the  Greek  Fathers;  and  by  the  Latin  Fathers,  Je 
rome.  RLufinus,  stagnating  Gildas,  Cassjodorus,  and  the  venerable  Bede. 
This  reading  is  therefore,  undoubtedly  genuine,  and  is  of  great  Importance. 
Ii  shows  he  reason  why  the  believing  Jews  were  regenerated,  and  also 
why  they  were  to  desire  the  unadulterated  doctrines  of  the  Gospel,  viz 
thai  they  mil  ht  thereby  increase,  or  grow  up,  unto  salvation.  Thiswai 
the  smI  they  should  always  have  in  view;  and  nothing  could  so  effectually 
promote  this  end.  as  continually  receiving  the  pure  truth  of  God,  praying 
for  the  fulfilment  1  I '  '  -  promises,  and  acting  under  its  dictates. 

•  The  ■  .    '  (whence  the  particle  Mnifaurrt;)  and  its  derivative 

•     p..     -n-.iix,  signify  such  a  disbelief,  as  constitutes  the  parly 
guiltv  of  obstinacy,  or  wilful  refusal  to  credit  a  doctrine  or  narrative.     In 
it,.   \".  \-   Te  •  ,111  -nt  11  is  specially  used  concerning  those  who  obstinately 
cting  the  doctrine  of  the  Gospel,  regardless  of  all  the  evi- 
dences that  accompanied  it     Thus,  in  John  iii.  36.  »ml«  i«  u.V,  he  that 
Is  opposed  to   Aim  that   believeth   on  the  Son,  t* 
So  in  Acts  xiv.  2.,  those  Jews  who  stirred  up  the 
Gentiles,  and  made  them  evil  affected  towards  the  brethren,  are  terrnel  »< 
,    disbelieving  (or,  as  it  is  not  ill  rendered  in  our  au- 
thorized version),  the  unbelieving  or  wilfully  incredulous  Jews,  who  are 
opposed  to  the  L-roat  multitude  both  of  the  Jews  and  also  of  the  Greeks,  whe 
believed,  sr.fiv*  ...  (verse  1  )    The  same  verb  is  found  in  Acts  xvn.  5_  and 
xix  9.  Rom.  xi.  30,  Til.  and  1  Pet.  iii.  1.  (Gr),  in  which  last  place  Saint  Peter 
exhorts  wives,  who  believed  the  Gospel,  to  be  in  subjection  to  their  hus- 
bands,   that   if  any,    ^i.!.»f,   t*  >.c-y*.    disbelieve  the  word,  they  may 
also  without  the  word  be  won  over  to  the  Gospel,  >,-  the  .exemplary con- 
versation of  the  wires.    The  lexicographer.  Suidas  .as  cited  by  Scnleus- 
ner,  in  voce,  to  whom  we  are  chiefly  Indebted  for  this  note),  considers 
■iritvid  as  synonymous  with  «»•«»».    a-.  ;  ■-    j»*  *«■  «»<rn». 

For  examples,  in  which  the  derivafiv e  substi  nnve"v£L'""  means  disoe 
lief,  or  contempt  of  the  Christian  dr,:trine.  see  ScMuesnci  s  Lexicon 
tub  voce. 


)38 


OF    THE   SUBJECT-MATTER. 


[Pari  II.   Book  I 


Thus,  Rom.  ii   16.,  although  it  makes  a  ?  .oi  sense  if  connected  with  the 
ding  vent,  makes  a  much  better  when  joined  with  verse  12.  (the 
tediate  vwrses  being  read  parenthetically  as  in  the  authorized  ver- 
and  this  shows  it  to  be  the  true  and  proper  context. 

4.  Examine  -whether  the  writer  untmuei  his  discourse,  lest 
we  suppose  him  to  make   a   transition  to   another   argument, 

• ,  in  fact,  he  is  prosecuting  the  same  topic. 

Rojj.  v.  12.  will  furnish  an  illustration  of  this  remark.     From  that  verse 

>  the  end  of  the  chapter  Saint  Paul  produces  a  strong  argument  to  prove, 

liiai  a-s  all  men  stood  in  need  of  the  grace  of  Gcd  in  Christ  to  redeem  them 

Mieir  sins,  so  this  grace  has  teen  afforded  equally  to  all,  whether 

•  ir  Gentiles.    To  perceive  the  full  force,  therefore,  of  the  apostle's 

conclusion,  we  must  read  the  continuation  of  this  argument  from  verse  12. 

•o  the  close  of  the  chapter. 

5.  The  parentheses  -which  occur  in  the  sacred  writings 
should  be  particularly  regarded:  but  no  parenthesis  should 
be  interposed  without  sufficient  reason. 

Sometimes  the  grammatical  construction,  with  which  a  sen- 
tence begins,  is  interrupted ;  and  is  again  resumed  by  the  writer 
after  a  larger  or  shorter  digression.    This  is  termed  a  parenthesis. 

Parentheses  being  contrary  to  the  genius  and  structure  of  the 
Hebrew  language,  are,  comparatively,  of  rare  occurrence  in  the 
Old  Testament.  In  fact,  as  there  is  no  sign  whatever  for  it  in 
Hebrew,  the  sense  only  can  determine  when  it  is  to  be  used. 

The  prophetic  writings,  indeed,  contain  interruptions  and  interlocutions, 
particularly  those  .of  Jeremiah  ;  but  we  have  an  example  of  a  real  paren- 
in  Zech.  vii.  7.  The  Jewish  captives  had  sent  to  inquire  of  the  pro- 
phet, whether  their  fasting  should  be  continued  on  account  of  the  burnmg 
of  the  temple,  and  the  assassination  of  Gedaliah ;  after  a  considerable 
digression,  but  closely  .connected  with  the  question  proposed,  the  prophet 
at  length  replies,  in  ch.  viii.  10.,  that  the  season  formerly  devoted  to  fasting 
should  soon  be  spent  in  joy  ami  gladness.  The  intermediate  verses,  there- 
fore, from  ch.  vii.  4.  to  ch.  viii.  17.,  are  obviously  parenthetical,  though  not 
marked  as  such  in  any  of  the  modern  versions  which  we  have  had  an 
opportunity  to  examine. 

A  remarkable  instance  of  complicated  parenthetic  expression  occurs  in 
Dan  viii.  9L  A>vl  I  saw  in  vision  (and  when  I  saw  I  was  in  Shushan), 
and  Isate  (I  wis  then  by  the  waters  of  Ulai),  and  I iiftedtipmy  eyes,  and 
saw  and  beheld!  &c.  Seeother  instances  in  Gen.  xxiv.  10.  2Chron.  xxxii. 
9    Exod.  xii.  15.  Psal.  xlv.  6.  Isa.  Hi.  14.' 

In  the  New  Testament,  however,  parentheses  are  frequent, 
especially  in  the  writings  of  St.  Paul ;  who,  after  making 
numerous  digressions  (all  of  them  appropriate  to,  and  illustra- 
tive of,  his  main  subject),  returns  to  the  topic  which  he  had 
begun  to  discuss.  They  are  generally  introduced  in  the  follow- 
ing manner  : — 

(1.)  Where  the  parenthesis  is  short,  it  is  inserted,  without  hesitation 
between  two  clauses  which  are  grammatically  connected,  and  then  after 
the  conclusion  of  the  parenthesis,  Vie  latter  clause  proceeds,  as  if  no  inter- 
ruption had  taken  place.     Thus  : — 

i.  In  Acts  i.  15.  Peter. . .  .said  (the  number  of  names  together  was  about 
an  hundred  and  twenty,  iv  ri  °%>.o?,  &c),  Men  ami  brethren,  &c. 

ii.  Rom.  viii.  19—21.  The  application  of  the  parenthesis  will  render  this 
very  difficult  passage  perfectly  easy.  The  earnest  expectation  of  the  crea- 
tion waiteth  for  the  manifestation  of  the  sons  of  God:  (for  the  creation, 
y*f..  .,ijKT»a-i{.. .  ,ic as  made  subject  to  vanity,  notirillitigly,  but  by  reason 
of  him  who  subjected  it)  in  hope  that  the  creation  itself  also  shall  be  deli- 
vered from  the  bondage  of  corruption  into  the  glorious  liberty  of  the  sons 
of  God* 

iii.  1  Cor.  xv.  52.  At  the  last  trump :  (for  the  trumpet  shall  sound 

and  we  shall  be  changed;  a-xXinyyiyxf,  foe.)  for  this  corruptible  must 
put  on  incorruption,  &c. 

Similar  parentheses  occur  in  2  Cor.  vi.  2.  x.  3, 4.  Gal.  ii.  8.  A  parenthesis 
of  considerable  length  is  in  this  way  inserted  in  Rom.  ii.  13 — 16.  In  cases 
of  this  kind  the  parenthesis  is  commotsly  indicated  by  the  particles  n,  yxp, 
foil,  at  its  commencement.  See  the  examples  above  adduced,  and  Rom.  i. 
20.  xv.  3.,  and  Heb.  vii.  20,  &c. 

(2.)  When  the  parenthesis  is  longer,  the  principal  irord  or  words  of  the 
■[receding  clause  are  repeated,  with  or  without  variation,  after  the  paren- 
thesis. 

i.  1  Cor.  viii.  1 — 4.  Now  as  touching  things  offered  unto  idols  {we  know 
that  we  all  have  knowledge.     Knowledge  puffeth  up.  but  charity  edifieth, 

foe, as  concerning  those  things  that  are  offered  in  sacrifice  unto  idols) 

we  know  that  an  idol  is  nothing,  &c.  Similar  instances  occur  in  John  vi. 
22—24.  Eph.  ii.  1—5.  12—19.  and  Rev.  iii.  8—10. :  and  the  observant  student 
of  the  New  Testament  will  easily  be  enabled  to  supply  other  examples. > 

Another  instance  of  the  parenthesis  we  have  in  Phil,  i  27.  to  chap.  ii.  16. 
inclusive  :  in  which  the  apostle  discusses  a  subject,  the  proposition  of  which 
is  contained  in  ch.  i.  27.;  and  afterwards  in  ch.  ii.  17.  he  returns  to  the 
topic  which  he  had  been  treating  in  the  preceding  chapter.  "  In  conformity 
with  this  statement  uv  find  (ch.  i.23.),  that  Saint  Paul  says,  he  is  influenced 
by  two  things— a  desire  both  of  life  and  death;  bill  he  knows  not  which 
of  these  to  choose.  Death  is  the  most  desirable  to  himself;  but  the  welfare 
of  the  Phihppians  requires  rather  that  he  may  be  spared  a  little  longer; 
and,  having  this  confidence,  he  is  assured  that 'his  life  will  be  lengthened, 
and  that  he  shall  see  them  again  in  person.  Then,  after  the  interruption 
which  his  discourse  had  received,  he  proceeds  (ch   ii    17.)  as  follows  •— 


i  Stuart's  Heb.  Gram.  §  244.  p.  335. 

»  Those  who  are  acquainted  with  the  original  language  will,  on  conside- 
ration, easily  perceive  the  justice  of  the  above  translation.  For  the  reasons 
on  which  it  is  founded,  and  for  an  able  elucidation  of  the  whole  passage 
see  "  Sermons  preached  at  Welbeck  Chapel,  by  the  Rev.  Thomas  White  " 
sermon  xx.  pp.  363—380.  Griesbach,  and  after  him  Vater,  has  printed  in 
a  parenthesis  only  the  middle  clause  of  verse  20.  ("  not  willingly,  hut  by 
reason  of  him  who  subjected  it");  which  certainly  does  not  materially 
contribute  to  clear  up  tie  difficulty  of  this  passage. 

»  Winer's  Grammar  to  the  Gr.  Test.  p.  164.  Some  observations  on 
parentheses  will  be  found  inFranck's  Guide  to  the  Scriptures,  pp  1S3,  i<?9 
Mr.  Jacques's  Translation.)  1st  edit. 


"Yea,  and  if  I  be  offered  upon  the  sacrifice  am  service  of  your  faith,  / 
joy  and  rejoice  with  you  all.  The  Intervening  •harge  is  happily  and  judi 
ciously  introduced  by  the  apostle  in  order  ihat  the  Philippians  might  not 
remit  their  exertions  until  his  arrival,  but  contend  for  the  faith  of  th« 
Gospel  with  unity  and  humility  ;  as  will  be  evident  to  those  who  examine 
the  point  with  attention  and  candour  "* 

ii.  To  this  class  we  may  refer  the  following  beautiful  example  of  Ih 
parenthesis,  in  2Tim.  i.  16—18.  The  apostle  acknowledging  the  intrepid 
affection  of  Onesiphorus— who,  when  timorous  professors  deserted  him, 
stood  by  him  and  ministered  to  him — begins  with  a  prayer  for  the  good 
man's  family  :  The  Lord  grant  mercy  to  the  house  of  Onesiphorus.  for  h 
often  refreshed  me,  and  was  not  ashamed  of  my  chains,  but,  tieing  i* 
Rome,  very  carefully  sought  me,  and  found  me  out.  St.  Paul  then  stop 
his  peti^d,  and  suspends  his  sentence,  to  repeat  his  acknowledgment  and 
prayer  with  renewed  fervour  and  gratitude— (The  Lord  grant  that  he  mug 
find  mercy  from  the  Lord  in  that  day),  and  in  how  many  instances  ht 
ministered  to  me  at  Ephesus,  you  very  well  know.  If  we  peruse  the 
choicest  authors  of  Greece  and  Rome,  we  shall  scarcely  find,  among  their 
many  parentheses  and  transpositions  of  style,  one  expressed  in  so  pathetic 
and  lively  a  manner,  nor  for  a  reason  so  substantial  and  unexceptionable.' 

Additional  instances  might  be  offered,  to  show  the  importance 
of  attending  to  parentheses  in  the  examination  of  the  context 
but  the  preceding  will  abundantly  suffice  for  this  purpose.  The 
author  has  been  led  to  disc-uss  them  at  greater  length  than  may 
seem  to  have  been  requisite,  from  the  circumstances,  that  less 
attention  appears  to  be  given  to  the  parenthesis,  than  to  any 
other  species  of  punctuation,  in  the  different  works  on  the  study 
of  the  Scriptures,  in  our  language,  that  have  fallen  under  his 
notice.' 

6.  JVo  explanation  must  be  admitted,  but  that  which  suits 
the  context. 

In  direct  violation  of  this  self-evident  canon  of  interpretation,  the  church 
of  Rome  expounds  Matt,  xviii.  17.  ;/  a  ma?i  neglect  to  hear  the  church, 
let  him  be  unto  thee  as  a  heathen  man  and  as  a  publican,  of  the  infallibi- 
lity and  final  decisions  of  all  doctrines  by  the  (Roman)  Catholic  church. 
But  what  says  the  evangelist?  Let  us  read  the  context.  "If,"  says  our 
Lord,  "  thy  brother  shall  trespass  against  thee,  go  and  tell  him  his  fan  It 
betineen  thee  and  him  alone:  if  he  shall  hear  thee,  thou  hast  gained  thy 
brother.  But  if  he  will  not  hear,  take  with  thee  one  or  two  more,  that  in 
the  mouth  of  one  or  two  witnesses  every  word  may  be  established.  And 
if  he  shall  neglect  to  hear  them,  tell  it  unto  the  church  :  but  if  he  neglect  to 
hear  the  church,  let  him  be  unto  thee  as  a  heathen  man  and  a  publican. 
(verses  15—17.)  That  is,  if  a  man  have  done  you  an  injury,  first  admonish 
him  privately  of  it ;  if  that  avail  not,  tell  the  church  ;— not  the  universal 
church  dispersed  throughout  the  world,  but  that  particular  church  to 
which  you  both  belong.  And  if  he  will  not  reform  upon  such  reproof, 
regard  him  no  longer  as  a  true  Christian,  but  as  a  wicked  man  with  whom 
you  are  to  hold  no  religious  communion,  though,  as  a  fellow-man,  you  owe 
him  earnest  and  persevering  good-will  and  acts  of  kindness.  Through  the 
whole  of  this  context  there  is  not  one  word  said  about  disobeying  the 
determination  of  the  Catholic  church  concerning  a  disputed  doctrine,  but 
about  slighting  the  admonition  of  a  particular  church  concerning  known 
sin  ;  and  particular  churches  are  owned  to  be  fallible.1 

7.  Where  no  connection  is  to  be  found  with  the  preceding 
and  subsequent  parts  of  a  book,  none  should  be  sought. 

This  observation  applies  solely  to  the  Proverbs  of  Solomon,  and  chiefly 
to  the  tenth  and  following  chapters,  which  form  the  second  part  of  that 
book  :  and  are  composed  of  separate  proverbs  or  distinct  sentences,  having 
no  real  or  verbal  connection  whatever,  though  each  individual  maxim  is 
pregnant  with  the  most  weighty  instruction.' 

From  the  preceding  remarks  it  will  he  evident,  that,  although 
the  comparison  of  the  context  will  require  both  labour  and 
unremitting  diligence,  yet  these  will  be  abundantly  com- 
pensated by  the  increased  degree  of  light  which  will  thus  be 
thrown  upon  otherwise  obscure  passages.  The  very  elaborate 
treatise  of  Franzius,  already  referred  to,  will  supply-numerous 
examples  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  which  are  rendered  perfectlv 
clear  by  the  judicious  consideration  of  the  context. 


§  2.    OF    THE    SUBJECT-MATTER. 

Although,  in  interpreting  words  that  have  various  mean- 
ings, some  degree  of  uncertainty  may  exist  as  to  which  of 
their  different  senses  is  to  be  preferred  ;  yet  the  ambiguity  in 

«  Franck's  Guide,  p.  189. 

s  Blackwall's  Sacred  Classics  illustrated,  vol.  i.  pp.  68,  69.  3d  edit. 

6  On  the  subject  of  parenthesis,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  very 
valuable  treatise  of  Christopher  Wollius,  De  Parenthesi  Sacra  at  Leipsic, 
in  1726,  4to.  The  same  subject  has  also  been  discussed  in  the  following 
works;  viz.  Jon.  Fr.  Hirt,  Disseriatio  de  Parenthesi,  et  generatim,  >t 
speciatim  Sacra,  4to.  Jena,  1745.  Joh.  Gottl.  Lindneri.  Commentatione? 
Duae  de  Parenthesibus  Johanneis,  4to.  1765.  Ad.  Bened.  Spitzneri  Coin- 
mentatio  Philologica  de  Parenthesi,  Libris  Sacris  V.  et  N.  T.  accommodata, 
8vo.  Lipsise,  1773. 

'  Whitby  on  Matt,  xviii.  15—17.  Bishop  Porteus's  Confutation  of  the 
Errors  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  pp.  13,  14. 

«  .'.  B.  Carpzov.  Prim.  Lin.  Herm.  pp.  36,  37.  Bauer,  Herm.  Bacr.  pp 
192—200.  Pfeiffer,  Herm.  Sacr.  c.  x.  (op.  torn.  ii.  pp.  656—658.)  Franzius, 
Pref.  pp.  8—11.  Tract,  op.  48— 51.  Morus,  in  Ernesti,  torn.  i.  pp.  161-163 
Viser,  Herm.  Nov.  Test."  Sacr.  pais  iii.  pp.  189—194.  Wetstein  et  Scmlei 
de  Interpret.  Nov.  Test.  pp.  116—190.  Franckii  Prtelecliones  Hermeneu 
ticBe,  pp.  61—94.  Rainbach,  Inst.  Herm.  pp.  197—216.  Jahnii  Ench'irid 
Herm.  Generalis,  pp.  51—71.  Chladenii  Instituliones  ExegctirK,  pp.  366- 
374.  J.  E.  Pfeifferi  Instituliones  Herm.  S.  i  pp.  464-468.  507— 534 
Schaefer,  Institutions  Scripturisticae,  pars  ii  pp  56—62.  Angler,  Herm 
neutica  Biblica,  pp.  148 — 165. 


(  •■>)   II.  Sect.  II.  §3.] 


OF  THE  SCOPE. 


33 


t;;ch  cases  w  not  so  great  hut  thai  it  may  in  general  be  re- 
moved, and  the  proper  signification  of  the  passage  in  question 
may  be  determined  i  for  the  .slkjkct-mattkk — that  is,  the 
topic  <>f  which  the  author  is  treating — plainly  shows  the 
sense  which  is  to  he  attached  to  any  particular  word.  For 
there  is  a  great  variety  of  agents  introduced  in  the  Scriptures, 

whose  words  and  actions  arc  recorded. 

Some  parts  of  the  Bible  arc  written  in  a  responsive  or  dialogue 
form:  as  the  twenty-fourth  Psalm,  Isa.  ri.8. and  Rom. iii.  I — 9. 
And  the  srnso  of  a  text  i>  frequently  mistaken,  by  not  observing 
who  is  the  speaker,  and  what  is  the  specific  topic  of  which  he 
;  and  also  by  not  attending  to  the  frequent  and  very  elegant 
[••hangea  and  successions  of  persona  occurring  in  the  Scriptures, 

•ad  especially  in  (lie    prophetic  writings.      One  or  two  examples 

will  illustrate  the  necessity  of  considering  the  subject-matter. 

1.  Tin'  Hebrew  word  ^V3  (at  shsb)  literally  signifies  the  akin;  by  a 
melon;  <  beneath  tie-  skin;  and  by  a  synedoche  it  denotes 

especially  man  considered  .is  Infirm  or  weak,  as  in  Jer. 

IK  ••/  mitl.-i  Hi   km.   ii   his 

!  meanings  derived  ft these,  which  it 

ia  nol  matei  lal  now  i lice.    Bui  thai  the  wordfteeh  i  • to  ba  undi 

of  man  only  in  Gen.  vi  IS,  Psal.  lxv»  8.  and  Job  x.  4.  will  be  evidi  ol  mi  the 
slightest   inspection  of  die  subject-matter.    AUJleah  had  corrupted  his 

.ill  mi  ii  In. I  w  holly  departed  from  ino  rule  of  righl siie.-s, 

•  •r  had  nidi!. •  their  way  of  life  abomlnabla  throughout  the  world.  Ami,  in 
the  Piial  n  abo1  e  cited,  w  ii"  can  doubl  bal  thai  by  the  word  Jleah  men  are 
Intended:  O  thou  that  hearest  prayer,  unto'  tliee  shall  all  Jttsh  that  is,  all 
mankind,  came  In  like  manner,  also,  in  .1  •  ■  1 »  ,\  !  ir  is  evident  t! 
has  tin.  wno  meaning;  if,  indeed,  tin-  passage  were  al  all  obscure,  the 
paralli  ii  m  woul  Ii  i\  inn  il  Host  thou  //>'■  eyes  of  a  man  (Heb,  ofjli  .',)/ 
I  tin  ii  as  man 

2.  The  fir~i  chaptei  of  the  prophecy  of  Isaiah  afibrds  an  apposite  eluci- 
dation of  attending  to  the  changes  and  success sui  persons  occurring  in 

the  Scriptures     Jehovah  i<  there  represented  as  impleading  bis  i 
diem  people,  Israel.    The  prophi  t,  with  a  boldness  and  majesty  becoming 
the  herald  of  the  Most  High,  begins  with  summoning  the  whole  creation 
to  attend  when  Jehovah  speaks,  (ver.  2.)   A  charge  of  gro« 

is  in  the  next  \  rse  brought  against  the  Jews,  whose  ^nili  is  amplified 
(ver.  1  );  ami  their  o  I  the  chastise- 

ments and  judgments  of  God,  though  repeated  till  thi  il  been 

left  like  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  (v  6— 9.)    The  incidental  mention  of  these 

places  leads  the  prophet  to  address  the  ruleri i  peopleol  the  Jews, 

under  the  character  of  the  princej  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  in  a  Btyle  nol 
less  spirited  and  severe,  than  il  is  elegant  and  unexpected.  (10.)  The 
vanity  of  trusting  to  the  performanci  of  the  external  rites  and  ceremo- 
nies of  religion  is  then  exposed  (ll  -15.),  and  the  necessity  of  repent- 
ance and  reformation  is  stroogly  enjoined  (16,  17. ).  and  urged  by  the  most 
<?ncouraginz  promises,  as  well  as  by  the  mosl  ;m  ful  threatening  s  1 1 

But,  as  neither  of  these  produced  the  proper  effect  uj thai  people,  who 

were  die  prophet's  charge,  he  bitterly  laments  their  degeneracy  (21 — 23.), 
and  concludes  with  introducing  the  Almighty  himself]  declaring  his  pi 
of  inflicting  such  heavy  judgments  as  would  entirely  cnl  off  the  wicked, 
and  excite  in  the  righteous,  who  should  pass  through  the  furnace,  an  ever- 
lasting  shame  and  al  horrence  of  every  thing  connected  with  idolatry,  the 
ef  all  their  misery.  (24— 31.)    The  whole  chapter,  in  loftiness  of 

sentiment,  and  style,  affords  a  bl  SUtiful  example  of  this  great  prophet's 
manner,  whose  writings,  like  his  lips,  are  touched  with  hallowed  fire.' 

lint  it  is  not  merely  with  reference  to  the  meaning  of  par- 
ticular passages  that  a  consideration  of  tin-  subject-matter 
becomes  necessary  to  the  right  understanding  of  Scripture. 
It  is  further  of  the  greatest  importance  in  order  to  comprehend 
the  various  dispensations  of  God  to  man,  which  are  contained 
in  the  sacred  writings.  For  although  the  Bible  comprises 
a  great  number  of  books,  written  at  different  times,  yet  they 
lave  a  mutual  connection  with  each  other,  and  refer,  in  the 
Old  Testament,  with  various  but  progressively  increasing 
degrees  of  li'_rht  ami  clearness,  to  afuttirr  Saviour,  and  in  the 
New  Testament  to  a  present  Saviour.  With  reference,  there- 
fore, to  the  several  divine  dispensations  to  man,  the  subject- 
matter  of  the  whole  Bible  ought  to  be  attentively  considered  : 
hut,  as  each  individual  nook  embraces  a  particular  suoject,  it 
will  also  be  requisite  carefully  to  weigh  its  subject-matter, 
in  order  to  comprehend  the  design  o{'  the  author.  An  analysis 
of  each  hook  will  materially  assist  a  reader  of  the  Scriptures 
in  formings  comprehensive  view  not  only  of  its  chief  subject- 
matler.  but  will  also  show  the  methodical  and  orderly 
coherence  of  all  the  parts  of  the  honk  with  one  another. 
Such  an  analysis  the  author  lias  attempted  in  the  second 
volume  of  this  work.  ■•  Books,"  says  an  old  writer,  "looked 
upon  confusedly,  are  bul  darkly  and  confusedly  apprehended : 
but  considi  s  in    these  distinct  analyses  or 

resolutions  into  their  principal  parts, must  needs  be  distinctly 
and  much  more  clearly  discerned. "'-' 

1   Bp    I  i.  vol.  ii.  pp.  1—  27.  Bvo.  edit.    Vitringa,  in  his  comment 

on  the  same  prophet,  emmenUy  excels  in  pointing  out  the  r  ipid  tran 
of  persons,  places,  and  things.    Van  Til.  in  his  cell  brated  Opus  Analuti- 
turn,  has  ably  noticed  various  similar  transitions  m  the  Scriptures  gene- 
rally, .md  in  the  Psalms  in    particular,  though  in  llio  last-mention. 
lie  lias  sometimes  unnecessarily  multiplied  the  speakers  intl 
value  of  Dr.  Macknight's  version  and  paraphrase  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans  is  enhanced  by  his  distinguishing  between  the  objections  brought 
by  the  Jews  whom  St.  Paul  introduces  as  arguing  with  him,  and  the  replies 
and  conclusive  reasonings  of  the  apostle. 

»  Roberts's  Key  to  the  Bible,  pp.  (11.)  (12.)  folio  edit.  1035.  See  also 
Ramliachii  Institutiones  Hermeneutica:  Sacra»,  pp.  10?— 110.  and  Chlade- 
mus's  lnstititiones  Exegeticx,  pp.  532.  e(  see/. 


§  3.    OK    THE    SCOPE. 


I.  The  scope  defined* — Importance  of  investigating  the  scop 
of  a  booh-  or  passage  of  Scripture.  —II.  Rules  for  investi- 
gating it. 

I.  A  roNstriKRATioN  of  the  scopii,  or  desion,  which  the  in 
spired  author  of  any  of  the  books  of  Scripture  had  in  view, 
essentially  facilitates  the  study  of  the  Bible:  because,  as 
every  writer  had  some  design  which  he  proposed  to  unfold, 
and  as  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  he  would  express  himself 
in  terms  foreign  to  that  design,  it  then  fore  is  hut  reasonable 
to  admit  that  he  made  use  of  such  words  and  phrases  as 

evi  ry  way  suited  to  his  purpose.  To  be  acquainted,  there- 
fore, with  the  scope  of  an  author  is  to  undi  rstaad  the  chief 

part  of  his    hook.      The    BCOpe,  It  has  heen  well  ohserved,  is 

the  soul  or  spirit  of  a  hook;  and  that  being  once  ascertained, 
every  argument  and  every  word  appears  iii  its  right  place 
and  Is  perfectly  intelligible:  but,  it  the  scope  be  not  duly 
considered,  every  thing  becomes  obscure,  however  clear  and 
obvious  its  meaning  may  really  be.3 

The  scope  of  an  author  is  either  ami  ml  or  special ;  by  the 
formi  r  we  understand  the  design  which  he  proposed  to  him- 
self in  writing  his  book;  by  the  latter  we  mean  that  di 
which    he  had  in  view  when   writing  particular  sections,     r 
even  smaller  portions,  of  his  book  or  treatise. 

The  means,  by  which  to  ascertain  the  scope  of  a  particular 
section  or  passage,  being  nearly  the  same  with  those  Which 
must  be  applied  to  the  investigation  of  the  general 
book,  we  shall  briefly  consider  them  together  in  the  following 
obst  rvations. 

II.  The  Scope  of  a  book  of  Scripture,  as  well  ■■■  ■  >  f  any 
particular  section  or  passage,  is  to  be  collected  from  the 
writer's  express  mention  of  it,  from  its  known  occasi  n,  from 
some  conclusion  expressly  added  at  the  end  of  an  argument : 
from  history,  from  attention  to  its  general  tenor,  b 

subject  and  tendency  of  the  several  topics,  and  to  the   force 
of  the  leading  expressions;  and  especially  from  i 
.  and  connected  perusals  of  the  book  itself. 

1.  When  the  scope  of  a  whole  book,  or  of  any  particular  por- 
tion of  it,  is  expressly  mentioned  by  the  sacred  -writer,  it  thoiud 
be  carefully  observed. 

Of  all  criteria  this  is  the  most  certain,  by  which  to  asccr: 
of  a  book.     Sometimes  it  is  mentioned  al  its  commencement,  or  towards 
its  close,  and  sometimes  it  is  intimated  in  other  parts  of  the  same 
rather  obscurely,  perhaps,  yet  in  such  a  manner  that  a  diliy  at 
tive  reader  may  readily  ascertain  it.    Thus  the  scope  and  end  of  tin 
Bible,  collectively,  is  contained  in  its  manifold   utility,  which    Bl 
expressly  states  in  2  Tim.  iii.  16,  17.  and  also  in  Rom.  xv.  4.     In  liki 
ner,   the  royal  author  of  Eccleaiastes  announces  preity  clearly, 

ing  of  his  book,  the  subject  he  intends  to  discuss,  viz 
all  human  affairs  are  vain,  uncertain,  frail,  and  imperfect ;  and.  sui 
the  case,  he  proceeds  to  inquire.  What  profit  hath  a  man  ofc 
which  he  taketh  undur  (he  sunt  (Eccl.  i.  2,  3.)    And  towards  the  i 
the  same  book  Cell.  xii.  S.)  he  repeats  the  same  subject,  the  truth  of  which 
he  had  proved  by  experience.     So,  in  the  commencement  of  the  hook  of 
Proverbs,  Solomon  distinctly  announces  their  scope,  (ch.  i.  1 — 4.  G.) — ••  The 
Proverbs  of  Solomon,  the  Son  of  David  king  of  Israel; — to  knou  i 
and  instruction,  to  perceive  the  words  of  understanding :  to  receive  the 
instruction  of  wisdom,  justice,  judgment,  and  equity ;  to  give  subtilty  !o 
the  simple,  to  the  young  man  knowh \dge  and  discretion  ;  to  understand  a 
proverb,  and  the  interpretation ;  the  words  of  the  wise,  and  their^dn,  •>• 
sayings."  -Saint  John,  also,  towards  the  close  of  bis  gospel,  announ."  >  s 
his  object  in  writim:  it  to  he,   "That  ye  might  believe  that  Jesus  is  the 
Christ,  the  Son  of  God ;  and  that,  believing,  y<  might  have  life  through 
his   name.''     Therefore,    all  trios.  ol    our   Lord,   which   are 

recorded  almost  exclusively  by  this  evangelist  and  apostle,  are  to  be  read 
and  considered  with  reference  to  this  particular  design:  and,  if  this  cir- 
cumstance be  kept  in  view,  they  will  derive  much  additional  force  ai.d 
beauty. 

Of  ihe  application  of  this  rule  to  the  illustration  of  a  particular  section, 
or  the  ascertaining  of  a  special  scope,  the  seventh  chanter  of  Saint  Paul's 
first  epistle  to  the  Corinthians  will  supply  an  example. — In  that  chapter,  the 
object  of  which  is  to  show  that  it  was  not  good  to  marry,  the  apostle  is 
replying  to  the  queries  which  had  been  proposed  to  him  by  the  Corinthian 
converts  ;    and  it  is  evident  that  his  reply  is  continued  through  the 
chapter.     But  did  he  mean  to  insinuate  absolutely  that  matrimony  in 
was  not  good  >     By  no  means :  on  the  contrary,  it  is  clear  from  lie 
of  ibis  section,  given  by  Saint  Paul  in  express  words,  that  his  deeig 

.    neral,  to  prefer  a  slate  of  celibacy  to  thai  of  marriage:  mui 


'  ■  How  unfair,  how  irrational,  how  arbitrary,  is  the  mode  of  interpreta- 
tion which  many  apply  to  the  word  ofGod  1  They  insulate  a  passage  ;  they 
fix  on  a  sentence  ;  they  detach  il  from  the  paragraph  to  which  it  belongs, 
and  explain  it  in  a  sense  dictated  only  by  Ihe  combination  of  the  syllables 
or  the  words,  in  themselves  considered.  If  the  word  of  God  be  thus  dis- 
or  tortured,  what  language  may  it  nol  seem  to  steak,  what  senti. 
no  nts  may  it  not  appear  to  countenance,  ■'■>'  "  not  De  a>*de  to 

srraufy?  But  would  such  a  mode  of  interpretation  be  tolerated  by  any 
living  author?  Would  such  a  method  be  endured  in  commenting  on  any 
admired  productions  of  classical  antiquity  1  Vet  in  this  case  it  woulC 
be  comparatively  barmli  ss,  ahl  nu)ih  utterly  ind.  fensible:  but  who  can 
calculate  the  amount  ofinjurv  which  may  be  susia  ned  by  the  caused 
revealed  truth,  if  its  pure  strains  '..■  ihusd.  fill  d.  and  if  it  be  contaminate, 
even  at  the  very  fountain  head  '."  Itev.  If  F.  Border's  Sermon  on  th 
Duty  and  Means  ofasi  Genuine  Si  use  of  the  Scriptures,  p.  21 


d40 


ANALOGV  OF  LANGUAGES. 


was  il  lo  teai  ti  that  the  living  unmarried  was  either  more  holy  or  more 
acceptable  to  God;  or  that  those  who  vow  to  lead  a  single  life  shall  certainly 
obtain  eternal  salvation,  as  the  church  of  Koine  erroneously  teaches  from 
this  place.  But  we  perceive  that  he  answered  the  question  proposed  to 
nim  with  reference  i  •  in,-  then  existing  circumstancea  of  the  Christian 
church.  The  apostle  thought  that  a  single  hie  was  preferable  on  account 
»(  the  present  distress— that  is,  (lie  sufferings  to  which  they  were  then 
,:able.  The  persecutions  to  which  they  were  exposed,  when  they  came 
upon  them  would  be  more  grievous  and  afflictive  lo  such  as  bad  a  wife  and 
Children  who  were  dear  to  them,  than  to  those  who  were  single  :  and, 
therefore,  undei  such  circumstances,  the  apostle  recommends  celibacy  to 
.  ho  had  the  gift  of  living  chastely  without  marriage. 

2.  The  scope  of  the  sacred  writer  may  be  ascertained  from 
the  known  occasion  on  which  his  book  was  written. 

Thus  in  the  time  of  the  apostles,  there  were  many  who  disseminated 
errors,  and  defended  Judaism :  hence  it  became  necessary  thai  the  apos- 
tles should  frequently  write  against  these  errors,  and  oppose  the  defenders 
ol  Judaism.  Such  was  the  occasion  of  Saint  Peter's  second  epistle  :  and 
this  circumstance  will  also  afford  a  key  by  which  to  ascertain  the  scope  of 
many  of  the  other  epistolary  writings.  Of  the  same  description  also  were 
many  of  the  parables  delivered  by  Jesus  Christ.  When  any  question  was 
proposed  to  him,  or  he  was  reproached  for  holding  intercourse  with  publi- 
cans and  sinners,  he  availed  himself  of  the  occasion  to  reply,  or  to  defend 
himself  by  a  parable.  Sometimes,  also,  when  his  disciples  laboured  under 
any  mistakes,  he  kindly  corrected  their  erroneous  notions  by  parables. 

The  inscriptions  prefixed  to  many  of  the  Psalms,  though  some  of  them 
are  evidently  spurious,  and  consequently  to  be  rejected,  frequently  indicate 
the  occasion  on  which  they  were  composed,  and  thus  reflect  considerable 
light  upon  their  scope.  Thus  the  scope  of  the  18lh,  34th,  and  3d  Psalms  is 
illustrated  from  their  respective  inscriptions,  which  distinctly  assert  upon 
what  occasions  they  were  composed  by  David.  In  like  manner,  many  of 
tip  prophecies,  which  would  otherwise  be  obscure,  become  perfectly  clear 
when  we  understand  the  circumstances  on  account  of  which  the  predic- 
tions were  uttered. 

3.  The  express  conclusion,  added  by  the  writer  at  the  end 
of  an  argument,  demonstrates  its  general  scope. 

Thus,  in  Rom.  iii.  23.  after  a  long  discussion,  Saint  Paul  adds  this  conclu- 
sion : — Therefore  we  conclude,  thai  a  man  is  justified  by  faith  without  the 
>'  the  law  :  Hence  we  perceive  with  what  design  the  whole  passage 
v.  ts  written,  and  to  which  all  the  rest  is  to  be  referred.  The  conclusions 
in  erspersed  through  the  epistles  may  easily  be  ascertained  by  means  of 
ill  particles,  "wherefore,"  ''seeing  that,"  "therefore,"  "then,''&c.  as  well 
i-  by  the  circumstances  directly  mentioned  or  referred  to.  The  principal 
-ijns,  however,  must  be  separated  from  those  which  are  of  compara- 
h'vvly  li-ss  importance,  and  subordinate  to  the  former.  Thus  in  the  epistle 
to  Philemon,  our  attention  must  chielly  be  directed  to  verses  8.  and  17., 
whence  we  collect  that  Saint  Paul's  design  or  scope  was  to  reconcile  Onesi- 
inus  (who  had  been  a  runaway  slave)  to  his  master,  and  to  restore  him  to 
'.lie  latter,  a  better  person  than  he  had  before  been.  In  the  Epistle  to  the 
Ephesians,  the  principal  conclusions  are,  ch.  ii.  11,  12.  and  ch.  iv.  1.3  The 
subordinate  or  less  principal  conclusions  are  ch.  i.  15.  iii.  13.  iv.  17.  25.  v. 
I    1    15.  17.  and  vi.  13,  !!.' 

4.  A  knor.-ledge  of  the  time  when  a  book  was  written,  and 
also  of  the  state  of  the  church  at  that  time,  will  indicate  the 
scope  or  intention  of  the  author  in  writing  such  book. 

For  instance,  we  learn  from  history,  that  during  the  time  of  the  apostles 
there  were  numerous  errors  disseminated ;  and  therefore  they  wrote  many 
|)  issages  in  their  epistles  with  the  express  design  of  refuting  such  errors. 
An  acquaintance  with  these  historical  particulars  will  enable  us  to  deter- 
mine with  accuracy  the  scope  of  entire  books  as  well  as  of  detached 
passages. 

Thus,  the  epistle  of  Saint  James  was  written  about  the  year  of  Christ  61, 
at  which  time  the  Christians  were  suffering  persecution,  and  probably  (as 
appears  from  ch.  ii.  6.  and  ch.  v.  6.)  not  long  before,  the  apostle's  martyr- 
dom ;  which  Bp.  Pearson  thinks,'*  happened  a.  d.  62,  in  the  eighth  year  of 
Nero's  reign,  when  the  destruction  of  the  Jewish  temple  and  polity  was 
impending.  (James  v.  1.  8.)  At  the  period  referred  to,  there  were  in  the 
church  certain  professing  Christians,  who  in  consequence  of  the  sanguin- 
ary persecution  then  carried  on  against  them  both  by  Jews  and  Gentiles, 
Wi  vi'  nol  only  d  '-lining  in  faith  and  love,  and  indulging  various  sinful  piac- 
tiees— for  instance,  undue  respectof  persons  (chapter  ii.  verse  1.  et  seq.) ; 
impl  o|  [heir  poor  brethren  (chapter  ii.  verse  9.  et  seq.)  ;  and  unbri- 
■''  i,!  ■'  "in  of  speech  (chapter  iii.  verse  3.  etseq.);  but  who  also  most 
It?  abused  to  licentiousness  the  grace  of  Cod,  which  in  the  Gospel 
i'  iromised  to  the  penitent ;  and,  disregarding  holiness,  boasted  of  a  faith 
1  jtuti  ol  its  appropriate  fruits,  viz.  of  a  bare  assent  to  the  doctrines  of 
the  Gospel;  and  boldly  affirmed  that  this  inoperative  and  dead  faith  was 
alone  sufficient  to  obtain  salvation,  (chapter  ii.  verse  17.  et  seq.)  Hence  we 
may  easily  perceive,  that  the  apostle's  scope  was  not  to  treat  of  the  doc- 
trine of  justification  ;  but,  the  state  of  the  church  requiring  it,  to  correct 
those  errors  in  doctrine,  and  those  sinful  practices,  which  had  crept  into 
the  Church,  and  particularly  to  expose  that  fundamental  error  of  a  dead 
faith  u,irrijiliirtir,  „f  ,.-„„,/  norks.  This  observation  further  shows  the 
']  '  '  waJ  ,!i  reconciling  the  supposed  contradiction  between  the  apostles 
I  .  it  an  I  James,  concerning  the  doctrine  of  salvation  by  faith.' 

5.   If  however,  none  of  these  subsidiary  aids  present  them- 
,  it  only  remains   that  we  REPEATEDLY  and  diligently 

-  IIV   Tit    KNTI1IK    BOOK,    AS    WELL   AS    THE     WHOLE    SUBJECT, 

iv.    CAKOTULLLY    ASCERTAIN    the    SCOPE    FROM    THEM,    before 

.     attempt  an  examination  of  any  particular  text. 

Thus  we  shall  be  enabled  to  understand  the  mind  of  its  author  and  to 
ascertain  the  main  subject  and  tendency  of  the  book  or  epistle  which  may 
be  under  consideration  :  or.  if  it  have  several  views  and  purposes  in  it.  not 
mutually  dependent  upon  each  oiler,  nor  in  subordination  to  one  chief 
'  n  !,  we  shall  be  enabled  tn  discover  what  those  different  matters  were  'as 

'  Franckii  Manuductio,  rap.  iii.  pp.  87,  S8.  292.  or  English  edition,  pp.  CI. 
it  seq.  177.  et  seq.    Franckii  Pralect.  Herm.  pp.  38.  et  seq. 

*  Annales  Paulinse.  p,  31. 

*  Jo.  Henr.  Michaelis  Introductio  Historico-Thcologica  in  Jacob';  Minoris 
Epistolam  Catholicam,  §§  viii.  xi. 


[PAnr  II.  Book  l 

also  in  what  part  the  author  coi  t/.uded  one  and  began  another  ;  and,  if  itiie 
necessary  to  divide  such  book  or  epistle  into  parts,  to  ascertain  their  exac, 
boundaries. 

But  in  this  investigation  of  the  a  ope,  there  is  not  always 
that  clearness  which  leads  to  a  certain  interpretation  :  lot 
sometimes  there  are  several  interpretations  which  sufficiently 
agree  with  the  writer's  design.  In  those  places,  for  instance, 
where  the  coming  of  Christ  is  mentioned,  it  is  not  always 
determined  whether  it  is  his  last  advent  to  judge  the  world, 
or  his  coming  to  inflict  punishment  on  the  unbelievino-  Jews. 
In  such  cases,  the  interpreter  must  be  content  with  somb 
degree  of  probability.  There  are,  however,  two  or  three 
cautions,  in  the  consideration  of  the  scope,  to  which  it  will 
be  desirable  to  attend.    • 

1.  Where,  of  two  explanations,  one  is  evidently  contrary  to 
the  series  of  the  discourse,  the  other  must  necessarily  be  pre- 
ferred. 

In  Psal.  xlii.  2.  the  royal  psalmist  pathetically  exclaims — When  shall  1 
come  and  appear  before  God? — This  verse  has,  by  some  writers,  been  ex- 
pounded thus ;  that  a  man  may  wish  for  death,  in  order  that  he  may  the 
sooner  enjoy  that  state  of  future  blessedness  which  is  sometimes  intended 
by  the  phrase  seeing  God.  Now  this  exposition  is  manifestly  contiary  to 
the  design  of  the  Psalm  ;  in  which  David,  exiled  from  Jerusalem,  and  con- 
sequently from  the  house  of  God,  through  Absalom's  unnatural  rebellion, 
expresses  his  fervent  desire  of  returning  to  Jerusalem,  and  beholding  that 
happy  day,  when  he  should  again  present  himself  before  God  in  his  holy 
tabernacle.  In  the  fourth  verse  he  mentions  the  sacred  pleasure  with 
which  he  had  gone  (or  would  repair,  for  some  of  the  versions  render  the 
verb  in  the  future  tense)  with  the  multitude  to  the  house  of  God.  There 
is,  therefore,  in  this  second  sense  a  necessary  and  evident  connection  with 
the  scope  and  series  of  the  discourse. 

In  1  Cor.  iii.  17.  we  read,  If  any  man  defile  (more  correctly  destroy)  the 
temple  of  God,  him  shall  God  destroy.  The  phrase  temple  of  God,  in  this 
passage,  is  usually  interpreted  of  the  human  body,  and  by  its  defilement  is 
understood  libidinous  unchastity,  which  God  will  destroy  by  inflicting  cor- 
responding punishment  on  the  libidinous  man.  This  sense  is  certainly  a 
good  one,  and  is  confirmed  by  a  similar  expression  at  the  close  of  the  sixth 
chapter.  But,  in  the  former  part  of  the  third  chapter,  the  apostle  bad  been 
giving  the  teachers  of  the  Corinthian  Christians  an  important  caution  to 
teach  pure  and  salutary  doctrines,  together  with  that  momentous  doctrine 
—  Other  foundation  can  no  man  lay  than  that  is  laid,  wliich  is  Jesus 
Christ  (v.  11.) — and  that  they  should  not  add  false  doctrines  to  it.  Alter 
largely  discussing  this  topic,  he  subsequently  returns  to  it,  and  the  passage 
above  cited  occurs  intermediately.  From  this  view  of  the  scope  ii  will  be 
evidutit  that  by  the  temple  of  God  is  to  be  underslood  the  Christian  church ; 
which,  if  any  man  defile,  corrupt,  or  destroy,  by  disseminating  false  doc- 
trines, God  will  destroy  him  also. 

2.  Where  a  parallel  passage  plainly  shows  that  another  pas- 
sage is  to  be  understood  in  one  particular  sense,  this  must  be 
adopted,  to  the  exclusion  of  every  other  sense,  although  it 
should  be  supported  by  the  grammatical  interpretation  as  well 
as  by  the  scope. 

Thus,  in  Matt.  v.  25.  we  read — "Agree  with  thine  adversary  quickly, 
whilst  thou  art  in  the  way  with  him;  lest  at  any  time  the  adversary 
deliver  thee  to  the  judge,  and  the  judge  deliver  thee  to  the  officer,  and  than 
be  cast  into  prison."  This  passage  has  been  interpreted  to  refer  either  to 
a  future  state  of  existence,  or  to  the  present  life.  In  the  former  sense,  the 
adversary  is  God  ;  the  judge,  Christ ;  the  officer,  death ;  and  the  prison, 
hell  and  eternal  punishments.  In  the  latter  sense,  the  meaning  of  this  pas- 
sage simply  is,  "  If  thou  hast  a  lawsuit,  compromise  it  with  the  plaintiff, 
and  thus  prevent  the  necessity  of  prosecuting  it  before  a  judge  :  but  if 
thou  art  headstrong,  and  wilt  not  compromise  the  affair,  when  it  comes  to 
be  argued  before  the  judge,  he  will  be  severe,  and  will  decree  that  thou 
shalt  pay  the  uttermost  farthing."  Now,  both  these  expositions  yield  good 
senses,  agreeing  with  the  scope,  and  both  contain  a  cogent  argument  thai 
we  should  be  easily  appeased :  but  if  we  compare  the  parallel  passage  in 
Luke  xii.  58,  59.  we  shall  find  the  case  thus  stated : — TTOen  thou  goes!  with 
thine  adversary  to  the  magistrate,  as  thou  art  in  the  way,  give  diligence 
that  thou  may  est  be  delivered  from  him,  lest  he  hale  thee  to  the  judge,  and 
the  judge  deliver  thse  to  the  officer  (r«j  tj-paxTcpi,  whose  duty  it  was  to  levy 
fines  imposed  for  the  violation  of  the  law);  and  the  officer  on  non-pa}  menl 
cast  thee  into  prison.  I  tell  thee  thou  shalt  not  depart  thence  till  thou  hast 
paid  the  very  last  mite.— In  this  passage  there  is  no  reference  whatever  to 
a  future  state,  nor  to  any  punishments  which  will  hereafter  be  inflicted  ok 
the  implacable:  and  thus  a  single  parallel  text  shows  which  of  the  Iwo 
senses  best  agrees  with  the  scope  of  the  discourse,  and  consequently 
which  of  them  is  preferably  to  be  adopted.* 


§  4.    ANALOGY    OF    LANGUAGES. 

I.  Analogy  of  languages  defined. — Its  different  kinds. — II.  Use 
of  grammatical  analogy. — III.  Analogy  of  kindred  lan- 
guages.— IV.  Hints  for  consulting  this  analogy  in  the  inter- 
pretation of  Scripture. — V.  Foundation  of  analogy  in  all 
languages.  • 

I.  Analogy  of  languages  is  an  important  aid  in  enabling 

us  to  judge  of  the  signification  of  words. 

Analogy  means  similitude.     For  instance,  from  the  meaning 

«  Bauer,  Herm.  Sacr  pp.  £01—201.  J.  B.  Carpzov.  Herm.  Sacr.  pp.  33— 
35.  Eroesti,  Institutio  Inlrrp.  Nov.  Test.  pp.  61,  62.  Mori  Acroases  ir 
Ernesti.  torn.  i.  pp.  ISO— 160.  Franckii  Prtelect.  Herm.  pp.  29— 61.  Franckii 
Cominentatio  de  Scopo  Veteris  et  Novi  Testamenti,  Halae,  1724,  8vo.  Jahnh 
Enchiridion,  pp.  69— 71.  Ramhach,  Inst.  Herm.  pp.  145—197.  234.238—240. 
Chladenii  Instil  Exeaet.  pp.  375—387.  J.  E.  Pfeill'eri,  Inst.  Herm.  Sacr.  pp 
147 — 151.  267—276.  Schtefer,  lnstitutiones  So-    iristirae.  pars  ii.  pp.  62— 68 


r-mi-.  II.  Sect.  II.  $4.] 


ANALOGY  VV  KINDRED  LANGUAGES. 


34i 


attached  to  the  forms  of  words,  their  position,  connection, 
&C.  in  one,  or  rather  in  many  cases,  we  agree  to  establish  a 
.similarity  of  meaning,  where  the  phenomena  are  the  same, 
in  another.  This  analogy  is  the  foundation  of  all  the  rules 
of  grammar,  and  of  all  that  is  established  and  intelligible  in 
language.  The  analogy  of  language*  is  of  different  kinds. 
viz.  1.  the  Analogy  of  any  parttauar  Language  (that  is,  of 
the  same  language  with  that  which  is  to  !"•  interpreted),the 
principles  ofwhich  are  developed  by  grammanuns.  This 
kind  of  analogy  has  been  termed  Grammatical  Analogy. 
2.  The  Analogy  of  kindred  Langtu 

II.  Use  of  Grammatical  Akaloot. 

Grammatical  analogy  is  not  only  useful  in  finding  the 
fogueruft,  but  is  also  applicable  to  some  doubtful  cases;  for 
instance,  when  the  kind  of  meaning,  generally  considered,  is 
evident  (by  comparing  other  similar  words,  and  methods  <>f 
speaking  concerning  such  tilings,  appropriate  to  the  language), 
we  may  judge  ofthe  especial  force  ot  power  of  the  word,  by 
the  aid  of  grammaticsl  analogy. 

1.  In  Col.  ii.  23.  occurs  the  word  tiihAptmift,  in  our  version 
rendered  will-worship.  As  there  is  no  example  of  this  word,  its 
meaning  must  be  sought  from  analogy  by  ascertaining  the  import 
of  words  compounded  with  thkm.  Of  this  description  of  words 
there  are  many  examples.  Thus,  sWsjp<;£iFOf  is  one  who  takes 
upon  him  voluntarily  to  afford  hospitality  to  strangers,  in  the 
name  of  a  city  :  sStXe/ovAoc  is  one  who  offers  himself  to  voluntary 
servitude:  AtKwfyst  is  one  who  labours  of  his  own  free  will. 
From  this  analogy,  we  may  collect  that  t&sAo^in-itua,  in  Col.  ii. 
23.,  means  an  all'ccted  or  superstitious  zeal  for  religion  ;  which 
signification  is  confirmed  by  the  argument  of  the  apostle's  dis- 
course. 

2.  In  1  Pet.  v.  5.  where  many  critics  have  attached  an  em- 
phatic sense  to  *)x;/uCtK<r*<7<Jui,  we  must  compare  the  other  Greek 
phrases  which  relate  to  clothing  or  investing ;  and  thus  wc  shall 
see  that  the  prepositions  rifi,  aupi,  and  tv,  are  used  in  composition 
without  any  accession  of  meaning  to  the  verb  thereby ;  for 
instance,  i/t&riw  rrtp/oixxav,  <t/ufi£x>.*.uv,  or  iu£x>,>,uv,  simply  means 
to  put  on  a  garment.  Consequently,  r^vL-.y^T-xi^n  means  no  more 
than  i\SuT-j.7bj.i,  with  which  it  is  commuted  by  Clemens  Roma- 
nus.-     The  meaning,  therefore,  of  the  apostle  Peter's  expression 

— be  clothed  with  humility — is  to  exhibit  a  modest  behaviour. 

III.  Analogy  of  Kindred  Languagks. 

Another  analogy  is  that  of  Kindred  Languages,  either  as 
descended  from  one  common  stock,  as  the  Hebrew,  Syriac, 
Chaldee,  and  Arabic ;  or  derived  the  one  from  the  other,  as 
Latin  and  Greek. 

Besides  the  critical  use  to  which  the  Cognate  or  Kindred 
Languages3  may  be' applied,  they  afford  very  considerable 
assistance  in  interpreting  the  Sacred  Writings.  They  confirm 
by  their  own  authority  a  Hebrew  form  of  speech,  already 
known  to  us  from  some  other  source :  they  supply  the  defi- 
ciencies of  the  Hebrew  language,  and  make  us  fully  ac- 
quainted with  the  force  and  meaning  of  obscure  words  and 
phrases,  of  which  we  must  otherwise  remain  ignorant,  by 
restoring  the  lost  roots  of  words,  as  well  as  the  primary  and 
secondary  meaning  of  such  roots;  by  illustrating  words,  the 
meaning  of  which  has  hitherto  been  uncertain,  and  by  un- 
folding the  meanings  of  other  words  that  are  of  less  frequent 
occurrence,  or  are  only  once  found  in  the  Scriptures.  Fur- 
ther, the  cognate  languages  are  the  most  successful,  if  not  the 
only  means  of  leading  us  to  understand  the  meaning  of 
phrases,  or  idiomatical  combinations  of  words  found  in  the 
Bible,  and  the  meaning  ofwhich  cannot  he  determined  by  it, 
but  which,  being  agreeable  to  the  genius  of  the  original  lan- 
guages, are  preserved  in  books  written  in  them.  Schultens, 
in  his  Origines  Hebraeae,4  has  illustrated  a  great  number  of 
passages  from  the  Arabic,  from  whose  work  Bauer1  and  Dr. 
Gerard4  has  given  many  examples  which  do  not  admit  e( 
abridgment.  Schleusner  has  also  availed  himself  of  the 
cognate  dialects  to  illustrate  many  important  passages  of  the 
New  Testament.  Of  the  various  modern  continental 
the  Bible,  no  one  perhaps  has  more  sued  ssfully  applied  the 
kindred  languages  to  its  interpretation  than  Dr.  Adam  Clarke. 


p.  60.    Ernest!  Insiimiio  Interpretis  Nov.  Test. 

Mori  Acroases,  loin.  i.  pp.  171,  17J     Stuart's  Elements, 

p.  199.    of  the   present 


■  Stuart's  Element 
0.65. 

»  Epist.  i.  p.  39. 
p.  51. 

'  -       a  notice  of  the  Cognate  languages 
volume. 

*  Alberti  Schultens  Origines  Hebrrea?,  sive  Hebrae;e  Linens'  antiquis 
Binia  Natura  et  Indoles,  ex  Arabia?  penetralibus  revocata.  Lugduni  Bata 
voruro,  1761,  4io. 

1  Bauer's  Hermeneutica  Sacra,  pp.  90—144. 

*  Gerard's  Institutes  of  Biblical  Criticism,  Dp.  $8—70. 


IV.  In  consulting  the  cognate  languages,  however,  much 
care  and  attention  are  requisite,  lest  we  should  be  led  away 
by  any  verbal  or  literal  resemblance  that  may  strike  the  mind, 
and  above  all  by  mere  etymologies,  which,  though  in  some 
instances  they  may  be  advantageously  referred  to,  are  often 
uncertain  guides.  The  resemblance  or  analogy  must  be  a  reai 
one.  We  must,  therefore,  compare  not  only  similar  word* 
and  phrases,  hut  also  similar  modes  of  speech,  which,  though 
perhaps  differing  as  to  the  etymology  of  the  words,  are  yet 
evidently  employed  to  designate  the  same  idea.  The  fol- 
lowing examples  will  illustrate  this  remask : — 

1.   In  I  Cor.  iii.   15.  St.  Paul,   speaking  of  certain  Christian 
leaohen  at  Corinth,  observes,  that  "if  any  man's  work  shall  be 
burnt,  he  shall  suffer  loss,  but  he  himself  shall  be  saved  ;  yet  so 
as  by  fire."     On  this  passage,  by  a  forced  and  erroneous  con 
struction,  has  the  church  of  Rome  erected  the  doctrine  of  purga- 
tory, a  place  in  which  she  pretends  that  the  just,  who  depart  out 
of  this  life,  expiate  certain  offences  that  do    not  merit  eternal 
damnation.     Let    us,   however,   consider  the   subject-matter  of 
the  apostle's  discourse  in   his  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians.     Re- 
fleeting  on  the  divisions  which  were  among  them,  and  on  thai 
diversity  of  teachers  who  formed  them  into  different  parties,  le 
compares  these  to  various  builders;"   some  of  whom  raised  a. 
edifice  upon  the  only  foundation,  Jeans  Christ,  composed  of  gold 
silver,  and  precious  stones  ;  in  other  words,  who  pr.  ached  the 
pure,   vital,   and    uncorrupted    doctrines   of  the-  Gospel ;   whih 
others,  upon  the  same  foundation,  built  -wood,  hay,  stubble,  that 
is,  disseminated  false,  vain,  and  corrupt  doctrines.     Of  both  these 
structures,  he  says  (v.  13.),  Every   mans  -work  shall  be  made 
manifest  ;  for  the  day  shall-  declare  it,  because  it  shall  b 
vealed  by  fire  ;    and  the  fire  shall  try  (rather  prove)  > 
man's  -work  of  -what  sort  it  is  : — either  the  day  of  the  heavv 
trial  of  persecution,  or  rather  the  final  judgment  of  God,  shah 
try  every  man's  work,  search  it  as  thoroughly  as  fire  docs  things 
that  are  put  into  it.     Then,  adds  the  apostle,  if  any  man's  -work 
abide  -which  he  hath  built  thereupon,  if  the  doctrines  he  hath 
taught  bear  the  test,  as  silver,  gold,  and  precious  stones  abide  in 
the  fire,  he  shall  receive  a  reward.     But  if  any  man's  work 
shall  be  burnt,  if,  on  that  trial, it  be  found  that  he  has  introduced 
false  or  unsound  doctrines,  he  shall  be  like  a  man,  whose  building, 
being  of  wood,  hay,  and  stubble,  is  consumed  by  the  fire  ;  all  his 
pains  in  building  are  lost,  and  his  works  destroyed  and  gone. 
But  (rather  yet)  if  he  be  upon  the  whole  a  good  man,  who  hath 
built  upon  Christ  as  the  foundation,  and  on  the  terms  of  the 
Gospel  committed  himself  to  him,  he  himself  shall  be  saved  ; 
yet  so  as  by  fire,  U  ii*  ttjw,  that  is,  not  without  extreme  hazard 
and  difficulty,  as  a  man  is  preserved  from  the  flames  of  his  house 
when  he  escapes  naked  through  them,  and  thus  narrowly  Bares 
his  life,  though  with   the  loss  of  all  his  property.     This  ex- 
pression is  proverbial  concerning  persons  who  escape  with  great 
hazard  out  of  imminent  danger  ;  and  similar  expressions  are  to  be 
found  in  the  Old  Testament,  as  in  Amos  iv.  11.*  and  Zcch.  iii. 
2.,  and  also  in  the  Epistle  of  Jude,  vcr.  23.     Now,  let  this  phrase 
be  compared  with  the  Latin  words   ambustus   and   semiustus. 
Livy,  speaking  of  Lucius  iEmilius  Paulus.  says,  that  he  had 
very  narrowly  escaped  being  sentenced  to  punishment,  prope 
ambustus  evaserat  (lib.  xxii.  c.  35.)  ;  and  again  (c.  40.)   the 
consul  is    represented   as  saying    that    he   had,  in  his  formei 
consulate,  escaped  the  flames  of  the  popular  rage  not  without 
being   scorched,  se  populare    incendium  semiustum  evasisse.- 

■  Some  writers  have  iniairin>>,l  that  the  apostle  is  speaking  ofthe  mate- 
rials, that  is,  the  persons;  ofwhich  the  church  of  God  is  composed 
limn  of  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  whom  he  represents  as  architects  in 
the  heavenly  building.  On  a  repeated  consideration  of  the  verses  in  ques- 
tion, the  author  is  satisfied  that  the  latter  are  intended  :  and  in  this  view 
of  the  subject  he  is  supported  by  Mr.  Locke,  Dr.  Doddridge,  and  other 
eminent  critics. 

•  Grotius,  in  his  note  on  this  passage,  has  remarked  that  a  similar  mode 
•  >f  speaking  obtained  among  the  Greeks,  -<  ji-»i  «  :•-;!;,  or,  i*  :>-'Y?°i, 
but  lie  has  not  cited  any  examples.  Palairet  cites  the  following  passage 
from  one  of  the  orations  of  Aristides;  who,  speaking  of  Apelles.  says  thai 

Is  saved  him  out  of  the  midst  of  the  fire,  £K  ME1.0T  HTPOi;  to. 
KCZBIN.  Ohservationes  Philologico  Criticoe  in  Nov.  Test.  p.  386 
Solo.-  additional  instances  are  given  in  Eisner's  Ohservationes  SacraB  in 
\  .\i  Foederis  Libros,  vol.  ii.  p.  78.  See  Bishop  Porteus's  Brief  Confutation 
ofthe  Errors  ofthe  Church  of  Rome,  pp.  43,  49.  12mo.  London,  1796 ;  and 
Bishop  Tomline's  Elements  of  Christian  Theology,  vol.  ii  pp.  347—351.; 
I)i  s   Whitby,  Macknight,  and  A.  Clarke,  on  1  Cor.  iii.  16. 

•  Cicero  (Orat.  pro  Milone,  c.  5.)  has  the  following  passage :—  Declarant 
hujus  amhusti  tribuni  plebis  illaj  intermortuas  conciones  quibus  quotulie 
meam  potentiam  invidiose  criminabatur"  (torn.  vi.  p.  91.  edit.  Uipont.) . 
and  in  his  second  pleading  against  Verres,  the  following  sentence,  which  Ii 
Still  more  fully  in  point  :—  "Sic  isle  (Verres)  multo  sceleralior  et  nequior 
quain  ille  lladrianns,  aliquanto  eliam  felicior  fuit-  Hie  quod  ejus  avantiam 
rives  Roinani  ferre  non  potuerant.  Coca-  domi  sua?  vivus  exnstus  est 
idque  ita  illi  merito  accidhuse  existimatom  est.  ut  laetaruntur  oinnes  nequ- 
ulla  animadveraio  cons:itueretur:  hie  sociorum  ambustus  incendw,  tame* 
ex  ilia  jlamma  periculoque  erolarit,"  4c.    (Cont.  ^  err.  Action  u.  l!» 

c.  27.  torn.  iii.  p.  265.) 


842 


OF  THE  ANALC  *Y  OF  FAITH. 


[Part  II.  Book  1 


Here,  also,  tU  gn  there  is  no  ve-bal  resemblance  between  the 
expression  of  Saint  Paul  and  those  of  the  Roman  histoiian,  yet 
•he  rent  analogy  is  very  striking,  and  shows  that  the  apostle 
employed  a  well  known  proverbial  expression,  referring  solely  ».o 
<  narrow  escape  from  difficulty,  and  not,  as  the  Romanists  erro- 
•  lv  assert,  to  the  fire  of  purgatory,  a  doctrine  which  isjustly 
characterized  as  "  a  fond  thing,  vainly  invented,  and  grounded 
upon  no  warranty  of  Scripture,  but  rather  repugnant  to  the  word 
of  God."' 

2.  The  sentence  in  Gen.  xlix.,  nor  a  lawgiver  from  bet-ween 
his  feet,  has  greatly  exercised  the  ingenuity  of  commentators. 
It  is  at  present  considered  as  equivalent  to  a  teacher  from  his 
offspring.  But,  without  altogether  rejecting  this  interpretation, 
,ve  may  derive  some  light  on  the  venerable  patriarch's  meaning 
from  the  Greek  writers,  among  whom  the  expression  of  Moses 
occurs  in  the  very  same  terms.  Thus  in  the  age  of  Plato  we  have 
at  to)/  tt'Juiv  danyjmxr^fjAi.  In  other  writers  the  expression  is  at 
mien,  or  at.  mim  ■ytvver&ui,  which  is  equivalent  to  e  medio  discedere, 
s  medio  evader e,  e  conspectu  abire,  that  is,  to  disappear.2  The 
general  meaning  of  Moses,  therefore,  may  be,  that  a  native  law- 
giver, or  expounder  of  the  law,  teacher,  or  scribe  (intimating  the 
ecclesiastical  polity  of  the  Jews),  should  not  be  wanting  to  that 
people,  until  Shiloh,  or  the  Messiah,  come.  How  accurately  this 
prediction  has  been  accomplished  it  is  not  necessary  to  show  in 
this  place. 

3.  In  Matt.  viii.  20.  we  read  that  Christ  had  not  where  to  lay 
his  head:  which  expression  has  been  interpreted  as  meaning  that 
he  had  literally  no  home  of  his  own.  But  considerable  light  is 
thrown  upon  it  by  two  passages  from  the  Arabic  History  of 
Abulpharagius ;  in  the  first  of  which,  having  stated  that  Saladin 
had  animated  his  soldiers  to  the  storming  of  Tyre,  he  says,  that 
no  place  now  remained  to  the  Franks,  where  they  could  lay 
their  heap,  except  Tyre;  and  again,  after  relating  that  the 
Arabs  had  stormed  Acca,  or  Ptolemais,  he  says  that  no  place 
was  left  to  the  Franks,  on  the  coast  of  this  (the  Mediter- 
ranean)  Sea,    WHERE    THEY    COULD    LAY    THEIR    HEAD.3       From 

:hese  two  passages  it  is  evident  that  the  evangelist's  meaning  is, 
'hat  Jesus  Christ  had  no  secure  and  fixed  place  of  residence. 

V.  Foundation  of  Analogy  in  all  Languages. 

••Mo  one  can  doubt  that  men  are  affected  in  nearly  the 
same  way,  by  objects  of  sense.  Hence,  those  who  speak  of 
the  same  objects,  perceived  and  contemplated  in  the  same 
manner,  although  they  may  use  language  that  differs  in  re- 
spect to  etymology,  yet  must  be  supposed  to  have  meant  the 
same  thing ;  and  on  this  account  the  one  may  be  explained 
by  the  other. 

"  Men  are  physically  and  mentally  affected  in  the  same 
manner,  by  very  many  objects  ;  and,  of  course,  it  may  be  pre- 
sumed that  they  entertain  and,  mean  to  express  the  same  ideas 
concerning  these  objects,  however  various  their  language 
may  be.  Besides,  modes  of  expression  are  often  communi- 
cated from  one  people  to  another. 

"  In  general,  this  principle  is  of  great  extent,  and  of  much 
use  to  the  interpreter,  in  judging  of  the  meaning  of  tropical 
language,  and  in  avoiding  fictitious  emphasis.  Accordingly, 
we  find  it  resorted  to,  now  and  then,  by  good  interpreters, 
with  great  profit.  But  it  needs  much  and  accurate  knowledge 
of  many  tongues  to  use  it  discreetly  ;  whence  it  is  not  to  be 
wondered  at,  that  its  use  is  not  very  common  among  inter- 
preters."4 

The  following  general  cautions,  on  the  •  ubject  of  compar- 
ing words  and  languages  with  each  othe  may  be  of  some 
utility  :  they  are  abridged  from  Dr.  H.  C.  A.  inchstftdt's  notes 
to  Morus's  Acroases  Academicae. 

1  The  meaning  in  each  or  any  language  is  not  to  be 
resolved  into  the  authority  of  Lexicons,  but  that  of  good 
writers. 

2.  Words,  phrases,  tropes,  &c.  of  any  ancient  language 
are  to  be  judged  of  by  the  rules  of  judging  among  those  who 
spoke  that  language,  and  not  by  those  which  prevail  in 
modern  times,  and  which  have  originated  from  different  habits 
and  tastes. 

>  Article  xxii.  of  the  Anglican  church.  The  antiacriptnral  doctrine  of 
purgatory  is  copiously  and  ably  exposed  by  Dr.  Fletcher  in  his  "Lectures 
on  the  Principles  anil  Institutions  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Religion"  (pp. 
236 — 250.);  and  more  concisely,  but  with  great  force  of  argument,  in  the 
Rev.  Geo.  Hamilton's  "Tracts  upon  some  leading  Errors  of  the  Church 
of  Rome"  (London,  1823),  pp.  73—81. 

a  Mori  Acroases  in  Ernesti  Instit.  Interp.  Nov.  Test.  vol.  i.  p.  181. 

*  Abulpharagii  Historia,  pp.  406.  591.  cited  by  Aminon,  in  his  notes  on 
Ernesti's  Instit.  Interp.  Nov.  Test.  pp.  67,  68. 

*  Stuart's  Elements,  p.  53. 


3.  Guard  against  drawing  conclusions  as  to  the  meaning 
of  words,  in  the  same  or  different  lancuages,  from  fanciful 
etymology,  similarity  cr  metathesis  of  Tetters,  &c. 

•1.  When  the  sense  of  words  can  be  ascertained  in  any 
particular  language,  by  the  ordinary  means,  other  languages, 
even  kindred  ones,  should  not  be  resorted  to,  except  for  the 
purpose  of  increased  illustration  or  confirmation. 

5.  Take  good  care  that  real  similitude  exists  whenever 
comparison  is  made.6 


§  5.  OF    THE    ANALOGY    OF    FAITH. 

I.  The  Analogy  of  Faith  defined,  and  illustrated. — II.  Its  im 
portance  in  studying  the  Sacred  Writings. — III.  Rules  for 
investigating  the  Analogy  of  Faith. 

I.  Of  all  the  various  aids  that  can  be  employed  lor  investi- 
gating and  ascertaining  the  sense  of  Scripture,  the  Analogy 
of  Faith  is  one  of  the  most  important.  We  may  define  it  to 
be  the  constant  and  perpetual  harmony  of  Scripture  in  the  fun- 
damental points  of  faith  and  practice,  deduced  from  those  pas- 
sages, in  which  they  are  discussed  by  the  inspired  penmen, 
either  directly  or  expressly,  and  in  clear,  plain,  and  intelligi- 
ble language.  Or,  more  briefly,  the  analogy  of  faith  may 
be  defined  to  be  that  proportion  which  the  doctrines  of  the 
Gospel  bear  to  each  other,  or  the  close  connection  bet/n't!)  tfu 
truths  of  Revealed  Religion. 

The  Analogy  of  Faith  is  an  expression  borrowed  from  Saint 
Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Romans  (xii.  6.),  where  he  exhorts 
those  who  prophesy  in  the  church  (that  is,  those  who  exercise 
the  office  of  authoritatively  expounding  the  Scriptures),  to  pro- 
phesy according  to  the  proportion,  or,  as  the  word  is  in  the 
original,  the  analogy  of  faith.  To  the  same  effect  many 
commentators  interpret  Saint  Peter's  maxim  (2  Pet.  i.  20.), 
that  no  prophecy  of  Scripture  is  of  any  private  or  self-interpre- 
tation; implying  that  the  sense  of  any  prophecy  is  not  to  be 
determined  by  any  abstract  consideration  of  the  passage 
itself,  but  by  taking  it  in  conjunction  with  other  portions  of 
Scripture  relating  to  the  subject,  "  comparing  things  spiritual 
with  spiritual"  (1  Cor.  ii.  13.) ; — a  rule  which,  though  it  be 
especially  applicable  to  the  prophetic  writings,  is  also  of 
general  importance  in  the  exposition  of  the  s'acred  volume. 

II.  It  is  evident  that  God  does  not  act  without  a  design  in 
the  system  of  religion  taught  in  the  Gospel,  any  more  than 
he  drjes  in  the  works  of  nature.  Now  this  design  must  be 
uniform  :  for  as  in  the  system  of  the  universe  every  part  is 
proportioned  to  the  whole,  and  is  made  subservient  to  it,  so, 
m  the  system  of  the  Gospel,  all  the  various  truths,  doctrines, 
declarations,  precepts,  and  promises,  must  correspond  with 
and  tend  to  the  end  designed.  For  instance,  if  any  one  inter- 
pret those  texts  of  Scripture,  which  maintain  our  justification 
by  faii  h  only,  or  our  salvation  by  free  grace,  in  such  a  sense 
as  to  exclude  the  necessity  of  good  works,  this  interpretation 
is  to  be  rejected,  because  it  contradicts  the  main  design  of 
Christianity,  which  is  to  save  us  from  our  sins  (Matt.  i.  21.), 
to  make  us  holy  as  God  is  holy  (1  Pet.  i.  15.),  and  to  cleanse 
us  from  all  filthiness  both  of  flesh  and  spirit.  (2  Cor.  vii.  1.) 
In  the  application,  however,  of  the  analogy  of  faith  to  the 
interpretation  df  the  Scriptures,  it  is  indispensably  necessary 
that  the  inquirer  previously  understand  the  whole  scheme  of 
divine  revelation  ;  and  that  he  do  not  entertain  a  predilection 
for  apart  only ;  without  attention  to  this,  he  will  be  liable  to 
error.  If  we  come  to  the  Scriptures  with  any  preconceived 
opinions,  and  are  more  desirous  to  put  that  sense  upon  the 
text  which  coincides  with  our  own  sentiments  rather  than  the 
truth,  it  then  becomes  the  analogy  of  our  faith  rather  than 
that  of  the  whole  system.  This,  Dr.  Campbell  remarks,  was 
the  very  source  of  the  blindness  of  the  Jews  in  our  Saviour's 
time  :  they  searched  the  Scriptures  very  assiduously ;  but.  in 
the  disposition  they  entertained,  they  would  never  believe 
what  that  sacred  volume  testifies  of  Christ.  The  reason  is 
obvious ;  their  great  rule  of  interpretation  was  the  analogy 
of  faith,  or,  in  other  words,  the  system  of  the  Pharisean 

»  Mori  Acroases,  torn.  i.  pp.  160.  184.  Ernesti  Institutio  Interprctis  Nov. 
Test.  pp.  65—70.,  and  his  Opera  Philologica,  pp.  171.  et  seq.  and  277.  Stu- 
art's Elements,  p.  53.  The  subject  of  the  Analogy  of  Languages  is  also 
discussed  at  considerable  length  by  G.  G.  Zemisch  in  his  Disputatio  Philo- 
logica de  Analogia  Linguarum  Inteipretationis  Subsidio  (Lipsis,  1753,  -ito.), 
reprinted  in  Pott's  and  Ruperti's  Sylloge  Commentationum  Theologicarum, 
vol.  vii.  pp.  185—221. 

•  Bishop  Vanmildert's  Hampton  Lect.  p.  181.  Pfeiffer,  Herm.  Sacr- 
c.  xii.  (Op.  t.  ii.  p.  659.)    Carpzov.  Prim.  Lin   'Win.  Sacr.  p.  28. 


Ohap.IL  Sect.  I.  $  5.] 


OF  THE  ANALOGY  OF  FAITH. 


343 


•Scribes,  the  doctrine  then  in  vogue,  and  in  the  profound  vene- 
ration of  which  they  had  been  educated.  This  is  that  veil 
by  which  the  understandings  of  the  Jews  were  darkened, 
even  in  reading  tin:  law,  ami  of  which  Saint  Paul  observed 
that  it  remained  unremoved  in  his  day;  and  we  cannot  hut 
remark  that  it  remains  unremoved  in  our  own  time.1  There 
is.  perhaps,  scarcely  a  sect  or  denomination  of  Christians, 
whether  ui' the  Greek,  Romi  b,  nt  churches,  but 

has  some  particulai  system  i  r  digest  of  tenets,  by  them 
termed  the  analogy  of  faith,  which  they  individually  hold  in 
the  greatest  reverence;  and  all  whose  doctrines  terminate  in 
some  assumed  position,  bo  thai  its  partizans  may  notcontra- 
dicl  themselves.  When  persons  of  this  description,  it  has 
been  well  remarked,  meet  with  passages  in  Scripture  which 
they  cannot  readily  explain,  consistently  with  their  hypothe- 
sis, they  sti  e  the  difficulty  by  the  analogy  of  faith 
which  they  have  themselves  invented.  But  allowing  all 
their  assumptions  t"  be  founded  in  truth,  it  is  by  no  means 
consonant  with  the  principles  of  Bound  divinity,  to  interpret 
Scripture  by  the  hypothesis  of  a  church;  because  the  sacred 
records  are  th  ■  nly  proper  media  of  ascertaining  theological 
truth.2 

Ill  Such,  then,  being  the  importance  of  attending  to  the 
analogy  of  faith,  it  remains  to  state  a  few  observations  which 

may  enable  the  student  to  apply  it  to  the  clearing  up  of  ob- 
scure or  difficult  passages  of  Scripture. 

1.  Wherever  any  doctrine  is  manifest,  either  from  the  -whole 
tenor  of  divine  revelation  or  front  its  scope,  it  must  not  be 
weakened  or  set  aside  by  a  few  obscure  passages. 

As  i:.  ce  of  this  canon  is  necessary  in  every  student  of  the  In- 

spired volume,  bo  a  ought  especially  to  !»•  regarded  by  those  who 
to  interpret  passages,  which  arc  nol  of  themselves  plain,  by  those  opinions, 
of  the  beliefof  which  they  are  already  possessed  ;  bul  (or  which  th< 
little  ground  besides  the  mere  sound  of  some  I  :n  first 

•..  be  favourable  to  their  preconceived  notions,    whereas,  if  such 
impared  with  the  scope  o(  the  sacred  writers,  they  would  he 
found  to  bear  quite  a  different  meaning     For  instance,  no  truth  Is  asserted 
i  equently  in  the  Bible,  and  consequently  i  i  more  certain  in  i 

than  that  God  is  good,  not  only  to  some  individuals,  hut  also  toward  all  men. 
Thus,  David  says  (Psal.  cxlv.' '.!.),  The  Lord  is  good  to  all,  and  his  tender 
mercies  are  over  all  his  works ;  and  Ezekiel  (xviii.  23.),  Have  lanyplea- 
sure  at  all  in  the  wicked  thai  lie  should  die  ;  saith  the  Lord:  and  nut  lhal 
he.  should  turn  from  his  tcaysand  lire  I     Frequently  also  does  the  A I 

both  m  the  books  of  the  law  as  well  as  in  the  prophets,  and  also 
in  the  New  Testament,  how  earnestly  he  desires  the  sinner's  return  to 
him,  Bee,  among  other  passages,  Deut  v.  29.  Ezek.  xviii.  32.  and  x.x.viii. 
II  Matt,  xxiii.  37.  John  Hi.  1<».  1  Tim.  ii.  1.  Titus  ii.  11.  and  2  Pet.  iii.  'J. 
If.  therefore,  any  passage  occur  which  at  first  sight  appear  to  contradict 
idness  ol  God,  as,  for  instance,  that  He  has  created  some  persons 
that  he  might  damn  them  (as  some  have  insinuated);  in  such  case  the 
very  char  and  certain  doctrine  relative  to  the  goodness  of  God  is  not  to  be 
impugned,  much  less  set  aside,  by  these  obscure  places,  which,  on  the 
contrary,  ought  to  be  illustrated  by  such  passages  as  are  more  clear.  Thus, 
in  Prov.  jcvi.  4.  according  to  most  modern  versions,  we  read,  that  The  Lord 
hath  mode  all  things  fur  himself,  yea  I  I  fur  the.  day  of  evil. 

This  passage  has,  by  several  eminent  writers,  been  supposed  to  refer  to 
lie-  predestination  of  the  elect  and  tie-  reprobation  of  the  wicked,  but 
without  any  foundation.  Junius,  Cocceius,  Michaelis,  Glassius,  Pfeiffer, 
Turretin,  Ostervald,  Dr.  Whitby,  Dr.  S.  Clarke,  and  other  critics,  have 
shown  that  this  verse  may  be  more  correctly  rendered,  The  Lord  hath 
made  all  things  to  answer  lu  themselves,  or  aptly  to  refer  to  one  another, 
://  a  i  c<  n  the  wicked,  for  the  eril  day.  that  is,  to  be  the  executioner  of  evil 
to  others;  on  which  account  they  are  in  Scripture  termed  the  rod  of 
Jehovah  (Isa.  x.  5.)  and  his  sword.'  (Psal.  xvii.  13.)  Hut  there  is  no  neces- 
sity for  rejecting  the  received  version,  the  plain  and  obvious  sense  of 
which  is  that  there  is  nothing  in  the  world  which  does  not  contribute  to 
the  glory  of  God,  and  promote  the  mentof  his  adorable  designs. 

The  pious   and   the  wicked  alike  conduce    to   Ibis  end;   the  wicked,  whom 

God  has  destined  to  punishment  on  account  of  their  impiety,  serve  to  dis- 
play his  justice  (see  Job  xxi.  30),  and  consequently  to  manifest  his  glory. 
"  God,"  says  Dr.  Gill  (who  was  a  strenuous  advocate  for  the  doctrines  of 
election  and  reprobation),  "made  man  neither  to  damn  him  nor  to  save 
him,  but  for  his  own  glory,  anil  that  is  secured  whether  in  his  sal'. 
damnation;  nor  did   DOT  does  God  make  men  wicked.     He  made  man  up 

right  and  man  has  made  himself  wicked;  and  being  so.  God  may  justly 

appoint  him  to  damnation  for  his  wickedness,  in  doing  which  he  glorifies 

his  justice  "I 

2.  ,\'o  doctrine  can  belong  to  the  analogy  of  faith,  which  is 
founded  on  a  sixglf.  text. 

Every  essential  principle  of  religion  is  delivered  in  more  than 
one  place.  Besides,  single  sentences  are  not  to  be  detached  from 
the  places  where  they  stand,  but  must  lie  taken  in  connection 
with  the  whole  discourse. 

From  disregard  of  this  rule,  the  temporary  direction  of  the  apostle 
lames  (V.  14,  IS.)  has  been  perverted  by  the  church  of  Rome,  and  rendered 
a  permanent  institution  from  a  mean  of  recovery,  I"  a.  charm,  when  re- 
covery is  desperate,  for  the  salvation  of  the  soul.  The  mistake  of  the 
church  of  Rome,  in  founding  whit  she  calls  the  sacrament  of  extreme 
unction  upon  this  place,  is  very  obvious  ;  for  the  anointing  here  mentioned 


was  applied  to  those  whose  recovery  was  expected,  as  appears  from  verse 
:■•  it  i.-  said  that  the  Lord  in  answer  to  the  prayer  id"  faith  shall 
i.o  .■  up  and  restore  the  sick:  whereas  in  tie1  Romish  church,  extrems 
unction  is  used  where  there  is  little  or  no  called 

ami  ><t  „f  th<  'lying  «  The  same  remark  is  applicable  to  the  popish 
ion  to  a  priest ;  which  is  aUempted  to  be  sup- 
ported bj  James  v.  16.  and  1  John  i.  9.  neither  of  which  passages  has  any 
refereu  I  •  the  ministerial  office.    In  the  former,  confession  of 

our  faults  la  represented  as  the  duty  of  the  faithful  to  each  other;  and  in 
be  duty  ot  the  penitent  to  God  alone. 
:t.  The  whole  system  of  revelation  must  be  explained,  so 
as  to  be  consistent  -with  itself. —  When  two  passages  aim-eak  to 
fir  contradictory,  if  the  sense  of  the  one  can  be  clearly  ascer 
tained,  in  such  case  that  must  regulate  our  interpretation  of 
the  other. 

passage,  the  apostle  John  says  ;  If  we  say  that  we  hare  no 
si/i  u>6  deceive  ourselves,  and  the  truth  is  not  in  us.  If  we  confess  our 
sins,  he  is  faithful  and  just  to  forgive  us  our  sins:  if  we  say  w 

make  him  d  liar,  ana  not  in  US,   (1  John  i.  H — 10.) 

I                             •      lame  i]--  lie  ill  deth  in  him. 

sinneth  horn  of  God,  doth  not  commit  tin  :  for  liis  seed 
remainelh  in  him  .  and  he  cannot  sin  because  he  is  horn,  of  Hod.  (1  John 
in.  5,  9.)  This  Is  an  apparent  contradiction;  but  the  texts  must 
plained,  so  a.s  to  agree  with  one  another.  Now,  from  Bcripture  and  expe- 
certain  that  the  first  passage  must  be  literally  understood. 
At  the  dedication  ol  the  temple.  Solomon  .-aid;  if  they  'h" , 

,n. il  th  for  there  is  no  man  that  sinneth  n't).  I  Kings  viii  46. 
And  in  Eccl.  vii.  20,  For  there  is  not  a  just  man  upon  the  <  or/A,  that  doeth 
good  and  sinneth  not.     The  explanation  id"  the  s,  ,■ i 

must  be  regulated  by  the  established  signification  of  the  first;  that  both 
may  agree.     When  it  is  affirmed  that  even  good  men  cannot  say  they  have 
no  sin,  the  apostle  speaks  of  occasional  acts,  from  which  none  art 
When  Saint  John  says,  that  he  who  is  born  of  God  doth  not  commit  sin, 
he  evidently  means,  habitually,  as  the  slave  of  sin  ;  and  tins  is  incompati- 
ble v.uh  a  state  of  grace.     Both  passages,  therefore,  agree,   as  tl 
refers  to  particular  deeds,  and  the  other  to  general  practice  ;  and  in  this 
manner  must  every  seeming  contradiction  be  removed.     Thi 
which  the  literal  sense  can  be  established,  must  always  regulate  the  in- 
terpretation of  a  different  expression,  so  as  to  make  it  agri 
principles. 

4.  An  obscure,  doubtful,  ambiguous,  or  figurative  text  must 
never  be  interpreted  in  such  a  sense  as  to  make  it  contradict 
a  plain  one. 

In  explaining  the  Scriptures,  consistency  of  sense  and  princi- 
ples ought  to  be  supported  in  all  their  several  parts  ;  and  if  any 
one  part  be  so  interpreted  as  to  clash  with  another,  such  inter- 
pretation cannot  be  justified.  Nor  can  it  be  otherwise  corrected 
than  by  considering  every  doubtful  or  difficult  text,  first  by  itself, 
then  with  its  context,  and  then  by  comparing  it  with  other  pas- 
sages of  Scripture ;  and  thus  bringing  what  may  seem  obscure 
into  a  consistency  with  what  is  plain  and  evident 

(1.)  The  doctrine  of  transubstantialion,  inculcated  by  the  church  ol 
Rome,  is  founded  on  a  s!nct!v  literal  interpretation  of  figurative  expres 

sions,  this  is  my  body,  ic.  (Matt.  xxvi.  26.  Arc.)  and  (which  bis  

to  the  supper)  eat  w'y  jlesh,  drink  my  blood.  (John  vi.  51— 5-v)  Hut  inde- 
pendentlv  of  this,  we  may  farther  conclude  that  the  sense  put  upon  the 
words,  "this  is  my  body,"  by  the  church  of  Rome,  cannot  be  the  ti 
being  contrary  to  the  express  declaration  of  the  New  Testament  i 
from  which  it  is  evident  that  our  Lord  is  ascended  into  heaven,  where  he  is 
to  continue  u  till  the  time  uf  the  restitution  of  ad  things"  (Acts  iii.  21.) ;  that 
is,  till  his  second  coming  to  judgment.  How  then  can  his  body  be  in  ten 
thousand  several  places  on  the  earth  at  one  and  the  same  time  1  We  may 
further  add  that,  if  the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation  be  true,  it  will  follow- 
that  our  Saviour,  when  he  instituted  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper, 
did  actually  cat  his  own  flesh  and  drink  his  own  blood  ;  a  conclusion  this, 
so  obviously  contradictory  both  to  reason  and  to  Scripture,  that  it  is 
astonishing  how  any  sensible  and  religious  man  can  credit  such  a  tenet. 

(2.)  Upon  a  similar  literal  interpretation  of  Matt.  xvi.  18.  Thou  art  l'i  "i . 
and  upon  this  rock  will  I  build  my  church,  the  church  of  Rome  bis  erect- 
ed [lie  claim  of  supremacy  for  Peter  and  his  successors.  Hence,  building 
on  Peter  is  explained  away  by  some  commentators  as  beini:  contrary  to 
the  faith  that  Christ  is  the  only  foundation.  (1  Cor.  iii.  11.)  The  moel  emi- 
nent of  the  ancient  lathers,  as  well  as  some  of  the  early  bishops  or 
of  Rome,  particularly  Gregory  the  Great,  and  likewise  several  of  the  most 
judicioii  commentators,  respectively  take  this  rock  to  be  the 

in  of  faith,  which  Peter  had  just  made,  that  Christ  was  the  Son 
of  Cod.    i  o   bow.  \er.  shows  that  Peter  is  here  plainly  meant. 

Christ  ;  and  upon  this  rock,  that  is,  Peter,  pointing  to 
him:  for  thus  it  connects  with  the  reason  which  follows  for  the  name,  in 
the  same  manner  as  the  reason  is  given  for  that  of  Abraham  in  Gen.  xvii.  5. 
and  of  Israel  m  Gen.  xxxii.  23.  The  apostles  are  also  called,  in  other  parts 
of  Hi,    \  :.i   the  foundation  on  which  the  church  is  built,  as  in 

Eph.  ii  20.  and  R<  v.  xxi.  14.  as  being  the  persons  employed  iii  erecting  the 
church,  by  preaching.  It  is  here  promised  that  Peter  shouvl  commence 
the  building  of  it  by  his  preaching,  which  was  fulfilled  by  his  BfSI  converting 
the  Jews  (Acts  ii.  It — 12.)  and  also  the  Gentiles.  (Acts' x.  xv.  7.)  This  pas 
sage,  therefore,  gives  no  countenance  to  the  papal  supremacy,  but  the 
contrary,  for  this  prerogative  was  personal  and  incommunicable.* 

ft.  Such  passages  as  are  expressed  ivith  brevity  a-e  to  be 
expounded  by  those  where  the  same  doctrines  or  duties  are 
expressed  moiie  largely  and  fully. 


1  Dr.  Campbell's  translation  of  the  Four  Gospels,  vol.  i.  dissert  iv.  §  14. 
p.  116.  3d  edit. 

*  Franck's  Guide  to  the  Scriptures,  p.  79.  Franckii  Prtelect.  Herm. 
p.  185. 

•  Gill  in  loc.  See  also  .1.  E.  Pfeiffer's  Inst.  Herm.  Sacr.  pp.  134—136., 
and  Twopenny's  "Disser'ations  on  some  Parts  of  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ments," pp.  74 — 76. 

Vol.  I.  2  Z 


♦  See  Bishop  Burnet  on  the  25th  Article:  Whitby,  Benson,  Mackmght, 
and  other  commentators  on  this  text  ;  and  Dr.  Fletcher's  Lectures  on  the 
Principles  and  Institutions  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Religion,  pp.  1S3.  et  seq. 
The  Christian  Guardian  for  1S23  (p.  305.)  contains  a  good  illustration  of 
James  v.  14,  15.  ,     ,     . 

»  Barrow's  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  581.  Grotius  in  loc.  Elsley  s  Annotations, 
vol.  i.  pp.  273-275.  Gerard's  Institutes,  p.  163.  See  also  the  commence- 
ment of  Bishop  Burgess's  Letter  to  his  Clergy,  entitled  Christ,  and  not  St. 
Peter,  the  Rock  of  the  Christian  Church,  and  especially  Dr.  A.  Clarke  a 
Commentary  on  Malt-  xvi.  18. 


34-1 


ASSISTANCE  TO  BE  DERIVED  FROM  JEWISH  WRITINGS 


[Paii'.  II.  Book  1 


J.)  The  doctrine  nf  justification,  for  instance,  is  briefly  stated  in  Phil.  iii. ; 
bill  ihat  momentous  doctrine  is  professedly  discussed  in  the  Epistle  to  the 
tialatians,  and  especial);  in  that  to  the  Romans;  and  according  to  the 
tenor  of  these,  particularly  Rom.  iii.,  all  the  other  passages  of  Scripture 
dial  treat  of  justification  should  be  explained. 

(2.)  Even  slight  variations  will  oftentimes  serve  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
ciprocal illustration.  Thus  the  beatitudes  related  in  the  sixth  chapter  of 
Saint  Lake's  Gospel,  though  delivered  at  another  time  and  in  a  different 
place,  are  the  same  with  those  delivered  by  our  Lord  in  his  sermon  on  the 
mount,  and  recorded  in  the  fifth  chapter  of  Saint  Matthew's  Gospel.  Being, 
however,  epitomized  by  the  former  Evangelist,  they  may  be  explained  by 
the  latter. 

(3.)  Further,  the  quotation  from  Isaiah  vi.  9,  10.  Hear  ye  indeed,  but 
understand  nut,  Sec.  is  contracted  in  Mark  iv.  12.  Luke  viii.  10.  and  John 
xii.  40.,  but  it  is  given  at  large  in  Matt.  xiii.  14,  lo.  ;  and  accordingly  from 
this  last  cited  Gospel,  the  sense  of  the  prophet  is  most  evident.  Again, 
nothing  is  more  certain  than  that  God  hath  no  pleasute  in  wickedness,  or 
sin  (Psal.  v.  4.),  and,  consequently,  cannot  be  the  cause  of  sin.  When, 
therefore,  any  passages  occur  which  appear  to  intimate  the  contrary,  they 
must  he  so  understood  as  not  to  impugn  this  important,  truth.  The  harden- 
ing of  Pharaoh's  heart,  therefore,  is  not  to  be  taken  fiS  the  act  of  God,  but 
that  he  permitted  him  to  go  on,  following  his  own  cruel  schemes,  regard- 
less of  the  divine  judgments.' 

6.  "  Where  several  doctrines  of  equal  importance  are  pro- 
posed, and  revealed -with  great  clearnen,  t»e  must  be  careful 
to  give  to  each  its  full  and  equal  weight." 

''Thus,  that  we  are  saved  by  the_free  grace  of  Goc?,  and  through  faith  in 
Christ,  is  a  doctrine  too  plainly  arSnneu  by  the  sacred  writers  to  be  set 
aside  by  any  contravening  position :  for  it  is  said,  By  grace  ye  are  saved 
through  faith,  and  that  not  of  yourselves ;  it  is  the  gift  of  God.  (Eph.  ii.S.) 
But  so,  on  the  other  hand,  are  the  doctrines  of  repentance  unto  life,  and 
of  obedience  unto  salvation  ;  for  again  it  is  said,  Repent  and  be  converted, 
that  your  sins  may  be  blotted  out  (Acts  iii.  19.),  and,  If  thou  wilt  enter  into 
life,  keep  the  commandments.  (Matt.  xix.  17.)  To  set  either  of  these  truths 
at  variance  with  the  others,  would  be  to  frustrate  the  declared  purpose  of 
the  Gospel,  and  to  make  it  of  none  effect.  Points  thus  clearly  established, 
and  from  their  very  nature  indispensable,  must  he  made  to  correspond 
with  each  other ;  and  the  exposition,  which  best  preserves  them  unimpair- 
ed and  undiminished,  will  in  any  case  be  a  safe  interpretation,  and  most 
probably  the  true  one.  The  analogy  of  faith  will  thus  be  kept  entire,  and 
will  approve  itself,  in  every  respect,  as  becoming  its  divine  author,  and 
worthy  of  all  acceptation."* 

Some  farther  remarks  might  be  offered  in  addition  to  the 
above  rules ;  but  as  they  fall  more  properly  under  con- 
sideration in  the  subsequent  part  of  this  werk,  the  preceding 
observations  on  the  interpretations  of  Scripture  by  the  analogy 
of  faith  will,  perhaps,  be  found  abundantly  sufficient,  it 
only  remains  to  state,  that  valuable  as  this  aid  is  for  ascer- 
taining the  sense  of  Scripture,  it  must  be  used  in  concurrence 
with  those  which  have  been  illustrated  in  the  foregoing  sec- 
tions, and  to  subjoin  a  few  cautions  respecting  the  application 
of  the  analogy  of  faith,  attention  to  which  will  enable  us 
successfully  to  "  compare  things  spiritual  with  spiritual." 

1.  "Care,"  then,  "must  be  taken,  not  to  confound  seeming 
with  real  analogies ;  not  to  rely  upon  merely  verbal  resemblances 
when  the  sense  may  require  a  different  application  ;  not  to  in- 
terpret what  is  parallel  only  in  one  respect,  as  if  it  were  so  in  all ; 
not  to  give  to  any  parallel  passages  so  absolute  a  sway  in  our 
decisions  as  to  overrule  the  clear  and  evident  meaning  of  the 
text  under  consideration ;  and,  above  all,  not  to  suffer  an  eager- 
ness in  multiplying  proofs  of  this  kind  to  betray  us  into  a  neglect 
of  the  immediate  context  of  the  passage  in  question,  upon  which 
its  signification  must  principally  depend."3  The  occasion,  co- 
herence, and  connection  of  the  writing,  the  argument  carrying 
on,  as  well  as  the  scope  and  intent  of  the  paragraph,  and  the 
correspondence  of  the  type  with  its  antitype,  are  all  to  be  care- 
fully remarked. 

2.  Further,  "In  forming  the  analogy  of  faith,  all  the  plain 
texts  relating  to  one  subject  or  article  ought  to  be  taken  together, 
impartially  compared,  the  expressions  of  one  of  them  restricted 
by  those  of  another,  and  explained  in  mutual  consistency  ;  and 
that  article  deduced  from  them  all  in  conjunction  :  not,  as  has 
been  most  commonly  the  practice,  one  set  of  texts  selected,  which 
have  the  same  aspect,  explained  in  their  greatest  possible  rigour; 
and  all  others,  which  look  another  way,  neglected  or  explained 
away,  and  tortured  into  a  compatibility  with  the  opinion  in  that 
manner  partially  deduced." 

3.  Lastly,  "  the  analogy  of  faith,  as  applicable  to  the  examina- 
tion of  particular  passages,  ought  to  be  very  short,  simple,  and 
purely  scriptural ;  but  m6st  sects  conceive  it,  as  taking  in  all  the 
complex  peculiarities,  and  scholastic  refinements,  of  their  own 
favourite  svstems."4 


Thus,  as  it  has  been  remarked  with  equal  truth  and  ele- 
gance,5 "  by  due  attention  to  these  principles,  accompanied 
with  the  great  moral  requisites  already  shown  to  be  in 
dispensable,  and  with  humble  supplication  to  the  throne  of 
grace  for  a  blessing  on  his  labours,  the  diligent  inquirer  after 
Scripture  truth  may  confidently  hope  for  success.  The 
design  of  every  portion  of  Holy  Writ,  its  harmony  with  the 
rest,  and  the  divine  perfection  of  the  whole,  will  more  and 
more  fully  be  displayed.  And  thus  will  he  be  led,  with 
increasing  veneration  and  gratitude,  to  adore  him,  to  whom 
every  sacred  book  bears  witness,  and  every  divine  dispensa- 
tion led  the  way;  even  him  who  is  Alpha  and  Omega,  the 
first  and  the  last,  Jesus  Christ,  the  same  yesterday,  to-day,  ana 
fur  ever."<i 


§0. 


ON  THE  ASSISTANCE  TO  BE  DERIVED  FROM  JEWISH  WRITINGS 
IN  THE  INTERPRETATION  OF  T«E  SCRIPTURES. 


'  Franck'8  Guide,  p.  41.  Pfeiffcr,  Ilerm.  Sac.  c.  xii.  p.  G.39  and  Crilira 
Sacra,  c.  5.  §  IS.  (Op.  t.  ii.  pp.  719,  720  )  Gerard's  InstitutesTp  18 1  IE 
Pieiffer  has  given  some  additional  examples,  illustrating  the  preceding  rule' 
in  his  Inst.  Herm.Sacr.  pp.  142 — 144.  5        ' 

>  Bishop  Vanmildert's  Bampton  Lectures,  p.  204.  a  .ibid,  p  215 

«  Gerai  d's  Institutes,  p.  161.  The  analogy  of  faith  is  copiously  illustrated 
in  addition  to  the  authorities  already  cited,  by  Franck,  in  hisPiaelect  Herm 
positio  v.  pp  166—192. ;  by  Rambach,  in  his  Instil.  Herm.  Sacrae,  lib.  ii.  c.  i 
pp.  S7— 106. ;  by  Jahn  in  his  Enchiridion  Herm.  Oeneralis,  §32.  pp.  96—100.  • 
by  J.  F.  Pfeiffer,  in  his  Instit.  Herm.  Sacrae,  pp.  706—740. ;  and  by  Chlade- 
nius,  in  his  Institutiones Exegeticae,  pp.406 — W0. 


I.  The  apocryphal  books  of  the  Old  Testament. — II.  The 
Talmud. — 1.  The  Misna. — 2.  The  Getnara. — Jerusalem  ana 
Babylonish  Talmuds. — III.  The  -writings  of  Philo  Judseus 
and  Josephus Account  of  them. 

Besides  the  various  aids  mentioned  in  the  preceding 
sections,  much  important  assistance  is  to  be  obtained  in  the 
interpretation  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  from  consulting  the 
apocryphal  writings,  and  also  the  works  of  other  Jewish 
authors,  especially  those  of  Josephus  and  Philo ;  which  serve 
not  only  to  explain  the  grammatical  force  and  meaning  of 
words,  but  also  to  confirm  the  facts,  and  to  elucidate  the 
customs,  manners,  and  opinions  of  the  Jews,  which  are 
either  mentioned  or  incidentally  referred  to  in  the  Old  and 
New  Testaments. 

Of  the  writings  of  the  Jews,  the  Targums  or  Chaldee 
Paraphrases,  which  have  been  noticed  in  a  former  page,7  -are, 
perhaps,  the  most  important;  and  next  to  them  are  the  apo- 
cryphal books  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  the  Talmud. 

I.  The  Apocryphal  Books  are  the  productions  of  the 
Alexandrian  Jews  and  their  descendants,  who  thought  and 
wrote  in  the  Jewish  manner :  hence  there  are  many  things  in 
those  books  not  found  in  the  Old,  though  alluded  to  in  the 
New  Testament.  (Compare  Heb.  xi.  with  Ecclus.  xiv.  xv.) 
The  apocryphal  books  are  all  curious,  and  some  of  them 
extremely  valuable.  It  is  to  regretted  that  the  just  rejection 
of  these  books  from  the  scriptural  canon  by  the  reformed 
churches  has  occasioned  the  opposite  extreme  of  an  entire 
disregard  to  them  in  the  minds  of  many  serious  and  studious 
Christians.  As  a  collection  of  very  ancient  Jewish  works,  an- 
terior to  Christianity,  as  documents  of  history,  and  as  lessons 
of  prudence  and  often  of  piety,  the  Greek  apocryphal  writings 
are  highly  deserving  of  notice ;  but,  as  elucidating  the 
phraseology  of  the  New  Testament,  and  as  exhibiting  the 
Jewish  manner  of  narration,  teaching,  and  arguing,  they 
claim  the  frequent  perusal  of  scholars,  and  especially  of 
theological  students.  Kuiniel  has  applied  these  books  to 
the  illustration  of  the  New  Testament,  with  great  success ; 
and  Dr.  Bretschneider  has  also  drawn  many  elucidations  from 
the  apocryphal  books  in  his  Lexicon  to  the  New  Testament. 
The  apocryphal  books  of  the  New  Testament  exhibit  a  style 
in  many  respects  partaking  of  the  Hebraic-Greek  idiom  of 
the  genuine  books  of  the  New  Testament. 

IL  The  Talmud  (a  term  which  literally  signifies  doctrine) 
is  a  body  of  Jewish  Laws,  containing  a  digest  of  doctrines 
and  precepts  relative  to  religion  and  morality.  The  Talmud 
consists  of  two  general  parts,  viz.  The  Ulisna  or  text,  and 
the  Gemara  or  commentary. 

1.  The  Misna  (or  repetition,  as  it  literally  signifies )  is  a 
collection  of  various  traditions  of  the  Jews,  and  of  expositions 
of  Scripture  texts ;  which,  they  pretend,  were  delivered  to 
Moses  during  his  abode  on  the  Mount,  and  transmitted  Iron 
him,  through  Aaron,  Eleazar,  and  Joshua,  to  the  prophets, 
and  by  them  to  the  men  of  the  Great  Sanhedrin,  from  whom 
they  passed  in  succession  to  Simeon  (who  took  our  Saviour 
in  his  arms),  Gamaliel,  and  ultimately  to  Rabbi  Jehuda,  sur- 
named  Hakkadosh  or  the  Holy.  By  him  this  digest  of  ora! 
law  and  traditions  was  completed,  towards  the  close  of  th* 
second  century,  after  the  labour  of  forty  years.  From  thia 
time  it  has  been  carefully  handed  down  among  the  Jews, 

*  By  Bishop  Vanmildert,  Bamp.  Lect.  p.  210. 

•  Rev.  i.  1 1.  Heb.  xiii.  8. 

1  See  an  account  of  the  Targums  in  pp.  '*'  ',  "CJ.  o(  the  present  volume. 


V  ii  a  p.  II.  Sect.  II.  §6.] 


IN  THE  INTERPRETATION  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


34i» 


from  generation  to  generation  ;  and  in  many  cases  has  been 
esteemed  beyond  the  written  law  itself.  The  Misna  consists 
of  six  books,  each  of  which  is  entitled  order%  and  is  further 
divided  into  many  treatises,  amounting  in  all  to  sixty-three: 
these  again  are  divided  into  chapters,  and  the  chapters  are 
farther  subdivided  into  sections  or  aphorisms. 

2.  The  Gemaras  or  Commentaries  on  the  Misna  an  two- 
fold :— 

(1.)  The  Gemara  of  Jerusalem,  vrhixih  in  the  opinion  of 
Pndeaux,  Buxtorf,  Carpzov,  and  other  eminent  entice,  was 
compiled  in  the  third  century  of  the  Christian  u-ra;  though, 
from  its  containing  several  barbarous  words  of  Gothic  or  Van- 
dalic  extraction,  Father  Blorin  refers  it  to  the  fifth  century. 
This  commentary  is  but  little  esteemed  by  the  Jews. 

(2.)  The  Gemara  of  Babylon  was  compiled  in  the  sixth 
century,  and  is  filled  with  the  most  absurd  fables.  It  is  held 
in  the  highest  estimation  by  the  Jews,  by  whom  it  is  usually 
read  and  constantly  consulted,  as  a  sure  guide  in  all  questions 
of  difficulty. 

The  Jews  designate  these  commentaries  by  the  term  Ge- 
mara, or  perfection,  because  they  consider  them  as  an  expla- 
nation of  the  whole  law,  to  which  no  further  additions  can 
be  made,  and  after  which  nothing  more  can  be  desired. 
When  the  Misna  or  text,  and  the  commentary  compiled  at 
Jerusalem,  accompany  each  other,  the  whole  is  called  the 
Jerusalem  Talmud;  and  when  the  commentary  which  was 
made  at  Babylon  is  subjoined,  it  is  denominated  the  Baby- 
lonish Tat  mud.  The  Talmud  was  collated  for  Dr.  Kenni- 
eott's  edition  of  the  Hebrew  Bible ;  and  as  the  passages  of 
Scripture  therein  contained  were  taken  from  manuscripts  in 
existence  from  the  second  to  the  sixth  century,  they  are  so 
far  authorities  as  they  show  what  were  the  readings  of  their 
day.  These  various  readings,  however,  are  neither  very  nu- 
merous nor  of  very  great  moment.  Bauer  states  that  From- 
man  did  not  discover  more  than  four/ren  in  the  Misna;  and 
although  Dr.  Gill,  who  collated  the  Talmud  for  Dr.  Kenni- 
cott,  collected  about  a  thousand  instances,  yet  all  these  were 
not,  in  strictness,  various  lections.  The  Talmud,  therefore, 
is  chiefly  useful  for  illustrating  manners  and  customs  noticed 
in  the  Scriptures.1  Sometimes  the  passages  cited  from  the 
Old  Testament  are  exactly  quoted ;  and  sometimes  many 
things  are  left  out,  or  added  arbitrarily,  in  the  same  manner 
as  some  of  the  fathers  have  quoted  from  the  New  Testa- 
ment.2 

The  Rabbinical  Writings  of  the  Jews  are  to  be  found  chiefly 
in  their  Commentaries  on  the  Old  Testament. 

As  all  these  Jewish  writings  are  both  voluminous  and  scarce, 
many  learned  men  have  diligently  collected  from  them  the 
most  material  passages  that  tend  to  illustrate  the  Scriptures. 
An  account  of  their  labours,  as  well  as  of  the  editions  of  the 
Misna,  Talmud,  and  Jewish  Commentators,  will  be  found  in 
the  Bibliographical  Appendix  to  the  second  volume. 

The  Misna,  being  compiled  towards  the  close  of  the  second 
century,  may,  for  the  most  part,  be  regarded  as  a  digest  of 
the  traditions  received  and  practised  by  the  Pharisees  in  the 
time  of  our  Lord.  Accordingly,  different  commentators  have 
made  considerable  use  of  it  in  illustrating  the  narratives  and 
allusions  of  the  New  Testament,  as  well  as  in  explaining 
various  passages  of  the  Old  Testament ;  particularly  Ains- 
worth  on  the  Pentateuch,  Drs.  Gill  and  Clarke  in  their  entire 
comments  on  the  Scriptures,  Wetstein  in  his  critical  edition 
of  the  New  Testament,  and  Koppe  in  his  edition  of  the  Greek 
Testament,  who  iu  his  ;iotes  has  abridged  the  works  of  all 
former  writers  on  this  topic. 

In  availing  ourselves  of  the  assistance  to  be  derived  from 
the  Jewish  writings,  we  must  ta"ke  care  not  to  compare  the 
expressions  occurring  in  the  New  Testament  too  strictly  with 
the  Talmudical  and  Cabbalistical  mode's  of  speaking;  as  such 
comparisons,  when  carried  too  far,  tend  to  obscure  rather  than 
to  illustrate  the  sacred  writings.  Even  our  illustrious  Light- 
foot  is  said  not  to  be  free  from  error  in  this  respect;  and  Dr. 

i  Ham-.,  frit.  Saer.  pp.  340-r>!3.  Jahn,  Introd  a.!  Vet  Feed  p.  171.  Ken- 
nicoti,  Dissertatio  Generalis,  M32— 35.  Leuaden,  Philologoa  IIfhr:co-mix* 
tus,  pp  90.  et  seq.  In  pp.  95—98.  In"  lias  enumerated  the  principal  contents 
of  the  Misna;  but  the  best  account  of  the  Misna  and  its  contents  is  given 
by  Dr.  Wotton,  Disconrai  -    I  D    >•    i.  ami  ii.  pp.  10—120.     See  also 

Waehner's  Anuquitates  Bbraornm,  toL  i.  pp  266-  iin     PfelSer,  op.  torn, 
ii.  pp.  852—855,    IV  Rossi,  Vans  Lectiones,  torn.  i.  Proleg.  canons  1 
and  Allen's  Modern  Judaism,  pp.  21 — 64.    Buddnus,  In  his  Introdnctio 
id  Historian!  Philosophia  Ebneorum,  pp  116.  i  ntered  most 

fully  into  the  merits  of  the  Jewish  Talmudical  and  Rabbinical  wri- 
tings 

*  <'n  the  alleged  castrations  and  alterations  of  the  Talmud  by  the  Jews, 
.he  leader  will  find  some  curious  information  in  Mr.  Allen's  Modern  Juda- 
V5u.,  pp.  fi>— 64. 


Gill  has  frequently  encumbered  his  commentary  with  Rabbi- 
nical quotations.  The  best  and  safest  rule,  perhaps,  by  which 
to  regulate  our  references  to  the  Jewish  writers  themselves, 
as  w.  11  as  those  who  have  made  collections  from  their  works, 
is  the  following  precept  delived  by  Ernesti : — We  are  to  s'ek 
for  help,  says  he,  onhf  vn  those  cases  where  it  is  absolutely  neces- 
sary ;  that  is  to  say,  where  our  knowledge  of  the  Greek  and 
Heart  w  tongues  affords  no  means  of  ascertaining  an  easy  sense, 
an/l  one  that  corresponds  with  the  context.  The  same  distin- 
guished scholar  has  further  laid  it  down  as  a  rule  of  universal 
application,  that  our  principal  information  is  to  be  sought 
from  the  Jewish  writings,  in  every  thing  that  relates  to  their 
sacred  rites,  forms  of  teaching  and  sneaking ;  especially  in  the 
Epistle  to  the  Romans,  which  evidently  shows  its  author  to 
have  been  educated  under  Gamaliel.3 

Some  very  important  hints,  on  the  utility  of  Jewish  and 
Rabbinical  literature  in  the  interpretation  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament, occur  in  the  Rev.  Dr.  (now  Bishop)  Bfomfield's 
discourse,  entitled  Jl  Reference  to  the  Jewish  Tradition  neces- 
sary  to  an  Interpretation  of  the  New  Testament.  London, 
1817,  8vo. 

III.  More  valuable  in  every  respect  than  the  Talrnudica 
and  Rabbinical  Writings,  are  the  works  of  the  two  learned 
Jews,  Philo  and  Josephus,  which  reflect  so  much  light  on  the 
manners,  customs,  and  opinions  of  their  countrymen,  as  to 
demand  a  distinct  notice. 

1.  Philo,  surnamed  Judaeus,  in  order  to  distinguish  him 
from  several  other  persons  of  the  same  name,'1  was  a  Jew  of 
Alexandria,  descended  from  a  noble  and  sacerdotal  family, 
and  pre-eminent  among  his  contemporaries  for  his  talents, 
eloquence,  and  wisdom.  He  was  certainly  born  before  the 
time  of  Jesus  Christ,  though  the  precise  date  has  not  been 
determined :  some  writers  placing  his  birth  twenty,  and 
others  thirty  years  before  that  event.  The  latter  opinion 
appears  to  be  the  best  supported ;  consequently  Philo  was 
about  sixty  years  old  at  the  time  of  the  death  of  our  Re- 
deemer, and  he  lived  for  some  years  afterwards.  He  was  of 
the  sect  of  the  Pharisees,  and  was  deeply  versed  in  the 
Scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament,  which  he  read  in  the  Sep- 
tuagint  version,  being  a  Hellenistic  Jew,  unacquainted  (it  is 
supposed)  with  the  Hebrew,  and  writing  in  the  Greek  lan- 
guage. Some  eminent  critics  have  imagined  that  he  was  a 
Christian,  but  this  opinion  is  destitute  of  foundation  ;  for  we 
have  no  reason  to  think  that  Philo  ever  visited  Judaea,  or  that 
he  was  acquainted  with  the  important  events  which  were 
there  taking  place.  Indeed,  as  the  Gospel  was  not  extensively 
and  openly  promulgated  out  of  Judaea,  until  ten  years  after 
the  resurrection  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  as  there  is  not  the  most 
distant  allusion  to  him — much  less  mention  of  him— -made  in 
the  New  Testament,  it  cannot  be  supposed  that  this  distin- 
guished person  was  a  convert  to  Christianity.  The  striking 
coincidences  of  sentiment,  and  more  frequently  of  phraseo- 
logy, which  occur  in  the  writings  of  Philo,  with  the  languags 
of  Saint  Paul  and  Saint  John  in  the  New  Testament,  are 
satisfactorily  accounted  for,  by  his  being  deeply  versed  in 
the  Septuagint  (or  Alexandrian  Greek)  version  of  the  Old 
Testament,  with  which  those  apostles  were  also  intimately 
acquainted.  The  writings  of  Philo  exhibit  many  quotations 
from  the  Old  Testament,  which  serve  to  show  how  the  texl 
then  stood  in  the  original  Hebrew,  or  at  least,  in  the  Sep- 
tuajrint  Version :  and  although  they  contain  many  fanciful 
and  mystical  comments  on  the  Old  Testament,  yet  they 
abound  with  just  sentiments  eloquently  expressed,  and  were 
highly  esteemed  by  the  primitive  Christian  church;  and  his 
sentiments  concerning  trie  Logos  or  Word,  bear  so  close  a 
resemblance  to  those  of  the  apostle  John,  as  to  have  given 
rise  to  the  opinion  of  some  eminent  men  that  he  was  a  Chris- 
tian.5    In  the  writings  of  Philo,  we  meet  with  accounts  of 

•  Ernesti,  Instil.  Interp.  Novi  Testarnenti,  p.  274.  In  the  5th  vol.  of  Vel- 
thnsen's,  Kuinbel's,  and  Kuperti's  Comtnentationes  Theologies  (pp.  117 — 
197.),  there  is  a  useful  dissertation  by  M.  Weise,  De  more  DoniiDi  acceptor 
■  magistris  Judaicis  loquendi  ac  diserendi  modos  sapienter  emendandi. 

*  Fabricius  and  his  editor,  Professor  Hades,  have  given  notices  o( forty- 
seren  persons  of  the  name  of  Philo.  Bibliotheca  Grsca,  vol.  iv.  pp.  730 
-751. 

»  The  late  Mr.  Bryant  has  collected  the  passages  of  Philo  concerning  the 
Logos  in  his  work  entitled  "The  Sentiments  of  Philo  Juda-us  concerning 
the  a  >  ■;  or  Word  of  God;  together  with  large  Extracts  from  his  Writings, 
compared  with  the  Scriptures  on  many  other  particular  and  essential  doc- 
trines of  the  Christian  Religion."  (S\6.  London.  1776.)  As  this  volume  is 
now  rarely  to  be  met  with,  the  reader  will  find  the  most  material  passages 
of  Philo's  writings  selected  and  faithfully  translated  in  the  Rev.  Dr.  J.  P 
Smith's  Scripture  Testimony  to  the  Messiah,  vol.  i.  pp.  420-^14o.  Dr.  A 
Clarke  has  given  thirty- fire  instances  of  the  particular  terms  and  doctrines 
found  in  Philo-s  work,  with  parallel  passages  from  the  New  Testament,  in 
his  commentary,  at  the  end  of  the  first  chapter  of  Sai.it  John's  GospeL 


d46 


ASSISTANCE  TO  BE  DERIVED  FROM  GREEK  FATHERS 


[Part  II.  Book  1 


many  customs  of  the  Je*vs;  of  their  opinions,  especially 
such  as  were  den  red  from  the  oriental  philosophy ;  and  of 
facts  particularly  relating  to  their  state  under  the  Roman  em- 
nerors,  which  are  calculated  to  throw  great  light  on  many 
passages  of  the  sacred  writings.' 

2.  Plavius  Josephus  was  of  sacerdotal  extraction  and  of 
royal  descent,  and  was  born  a.  d.  37 '.  he  was  alive  in  a.  d. 
96,  but  it  is  not  known  when  he  died.  He  received  a  liberal 
education  among  the  Pharisees,  after  which  he  went  to  Rome, 
where  he  cultivated  his  talents  to  great  advantage.2  On  his 
return  to  Judaea,  he  commanded  the  garrison  appointed  to 
defend  Jotapata  against  the  forces  of  Vespasian,  which  he 
bravely  maintained  during  forty-seven  days.  Josephus,  being 
subsequently  taken  prisoner  by  Vespasian,  was  received  into 
his  favour;  and  was  also  greatly  esteemed  by  Titus,  whom 
he  accompanied  to  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  on  the  capture  of 
which  he  obtained  the  sacred  books  and  many  favours  for  his 
countrymen.  When  Vespasian  ascended  the  imperial  throne, 
he  gave  Josephus  a  palace,  together  with  the  freedom  of  the 
city  of  Rome,  and  a  grant  of  lands  in  Judaea.  Titus  con- 
ferred additional  favours  upon  him,  and  Josephus  out  of  gra- 
titude assumed  the  name  of  Flavius.  The  writings  of  Jo- 
sephus consist  of,  1.  Seven  books,  relating  the  War  of  the 
Jews  against  the  Romans,  which  terminated  in  their  total 
defeat,  and  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.  This  history  was 
undertaken  at  the  command  of  Vespasian,  and  was  written 
first  in  Hebrew  and  afterwards  in  Greek  :  and  so  highly  was 
the  emperor  pleased  with  it,  that  he  authenticated  it  by  put- 
ting his  signature  to  it,  and  ordering  it  to  be  preserved  in  one 
of  the  pubh6  libraries ;  2.  Of  the  Jewish  Antiquities,  in  twenty 
books,  comprising  the  period  from  the  origin  of  the  world  to 
the  twelfth  year  of  the  reign  of  Nero  (a.  d.  66),  when  the 
Jews  began  to  rebel  against  the  Romans  ;  3.  An  account  of 
his  own  Life,-  and,  4.  Two  books  vindicating  the  Antiquity 
of  the  Jewish  nation  against  Ap:on  and  others. 

The  writings  of  Josephus  contain  accounts  of  many  Jewish 
customs  and  opinions,  and  of  the  different  sects  that  obtained 
among  his  countrymen ;  which  very  materially  contribute  to 
the  illustration  of  the  Scriptures.  Particularly,  they  contain 
many  facts  relative  to  the  civil  and  religious  state  of  the  Jews 
about  the  time  of  Christ :  which  being  supposed,  alluded  to, 
or  mentioned  in  various  passages  of  the  New  Testament, 
enable  us  fully  to  enter  into  the  meaning  of  those  passages.3 
His  accurate  and  minute  detail  of  many  of  the  events  of  his 
own  time,  and  above  all,  of  the  Jewish  war,  and  the  siege 
and  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  affords  us  the  means  of  per- 
ceiving the  accomplishment  of  many  of  our  Saviour's  pre- 
dictions, especially  of  his  circumstantial  prophecy  respecting 
the  utter  subversion  of  the  Jewish  polity,  nation,  and  re- 
ligion. The  testimony  of  Josephus  is  the  more  valuable,  as 
it  is  an  undesigned  testimony,  which  cannot  be  suspected  of 
fraud  or  partiality.  The  modern  Jews  have  discovered  this, 
and  therefore  a  writer  who  is  a  principal  ornament  of  their 
nation  since  the  cessation  of  prophecy,  is  now  not  only  neg- 
lected, but  despised ;  and  is  superseded  among  the  Jews  by 
a_ forged  history,  composed  by  an  author  who  lived  more  than 
eight  centuries  after  the  time  of  Josephus,  and  who  has  as- 
sumed the  name  of  Josippon,  or  Joseph  Ben  Gorion.  The 
plagiarisms  and  falsehoods  of  this  pseudo-Josephus  have  been 

«  Fabricii  Bibliotheca  Gra>ca,  a  Harles,  vol.  iv.  pp.  720—750.  Bp.  Gray's 
Connection  between  Sacred  and  Profane  Literature,  vol.  i.  pp.  288—302.  Dr. 
Smitb's  Scripture  Testimony  to  the  Messiah,  vol.  i.  pp.  417,  418.  For  the 
principal  editions  of  Philo's  Works,  and  the  principal  illustrations  of  Scrip- 
ture derived  from  them,  see  the  Bibliographical  Appendix  to  the  second 
Volume,  Part  11.  Chap.  II.  Sect.  II.  §  1. 

»  It  i.s  highly  probable  thai  Josephus  was  the  companion  of  St.  Paul  in  his 
TOyISf  l°  £°me.  related  in  Acts  xxvii-  Soe  °lLii  Spicilegium  ex  Josepho, 
pp.  J.Jf.-.-,,s.,  and  especially  Bp.  Gray's  Connection  between  Sacred  and 
Profane  Literature,  vol.  i.  pp.  357—368. 

•  In  all  matters  relating  to  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  and  to  the  religion 
of  theJews,  there  is  a  remarkable  agreement  between  the  authors  of  the 
New  Testament  and  Josephus  ;  who  had  in  person  beheld  that  sacred  edi- 
fice,  and  was  himself  an  eyewitness  of  the  solemn  rites  performed  there. 
Hence  it  is  obvious,  that  his  statements  are  unquestionably  more  worthy 
of  credit  than  the  unsupported  assertions  of  the  Talmudists,  who  did  not 
flourish  until  long  after  the  subversion  of  the  city  and  temple,  and  of  the 
whole  Jewish  polity  both  sacred  and  civil.  A  single  instance,  out  of  many 
which  might  be  adduced  will  suffice  to  illustrate  the  importance  of  this 
remark  The  Talmud.ca  writers  affirm  that  the  priests  only  killed  the 
paschal  lambs ;  but  Josephus  (whose  testimony  is  confirmed  by  Philo)  re 
lates  that  it  was  lawful  for  the  master  of  every  family  to  do  it  without  the 
intervention  of  any  priest;  and  they  further  relate,  that  at  the  time  of  the 
p&ssover,  there  were  so  many  families  at  Jerusalem,  that  it  was  utterlv 
impossible  for  the  priests  to  kill  the  paschal  lamb  for  every  family.  In  the 
New  Testament  we  read  that  Jesus  Christ  sent  his  disciples  to'a  private 
nouse,  that  the  passover  might  be  prepared  by  its  possessor  ami  by  them, 
without  the  presence  of  any  priest,  or  previously  taking  the  lamb  to  the 
temple.  As  the  statements  of  Philo  and  Josephus  are  corroborated  by  the 
relation  in  the  New  Testament,  they  are  undoubtedly  correct. 


detected  and  exposed  by  Gagnier,  Basnuge.  and  especiallj 
by  Dr.  Lardner.4 

Michaelis  particularly  recommends  a  diligent  study  of  the 
works  of  Josephus,  from  the  beginning  of  Herod's  reign  to 
the  end  of  the  Jewish  antiquities,  as  affording  the  very  best 
commentary  on  the  Gospels  and  Acts;''  and  Morns  observed, 
that  the  Jewish  historian  is  more  valuable  in  illustrating  the 
histories  related  in  the  New  Testament  than  for  i  lucidating 
its  style.  Our  numerous  references  to  his  works  in  the  second, 
as  well  as  in  the  early  part  of  the  present  volume  of  this  work, 
sufficiently  attest  the  advantages  resulti  ■•:  from  a  diligent  ex- 
amination of  them.7  Josephus  is  justly  admired  for  his  lively 
and  animated  style,  the  bold  propriety  f  his  expressions,  the 
exactness  of  his  descriptions,  and  tin  persuasive  eloquence 
of  his  relations,  on  which  account-;  lie  has  been  termed  the 
Livy  of  the  Greek  authors.  Though  a  strict  Pharisee,  he  has 
borne  such  a  noble  testimony  to  the  spotless  character  of 
Jesus  Christ,  that  Jerome  considered  and  called  him  a  Chris- 
tian writer.8 

As,  however,  the  authority  of  both  Philo  and  Josephus 
has  been  disputed,  we  must  distinguish,  with  respect  to  both, 
what  is  delivered  as  being  merely  their  own  opinion,  and 
what  is  stated  as  the  popular  notion.  We  must  also  considei 
what  influence  the  pharisaical  principles  of  Josephus,  and  the 
profane  philosophy  of  Philo,  would  have  upon  their  writings. 


§  7.  ON  THE  ASSISTANCE  TO  BE  DERIVED  FROM  THE  WRITINGS 
OF  THE  GREEK  FATHERS,  IN  THE  INTERPRETATION  OF  SCRIP- 
TURE. 

Learned  men  are  by  no  means  agreed  as  to  the  persons  to 
whom  the  venerable  appellation  of  Fathers  of  the  Chris- 
tian Church  ought  tote  given.  While  some  would  confine 
it  exclusively  to  the  apostles,  or  to  those  writers  who  lived 
in  the  century  immediately  succeeding  them,  others  would 
extend  it  to  those  who  flourished  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  cen- 
turies; and  some  even  give  the  appellation  of  fathers  to  all 
those  theologians  who  lived  and  wrote  so  lately  as  the  twelfth 
century.  The  most  probable  classification  is,  that  which 
would  enrol  among  the  fathers  those  Christian  doctors  only 
who  flourished  before  the  close  of  the  sixth  century  ;  because, 
in  the  seventh  and  following  centuries,  the  purity  of  Chris- 
tian doctrine  was  debased  by  the  most  absurd  notions  and 
degrading  superstitions  ;  and  also  because  but  few  of  those, 
who  held  the  office  of  teachers  of  religion  during  the  dark 
ages,  conducted  themselves  in  such  a  manner  as  to  deserve 
the  appellation  of  Fathers  of  the  Church.  Still  less  are 
the  learned  agreed  as  to  the  degree  of  authority  to  be  con- 
ceded to  the  works  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Christian  church  : 
by  some  they  are  depreciated  beyond  measure,  while  on  the 
other  hand  they  are  estimated  as  repositories  of  every  thing 
that  is  valuable  i  ">  3acred  literature. 

It  is,  however,  a  singular  circumstance,  that,  in  almost  all 
theological  controversies,  both  parties  are  desirous  of  having 
the  fathers  on  their  side.  Considering  the  question,  then, 
without  prejudice  or  predilection,  we  may  safely  assume, 
that  the  primitive  fathers  were  men  eminent  for  their  piety 
and  zeal,  though  occasionally  deficient  in  learning  and  judg- 
ment ;  that  they  may  be  relied  upon  in  general  for  their  state- 
ments of  facts,  but  not  invariably  for  the  constructions  which 
they  put  upon  them,  unless  in  the  expositions  (by  the  Greek 
fathers)  of  the  New  Testament,  with  the  language  of  which 
they  were  intimately  acquainted ;  and  that  they  are  faithful 
reporters  of  the  opinions  of  the  Christian  church,  but  not 
always  the  most  judicious  interpreters  of  Scripture.  As 
repositories,  therefore,  of  Christian  antiquity,  as  preachers 
of  Christian  virtue,  and  as  defenders  of  the  true  Christian 
doctrine,  they  may  still  be  very  advantageously  consulted ; 
especially  if  we  do  not  expect  that  from  them  which  they 
could  not  have.  The  fathers  applied  themselves  to  the 
reading  of  the   Scriptures  with  undivided  attention,  "with 

«  Jewish  Testimonies,  chap.  vi.  Lardner's  Works,  8vo.  vol.  vii.  pp.  102— 
187. ;  4to.  vol.  iii.  pp.  560—574. 

*  Introduction  to  the  NewTest.  vol.  iii.  part  i.  pp.  339—341. 

•  Mori  super  Hermeneutica  Novi  Testament!  Acroase.s  Academical,  torn 
ii.  p.  195. 

i  Bp.  Gray  lias  illustrated  at.  length  the  benefit  to  be  derived  from  the 
writings  of  Josephus,  in  the  illustration  of  the  Scriptures,  rfee  his  Con- 
nection between  Sacred  and  Profane  Literature,  vol.  i.  pp  303 — 330 

"  See  the  genuineness  of  Josephus's  Testimony  concerning  Jesus  Christ 
established,  in  Vol.  I.  pp.  463,  464.  And  for  an  account  of  the  best  editions 
of  his  works,  and  of  elucidations  of  Scripture  drawn  from  tnem,  6ee  the 
Bibliographical  Appendix  to  tin  second  Volume,  Part  II.  Ciiap.  n.  Sect 
II.  §  1 


Chap.  II.  Sect.  I.  §  7.] 


IN  THE  INTERPRETATION  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


347 


intense  thought,  and  with  holy  admiration,  as  to  that  which 
was  alone  worthy  to  he  studied.  No  part  of  Scripture  was 
neglected  by  them;  they  were  so  earnestly  intent  upon  it, 
that  not  a  jot  or  tittle  escaped  them.  This,  with  the 
advantages  which  they  had  (especially  the  Ante-Nicene 
fathers)  in  point  of  languages  ana  antiquities,  could  not  fail 
to  produce  remarks  which  it  must  be  very  imprudent  in  any 
age  to  neglect.  The  mistakes,  charged  upon  the  fathers  in 
their  expositions  of  the  Old  Testament,  originated  in  their 
being  misled  by  the  Septnagint  version,  which  their  ignorance 
of  Hebrew,  together  with  their  contempt  of  the  Jews,  and 
their  unwillingness  to  be  taught  that  language  by  them, 
induced  them  to  trust  implicitly.  And  that  8X0888  of  alle- 
gorical interpretation  into  which  some  of  the  ancients  ran, 
was  probably  occasioned  by  their  studying,  with  a  warm 
imagination,'  prophecies  and  types,  parables  and  allusions, 
and  by  our  Saviour's  not  developing  the  whole  of  his  plan 
during  his  lifetime. 

It  is  obvious  that  the  contemporary  friends  of  any  body  of 
men  must  know  the  sentiments  of  those  men  more  accurately 
and  perfectly  than  even  the  most  sagacious  inquirers  who  flou- 
rish many  ages  posterior  to  them.  Such  of  the  primitive  fathers, 
therefore,  as  conversed  with  the  apostles,  or  with  their  im- 
mediate followers,  are  the  most  likely  to  know  the  true  sense 
of  their  writings;  and  it  is  highly  probable  that  the  works  of 
these  fathers  must  contain  traits  and  sentiments  strongly 
illustrative  of  the  doctrines  of  the  Bible.  The  use,  then, 
which  is  to  be  made  of  their  writings,  is  precisely  that  which 
a  discreet  lawyer  would  make  of  all  the  best  contemporary 
authors,  who  lived  when  Magna  Charta  was  obtained.  If  in 
that  celebrated  code  of  civil  rights  any  thing  appeared 
obscure  and  difficult  to  be  understood,  he  would  consult  the 
best  authors  of  the  age  who  had  written  upon  the  same,  or 
upon  any  collateral  subject;  and  he  would  especially  consult 
contemporary  authors,  or  those  who  immediately  followed, 
if  any  of  them  had  undertaken  to  illustrate  and  explain  the 
whole  or  any  part  of  that  invaluable  instrument.  Magna 
Charta  is  to  us,  as  Englishmen,  what  the  Word  of  God  is  to 
as  as  Christians:  the  one  contains  a  copy  of  our  civil  rights 
and  privileges ;  the  other,  of  our  religious  privileges  and 
duties.  Nor  is  it  any  diminution  of  the  just  and  absolute 
authority  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  in  our  religious  concerns, 
to  consult  the  contemporary  and  subsequent  writings  of  the 
fathers,  in  order  to  see  how  the  Bible  was  understood  in  the 
several  ages  in  which  they  lived ;  any  more  than  it  would  be 
a  diminution  of  the  just  and  absolute  authority  of  Magna 
Charta,  in  our  civil  concerns,  to  consult  the  contemporary 
and  subsequent  writings  of  lawyers  and  historians,  in  order 
to  see  how  it  was  understood  in  the  several  ages  in  which 
they  lived.  Similar  to  this  is  the  conduct  of  every  prudent 
person  in  all  the  common  occupations  and  concerns  of  life. 
Accordingly,  Christians  in  all  ages,  and  of  every  denomina- 
tion, have  eagerly  claimed  the  verdict  of  the  fathers  in  their 
own  behalf;  and  no  one  ever  lightly  esteemed  their  testimony, 
but  those  whose  principles  and  doctrines  the  writings  of  the 
fathers  condemned.1 

The  important  testimony  in  behalf  .of  the  genuineness  of 
the  Sacred  Writings  of  the  New  Testament,  borne  by  the 
fathers  of  the  Christian  church,  and  especially  by  the  Greek 
fathers,  has  been  exhibited  in  detail  in  pp.  41 — 45.  280, 
281.,  and  288,  289.  of  the  present  volume,  the  value  of  their 
writings  as  a  source  of  the  text  of  Scripture,  and  also 
as  aids  for  determining  various  readings,  has  been  stated. 
It  now  remains  to  show,  by  one  or  two  examples,  the  value 
of  such  of  the  fathers  as  are  not  professed  commentators,2 
in  determining  the  meaning  of  words  and  phrases,  and  in 
whose  writings  passages  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments 
incidentally  occur,  in  such  a  connection,  or  with  such  ad- 
juncts, that  we  may  clearly  perceive  what  meaning  was 
attached  to  them  in  the  age  when  those  fathers  respectively 
flourished.  Such  interpretations  we  find  in  the  writings  of 
Barnabas,  Clemens  Romanus,  Ignatius,  Justin  Martyr,  and 
others;  whose  testimonies  to  the  divinity  of  Christ  have 
been  collected  by  Dr.  Burton.  The  evidence  of  the  early 
fathers  on  this  fundamental  topic  of  Christian  doctrine  (to 
omit  others  which  might  be  adduced  relative  to  the  discipline 
and  practice  of  the  Christian  church)  is  peculiarly  important; 
for  "  if  the  doctrine  of  the  real  nature  of  Christ  was  corrupted 


1  Simpson's  Plea  for  the  Deity  of  Christ,  p.  4$S.  Dr.  Bey's  Nonfatal 
lectures,  vol.  i.  pp.  105—118.  Quarterly  Review,  vol.  jciii.  "pp.  183— US. 
See  also  some  admirable  observations  of  the  learned  Dr.  Gregory  Sharpe, 
in  his  Argument  in  Defence  of  Christianity,  taken  from  the  Concessions  of 
the  most  ancient  Adversaries,  p.  90—99. 

*  The  princ.pal  Commentaries  of  the  Fathers  are  enumerated  in  the 
BiBLto  iRApmuj.  Appendix  to  Volume  II.  Part  II.  Chap.  V.  Sect.  III.  $  1. 


in  the  first  three  centuries,  the  writings  of  tlat  period  must 
show  the  progress  of  that  corruption.  And,  on  the  other 
hand,  "if  no  variation  appears  in  the  opinions  of  Christians, 
durinir  that  period,  but  the  fathers  of  the  first  three  centuries 
all  deliver  the  same  doctrine,"  and,  "  with  one  consent  speak 
of  Christ  as  having  existed  from  all  eternity  as  very  God,  and 
that  he  took  our  human  nature  into  the  divine,  we  have  surely 
good  grounds  for  saying,  that  there  never  was  a  time  when 
this  was  not  the  doctrine  of  the  church,  and  that  it  was  the 
true  and  genuine  doctrine  which  the  apostles  themselves' 
preached. "- 

1.  In  John  i.  3.  the  work  of  creation  is  expressly  ascribed  to 
Jesus  Christ.  To  evade  the  force  of  this  testimony  to  his  deity, 
Faustus  Socinus  affirms  that  t*  tthvt*,  all  things,  in  this  verse, 
means  the  moral  world — the  Christian  church  :  but  to  this  ex- 
position there  are  two  objections.  First,  a  part  of  these  t=c  twt* 
is  in  verse  10.  represented  asi  xs^oc,  the -world;  a  term  nowhere 
applied  in  the  New  Testament  to  the  Christian  church,  nor  to 
men  as  morally  amended  by  the  Gospel.  Secondly,  this  very 
world  (o  koit/jlos)  which  he  created  did  not  know  or  acknowledge 
him,  etuT-cv  ovz  ry\a> :  whereas  the  distinguishing  trait  of  Christians 
is,  that  they  know  Christ;  that  they  know  the  only  true  God  and 
Jesus  Christ  whom  he  hath  sent.  T*  Trutra,  then,  which  the 
Logos  created,  means  (as  common  usage  and  the  exigency  of 
the  passage  require)  the  universe,  the  worlds,  material  and  im- 
material.4 In  this  passage,  therefore,  Jesus  Christ  is  unquestion- 
ably called  God ;  and  this  interpretation  of  it  is  corroborated  by 
the  following  passage  of  Irenams,  who  wrote  a.  d.  185 : — 

"  Nor  can  any  of  those  things,  which  have  been  made,  and  are 
in  subjection,  be  compared  to  the  word  of  God,  by  whom  all 
things  were  made.  For  that  angels  or  archangels,  or  thrones  or 
dominations,  were  appointed  by  him,  who  is  God  over  all,  and 
made  by  his  word,  John  ha3  thus  told  us ;  for,  after  he  had  said 
of  the  Word  of  God,  that  he  was  in  the  Father,  he  added,  all 
things  were  made  by  him,  and  without  him  was  not  any  thing 
made."s 

2.  In  Heb.  i.  2.  God  is  said  to  have  created  the  world  by  his 
Son — At  <a>  x*c  rZut  ouZvac;  \mm<rv.  To  evade  the  force  yf  this 
testimony,  some  opposers  of  our  Lord's  divinity  expound  euSrac 
as  meaning  new  times,  or  that  God  by  Christ  created  anew 
the  world  of  mankind.  But  the  construction  will  not  justify 
either  of  these  renderings:  for,  it  is  evident,  in  the  first  place, 
from  Heb.  xi.  3.  that  aiZvi;  does  signify  the  worlds  or  world. 
Secondly,  it  is  an  undeniable  fact,  that  the  tenth  verse  of  this 
chapter  does  ascribe  the  creation  of  the  world  to  Christ.  Thirdly, 
that  Si x  does  not  denote  merely  an  instrumental  cause,  is  evident 
from  those  passages  in  which  it  is  also  said  of  the  Father,  that 
all  things  were  created  S\  a.urcu,  by  him  (Heb.  ii.  10.  Rom.  xi. 
36.),  as  also  from  the  fact  that  Ji*.  and  s*  are  used  interchangeably 
for  each  other.  But  as  Heb.  i.  1,  2.  relates  to  the  person  through 
whom  God  instructed  us,  namely,  the  incarnate  Logos  or  Word, 
the  words  "  by  whom  also  he  made  the  -worlds"  must  be  under- 
stood thus  : — God  created  the  world  by  the  same  person  through 
whom  he  hath  spoken  unto  us,  in  as  much  as  this  person  is  God 
himself  and  one  with  the  Father,  i.  e.  He  created  the  world  by 
himself."'  That  this  is  the  correct  interpretation  is  confirmed  by 
the  testimony  of  Justin  Martyr  (who  flourished  about  a.  d.  150.), 
or^he  author  of  the  epistle  to  Diognetus,  which  is  commonly 
ascribed  to  him.  Speaking  of  the  special  revelation  of  his  will 
which  God  bad  made  to  Christians,  be  says,  "  This  is  no  earthly 
invention  which  has  been  handed  down  to  them,  neither  is  it  a 
mortal  notion  which  they  are  bent  upon  observing  so  carefully, 
nor  have  they  a  system  of  human  mysteries  committed  to  them  : 
but  the  omnipotent  and  all-creative  and  invisible  God  hath  Him- 
self from  heaven  established  amongst  men  the  truth  and  the  holy 
and  incomprehensible  word,  and  rooted  it  in  their  hearts  :  not,  as 
you  might  suppose,  by  sending  to  men  any  of  His  servants,  cither 
an  angel  or  a  prince,  or  one  of  those  who  administer  the  affairs 
of  earth,  or  one  of  those  who  have  the  management  of  heavenly 
things  intrusted  to  them,  hut  the  Framer  and  Creator  "f  thr 
universe  himself,  by  whom  He  created  the  heavens,  by  whom  ll<- 
shut  up  the  sea  in  its  own  bounds."7 

On  this  passage,  Dr.  Burton  remarks : — "  We  have  here  an 
express  declaration  that  Jesus  Christ  was  the  Framer  and  Crea- 
tor of  the  World.     God  created  them  by  Jesus  Christ,  as  is  said 

'  Dr.  Burton's  Testimonies  of  the  Ante-Nicene  Fathers  to  the  Divinity 
of  Christ,  Pref.  p.  viii. 

*  Stuart's  Letters  to  Channing,  p.  07.  • 

•  Irenaeus,  adv.  Haeres.  lib.  iii.  c.  8.  §2.  p.  133.  Burton's  Testimonies, 
p.  71.  Dr.  B.'s  reasonings  upon  the  above  cited  passage  of  Irenseus  ut 
very  powerful. 

«  Schrnucker's  Biblical  Theology,  vol.  i.  pp.  425,  426. 
1  Epist.  ad  Diognet.  c.  7.     Burton's  Testimonies,  p.  47. 


348 


ON   HISTORICAL    CIRCUMSTANCES. 


[Paiit  II.  Book  I. 


in  the  Epist.e  to  the  Hebrews,  i.  2. ;  and  if  the  words  quoted 
above  are  notsirfficiently  strong  to  exclude  the  idea  of  God  having 
employed  any  subordinate  agent,  we  find  in  the  very  next  chapter 
the  expression  of  '  God  the  Lord  and  Creator  of  the  universe, 
who  made  all  things  and  arranged  them  in  order.'  Thus,  accord- 
ing to  Justin's  own  words,  God  created  the  world  by  His  Son, 
and  His  Son,  by  whom  he  created  them,  was  God."1 

3.  We  have  a  striking  confirmation  of  all  those  passages  of  the 
New  Testament,  in  which  the  appellation  and  attributes  of  Deity 
are  given  to  Jesus  Christ,  in  the  practice  of  the  Christian  church, 
mentioned  by  the  father  and  ecclesiastical  historian  Eusebius; 
who,  opposing  the  followers  of  Artemon  (who  asserted  the  mere 
humanity  of  Christ),  first  appeals  to  the  evidence  of  Scripture 
and  to  the  works  of  Justin,  Miltiades,  Tatian,  Clement,  and  many 
other  fathers,  in  all  of  which  divinity  is  ascribed  to  Christ,  and 
then  states  the  following  fact : — "  Moreover,  all  the  psalms  and 
hymns  of  the  brethren,  written  from  the  beginning  by  the  faith- 
ful, celebrate  the  praises  of  Christ,  the  word  of  God,  and  attri- 
bute ditinitt  to  him."2 

It  were  not  difficult  to  add  other  examples :  but  the  pre- 
ceding may  suffice  to  show  the  value  of  the  fathers,  as  aids 
for  ascertaining  the  meaning  of  particular  passages.  The 
reader  who  is  desirous  of  examining  their  important  evi- 
dence on  the  cardinal  doctrine  of  Christ's  Divinity  is  referred 
to  Dr.  Burton's  "  Testimonies,"  already  cited  :  of  whose  ela- 
borate and  judicious  work  it  has  been  truly  said,  that  he  "  has 
brought  before  us  a  cloud  of  witnesses  to  prove  that  the  faith 
delivered  by  our  Lord  to  his  apostles,  and  by  the  apostles  to 
(heir  successors,  was  essentially  that  which  our  church  pro- 
resses  and  cherishes."3 


§    8.  ON  HISTORICAL  CIRCUMSTANCES. 

Historical  circumstances  defined. — I.  Order. — II.  Title. — III. 
Author. — IV.  Date  of  the  several  books  of  Scripture. — V. 
The  place  where  written. — VI.  Occasion  on  which  they  were 
written. — VII.  Ancient  sacred  and  profane  history. — VIII. 
Chronology. — IX.  Biblical  Antiquities,  including,  1.  The 
political,  ecclesiastical,  and  civil  state  ; — 2.  Coins,  medals, 
and  other  ancient  remains ; — 3.  Geography  ;  4.  Genea- 
l°gy  : — 5.  Natural  History  ;  and,  6.  Philosophical  sects  and 
learning  of  the  Jews  and  other  nations  mentioned  in  the 
Scriptures. 

Historical  circumstances  are  an  important  help  to  the  cor- 
ect  understanding  of  the  sacred  writers.  Under  this  term 
are  comprised— 1.  The  Order,-  2.  The  Title,-  3.  The  Author,- 
4.  The  Date  of  each  of  the  several  books  of  Scripture ;  5.  The 
Place  where  it  was  written ;  6.  The  Occasion  upon  which  the 
several  books  were  written ;  7.  Ancient  Sacred  and  Profane. 
History ,-  8.  The  Chronology  or  period  of  time  embraced  in  the 
Scriptures  generally,  and  of  each  book  in  particular ;  9.  Bib- 
lical Antiquities,  including  the  Geography,  Genealogy,  Natu- 
ral History  and  Philosophy,  Learning  and  Philosophical 
Sects,  Mariners,  Customs,  and  private  Life  of  the  Jews  and 
other  nations  mentioned  in  the  Bible.  How  important  a 
knowledge  of  these  particulars  is,  and  how  indispensably 
necessary  to  a  correct  interpretation  of  the  inspired  volume, 
we  are  now  to  consider. 

I.  A  knowledge  of  the  Order  of  the  Different  Books, 
especially  such  as  are  historical,  will  more  readily  assist  the 
student  to  discover  the  order  of  the  different  histories  and 
other  matters  discussed  in  them,  as  well  as  to  trace  the  divine 
economy  towards  mankind  under  the  Mosaic  and  Christian 
dispensations. 

This  aid,  if  judiciously  exercised,  opens  the  way  to  a  deep 
acquaintance  with  the  meaning  of  an  author;  but,  when  it  is  neg- 
lected, many  things  necessarily  remain  obscure  and  ambiguous. 

II.  The  Titles  are  further  worthy  of  notice,  because  some 
of  them  announce  the  chief  subject  of  the  book ; 

As  Genesis,  the  generation  of  heaven  and  earth — Exodus,  the 

i  Burton's  Testimonies  p.  48.  Some  other  testimonies  may  be  seen  in 
the  "Scripture  Doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  biielly  stated  and  defended  "  by  the 
author  of  this  Introduction,  pp.  164 — 183.  second  edition. 

»  Euseb.  Eccl.  Hist.  lib.  v.  c.  27,  28.  Schmucker's  Bib.  Theol.  vol.  i.  p. 
413.  The  testimony  of  the  heathen  philosopher,  Pliny,  to  the  practice  of 
the  Christian  churches  in  a  province  of  Asia  Minor  in  his  day  must  not  be 
overlooked.     Carmen,  Christo  quasi  Deo  dicere  sectm  invicem, — they 

were  wont  to sing  among  themselves  alternately  a  hymn  to  Christ 

as  God.    EpisU  lib.  x.  Ep.  97. 

*  British  Critic  and  Quarterly  Theol.  Review,  Oct.  1827,  p.  303. 


departure  of  the  Israelites  from  Egypt,  &c. ;  while  other  titles 
denote  the  churches  or  particular  persons  for  whose  more  imme- 
diate use  some  parts  of  the  Scriptures  were  composed,  and  thu§ 
afforded  light  to  particular  passages.-1 

III.  A  knowledge  of  the  Author  of  each  book,  together 
with  the  age  in  which  he  lived,  his  peculiar  character,  his 
sect  or  religion,  and  also  his  peculiar  mode  of  thinking  and 
style  of  writing,  as  well  as  the  testimonies  which  his  writ- 
ings may  contain  concerning  himself,  is  equally  necessary 
to  the  historical  interpretation  of  Scripture.     Thus, 

1.  The  consideration  of  the  testimonies  concerning  himself, 
which  appear  in  the  second  Epistle  of  St.  Peter,  will  show  that 
he  was  the  author  of  that  book  s 

For  he  expressly  fays,  1.  That  he  was  present  at  the  transfiguration  of 
Jesus  Christ  (2  Pet.  i.  18.);  2.  That  this  was  his  second  epistle  to  (he 
believing  Jews  (iii.  1.) ;  and  that  Paul  was  his  beloved  brother  (iii.  15.)  ;  ah 
which  circumstances  quadrate  with  Peter.  In  like  manner,  the  coinci- 
dence of  style  and  of  peculiar  forms  of  expression,  which  exist  between 
the  second  and  third  epistles  of  Saint  John,  and  his  other  writings,  prove 
that  those  epistles  were  written  by  him.  Thus  we  shall  be  able  to  account 
for  one  writer's  omitting  some  topics  and  expatiating'upon  others— as  Saint 
Mark's  silence  concerning  actions  honourable  to  Saint  Peter,  and  enlarging 
on  his  faults,  he  being  the  companion  of  the  latter,  and  writing  from  his 
information.  A  comparison  of  the  style  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
with  that  of  Saint  Paul's  other  epistles,  will  show  that  he  was  the  author  of 
that  admirable  composition.' 

2.  In  order  to  enter  fully  into  the  meaning  of  the  sacred 
writers,  especially  of  the  New  Testament,  it  is  necessary  that 
the  reader  in  a  manner  identify  himself  with  them,  and  invest 
himself  with  their  affections  or  feelings  ;  and  also  familiarize 
himself  with  the  sentiments,  SJc.  of  those  to  whom  the  different 
books  or  epistles  were  addressed.6 

This  canon  is  of  considerable  importance,  as  well  in  the  investigation  of 
words  and  phrases  as  in  the  interpretation  of  the  sacred  volume,  and  par- 
ticularly of  the  prayers  and  imprecations  related  or  contained  therein.  If 
the  assistance,  which  may  be  derived  from  a  careful  study  of  the  affections 
and  feelings  of  the  inspired  writers  be  disregarded  or  neglected,  it  will  be 
scarcely  possible  to  avoid  erroneous  expositions  of  the  Scriptures  Daily 
observation  and  experience  prove  how  much  of  its  energy  and  perspicuity 
familiar  discourse  derives  from  the  affections  of  the  speakers ;  and  also 
that  the  same  words,  when  pronounced  under  the  influence  of  different 
emotions,  convey  very  different  meanings.  Franzius  has  paid  particu- 
lar attention  to  this  subject  in  the  examples  adduced  in  his  treatise  De 
Inter pretalione  Sacra  Scriptural ;  andFranck  has  written  a  distinct  essay 
on  the  same  topic,  which,  being  already  extant  in  our  language,  it  is  not 
necessary  to  abridge  in  this  place.1 

IV.  Knowledge  of  the  Time  when  each  book  was  written 
sometimes  shows  the  reason  and  propriety  of  things  said  in  it.s 

Upon  this  principle,  the  solemn  adjuration  in  1  Thess.  v.  27., 
which  at  first  sight  may  seem  unnecessary,  may  be  explained. 
It  is  probable  that,  from  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  dispensa- 
tion, the  Scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament  were  read  in  every  as- 
sembly for  divine  worship.  Saint  Paul,  knowing  the  plenitude 
of  the  apostolic  commission,  now  demands  that  the  same  respect 
should  be  paid  to  his  writings  which  had  been  given  to  those  of 
the  ancient  prophets:  this,  therefore,  is  a  proper  direction  to  be 
inserted  in  the  first  epistle  written  by  him ;  and  the  manner,  in 
which  it  is  given,  suggests  an  argument  that  the  first  Epistle  to 
the  Thessalonians  was  the  earliest  of  his  epistles.  An  accurate 
knowledge  of  the  date  of  a  book  is  further  of  peculiar  importance 
in  order  to  understand  the  prophecies  and  epistles ;  for  not  only 
will  it  illustrate  several  apparently  obscure  particulars  in  a  pre- 
diction, but  it  will  also  enable  us  to  asceitain  and  to  confute  a  false 
application  of  such  prediction.  Grotius,  in  his  preface  to  the 
second  Epistle  to  the  Thessalonians,  has  endeavoured  to  prove 
that  the  Emperor  Caligula  was  the  man  of  sin  and  Simon  Magus 
the  wicked  one,  foretold  in  the  second  chapter  of  that  epistle  ;  and 
has  fruitlessly  laboured  to  show  that  it  was  written  a.  d.  38  ;  but 
its  true  date,  a.  d.  52,  explodes  that  application,  as  also  Dr.  Ham- 
mond's hypothesis  that  Simon  Magus  was  the  man  of  sin,  and 
the  wicked  one. 

V.  Not  unfrequently,  the  consideration  of  the  Place,  1. 
Where  any  book  was  written ;  or,  2.  Where  any  thing  was 

«  Roberts's  Clavis  Bibliorum,  pp.  (11.)  (12.) 

*  This  topic  has  been  ably  proved  by  Braunius,  in  his  Commentarius  in 
Epistolain  ad  Hebrreos,  pp.  10—21.  ;  by  Pritius,  in  hislotroductioin  Novum 
Testamentum,  cap.  iv.  §  iii.  pp.  47,  48.,  and  by  Langius,  in  his  Commentatio 
de  Vita  et  Epistolas  Pauli,  p.  157.  Le  Clerc  has  some  pertinent  remarks  on 
the  same  subject,  in  his  Ars  Critica,  pars  iii.  sect.  ii.  c.  vi.  p.  372. 

•  Pritii  Introductio  ad  N.  Test.  p.  612.  Wetstein  de  Interpret.  Nov.  Test 
pp.  149—156.  8vo.  edit.     Franckii  Pnelectiones  HermeneuticlB,  p.  192. 

i  See  Mr.  Jaques's  translation  of  Franck's  Guide  to  the  Heading  am. 
Study  of  the  Scriptures,  pp.  141—175.  8vo.  edit.  An  enlarged  edition  of 
this  essay  is  given  by  Franck  himself  in  his  Praelectiones  Hermeneutic«, 
pp.  193—250.  ;  to  which  Rambach  is  partly  indebted  for  his  chapter  Da 
Investigatione  Adfectuum.  Inst.  Herm.  Sacr.  pp.  i'J2 — 144.  Sec  also  Chi* 
denius's  Inslit.  Exeget.  pp.  25.  el  seq. ;  and  .1.  E.  Pfeiffer's  Inst  Ilfrui 
Sacr.  pp.  251—260. 

1  Rambach,  Instit.  Herm.  Sacr.  p.  116. 


Chaf.  II.  Sect.  II.  §  8.] 


ON  HISTORICAL  CIRCUMSTANCES. 


849 


said  or  done,  will  materially  facilitate  its  historical  interpre- 
tation, especially  if  regard  be  had,  3.  To  tlie  Nature  or  the 
Place,  and  the  customs  which  obtained  there. 

1.  For  instance,  it  is  evident  that  Saint  Paul's  second  Epistle 
to  the  Theasaloniani  was  written,  shortly  after  the  first,  at  Co- 
rinth, and  not  at  Athens,  as  its  subscription  would  import,  from 
this  circumstance,  viz.  that  Timothy  and  Bilvanui  or  liilas,  who 
joined  him  in  his  first  letter,  were  still  with  him,  and  joined  him  in 
he  second.     (Compare  2  Thess.  i.  1.  with  1  Then.  iii.  6.  and 

Acts  xviii.  I — 5.)  And  as  in  this  epistle  he  desired  the  brethren  to 
pray  that  he.  might  be  delivered  from  unreasonable  and  wicked 
men  (2  Thess.  iii.  2.),  it  is  probable  that  he  wrote  it  soon  after 
the  insurrection  of  the  Jews  at  Corinth,  in  which  they  dragged 
him  before  Gallio  the  proconsul  of  Achaia,  and  accused  him  of 
persuading  men  to  -worship  contrary  to  the  law.  (Acts  xviii.  13.) 
But  this  consideration  of  the  place  where  a  book  was  written 
will  supply  us  with  one  or  two  observations  that  will  more  clearly 
illustrate  some  passages  in  the  same  epistle.  Thus  it  is  manifest 
from  3  These,  iii.  8.  that  Saint  Paul  could  appeal  to  his  own  per- 
sonal labours  for  his  subsistence  with  the  greater  confidence,  as 
he  had  diligently  prosecuted  them  at  Corinth  (compare  Acts 
xviii.  3.  with  1  Cor.  ix.  11,  12,  13.)  ;  and,  to  mention  no  more 
examples,  it  is  clear,  from  2  Thess.  iii.  1,  2.,  that  the  great  Apostle 
>f  the  Gentiles  experienced  more  difficulty  in  planting  a  Chris- 
tian church  at  Corinth  and  in  some  other  places,  than  he  did  at 
I'hessalonica.  In  a  similar  manner,  numerous  beautiful  passages 
m  his  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians  will  be  more  fully  understood,  by 
knowing  that  they  were  written  at  Rome  during  his  first  cap- 
tivity. 

2.  Our  Lord's  admirable  discourse,  recorded  in  the  sixth  chap- 
ter of  St.  John's  Gospel,  which  so  many  disregarded,  is  said  (v. 
59.)  to  have  been  delivered  in  the  synagogue  at  Capernaum,  con- 
sequently in  a  public  place,  and  in  that  very  city  which  had  wit- 
nessed the  performance  of  so  many  of  his  miracles.  And  it  is 
this  circumstance  of  place  which  so  highly  aggravated  the  malice 
and  unbelief  of  his  hearers.     (Compare  Matt.  xi.  23.) 

3.  The  first  Psalm  being  written  in  Palestine,  the  comparison 
(in  v.  4.)  of  the  ungodly  to  chaff  driven  away  by  the  wind  will 
become  more  evident,  when  it  is  recollected  that  the  threshing- 
floors  in  that  country  were  not  under  cover  as  those  in  our  modefn 
barns  are,  but  that  they  were  formed  in  the  open  air,  without  the 
walls  of  cities,  and  in  lofty  situations,  in  order  that  the  wheat 
might  be  the  more  effectually  separated  from  the  chaff  by  the 
action  of  the  wind.  (See  Hosea  xiii.  3. )  In  like  manner,  the 
knowledge  of  the  nature  of  the  Arabian  desert,  through  which 
the  children  of  Israel  journeyed,  is  necessary  to  the  correct  under- 
standing of  many  passages  in  the  Books  of  Exodus,  Numbers, 
and  Deuteronomy,  which  were  written  in  that  desert. 

VI.  We  find  it  to  be  no  small  help  to  the  understanding 
of  ancient  profane  writings,  if  we  can  discover  the  Occasion 
on  which,  as  well  the  time  when,  they  were  penned  ;  and  for 
want  of  such  knowledge  many  passages  in  such  writings  are 
become  obscure  and  unintelligible.  The  same  may  be  ob- 
served in  the  books  of  the  Ola  and  New  Testament  (espe- 
cially in  the  Book  of  Psalms  and  the  Apostolical  Epistles), 
the  right  understanding  of  the  design  of  which,  as  well  as 
of  their  phraseology,  is  most  essentially  promoted  by  a 
earefol  observance  of  the  Occasion  upon  which  they  were 
written. 

To  some  of  the  Psalms,  indeed,  there  is  prefixed  a  notice  of 
the  occasion  on  which  they  were  composed  :  and,  by  comparing 
these  with  one  another,  and  with  the  sacred  history,  great  light 
may  be,  and  has  been,  thrown  upon  the  more  difficult  passages  ; 
and  the  meaning,  beauty,  and  energy  of  many  expressions  have 
been  set  in  a  clearer  point  of  view.  But  where  no  such  titles 
arc  prefixed,  the  occasion  must  be  sought  from  internal  circum- 
stances. 

Psalm  xlii.  was  evidently  written  by  David,  when  he  was  in 
circumstances  of  the  deepest  affliction  :  but  if  we  compare  it 
with  the  history  of  the  conspiracy  of  Absalom,  aided  by  Ahitho- 
phel,  who  had  deserted  the  councils  of  his  sovereign,  as  related 
in  2  Sam.  xv„  and  also  with  the  character  of  the  country  whither 
David  fled,  we  shall  have  a  key  to  the  meaning  of  that  psalm, 
which  will  elucidate  it  with  equal  beauty  and  propriety.' 

VII.  Ancient  Sacred  and  Profane  History. — An  ac- 
quaintance with  the  history  of  the  Israelites,  as  well  as  that 

1  Dr.  Randolph  has  very  happily  elucidated  the  whole  of  the  forty-second 
Psalm,  from  an  investigation  of  the  occasion  from  internal  circumstances, 
in  a  Dissertation,  at  the  end  of  vol.  i.  of  his  View  of  Chrisiianitv,  &c. 
Oxford.  1784.  8to 


of  the  Moabites,  Ammonites,  Philistines,  Egyptians,  Assy- 
rians, Medes,  Babylonians,  Persians,  Arabians,  Greeks,  Ro- 
mans, and  other  ancient  nations,  is  of  the  greatest  importance 
to  the  historical  interpretation  of  the  Bible  :  for,  as  the  Jewish 
people  were  connected  with  those  nations,  either  in  a  hostile 
or  in  a  pacific  manner,  the  knowledge  of  their  history,  customs, 
arts,  and  literature,  becomes  the  more  interesting ;  as  it  is 
well  known  that  the  Israelites,  notwithstanding  they  were 
forbidden  to  have  intercourse  with  the  heathen,  did  never 
theless  borrow  and  adopt  some  of  their  institutions.  More 
particularly,  regardless  of  the  severe  prohibitions  delivered 
by  Moses  and  the  prophets  against  idolatry,  how  many  idols 
did  they  borrow  from  the  Gentiles  at  different  times,  previ- 
ously to  the  great  Babylonish  captivity,  and  associate  them 
in  the  worship  of  Jehovah  !  Their  commercial  intercourse 
with  the  Egyptians  and  Arabs,  and  especially  with  the  Phoe- 
nicians, was  very  considerable  ;  and  at  the  same  time,  they 
were  almost  incessantly  atwarwith  the  Philistines,  Moabites, 
and  other  neighbouring  nations,  and  afterwards  with  the 
Assyrians  and  Egyptians,  until  they  were  finally  conquered, 
and  carried  into  captivity  by  the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians. 
Further,  the  prophets,  in  their  denunciations  or  predictions, 
not  only  address  their  admonitions  and  threatemngs  to  the 
Israelites  and  Jews,  but  also  frequently  accost  foreign  nations, 
whom  they  menace  with  destruction.  The  writings  of  Isaiah, 
Jeremiah,  and  Ezekiel  contain  very  Numerous  predictions 
relative  to  the  heathen  nations,  which  would  be  utterly  unin- 
telligible without  the  aid  of  profane  history.  The  same 
remark  will  apply  ti  the  divisions  of  time  and  forms  of 
government  that  obtained  at  different  periods,  which  cannot 
be  ascertained  from  the  perusal  of  the  Sacred  Writings 
merely. 

In  proportion,  however,  as  the  history  of  the  ancient  na- 
tions of  Asia  becomes  necessary  to  the  interpretation  of  the 
Bible,  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  it  is  for  the  most  part  involved 
in  so  much  obscurity  and  confusion  as  to  require  no  small 
labour  before  we  can  extricate  it  from  the  trammels  of  fable, 
and  arrive  at  any  thing  like  certainty.  As  the  histories  of 
ancient  Egypt  have  perished,  with  the  exception  of  a  few 
fragments  preserved  in  the  writings  of  Josephus,  Eusebius, 
and  other  authors,  our  knowledge  of  the  earliest  state  of  that 
country  (which  is  sufficiently  confused  and  intricate)  can 
only  be  derived  from  Herodotus,  Diodorus,  and  some  other 
Greek  writers,  who  cannot  always  be  depended  on.  The 
writings  of  Sanchoniatho,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  frag- 
ments, as  well  as  the  works  of  Histiaeus,  and  other  Phoe- 
nician historians,  have  long  since  perished ;  and,  for  our 
accounts  of  the  Assyrians,  recourse  must  chiefly  be  had  to  the 
Scriptures  themselves,  as  no  confidence  whatever  can  be 
placed  in  the  narrations  of  Ctesias,  whose  fidelity  and  veracity 
have  justly  been  questioned  by  Aristotle,  Strabo,  and  Plu- 
tarch. The  history  of  the  Ammonites,  Moabites,  Idumaeans, 
Philistines,  and  other  petty  neighbouring  nations,  who  had 
no  historians  of  their  own,  is  involved  in  equal  obscurity ; 
for  the  little  that  is  known  of  them,  with  certainty,  we  are 
exclusively  indebted  to  the  Holy  Scriptures. 

The  sources,  therefore,  of  that  historical  knowledge,  which 
is  so  essential  to  an  interpreter  of  the  Sacred  Writings,  are, 
in  the  first  place,  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  and  next  the 
works  of  Josephus  and  profane  authors.  It  is,  however,  to 
be  observed,  that  where  the  latter  speak  of  the  Jews,  they 
wilfully  misrepresent  them,  as  is  done  by  Justin  and  Tacitus. 
With  a  view  to  reconcile  these  various  contradictions,  and  to 
overcome  the  difficulties  thus  interposed  by  the  uncertainty 
of  ancient  profane  history,  various  learned  men  have  at  dif 
ferent  times  employed  themselves  in  digesting  the  remains 
of  ancient  history,  and  comparing  it  with  the  Scriptures,  in 
order  to  illustrate  them  as  much  as  possible ;  and  the  Con- 
nections of  Sacred  and  Profane  History,  by  Drs.  Shuckford, 
Prideaux,  and  Russell,  Stackhouse's  History  of  the  Bible, 
and  Dr.  Lardner's  Credibilky  of  the  Gospel  History,  are 
particularly  worthy  of  notice.* 

VIII.  Chronology,  or  the  science  of  computing  and  ad- 
justing periods  of  time,  is  of  the  greatest  importance  towards 
understanding  the  historical  parts  of  the  Bible,  not  only  as  it 
shows  the  order  and  connection  of  the  various  events  therein 
recorded,  but  likewise  as  it  enables  us  to  ascertain  the  accom- 
plishment of  many  of  the  prophecies.  Chronology  is  furthei 
of  service  to  the  biblical  critic,  as  it  sometimes  leads  to  the 
discovery  and  correction  of  mistakes  in  numbers  and  dates, 

»  An  account  of  their  valuable  works  is  given  in  the  Bislmoraphical 
Appendix  to  Vol.  II. 


350 


ON  HISTORICAL  CIRCUMSTANCES. 


[Part  II.  Book  I 


which  have  crept  into  particular  texts.  As  considerable  dif- 
ferences exist  in  the  chronology  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures, 
the  Samaritan  Pentateuch,  the  Septuagint  version,  and  Jo- 
sephus,  different  learned  men  have  applied  themselves  to  the 
investigation  of  these  difficulties,  and  have  communicated 
the  result  of  their  researches  in  elaborate  systems.  Some 
one  of  these,  after  examining  their  various  claims,  it  will  be 
desirable  to  have  constantly  at  hand.  The  principal  systems 
of  Chronology  are  those  of  Cappel,  Vossius,  Archbishop 
Usher,  Bedford,  Jackson,  and  Dr.  xlales ;  of  which  an  ac- 
count will  be  found  in  the  Bibliographical  Appendix  to  the 
second  Volume. 

IX.  A  knowledge  of  Biblical  Antiquities  (including  the 
Sacred  and  Profane  History,  Geography,  Genealogy,  Natural 
History,  Coins,  Medals,  and  other  ancient  remains,  and 
Philosophy,  Learning  and  Philosophical  Sects,  Manners, 
Customs,  and  private  Life,  of  the  Jews  and  other  nations 
mentioned  in  the  Bible)  is  indispensably  necessary  to  the 
right  understanding  of  the  sacred  volume. 

1.  What  the  peculiar  rites,  manners,  and  customs  of  the 
Hebrews  and  other  nations  actually  were,  that  are  either 
alluded  to  or  mentioned  in  the  Scriptures,  can  only  be  ascer- 
tained by  the  study  of  their  Political,  Ecclesiastical,  and 
Civil  State  ;  without  an  accurate  knowledge  of  which,  all 
interpretation  must  be  both  defective  and  imperfect. 

If,  in  order  to  enter  fully  into  the  meaning,  or  correctly  appre- 
hend the  various  beauties,  of  the  Greek  and  Roman  classics,  it 
be  necessary  to  be  acquainted  with  the  peculiar  forms  of  govern- 
ment which  prevailed — the  powers  of  magistrates — modes  of 
executing  the  laws — the  punishments  of  criminals — tributes  or 
other  duties  imposed  on  subjects — their  military  affairs — sacred 
rites  and  festivals — private  life,  manners,  and  amusements — 
commerce,  measures,  and  weights,  &c.  &c. — how  much  greater 
difficulties  will  be  interposed  in  his  way,  who  attempts  to  interpret 
the  Scriptures  without  a  knowledge  of  these  topics  !  For,  as  the 
customs  and  manners. of  the  oriental  people  are  widely  different 
from  those  of  the  western  nations  ;  as,  further,  their  sacred  rites 
differ  most  essentially  from  every  thing  with  which  we  are 
acquainted,  and  as  the  Jews  in  particular,  from  the  simplicity  of 
their  language,  have  drawn  very  numerous  metaphors  from  the 
works  of  nature,  from  the  ordinary  occupations  and  arts  of  life, 
from  religion  and  things  connected  with  it,  as  well  as  from  their 
national  history ; — there  are  many  things  recorded,  both  in  the 
Old  and  New  Testament,  which  must  appear  to  Europeans  either 
obscure,  unintelligible,  repulsive,  or  absurd,  unless,  forgetting  our 
own  peculiar  habits  and  modes  of  thinking,  we  transport  our- 
selves in  a  manner  to  the  East,  and  diligently  study  the  customs, 
whether  political,  sacred,  or  civil,  which  obtained  there.  In  the 
second  volume  of  this  work,  the  author  has  attempted  to  compress 
the  most  important  facts  relative  to  biblical  antiquities. 

2.  With  regard  to  Coins,  Medals,  and  other  Ancient 
Remains,  considered  as  a  source  of  interpretation,  a  few 
•remarks  and  illustrations  may  be  here  introduced.  The 
examples  given  in  pp.  88 — 92.  supra,  as  collateral  testimo- 
nies to  the  credibility  of  the  sacred  writers,  may  indeed 
be  considered  as  so  many  elucidations  of  the  passages  there 
referred  to.  Two  or  three  additional  instances  shall  now  be 
subjoined,  which  will  serve  to  show  the  important  herme- 
neutical  aid,  which  may  be  derived  from  these  remains  of 
ancient  art. 

1.  Acts  xi.  26.    It  came  to  pass  that the  disciples  were 

called  {y.f,it/j.a.Tto-sLi)  Christians,  first  in  Antioch. 

Commentators  and  critics  are  much  divided  in  opinion  concerning  the 
origin  of  the  appellation  Christian.  Some  are  of  opinion  that  it  was  first 
invented  by  the  enemies  of  religion,  and  waa  fixed  upon  the  disciples  of 
Christ  as  a  stigma  of  reproach.  In  confirmation  of  This  opinion,  they  refer 
to  Acts  xxvi.  28.  and  1  Pet.  iv.  10.  Others  imagine,  that  the  Christians 
themselves  assumed  this  appellation.  Others,  with  more  propriety,  con- 
ceive that  it  was  given  to  them  by  divine  appointment,  or  by  an  oracle  from 
God.  In  every  other  passage  of  the  New  Testament  (with  perhaps  one 
exception  only),  where  the  word  Xf^xn(»  occurs,  as  well  as  in  the  Sep- 
tuagint version,'  it  uniformly  means  being  warned  by  a  divine  oracle  ;  and 
when  we  consider,  that  it  had  been  predicted  by  Isaiah  (lxii.  2.)  that  the 
future  church  should  be.  called  by  a  new  name,  which  the  mouth  of  the 
Lord  shall  name,  we  shall  be  justified  in  adopting  the  third  interpretation, 
and  render  the  passage  thus:— And  the  disciples  were  called  Christians 
Uij  divine  appointment  first  at  Antioch.*    The  correctness  of  this  inter- 


<  See  Biel's  Lexicon  in  LXX.  voce  Xp>t,u«Ti£<». 

•»  The  place  where  this  divine  appellation  was  given  to  the  disciples  of 

Christ  is  too  important  to  be  altogether  passed  by.    It  was at  Antioch, 

the  metropolis  of  Syria,  at  that  time  pre-eminent  for  the  splendour  of  its 
edifices,  and  the  riches,  luxury,  and  profligacy  of  its  inhabitants;  and  in 
this  seemingly  little  circumstance  we  may  recognise  an  additional  triumph 
of  the  Gospel,  that  that  venerable  name,  which  obliges  every  one  who  bears 
it  to  depart  from  all  iniquity  (2  Tim.  ii.  19.),  should  have  commenced  in  a 
elty  where  o.vcry  kind  of  iniquity  prevailed.    Further,  it  was  a^Antioch  in 


pretation  is  confirmed,  not  only  by  the  fact,  that  the  verb  Xf?.«si^»  ja 
used  in  this  sense  among  Greek  writers,  and  is  especially  understood  con 
cerning  the  manifestation  of  the  heathen  gods,  in  which  responses  were 
given  to  those  who  consulted  them ;  but  also  by  the  fact  of  its  occurring  on 
an  ancient  votive  tablet  found  at  Rome,  which  was  formerly  seen  in  tho 
temple  of  JEsculapius,  on  an  island  in  the  Tiber:  from  which  the  followin 
passages  are  selected  : — 

ATTAIE  TAIS   HMEPAIE  T Al'.U 

TINI  TT*A£!I    EXPHMATIZEN  (i  0£os). 

In  those  days  (the  god)  divinely  answered  (or  gave  an  oracular  response 
to),  one  Gaius,  a  blind  man. 

AoiKiiii  nArrriTiKiii.... 

EXPHMATIi;EN0  WEOS. 

The  God  divinely  answered Lucius,  who  laboured  under  a  pleu 

risy.3 

2.  John  xi.   19.     E.\»\tu$ei<w  I7P02   TA2  nEPI  Map&*»  *« 

The  expressions,  o>  *tp>  nvx,  and  oi  ufc$i  tiv*,  are  used  by  the  best 
Greek  writers  for  the  persons  themselves  :  the  same  mode  of  construction 
obtains  in  this  passage  of  St.  John's  Gospel,  which  is  correctly  rendered 
in  our  authorized  version,  They  came  to  Martha  and  Mary.  The  same 
expression  occurs  in  an  inscription  found  at  Olbiopolis  :  El  1 1  APXONTO^ 
MAPKOT  OTAIIIOT  nTPFOT  APXHXOT,  OI  1IEPI  HOEEIAHN 
ZH0OT  TO  T  ArOPONOMOI,  KOTNOS  A6)HNA10T,  &c.  That  is,  during 
the  archonship  of  Marcus  Ulpius  Pyrrhus  [the  son  of]  Arsechus,  the  Ago- 
ronomoi  (or  inspectors  of  markets)  Poseides  the  son  of  Zethus  for  the  third 
time,  Kunus  [the  son  of]  Athenaeus,  &c.  &c4 

3.  Acts  xix.  35.  Commentators  have  been  much  perplexed 
concerning  the  functions  of  the  Tpa./ufjiei'rtu;,  or  Town-clerk  of 
Ephesus. 

As  the  Ephesianswere  at  this  time  solemnizing  games  in  honour  of  Diana 
(whose  celebrated  temple  was  erected  at  the  common  expense  of  all  the 
the  cities  of  Asia)  under  the  presidency  of  the  Asiarchs,  that  is,  principal 
officers  or  high-priests  chosen  by  the  community  of  Asia  for  that  purpose, 
it  is  highly  probable  that  this  rpx/^arsuj  was  a  person  of  greater  authority 
than  the  clerk  or  recorder  of  Ephesus.  Domninus,  an  ancient  author, 
cited  by  the  chronologer  Malela*  (who,  being  a  native  of  Ephesus,  could 
not  but  be  acquainted  with  the  public  transactions  of  his  own  city),  relates 
that,  besides  the  Syriarch,  there  were  the  Alytarch,  who  represented 
Jupiter,  the  Tpxtiftxrivg,  who  represented  Apollo,  and  the  Amphitales,  who 
represented  Mercury  ;  and  that  suitable  honours  were  paid  to  them  by  all 
the  people.  Apuleius'  also  states,  that  a  rxftftxnv;  presided  over  certain 
sacred  rites  in  Egypt.  The  presumption,  therefore,  is,  that  the  Tpx/xftxTivs 
of  Ephesus  was  not  a  civil  officer,  as  is  commonly  supposed,  but  a  sacred 
officer;  and  this  presumption  is  converted  into  certainty  by  the  fact  that, 
among  the  various  coins  of  that  city,  which  are  still  extant,  there  are 
several  containing  the  names  of  persons  who  bore  the  title  of  ArxiEPEii;, 
TPAMMATETJ;,  or,  High  Priest-Scribe,  particularly  one  which  was  struck 
during  the  triumvirate  of  Augustus,  Anthony,  and  Lepidus  (no  very  long 
time  before  the  transaction  related  in  Acts  xix.),  which  has  the  following 
inscription : — 

ArXIEPETS  TPAM  rAATK'IN  ET0YKPATHi:  E'DESinN 

Glaucon  Euthycrates,  the  High  Priest-Scribe  of  the  Ephesians.' 

Now,  as  this  officer  was  the  representative  of  Apollo,  who  could  be  more 
proper  to  address  the  infuriated  populace,  or  more  likely  to  have  weight 
and  influence  with  them,  and  the  force  of  an  oracle  in  what  he  said  to  them, 
than  that  officer  to  whom  they  paid  the  honours  due  to  Apollo  ?«  The  good 
sense  of  his  address,  and  the  happy  effect  it  produced  upon  the  Ephesian 
populace,  confirm  this  conclusion. 

It  wore  not  difficult  to  adduce  many  additional  instances,  in  which  the 
comparatively  untried  application  of  coins  and  inscriptions  is  calculated  to 
elucidate  particular  words  and  forms  of  expression  in  the  New  Testament : 
but  the  preceding  instances  may  suffice  ;  and  the  student  who  is  desirous 
of  prosecuting  this  subject  further  will  find  ample  materials  in  the  publica- 
tions of  Bishop  Miinter,  already  cited. 

In  the  application  of  Biblical  Antiquities  to  the  interpretation 
of  the  Sacred  Writings,  it  is,  however,  of  th»  utmost  importance, 
that  we  should  be  guided  by  the  exercise  of  a  sober  and  cautious 
judgment,  and  by  the  influence  of  a  correct  taste  ;  lest  we  ascribe 
to  the  inspired  authors  sentiments  which  perhaps  never  entered 
their  minds,  or  imagine  customs  which  never  had  any  existence. 
From  this  mistake,  that  acute  biblical  critic,  and  most  diligent 
investigator  of  oriental  manners  and  customs,  Michaelis,  is  not 
exempt. 

In  Prov.  x.  14.  we  read,  Wise  men  lay  up  knowledge,  that  is,  treasure  it 
up,  and  reserve  it  for  a  proper  opportunity  to  make  use  of  it :  but  the  mouth 
of  the  foolish  is  near  destruction ;  such  a  one  is  always  talking,  and  seldom 

Syria,  and  not  Rome  in  Italy  ;  and  this  circumstance  annihilates  the  proua 
pretensions  of  that,  corrupt  section  of  the  universal  professing  Christian 
church,  which,  in  direct  opposition  to  the  evidence  of  history  and  fact, 
arrogantly  assumes  to  be  the  mother  and  mistress  of  all  the  churches  of 
Christ. 

a  Gruteri  Thesaurus  Inscriptionum.  p.  lxxi.  Munteri  Symbolic  ad  Inter- 
pretationcm  Nov.  Test,  ex  Marmoribus,  in  Misc.  Hafnicnsia,  vol.  i.  part  i. 
pp.  8,  0.  The  oracular  responses  above  mentioned  were  given  in  the 
temple  of  iEsculapius,  in  the  night-time,  and  for  the  most  part  to  persons 
while  asleep. 

•»  Miinter,  Symbols?,  p.  23.  It  is.  however,  proper  to  remark,  that  the 
reading  «(  7nf>  Mxp'txv  oi  Mxpmv  is  not  fully  established.  The  Code* 
Bezse  omits  the  words  t.*5  -spi,  and  the  Codices  Vaticanus,  Ephremi, 
Regius  62  t  (Stephani  S.),  andColbertinus,  simply  read  wpu$  t^v  Mxpbxv  x«i 
Mxpiai.  to  Martha  and  Mart/ ;  and  the  Syriac  version  has  only  the  names 
of  the  two  sisters.  Miinter,  ibid.  Winer's  Grammar  to  the  New  Test 
p.  54. 

»  .loan.  Malela,  p.  374,  &c.    Cited  in  Biscoe  on  the  Acts,  vol.  1.  p.  305. 

•  In  Milesia  undecima  cited  by  Basnage,  Anna!  vol.  i.  p.  673.  Biecoe,  p 
306. 

1  Rascbe,  Lexicon  Rei  Numinarioe,  torn,  ii  part  i.  col.  648. 

•  Riscoe  on  the  Acts,  vol.  i.  p.  306. 


Iwiap.  II.  Sect.  II.  §  8.J 


ON   HISTORICAL  CIRCUMSTANCES. 


351 


mens  Mi  mouth  but  it  proves  a  present  mischief  to  himself  and  others! 
Uy  changing  the  points  in  the  latter  clause  of  this  Terse,  Michaelis  r<  i 
•it  >  iiu  i if  i in-  foolish  is  as  a  i  tn  «  i  near  at  hand (Jthuribv  vm  propinquum) ; 
tad  lie  illustrates  this  expression  by  the  oriental  custom  of  offering  per- 
fames  to  a  guest,  which  (11  is  well  known)  Is  an  intimation  to  bun  ih 
time  for  him  to  depart.    The  sense  which  this  profound  scholar  put    upon 
I   as  follows :  the  foolish  man  alienates  et  ery  one  from  him  l>y 
'iiu  silly  and  insipid  discourses     i>  nol  tins  torturing  words,  and  s 
is  the  sacrod  penman  an  allusion  winch  be  never  designed  to  make'/1 

But,  more,  particularly, 

(1.)  We  should  investigate  the  laws,  opinions,  and  principles 
of  those  nations  among  whom  the  Hebrews  resided  for  a  long 
time,  or  •with  whom  tlu-y  held  a  close  intercourse,  and  from 
whom  it  is  probable  they  received  tome  of  them. 

From  the  long  residence  of  the  Hebrews  in  Egypt!  it  has  been 
conjectured  by  some  learned  men  that  they  derived  by  far  the 
greater  part  of  their  institutions  from  the  Egyptians :  but  this 
hypothesis  appears  untenable*,  to  its  full  extent,  the  Israelites 
being  separated  from  the  Egyptians  by  their  pastoral  habits, 
which  rendered  them  abominable  in  the  eves  of  the  latter.  At 
the  same  time,  from  their  having  passed  four  hundred  years 
in  that  country,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  they  derived  some3  things 
from  their  oppressors.    A  few  Instances  will  elucidate  this  rcmark. 

1    I'mirr  the  Jewish  theocracy,  (he  judges  are  represented  as  holy 

i     and  as  Bitting  in  the  place  of  Jehovah.'    The  Egyptians  regarded 

us  in  this  light*    Hence  Michaelis,  lo  whom  we  are  indebted 

fact,  conjectures  that  the  Israelites  jus)  cm  their  exit  from  Egypt, 

ids,  not  only  in  poetry,  but  also  in  the  common  language 

Etxoa   cd.  6.V  where  the  word  judges  is,  in  the  original 

rods.'    again,  agriculture  was  the  basis  of  the  whole  Mosaic 

polity  ;  ami  it  was  probably  from  the  Egyptians  thai  the  Jewish  legislator 

sd  the  principle  on  which  his  polity  was  thus  founded:  though  indeed 

we  find,  that  the  state  of  the  anoienl  Romans  w  is  accidentally  established 

ailar  plan.*    The  priests,  and  especially  the  Levites,  united  the  pro- 

'i  itsters  of  religion  with  th  it  of  literati  an  mug  the  Jews,  in  the 

inner  as  the  Egyptian  priests  had  partitioned  literature  among 

Ives,  so  that  their  institution  was  wholly  Egyptian  in  its  origin.1  Ami. 

ntion  do  further  instances  of  this  kind,  the  molten  calfwhicb  the 

Israelites  required  of  Aaron  seems  lo  have  been  an  exact  i  esemblancc  of 

I  brated  Egyptian  god  apis,  who  was  worshipped  under  the  foi  in  of 

an  ox.§ 

2.  At  a  subsequent  period,  during  their  captivity,  some  of  the  Jews  appear 
to  have  imbibed  the  absurd  notion  of  the  Persians,  that  there  were  two 
supreme  beings,  an  evil  and  a  good  one,  representing  light  and  darkness  ; 
and  that  according  to  the  ascendency  of  one  or  other  of  these,  good  and 

ii  is  prevailed  among  men,  or  evil  and  misery  abounded.    Such,  at 
vas  the  absurd  opinion  held  by  the  person  in  whom  Isaiah  aildressed 
bis  prophecy  (ch.  xlv.),  and  which  he  refines  in  ihe  most  significant  and 
i  manner.1 

3.  In  our  Saviour's  time  the  learning  of  the  Greeks  was  cultivated  by  the 
lews,  who  adopted  the  peculiar  tenels  of  some  of  their  most  eminent'  phi- 
losophers.   The  Pharisees,  it  was  well  known,  believed  the  immortality  of 

il  :  but  it  appears  from  Josephus,  that  their  notion  of  such  immor- 
tality was  the  Pythagorean  metempsychosis.10  From  ihe  Pharisees  this 
tenet  was  generally  received  by  the  Jewish  people;  and,  notwithstanding 

nefit  derived  from  hearing  the  discourses  and  conversations  of  our 
ipp<  are  to  have  been  held  by  some  of  his  disciples. 

(2.)  We  must  take  care  not  to  ascribe  comparatively  rnadern 
rites  and  customs  to  the  ancient  Hebrews. 

From  not  attending  to  this  rule,  the  Jew  Ish  teachers  ami  those  Christian 
who  have  implicitly  followed  them,  have  caused  much  perplexity 
in  the  antiquities  of  the  Jews,  having  attributed  to  the  ancient  Hebrews  rites 
and  ceremonies  thai  did  nol  exisl  till  later  times;  and,  [rom  not  dial 
ing  the  different  ages,  they  have  consequently  confounds  d  ancient  manners 
.and  customs  with  those  which  are  of  modern  date.  The  Talmudists,  and 
other  .lew  ish  writers,  shniiid  nol  be  consulted  without  tl  greatest  caution  ; 
for,  living  as  they  did  long  after  the  destruction  of  the  Jewish  polity,  they 
not  only  were  imperfectly  acquainted  with  it.  but  they  likewise  contradict 
each  other,  as  well  as  Josephus  and  I'hilo.  authors  every  way  more  worthy 
-I' Bdence,  as  being  conl porary  with  that  event;  not  unfrequently 


>  Bauer,  Hermeneutics,  Sacra,  p.  275. 

■»  That  nil  the  Hebrew  institutions  were  of  Egyptian  origin  is  an  hypo. 
now  generally  abandoned,  since  the  able  refutation  of  it  by  the 
i  Herman  Witsius,  in  his  AEgypiiara  (Amstelodami,  1696,  I  to.),  and 
Miscellanea  Sacra,  torn.  i.  pp.  429.  et  set]. 

•  Dent.  i.  17.  and  xix.  17. 

«  Diodorus  Biculus,  lib.  i.  c.  90.     "From  tins  caps,."  (viz.  gratitude  to 
among  whom  they  reckoned  such  animals  is  were  peculiarly 

.lsefnl  to  il inntry,  and  held  them  sacr-d)  "th  i  Egyptians  seem  so  to 

nee  I  heir  kings,  and  humbly  to  address  them  as  if  they  mere  gods. 

They  even  believe  mat  t*  is  not  without  the  occulta  pare  of1  Providence 

that  they  arrive  at  supreme  power;  and  that  those,  who  have  the  will  and 

the  power  to  perform  deeds  of  the  greatest  beneficence,  are  partakers  of 

ine  nature." 

•  Michaelis's  Commentaries  on  the  Laws  of  Moses,  vol  i.  p.  192. 
»  Ibid.  vol.  i.  p  22. 

<  Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  266. 

•  Schumacher,  IV  Cultu  Animalium  inter  JEgypdos  et  Judssoa  Common- 
latio,  pp.  40  -47.     Our  learned  countryman,  Spencer,  in  his  work  De  Legi- 
bus  HebrtDorum,  and  Michaelis,  in  his  commentaries  above  cite  I 
shown,   in  many  additional  examples,  the  striking  resemblance  between 
many  i  f  the  institutions  of  the  Israelites  and  those  of  the  Egyptians. 

•  Vitringa,  and  Lowth,  on  Isaiah  xlv.  7. 

10  Josephus,  De  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  ii.  c.  8.  §  14.  anil  Antiq.  lib.  xviii.  c.  1. 
S  3.  The  Pharisees  held  that  every  soul  was  Immortal,  but  that  only  the 
soulsof  the  righteous  transmigrate  into  other  bodies,  while  the  souls  of  bad 
men  are  subject  to  eternal  punishment.  At  first  sieht,  this  account  appears 
to  contradict  the  statement  of  St.  Paul  (Acts  xxiv.  15.) :  but  the  repugnance 
is  easily  obviated,  when  it  is  considered  that  Josephus  is  speaking  of  the 
Pharisees  only,  but  the  apostle  of  the  Jews  in  general,  and  of  himself  in 
particular 

Vol.  I.  3  A 


Indi  el  no  they  contradict  the  Scriptures  themselves,  and,  indulging  their 
own  speculations,  Ihej  produce  commentaries  which  are  truly  ridiculous. 
The  necessary  consequence  is,  that  those  learned  men,  who  have  impli- 
citly followed  ihe  Talmudists,  have  been  precipitated  into  various  errors. 
Prom  these  nol  even  Roland  and  Ikenius  are  exempt — two  of  the 

who  have  applied  themselves  to  the  investigation  of 
Jewl  h  antiquil 

(3.)  Lastly,  our  knowledge  of  biblical  antiquities  must  be 
derived  from  pure  sources. 

The  first  and  most  important  source  is  unquestionably  the  Old  and  New 

aents;  the  careful  collation  of  which  will  enable  us  to  collect  a., 
of  ihe  modes  of  living  which  obtained  among  the  ancient  Jews.    Much  light 
will  further  be  obtained  Into  the  i  late  ol  Jewish  affairs,  from  consulting  the 
apocryphal  books,  among  winch  the  first  boot  ol  Maccabees  Is  particu 
burly  valuable.    To  these  may  be  sdded  the  writings  ol  I'hilo,  Josephus 

and  the  Talmudists.     Further,  a  Judictou  of  the  notions  lha. 

obtained  among  ancient,  and  comparatively  uncultivati  d  nations,  with  those 
entertained  by  the  Hebrews  or  Jews,  will,  from  ihelr  similitude,  enable  us 
to  enter  more  fully  into  i  h>-  meaning  oi  the  ,-mi  id  w  rtteri  Thus  many 
pleasing  Illustrations  of  patriarchal  ufe  and  manners  may  be  obtained  by 
coinpai  ins  the  writings  of  Homi  r  and  Hesiod  with  the  accounts  gfrvi  n  b. 
Mo  es.    The  1  es  Abraham's  manner  ol  dividing 

■  Mice.1'1  The  patriarchal  hospitality  is  similar  to  thai  described  In  the 
..■»  How  early  a  belief  in  the  ministry  ol  angels  obtained  among  lh« 
heathen  nations,  is  evident  from  comparing  the  account  of  Hesiod"  wi  t> 
thai  of  Moses;1*  and  it  furnishes  an  additional  proof  to  the  man>  others 
which  have  been  collected  by  learned  men,  to  show  thai  all  the  knowledge 
of  the  ancients  was  traditionally  derived,  though  with  innumerable  I  Ol  rup 
lions,  from  the  Hebrews. 

Finally,  if  to  these  sources  we  add  an  acquaintance  with  the  modern  cus- 
toms and  manners  which  prevail  in  the  East,  as  they  are  related  by  urai  l  I 
his  of  approved  character,  we  shall  have  a  sure  and  easy  access  to  the 
knowledge  of  sacred  antiquities:  for,  as  the  Orientals,  from  their  tenacious 
adherence  to  old  usages,  are  not  likely  to  differ  materially  from  their 
ancestors,'*  we  have  no  very  great  reason  to  be  apprehensive,  from  com- 
paring the  manners,  &c.  of  the  modern  Syrians,  Arabs,  and  other  Inhabi- 
tants of  the  East,  with  those  of  the  ancient  Hebrews,  that  we  should 
attribute  customs  to  them  which  never  obtained  among  them.  When 
indeed,  any  new  usage  does  exist  among  the  Orientals,  it  may  be  disc, 
without  much  difficulty  by  men  of  learning  and  penetration.  The  Inter- 
pretation of  the  Bible,  therefore,  is  not  a  little  facilitated  by  the  pern 
the  voyages  and  travels  of  those  who  have  explored  the  East.  Among  these 
valuable  contributors  to  the  promotion  of  Biblical  science,  the  names  of 
LVArvieUZ,  Maundrell,  Thompson,  Chardin,  Shaw,  Hasselquist,  Pocock, 
Niebuhr,  Seetzen,  Dr.  E.  D.  Clarke,  Lord  Valentia,  Walpole,  Ouseley, 
Morier,  Light,  Russel,  Chateaubriand,  Burckhardt,  Buckingham,  Belzoni, 
Dr.  Richardson,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Jowett,  Sir  R.  K.  Porter  and  others,  are 
justly  celebrated  :  but  as  many  of  their  works  are  voluminous  and  cosily, 
various  writers  have  judiciously  applied  themselves  to  selecting  arid 
arranging  Ihe  most  material  passages  of  their  travels,  which  are  calculated 
to  elucidate  the  Holy  Scriptures.  In  this  department  of  sacred  literature, 
the  compilations  of  Harmer,  Burder,  and  the  editor  of  Calmet's  Dictionary 
of  the  Bible,  are  particularly  distinguished.  Of  these  works,  as  well  as  of 
the  principal  writers  on  Jewish  Antiquities,  the  reader  will  find  a  notice  in 
the  Bibliographical  Appendix  to  the  second  Volume. 

3.  Intimately  connected  with  history  and  chronology  is  an- 
cient Geography,  especially  that  of  Palestine  and  the  neifjh- 
bouring  countries ;  the  knowledge  of  which,  it  is  universally 
confessed,  tends  to  illustrate  almost  innumerable  passages  of 
Scripture.  The  principal  sources  of  sacred  geography  are 
the  Scriptures  themselves,  and  the  ancient  Greek  and  other 
writers,  who  have  treated  on  the  different  countries  mentioned 
in  the  Bible;  and  to  these  may  be  added  the  voyages  and 
travels  of  Chardin,  Seetzen,17  and  others,  mentioned  above, 
who  have  explored  the  East,  and  whose  narratives  contain 
many  very  happy  elucidations  of  the  physical  and  political 
geography  of  the  Bible. — These  sources  have  been  diligently 
consulted  by  most  of  the  learned  men  who  have  applied 
themselves  to  the  illustration  of  this  important  topic.  The 
principal  works  on  sacred  geography  are  those  of  Bochart 
Michaelis,  Spanheim,  Reland,  and  \Vells.ie 

4.  Next  to  History  and  Geography,  Genealogy  holds  an 
important  place  in  the  study  of  the  Sacred  Writings.  The 
evidences  of  Christianity  cannot  be  correctly,  if  at  all  under- 

"  Schulzii  Compendium  Archeologin  HebraiciB,  Prolegomena,  p.  xvh. 

Bauer,  Ilerm.  Sacr.  n,  276. 

>»  Homeri  Bias.  lib.  i.  v.  460,  461.  compared  with  Gen.  xv.  9,  10.  Mr. 
Trollope  has  happily  applied  the  Homeric  expressions  to  the  elucidation  of 
ihe  Scriptures,  in  about  four  hundred  instances,  in  his  valuable  edition  of 
Homer  with  English  Nolee.    London,  1827,  2  vols.  8vo. 

•»  Gen.  xviii.  6 — 8.  compared  with  the  Odyssey,  lib.  xiv.  v.  71—76.  419 
^130. 

i»  Opera  et  Dies,  lib.  i.  v.  130—136.  •»  Gen.  xxxii.  I,  2. 

»•  "The  manners  of  the  East," — it  is  remarked  by  one  of  the  most  intel- 
ligent of  modern  oriental  travellers, — "amidst  all  the  changes  of  govern- 
ment and  religion,  are  still  the  same.  They  are  living  impressions  from  an 
original  mould;  and,  at  every  step,  some  object,  some  idiom,  some  dress, 
or  seine  custom  of  common  life,  reminds  the  traveller  of  ancient  'iises, 
and  confirms,  above  all,  the  beauty,  the  accuracy,  and  the  propriety  of  the 
language  and  history  of  the  Bible."  Moriet's  Second  Journey  through 
Persia.    Pref.p.  viii. 

"  The  result  of  M.  Seetzen's  researches,  which  were  undertaken  under 
the  patronage  of  the  Palestine  Association  for  investigating  the  present  state 
of  the  Holy  Land,  was  published  in  a  thin  quarto  tract,  entitled  "  A  brief 
Account  of  the  Countries  adjoining  the  Lake  of  Tiberias,  the  Jordan,  and 
the  Dead  Sea."  Bath  and  London,  1810.  Many  places  in  Palestine,  particu- 
larly beyond  the  Jordan,  which  are  in  great  degree  unknown,  are  satisfac- 
torily described  in  this  little  tract.  v  _       . 

»•  The  writings  of  the  above  noticed  geographers  and  travellers  have 
been  consulted  for  the  Summary  of  Biblical  Geography  and  Antiquities, 
found  in  the  second  volume  of  this  Work. 


3i>2 


OF  COMMENTARIES. 


•tood,  unless  the  genealogy  of  the  Messiah,  and  his  descent 
from  Abraham  and  David,  be  distinctly  traced.  This  is 
obvious  from  the  prophecies,  which,  ages  before  his  advent, 
determined  the  line  of  his  descent;  and  left  nothing  to  chance 
or  imposture  on  the  important  subject  of  the  promised  seed, 
that,  in  the  fulness  of  time,  was  to  "  bruise  the  serpent's  head," 
and  by  his  one  oblation  of  himself,  once  offered,  was  to  make 
a  tull  and  perfect  atonement  for  the  sins  of  the  whole  world. 
Many  neat  genealogical  tables  are  to  be  found  in  some  of  the 
earlier  and  larger  eaitions  of  the  Bible. "  Some  of  the  most 
useful  treatises  on  this  subject  are  noticed  in  the  Bibliogra- 
phical Appendix. 

5.  Of  equal  importance  with  either  of  the  preceding  branches 
of  knowledge  is  Natural  History  ;  by  which  alone  many, 
otherwise  obscure,  passages  of  Scripture  can  be  explained. 
Thus,  frequent  direct  mention  is  made  of  animals,  trees, 
plants,  and  precious  stones ;  sometimes  the  Scripture  ex- 
presses sentiments  either  in  allusion  to,  or  by  metaphors  taken 
from,  some  fact  in  natural  history  ;  and  sometimes  characters 
are  described  in  allusion  to  natural  objects ;  and  without  the 
knowledge  of  these,  we  cannot  perceive  the  nature  of  the 
characters  intended.  Much  information  concerning  this  im- 
portant topic  may  be  derived  from  the  labours  of  the  oriental 
travellers  already  mentioned,  and  especially  those  of  Shaw, 
Russell,  Hasselquist,  Forskal,  and  Niebuhr.  The  most 
successful  investigations  of  this  interesting  topic  are  to  be 
found  in  the  writings  of  Bochart,  Celsius,  Scheuchzer,  Pro- 
fessor Paxton,  and  especially  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Harris,  of  Dor- 
chester, Massachusetts. 

6.  Lastly,  in  perusing  the  sacred  volume,  the  attentive 
reader  cannot  fail  to  be  struck  with  allusions  to  Philosophi- 
cal Notions  and  Sects,  as  well  as  to  certain  branches  of 
learning,  which  were  cultivated  by  the  nations  or  people 
therein  mentioned :  it  is  impossible  fully  to  apprehend  the 
force,  propriety,  and  beauty  of  these  allusions  without  a 
knowledge  of  the  notions,  &c.  referred  to.  A  short  sketch 
of  the  principal  Jewish  sects  occurs  in  the  second  volume  of 
this  work ;  but  the  only  writer,  to  the  best  of  the  author's 
recollection,  who  has  discussed  this  subject  in  a  separate 
treatise,  is  the  learned  and  indefatigable  Professor  Buadeus, 
in  his  Introductio  ad  Historiarn  Philusophix  Hebr&orum,  Hake, 
1720,  8vo. ;  of  whose  labours  he  has  availed  himself.  The 
philosophical  notions  which  obtained  among  the  Jews  are 
also  incidentally  treated  in  most  of  the  larger  commentaries, 
as  well  as  in  most  of  those  works  which  profess  to  be 
Introductions  to  the  Bible. 


§  9.    ON    COMMENTARIES. 

I.  Different  classes  of  Commentaries. — II.  Nature  of  Scholia. — 
III.  Commentaries. — IV.  Modern  versions  arid  paraphrases. 
— V.  Homilies.— -W.Collections  of  observations  on  Holy  Writ. 
— VII.  The  utility  and  advantage  of  Commentaries. — VIII. 
Design  to  be  kept  in  view,  -when  consulting  them. — IX.  Rules 
for  consulting  Commentaries  to  the  best  advantage. 

I.  The  labours  of  expositors  and  commentators  have  been 
divided  into  various  classes,  according  to  the  nature  of  their 
different  works  ;  for,  although  few  confine  themselves  to  one 
method  of  interpretation,  exclusively,  yet  each  generally  has 
some  predominant  character,  by  which  he  is  peculiarly  dis- 
tinguished.   Thus,  some  are, 

1.  Wholly  Spiritual  or  Figurative  ;  as  Oocceius,  and  those 
foreign  commentators  who  have  followed  his  untenable  system, 
viz.  that  the  Scripture  is  every  where  to  be  taken  in  the  fullest 
sense  it  will  admit;  and  in  our  own  country,  Dr.  Gill,  Dr.  Haw- 
ker, and  some  minor  writers. 

2.  Literal  and  Critical ;  such  are  Ainsworth,  Wetstein,  Dr. 
Blayney.  Bishop  Patrick,  Lowth,  and  Whitby,  Calmet,  Chais, 
Bishop  Lowth,  Archbishop  Newcome,  Wall,  Dr.  Campbell,  Dr. 
Priestley,  and  others. 

3.  Wholly  Practical;  as  Musculus,  Zuingle,  Baxter,  Henry, 
Ostervald,  Dr.  Fawcett,  the  "  Reformer's  Bible,  &c.  &c. 

4.  Those  who  unite  critical,  philological,  and  practical  obser- 
vations :  such  are  the  commentaries  of  Dr.  Dodd,  Bishop  Mant  and 
Dr.  D'Oyly,  Poole,  Scott,  M.  Martin,  Dr.  A.  Clarke,  Mr.  Benson 
&c.  on  the  entire  Bible,  and  the  paraphrases  of  Pyle,  and  of  Mr. 
Orton,  on  the  Old  Testament ;  on  the  New  Testament,  Dr.  S. 
Clarke  and  Pyle,  Dr.  Doddridge,  Mr.  Locke,  Dr.  Benson,  Dr. 
Macknigbt,  Mr.  Gilpin,  &c.  &c. 


[Part  II.  Book  I 

A  more  correct  classification  of  expository  writings  maj 
be  into  Scholia,  Perpetual  Annotations,  Commentaries,  ana 
Paraphrases ;  whose  united  design  is,  to  lead  their  readers  tc 
the  right  understanding  of  the  author  whom  they  undertake 
to  explain.  Hence  their  province  is,  to  illustrate  obscure 
passages,  to  reconcile  apparent  contradictions,  to  obviate 
difficulties,  whether  verbal  or  real,  and,  in  short,  to  remove 
every  thing  that  may  tend  to  excite  doubts  in  the  minds  of  the 
readers  of  the  Bible. 

II.  Scholia  are  short  explanatory  notes  on  the  sacred 
writers ;  whose  authors,  termed  scholiasts,  particularly  aim  at 
brevity.  In  this  kind  of  expository  writings,  obscure  words 
and  phrases  are  explained  by  such  as  are  more  clear ;  figura- 
tive by  such  as  are  proper;  and  the  genuine  force  of  each  word 
and  phrase  is  pointed  out.  Further,  the  allusions  to  ancient 
manners  and  customs  are  illustrated,  and  whatever  light  may 
be  thrown  upon  the  sacred  writer  from  history  or  geography 
is  carefully  concentrated,  and  concisely  expressed:  nor  does 
the  scholiast  fail  to  select  and  introduce  the  principal  and 
most  valuable  various  readings,  whose  excellence,  antiquity, 
and  genuineness,  to  the  best  of  his  judgment,  give  them  a 
claim  to  be  noticed.  The  discordant  interpretations  of  difficult 
passages  are  stated  and  examined,  and  the  most  probable  one 
is  pointed  out,  but  without  exhibiting  the  grounds  of  the 
exposition.  These  various  topics,  however,  are  rather  touched 
upon,  than  treated  at  length :  though  no  material  passages 
are  (or  at  least  ought  to  be)  left  unnoticed,  yet  some  very 
obscure  and  difficult  passages  are  left  to  be  discussed  and 
expounded  by  more  learned  men.  Such  was  the  method, 
according  to  which  the  ancient  scholiasts  composed  their 
scholia  for  illustrating  Homer,  Sophocles,  Aristophanes, 
Horace,  Virgil,  and  other  Greek  and  Latin  classics;  and  the 
same  mode  has  been  adopted  by  those  Christian  writers  who 
have  written  scholia  on  the  Bible.1 

III.  The  various  topics,  which  engage  the  attention  of  the 
scholiast,  are  also  discussed,  but  more  at  length,  by  Commenta- 
tors ;  whose  observations  form  a  series  of  continuous  anno- 
tations on  the  sacred  writers,  and  who  point  out  more  clearly 
the  train  of  their  thoughts,  as  well  as  the  coherence  of  their 
expressions,  and  all  the  various  readings  which  are  of  any 
importance.  The  commentator,  therefore,  not  only  furnishes 
summaries  of  the  argument,  but  also  resolves  the  expressions 
of  his  author  into  their  several  parts,  and  shows  in  what 
respects  they  agree,  as  well  as  where  they  are  apparently  at 
variance.  He  further  weighs  and  examines  different  passages, 
that  admit  of  different  interpretations ;  and  while  he  offers 
his  own  views,  he  confirms  them  by  proper  arguments  or 
proofs,  and  solves  any  doubts  which  may  attend  his  own 
interpretation.  Further,  a  judicious  commentator  will  avoid 
all  prolix,  extraneous,  and  unnecessary  discussions,  as  well 
as  far-fetched  explanations,  and  will  bring  every  philological 
aid  to  bear  upon  passages  that  are  in  any  degree  difficult  or 
obscure.  Commentators  ought  not  to  omit  a  single  passage 
that  possesses  more  than  ordinary  difficulty,  though  the  con- 
trary is  the  case  with  many,  who  expatiate  very  copiously  on 
the  more  easy  passages  of  Scripture,  while  they  scarcely 
touch  on  those  which  are  really  difficult,  if  they  do  not 
altogether  omit  to  treat  of  them.  In  a  word,  it  is  the  com- 
mentator's province  to  remove  every  difficulty  that  can  impede 
the  biblical  reader,  and  to  produce  whatever  can  facilitate  his 
studies,  by  rendering  the  sense  of  the  sacred  writings  more 
cleaT  and  easy  to  be  apprehended. 

IV.  A  peculiar  and  important  method  of  exposition  is  that 
of  Modern  Versions  and  Paraphrases.  Neither  can  be 
properly  executed  unless  their  authors  have  previously  mas- 
tered the  book  or  passage  which  they  intend  to  translate  or 
paraphrase,  and  are  well  versed  in  the  language.  Versions 
of  different  books  and  with  different  designs  should  not  all 
be  conducted  upon  the  same  plan. 

1.  A  Version  is  the  rendering  fully,  perspicuously,  and 
faithfully,  of  the  words  and  ideas  of  an  author  into  a  dif- 
ferent language  from  that  which  he  used.  The  properties  of 
a  good  version  are — correctness  and  fidelity  in  expressing  the 
precise  manner  in  which  the  idea  is  presented,  the  figures, 
order,  connection,  and  mode  of  writing;  yet  without  being 
always  literal  and  expressing  word  for  word.     Further,  it 

i  Somewhat  similar  to  Scholia  are  the  Questions  or  inquiries  concerning 
particular  books  of  Scripture  which  were  composed  by  ancient  ecclesias- 
tical writers:  they  differ  from  Scholia  in  this  respect,  that  questions  are 
exclusively  confined  to  the  consideration  of  some  difficult  passages  only, 
whose  meaning  was  at  that  time  an  object  of  discussion,  while  it  is  the 
design  of  Scholia  to  notice  every  difficult  or  obscure  passage  with  brevity 
and  perspicuity.  Augustine,  among  otter  biblical  treatises,  wrote  two 
books  of  Qutzstiones  Ev angelica-,  on  the  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  Luke. 


Chap  II.  8tcr.  II.  §  9.] 


OF  COMMENTARIES. 


3  53 


should  be  accommodated  to  the  idiom  of  the  language,  which 
the  translator  is  using,  and  at  the  same  time  be  perspicuous 
and  flowing. 

In  reference  to  versions  it  may  be  inquired,  1.  Under  what 
circumstances  it  may  be  lawful  to  depart  from  the  style  and 
manner  of  the  original  author  1  (There  ar«'  words,  Bgures, 
and  modes  of  construction,  which  cannot  be  literally  ex- 
pressed in  a  different  language.)  2.  Whether  the  Hebraic 
construction  is  to  be  retained!  It  seems  by  no  means  proper, 
that  the  peculiar  manner  of  an  ancient  author  should  be 
entirely  obliterated ;  much  less,  that  a  different  manner  be 
obtruded  upon  him.  3.  Whether  the  technical  terms  which 
occur  in  the  New  Testament  should  he  changed  for  oth<  CB. 

2.  A  I'AnAPHHASE  is  the  expression,  in  greater  extent,  of 
the  incaiiingof  the  sacred  author;  in  which  is  inserted  what- 
ever is  necessary  to  explain  the  connection  and  exhibit  the 
sense:  so  i  bat  what  is  obscure  is  thus  rendered  more  perspi- 
cuous, in  one  continued  and  unbroken  narrative.  Provided 
the  integrity  of  his  author's  sense  he  observed^the  paraph rast is 
at  liberty  to  abridge  what  is  narrated  at  length,  to  enlarge  on 
what  is  written  with  brevity,  to  supply  supposed  omissions, 
to  fill  up  chasms,  to  illustrate  obscure  and  apparently  in- 
volved passages,  by  plain,  clear,  and  neatly  turned  ex- 
pressions, to  connect  passages  which  seem  too  far  asunder, 
or  not  disposed  in  order  either  of  time  or  subject,  and  to  ar- 
range the  whole  in  a  regular  series.  These,  indeed,  it  must 
be  admitted,  are  important  liberties,  not  to  be  taken  with  the 
Scriptures  by  any  paraphrast  without  the  utmost  caution,  and 
even  then  oidy  in  the  most  sparing  manner. 

Paraphrases  have  been  divided  by  Professor  ltambach,1 
and  other  writers  on  the  interpretation  of  the  Bible,  into  two 
classes — historical  and  textual.  In  the  former  class  of  para- 
phrases, the  argument  of  a  book  or  chapter  is  pursued  histo- 
rically; and  the  paraphrast  endeavours  to  give  his  author's 
meaning  in  perspicuous  language.  In  the  latter  instance, 
the  paraphrast  assumes,  as  it  were,  the  person  of  the  sacred 
writer,  closely  pursues  the  thread  of  his  discourse,  and  aims 
at  expressing  every  word  and  phrase,  though  in  circumscribed 
limits,  yet  in  terms  that  are  both  clear  anu  obvious  to  the  ca- 
pacities of  his  readers.  Hence  it  would  appear,  that  a  para- 
phrase is  the  most  difficult  species  of  expository  writing; 
and,  as  the  number  of  paraphrasts  on  tlie  Scriptures  is, 
comparatively,  small  (probably  from  this  circumstance),  the 
ingenious  classification  of  them  proposed  by  Rambach  is 
not  R.mciently  important  to  render  it  necessary  that  we 
should  form  them  into  a  separate  class  of  interpreters.  It  is 
of  infinitely  greater  moment  to  Bible  readers,  when  purchas- 
ing works  of  this  description,  that  they  select  those  which 
are  neither  too  prolix  nor  too  expensive,  and  whose  authors 
avoid  every  thing  like  party-spirit;  neither  extolling  beyond 
measure  any  thing  ancient,  merely  because  it  is  of  remote 
antiquity,  nor  evincing  a  spirit  of  dogmatical  innovation  ,•  but 
who,  "  rightly  dividing  the  word  of  truth,"  while  they  ex- 
press themselves  in  clear  and  perspicuous  terms,  show  them- 
selves to-be  well  skilled  both  in  the  theory  and  application 
of  sound  principles  of  scriptural  interpretation,  and  who  have 
diligently  availed  themselves  of  every  internal  and  external 
aid  for  ascertaining  the  sense  of  the  sacred  writers. 

The  utility  of  both  versions  and  paraphrases  is  great ;  but 
neither  can  supersede  the  necessity  of  more  extended  and 
minute  interpretation. 

V.  Homilies  are  another  kind  of  interpretation  in  which 
either  larger  portions  of  Scripture  or  single  texts  are  explained 
and  practically  applied  to  the  several  purposes  of  instruction, 
admonition,  or  consolation  ;  and  properly  destined  to  the  si  r- 
rice  of  the  church.  Homilies  answered  to  our  discourses  on 
detached  texts  of  Scripture,  but  they  were  filled  with  pious 
fables  and  the  philosophy  of  the  times  when  their  authors 
lived.  The  best  homilies  extant  are  those  of  Origen  and 
Chrvsostom. 

VI.  Closely  allied  to  commentaries  are  the  collections  of 
Observations  illustrative  of  the  Sacred  Writings,  which 
have  been  formed  of  late  years,  and  require  to  be  consulted 
with  similar  cautions,  and  in  the  same  manner.  These  books 
of  observations  are  either  grammatical  and  philological,  or 
miscellaneous;  sometimes  they  discuss  only  a  few  passages 
which  are  peculiarly  difficult  and  obscure,  and  sometimes 
they  appear  in  the  form  of  a  grammatical  and  philological 
commentary,  following  the  order  of  the  sacred  books.  On 
this  account,  as  well  as  to  facilitate  reference,  we  have  classed 

hem  with  expositions  of  the  Bible :  of  the  best  editions  of 

Rambachii  Inatitutiones  Hermeneuticae.  pp.  706,  707. 


all  these,  the  reader  will  find  some  account  in  the  Bini.io 
graphical  Appendix  to  the  second  Volume,  Part  II.  Chap 
V.  Sections  II.  and  III.,  occasionally  interspersed  with  con 
cine  bibliographical  and  critical  observations.2 

VII.  Opinions  widely  different  nave  been  entertained  re- 
specting the  utility  ami  advantage  resulting  from  commen- 
taries, annotations,  and  other  expositions  of  the  Sacred  Writ- 
ing s.  By  some,  who  admire  nothing  but  their  own  medi- 
tations, and  who  hold  all  human  helps  in  contempt,  commen- 
taries are  despised  altogether,  as  tending  to  found  our  faith  on 
the  opinions  of  men  rather  than  on  the  divine  oracles:  while 
others,  on  the  contrary,  trusting  exclusively  to  the  expositions 
of  some  favourite  commentators,  receive  as  infallible  what- 
ever views  or  opinions  they  may  choose  to  deliver,  as  their 
expositions  of  the  Bible.  The  safest  way  in  this  case,  as  in 
all  Others,  is  to  take  the  middle  path,  and  occasionally  to 
avail  ourselves  of  the  labours  of  commentators  and  expositors, 
while  we  diligently  investigate  the  Scriptures  for  ourselves, 
without  relying  exclusively  on  our  own  wisdom,  or  being 
fascinated  by  the  authority  of  a  distinguished  name. 

The  late  eminent  divine  and  theological  tutor,  Dr.  Camp- 
bell, was  of  opinion  that  the  Bible  should  be  first  read 
and  studied  without  a  commentary;  but  his  advice  was  ad- 
dressed to  students  who  were  previously  acquainted  with  the 
originals :  and  though  the  design  of  the  present  work  is  to 
facilitate  to  studious  inquirers  the  understanding  of  the  S'jrip 
tures,  yet  the  author  presumes  not  to  suppose  that  his  labours 
will  supersede  the  necessity  of  commentaries ;  or  that  he  can 
furnish  them  with  all  that  information  which  renders  such 
works  desirable  to  the  generality-of  Bible  readers.  A  sen- 
sible writer  has  observed,  that  the  Bible  is  a  learned  book, 
not  only  because  it  is  written  in  the  learned  languages,  but 
also  as  containing  allusions  to  various  facts,  circumstances, 
or  customs  of  antiquity,  which,  to  a  common  and  unlettered 
reader,  require  explanation.  So  far,  indeed,  as  relates  to  the 
way  of  salvation,  "he  that  runs  may  read:"  but  there  are 
many  important  points,  if  not  of  the  first  importance,  in  which 
we  may  properly  avail  ourselves  of  the  labours  of  inquirers 
who  have  preceded  us;  especially  in  clearing  difficulties, 
answering  objections, and  reconciling  passages  which  ?l  firsi 
sight  appear  contradictory. 

Further,  "  the  Bible  is  a  large  book,  and  we  are  under  no 
small  obligations  to  those  who  have  collated  its  differeii' 
parts, — the  New  Testament  with  the  Old, — the  prophetic 
with  the  historical  books,  &c.;  and  to  reject  their  assistance, 
in  making  the  Scriptures  their  own  interpreter,  is  tt.  throw 
away  the  labours  of  many  ages.  As  well  might  we  reject 
all  our  historians,  and  insist  on  believing  nothing  but  what 
we  derive  immediately  from  state  papers,  original  records, 
or  other  documents,  on  which  all  history  is  founded."  Once 
more,  "  the  Bible  is  intended  as  a  directory  for  our  faith  and 

Eractice.  Now  to  have  an  experienced  friend  who  ha:;  long 
een  in  the  habit  of  perusing  it  with  patient  study  and  hum- 
ble prayer, — to  have-  such  a  friend  at  hand,  to  point  out  in 
every  chapter  what  may  be  useful  or  important,  and  espe- 
cially to  disclose  its  latent  beauties,  may  be  no  less  desirable 
and  useful,  than  it  is,  when  travelling  in  a  foreign  country, 
to  have  with  us  a  companion  who  has  passed  the  same 
route,  and  is  acquainted  both  with  the  road,  and  with  the 
objects  most  worthy  of  notice.  It  is  granted,  however,  that 
there  are  extremes;  and  that  it  is  no  lesa  wrong  to  place 
implicit  confidence  in  commentators  than  it  in  to  treat 
them  with  contempt:  to  derive  advantage  from  them,  we 
should  treat  them  as  commentators  only,  and  nut  as  inspired 
writers." 

VIII.  The  Usb  to  be  made  of  interpreters  and  commer 
tators  is  twofold  : — 

First,  that  toe  may  acquire  from  them  a  method  af  intei 
pretiitg  the  Scriptures  correctly. 

Ii  is  n"t  sufficient  that  we  be  enabled  rightly  to  understand  the  Bible  our 
selves,  t>ii!  it  is  essentially  necessary  that  those  who  are  destined  fi>r  the 
sacred  offii  i  should  be  able  to  explain  it  with  facility,  and  also  to  eoofcnu 
liicate  its  sense  and  n;paning  with  perspicuity  to  others.  As.  however,  'his 
faculty  is  not  ">  be  attained  merely  by  studying  rules  for  the  interpretation 
of  the  Scriptures,  habitual  and  constant  practice  must  be  superadded  ;  awl 
it  will  further  prove  i  f  annular  advantage  to  place  before  us  somegoc-,1 
expositors,  as  models  for  our  imitation.  In  order  to  accomplish  this  des. 
rabie  object,  we  must  not  accumulate  and  read  every  interpreter  or  com 
mentator  hidiscriminateli/,  but  should  select  one  or  two,  or  &/eu>  at  tnotl 
of  acknowledged  character  for  learning  and  piety  ;  and  by  frequent  pera 
sal  of  them,  as  well  as  by  studying  their  manner  of  expounding,  should 

»  Arigler,  Henneneutica  Biblica,  pp.  856—363.  Ernesti,  Instil.  Interp. 
Nov.  Test.  pp.  278—286.  Moms  (Acroasee,  torn.  ii.  pp.  204—340.)  has  given 
a  detailed  account  of  ihe  various  kinds  of  commentaries  and  commentators. 

»  The  Christian  Reader's  Guide,  by  Thomas  Williams.   Part  i.  p.  82. 


s.v\ 


ON  COMMENTARIES. 


[Paut  II.  Book  I 


rour  (i  form  ourselves  after  them,  until  we  are  completely  masters 

ir  method     But  the  reading  of  commentaries  will  further  assist  us, 
Sbcojtdlt,  to  understand  -whatever  passages  appear  to  us  to 
be  difficult  and  obscure. 

not  to  be  denied  that  there  are  many  passages  in  the  Sacred  Writ- 
ings both  difficult  and  obscure,  in  consequence  of  the  various  times  when 

fferent  books  were  written,  the  different  topics  of  which  they  treat, 
and  their  allusions  to  ancient  customs,  &c.  The  helps,  by  which  most  of 
tlu:se  difficulties  may  be  removed,  have  already  been  stated  in  the  course 
of  The  present  work.  But  we  cannot  suppose  that  the  solitary  and  unas- 
sisted researches  even  of  the  most  learned  expositor  are  adequate  to  the 
removal  of  every  difficulty,  or  to  the  elucidation  of  every  obscurity,  or  that 
not  liable  to  mistake  the  sense  of  the  sacred  penman.  By  the  united 
labours,  however,  of  many  learnei  and  pious  men,  of  different  ages  and 
countries,  we  are  put  in  possession  of  accumulated  information  relative  to 
the  Bible  ;  so  that  we  may  derive  large  accessions  of  important  knowledge 
from  the  judicious  use  of  the  writings  of  commentators  and  expositors. 

IX.  In  order,  then,  that  we  may  avail  ourselves  of  their 
valuable  labours  to  the  utmost  advantage,  the  following  hints 
are  submitted  to  the  consideration  of  the  reader : — 

1.  We  should  take  care  that  the  readitiq-  of  commentators 
does  not  draw  us  away  from  studying  the  Scriptures  for  our- 
selves, from  investigating  their  real  meaning,  and  meditating 
on  their  important  contents. 

This  would  be  to  frustrate  the  very  design  for  which  commentaries  are 
n'ritten.  namely,  to  facilitate  our  labours,  to  direct  us  aright  where  we  are 
in  ianger  ol"  falling  into  error,  to  remove  doubts  and  difficulties  which  we 
are  .ourselves  dnable  to  solve,  to  reconcile  apparently  contradictory  pas- 
sages, and,  in  short,  to  elucidate  whatever  is  obscure  or  unintelligible  to 
OH,  In  the  first  instance,  therefore,  no  commentators  should  be  consulted 
until  we  have  previously  investigated  the  Sacred  Writings,  for  ourselves, 
making  u^e  of  every  grammatical  and  historical  help,  comparing  the  scope, 
context,  parallel  passages,  the  analogy  of  faith,  &c.  ;  and  even  then  com- 
mentaries should  be  resorted  to  only  for  the  purpose  of  explaining  what 
wis  not  sufficiently  clear,  or  of  removing  our  doubts.  This  method  of 
studying  the  tiered  volume  will,  unquestionably,  prove  a  slow  one:  but 
the  student  will  proceed  with  certainty  ;  and,  if  he  have  patience  and  reso- 
lution enough  to  persevere  in  it,  he  will  ultimately  attain  greater  proficiency 
in  the  knowledge  of  the  Scriptures,  than  those  who,  disregarding  this 
method,  shall  have  recourse  wholly  to  assistances  of  other  kinds.  From 
the  mode  of  study  h.ere  recommended  many  advantages  will  result.  In  the 
first  place,  the  mind  vill  be  gradually  accustomed  to  habits  of  meditation  : 
without  which  we  cannot  reasonably  hope  to  attain  even  a  moderate,  much 
less  a  profound,  knowledge  of  the  Bible  ; — secondly,  those  truths  will  be 
more  readily  as  well  ai  indelibly  impressed  on  the  memory,  which  have 
thus  been  "marked,  le.irned,  and  inwardly  digested"  in  the  mind  by  silent 
thought  and  reflection  ;— and,  thirdly,  by  pursuing  this  method,  we  shall 
perceive  our  own  progress  in  sacred  literature  more  readily,  than  if  (like 
idle  drones  in  a  bee-hive)  we  devour  and  exhaust  the  stores  provided  by 
the  care  and  labour  of  others.' 

2.  We  should  not  inconsiderately  assent  to  the  interpretation 
of  any  expositor,  or  commentator,  or  yield  a  blind  and  servile 
obedience  to  his  authority. 

The  canon  given  by  Sain',  Paul  (IThess.  v.  21.) — Prove  all  things,  hold 
fait  that  which  is  good — is  therefore  particularly  worthy  of  our  notice  ; 
tor  since  no  man  is  an  infallible  judge  of  the  sense  of  Scripture,  not  only 
the  expositions  given  l>y  commentators  ought  to  be  carefully  examined,  but 
we  should  also  particularly  investigate  the  proofs  by  which  they  support 
their  interpretations,  uninfluenced  by  the  celebrity  of  their  names,  the 
semblance  of  ingenuity  and  novelty,  the  appearance  of  learning,  or  the 
excellency  of  speech.*  Commentators,  in  fact,  are  witnesses,  not  judges: 
their  authority  is  merely  human,  and  does  not  surpass  the  sphere  of  human 
belief.  Dut  we  should  not  read,  exclusively,  commentators  of  a  particular 
school,  to  which  we  are  perhaps  attached,  and  to  whose  opinions  we  sub- 
scribe ;  and  though  the  writings  of  those  who  inculcate  erroneous  doctrines 
are  to  be  received  with  the  greatest  suspicion,  yet  they  are  not  to  be  alto- 
gether disregarded,  as  they  sometimes  contain  valuable  and  important  hints 
for  the  elucidation  of  difficult  passages  of  Scripture.  That  he  may  not  be 
misunderstood,  the  author  will  explain  himself  by  a  single  example.  The 
variety  of  erroneous  theological  notions,  asserted  in  different  publications 
by  the  late  Dr.  Pri -stley,  has  justly  excited  suspicions  in  the  minds  of  all, 
who  cherish  a  regard  for  what  they  conscientiously  believe  to  be  the  pecu- 
liar doctrines  of  the  Christian  dispensation  :  so  that  any  theological  or 
expository  writings,  bearing  his  name,  are  by  them  received  with  caution, 
and  subjected  to  the  most  rigorous  examination.  His  "Notes  on  all  the 
Books  of  Scripture"  are,  nevertheless,  well  worthy  of  being  consulted: 
for  "though  the  Doctor  keeps  his  own  creed  (unitarianism)  continually 
in  view,  especially  when  considering  those  texts  which  other  religious 
people  adduce  in  favour  of  theirs,  yet  his  work  contains  many  invaluable 
nctes  a-id  observations,  particularly  on  the  philosophy,  natural  history, 

'  Rauer,  Herm.  Sacr.  p.  302.  Steph.  Gausseni  Dissertatio  de  Ratione 
Stu.jii  Theologici,  pp.  25,  26.  Dr.  Henry  Owen's  Directions  for  young  Stu- 
Je'jts,  in  Divinity,  p.  37.  5th  edit. 

•  C.  D.  Beckii  Monogrammata  Hermeneutices  Librorum  Novi  Testa- 
\«enti,  pars  i.  pp.  174,  175. 


geography,  and  chronology  of  the  Scriptures  ;  ami  to  these  subjects  few 
men  in  Europe  were  better  qualified  to  do  justi.  i 

3.  The  best  commentators  and  interpreters  only  are  to  be 
read. 

So  numerous  are  the  commentaries  at  present  extant  on  the  Sacred 
Writings,  that  to  notice  them  all  would  require  a  distinct  volume.  Not  to 
mention  the  magnitude  of  their  cost,  the  labour  and  fatigue  of  turning  over 
and  examining  such  a  multitude  of  massy  volumes,  is  sufficient  lodeter 
any  one  from  the  study  of  them  ;  and  must  necessarily  prevent  an  inge- 
nious student  from  deriving  any  real  advantage.  For  the  perplexity  of 
mind,  arising  from  so  great  a  variety  of  conflicting  opinions,  will  either  dis- 
gust him  altogether  with  sacred  studies,  or  he  will  so  bewilder  himself,  lha. 
he  will  not  be  able  to  determine  which  to  follow  or  embrace. 

Although  the  more  ancient  commentators  and  expositors  did  not  possess 
those  peculiar  facilities  for  interpreting  the  Scriptures,  with  which  we  are 
now  happily  favoured,  yet  they  are  not  to  be  altogether  despised  by  those, 
who  may  have  leisure  and  opportunity  to  consult  them,  for  the  purpose 
of  tracing  the  time  when,  and  the  authors  by  whom,  particular  expositions 
of  certain  passages  were  first  introduced.  The  more  ancient  interpreters, 
being  coiival  or  nearly  so  with  the  sacred  writers,  and  also  living  in  the 
neighbouring  countries,  are  thus  rendered  good  evidence,  for  the  received 
sense  of  certain  words  in  their  day.  Hence  the  Jews  frequently  throw 
much  light  on  the  meaning  of  Hebrew  words  and  usages,  as  may  be  seen 
in  the  extracts  from  their  writings  which  are  to  be  found  in  all  the  larger 
commentaries;  and  in  like  manner  the  Greek  fathers,  the  value  of  whose 
labours  it  has  been  the  fashion  unduly  to  depreciate,  are  excellent  evidence 
for  tl"»  meaning  attached  to  Greek  words,  particularly  in  controversies 
relating  to  the  deity  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  reality  and  efficacy  of  his  atone- 
ment, &c.  And  since  there  are  some  expositions  of  very  important  pas- 
sages, in  which  all  or  nearly  all  expositors,  both  ancient  and  modern,  are 
agreed,  these  have  a  high  claim  to  our  attention.* 

The  more  ancient  interpreters  erred  in  mingling  too  many  doctrinal 
discussions  in  their  expositions;  in  introducing  too  much  of  history  and 
archteology,  not  immediately  connected  with  the  passage  under  considera- 
tion ;  and  in  investigating  too  exclusively  the  arguments  of  the  sacred 
writers.  Modern  interpreters,  on  the  contrary,  have  erred,  in  too  fre- 
quently and  copiously  disputing-about  the  events  of  Scripture,  and  also  in 
applying  so  extensively  to  morals  the  passages  which  they  undertook  to 
elucidate.  For  although  the  methods  of  exposition  may  be  different,  as 
authors  have  different  objects  in  view,  yet  the  office  of  the  critic,  the  inter 
preter,  the  theologian,  and  the  popular  teacher,  ought  never  to  be  con- 
founded.* 

Of  the  more  modern  commentators,  the  best  only  must  be  selected, 
whom  we  may  consult  as  guides:  and  those  may  be  considered  as  the 
best  commentators,  who  are  most  deeply  furnished  with  the  requisite 
critical  skill;  who  most  diligently  investigate  the  literal  sense,  andllo  no; 
attempt  to  establish  a  mystical  sense  until  the  literal  sense  is  most  clearl) 
ascertained ;  who  do  not  servilely  copy  the  remarks  of  preceding  com 
mentators,  but,  while  they  avail  themselves  of  every  help  for  the  inter 
pretation  of  the  Scriptures,  elicit  what  appears  to  be  the  true  meaning, 
and  support  it  by  such  clear  and  cogent  arguments,  and  state  it  with  such 
perspicuity,  as  convinces  the  reader's  judgment.  To  these  acquirements, 
it  is;  scarcely  necessary  to  add,  that  deep  yet  sober  piety  and  uprightness 
are  indispensably  necessary  to  a  commentator  on  Holy  Writ. 

On  the  subject  of  commentaries  it  is  an  excellent  advice  of  Ernesti's,1 
that  we  shall  find  considerable  advantage  in  making  memoranda  of  the  more 
difficult  passages  of  the  Sacred  Writings,  which  have  been  variously  ex 
plained  by  expositors,  as  well  as  of  those  in  which  there  is  any  remarkable 
diversity  of  reading,  but  concerning  which  our  own  researches,  or  those 
of  others,  have  failed  in  procuring  satisfactory  information.  Thus,  when- 
ever any  professedly  new  commentary  falls  into  our  hands,  we  can  in  a 
short  time  ascertain  whether  it  contains  any  thing  intrinsically  new  or 
valuable,  or  that  may  lead  us  to  ascertain  the  genuine  sense  of  a  passage. 
By  consulting  commentators  and  expositors  in  this  manner,  we  shall  be 
able  to  distinguish  ideas  of  things  from  ideas  of  sounds  ;  and,  thus  becoming 
habituated  to  the  investigation  and  consideration  of  the  Sacred  Writings, 
we  shall,  under  divine  teaching,  be  enabled  to  understand  the  mind  of  the. 
Spirit  in  the  Scriptures. 

4.  Where  it  does  not  appear  that  either  ancient  or  modern 
interpreters  had  more  knowledge  than  ourselves  respecting 
particular  passages ;  and  where  they  offer  only  conjectures, — 
in  such  cases  their  expositions  ought  to  be  subjected  to  a  strict 
examination.  If  their  reasons  are  then  found  to  be  valid,  we 
should  give  our  assent  to  them:  but,  on  the  contrary,  if  thejj 
prove  to  be  false,  improbable,  and  insufficient,  they  must  be 
altogether  rejected. 

5.  LasUy,  as  there  are  some  commentaries  which  are  either 
wholly  colnpiled  from  the  previous  labours  of  others,  or  which 
contain  observations  extracted  from  their  writings,  if  any  thing 
appear  confused  or  perplexed  in  such  commentaries,  the  ori- 
ginal sources  whence  they  were  compiled  must  be  referred  to., 
and  diligently  consulted. 


«  Dr.  A.  Clarke,  General  Preface  to  vol.  i.  of  his  Commentary  on  lh« 
Bible,  p.  xi. 

*  Bauer,  Herm.  Sacr.  p.  304.    Turretin  de  Interp.  Sac.  Scrip,  p.  333. 
«  Beckii  Monogrammata  Herm.  Nov.  Test.  p.  184. 

•  Institutio  Interpretis  Novi  Testamenti,  part  iii.  cap.  ix.  §  44.  p.  306. 


Chap.  I.  Sect.  I.] 


ON  THE   INTERPRETATION  OF  TROPES  AND  FIGURES. 


35S 


BOOK  II. 


ON    THE    SPECIAL    INTERPRETATION    OF    SCRIPTURE. 


Having  stated  and  illustrated  the  general  principles  of  in- 
terpretation in  the  preceding  chapters,  it  remains  that  we 
show  in  what  manner  the  sense,  when  discovered,  is  to  be 
communicated,  expounded,  and  applied.  The  consideration 
of  this  topic  will  had  us  to  notice  the  interpretation  of  the 
Figurative  and  the  Poetical  Language  of  the  Bible,  and  also 
the  interpretation  of  the  Spiritual  and  Typical^  Prophetical, 
Doctrinal,  and  Moral  parts  of  the  Bible,  as  well  as  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  Promises  and  Thrcalenings  contained  in  the 


Scriptures,  and  of  Passages  alleged  to  be  contradictory,  together 
with  that  Inferential  Heading,  and  that  Practical  Application 
of  them  to  the  heart  and  conscience,  without  which  al! 
knowledge  will  be  in  vain.  If,  indeed,  the  previous  investi- 
gation of  the  sense  of  Scripture  be  undertaken  with  those 
moral  and  devout  qualifications  which  have  been  stated  in 
the  early  part  of  this  volume,'  it  is  scarcely  possible  that 
we  can  fail  to  understand  the  meaninir  of  the  word  of  God. 


CHAPTER  I. 


ON    THE    INTERPRETATION    OF    THE    FIGURATIVE    LANGUAGE    OF    SCRIPTURE. 


Figurative  language  bad  its  rise  in  the  first  ages  of  man- 
kind :  the  scarcity  of  words  occasioned  them  to  be  used  for 
various  purposes  :  and  thus  figurative  tonus,  which  constitute 
the  beauty  of  language,  arose  from  its  poverty  ;  and  it  is  still 
the  same  in  all  uncivilized  nations.  Hence  originated  the 
metaphorical  diction  of  the  Indians,  and  the  picture-writing 
of  the  Mexicans. 

The  Bible,  though  too  commonly  regarded  as  containing 
only  lessons  of  morality  and  plain  statements  of  facts, 
abounds  with  the  most  beautiful  images,  and  with  every 
ornament  of  which  style  is  susceptible.  Yet  these  very 
ornaments  are  sometimes  occasions  of  difficulty;  for  the 
books,  which  contain  the  revelations  of  God,  being  more  an- 
cient than  any  others  now  extant,  are  written  either  in  the 
language  used  by  mankind  in  the  first  ages,  or  in  a  language 
nearly  allied  to  it.  The  style  of  these  writings,  therefore, 
being  very  different  from  that  of  modern  compositions,  to  in- 
terpret them  exactly  as  they  are  usually  expounded,  is  with- 
out doubt  to  raw-interpret  them ;  accordingly,  persons  ignorant 
of  the  character  of  the  primitive  languages,  have,  by  that 
method  of  interpretation,  been  led  to  imagine  that  the  Scrip- 
tures contain  notions  unworthy  of  God:  and  thus  have  not 
only  exposed  these  venerable  writings  to  the  scorn  of  infidels, 
but  have  also  framed  to  themselves  erroneous  notions  in  reli- 
gion.2 To  prevent  similar  mistakes,  and,  it  is  hoped,  to 
re*nder  more  delightful  the  study  of  the  sacred  volume  by  an 
explanation  of  its  figurative  language,  is  the  design  of  the 
present  chapter. 

Figures,  in  general,  may  be  described  to  be  that  language, 
which  is  prompted  either  by  the  imagination  or  by  the  pas- 
sions. Rhetoricians  commonly  divide  them  into  two  great 
classes,  figures  of  words  and  figures  of  thought. 

Figures  of  Words  are  usually  termed  tropes,  and  consist 
in  the  advantageous  alteration  of  a  word  or  sentence,  from  its 
original  and  proper  signification  to  another  meaning;  as  in 
-  Sain,  xxiii.  3.  The  rock  of  Israel  spake  to  me.  Here  the 
trope  lies  in  the  word  rock  which  is  changed  from  its  origi- 
nal sense,  as  intending  one  of  the  strongest  works  and  most 
certain  shelters  in  nature ;  and  is  employed  to  signify,  that 
God,  by  his  faithfulness  and  power,  is' the  same  security  to 
the  soul  which  trusts  in  him,  as  the  rock  is  to  the  man  who 
builds  upon  it,  or  flees  for  safety  to  its  impenetrable  recesses. 
So,  in  Luke  xi'ri.  30.  our  Lord  speaking  of  Herod,  says  Go 
ye,  and  till  that  fa-  •  here  the  word /.c  is  diverted  from  its 
proper  meaning,  which  is  that  of  a  beast  of  prey  and  of  deep 
Cunning,  to  denote  a  mischievous,  cruel,  and  crafty  tyrant; 
and  the  application  of  the  term  gives  us  a  complete  idea  of 
his  hypocrisy. 

The  other  class,  called  Figures  of  Thought,  supposes  the 

1  Pp.  186,  197.  supra. 

1  Mac  knight  on  the  Epistles,  voL  iv.  4io.,  or  voL  vi.  Bvo.  esnyvui 
On  the  right  Interpretation  of  Scripture.  The  materials  of 'this  chapter 
are  abridged  chiefly  from  Professor  Dalhe's  edition  of  Glassius's  Philo- 
logia  Sacra,  lib.  ii-  forming  the  whole  second  volume  of  that  elaborate 
work.  See  also  Jahn's  Enchiridion  Hermeneulicae  Generalis,  cap.  iv. 
(De  Tropis  Recte  Interpretandis,  pp.  10] — 125),  and  Rambach's  Institu- 
tiones  Hermeneuticie  Sacra',  lib.  iii.  c  ii.  De  Adminiculis  Rhetoricis, 
pp.  429 — 140. 


words  to  be  used  in  their  literal  and  proper  meaning,  and  the 
figure  to  consist  in  the  turn  of  the  thought ;  as  is  the  case  in 
exclamations,  apostrophes,  and  comparisons,  where,  though 
we  vary  the  words  that  are  used,  or  translate  them  from 
language  into  another,  we  may  nevertheless  still  preserve 
the  same  figure  in  the  thought.  This  distinction,  however, 
Dr.  Blair  remarks,  is  of  no  great  use,  as  nothing  can  be  built 
upon  it  in  practice;  neither  is  it  always  very  clear.  It  is  of 
little  importance,  whether  we  give  to  some  particular  mode 
of  expression  the  name  of  a  trope  or  of  a  figure,  pro\ided  we 
remember  that  figurative  language  always  imports  some 
colouring  of  the  imagination,  or  some  emotion  of  passion  ex- 
pressed in  our  style ;  and  perhaps,  figures  of  imagination^ 
and  figures  of  passion,  might  be  a  more  useful  distribution  of 
the  subject.3 

Without  regarding,  therefore,  the  technical  distinctions 
which  have  been  introduced  by  rhetorical  writers,  we  shall 
first  offer  some  hints  by  which  to  ascertain  and  correctly 
interpret  the  tropes  and  figures  occurring  in  the  Sacred  Writ- 
ings ;  and  in  the  following  sections  we  shall  notice  the  prin- 
cipal of  them,  illustrated  r>y  examples,  to  which  a  diligent 
Teader  may  easily  subjoin  others. 


SECTION  I. 

GENERAL    OBSERVATIONS    ON   THE    INTERPRETATION    OF   TROPEJ 
AND  FIGURES. 

"  All  languages  are  more  or  less  figurative;  but  they  are 
most  so  in  their  earliest  state.  Before  language  is  provided 
with  a  stock  of  words,  sufficient  in  their  literal  sense  to  ex- 
press what  is  wanted,  men  are  under  the  necessity  of  extending 
the  use  of  words  beyond  the  literal  sense.  But  the  application, 
whin  once  begun,  is  not  to  be  limited  by  the  bounds  of  neces- 
sity. The  imagination,  always  occupied  with  resemblances, 
wiiich  are  the  foundation  of  figures,  disposes  men  to  seekfoi 
figurative  terms,  where  they  might  express  themselves  in 
literal  terms.  Figurative  language  presents  a  kind  of  picture 
to  the  mind,  and  thus  delighUs  while  it  instructs :  whence  its 
use,  though  more  necessary  when  a  language  is  poor  and 
uncultivated,  is  never  whofly  laid  aside,  especially  in  the 
writings  of  orators  and  poets.  '  The  language  of  the  Scrip- 
tures is  highly  figurative,  especially  in  the  Old  Testament. 
For  this,  two  reasons  have  been  assigned;  one  is,  that  he 
inhabitants  of  the  East,  naturally  possessing  warm  ar.j  vivid 
imaginations,  and  living  in  a  warm  and  fertile  climate,  sur- 
rounded by  objects  equally  beautiful  and  agreeable,  delight  ia 
a  figurative  style  of  expression  :  and  as  these  circumstances 
easily  impel  their  power  of  conceiving  images,  they  fancy 
similitudes  which  are  sometimes  far  fetched,  and  which  to 
the  chastised  taste  of  European  readers  do  not  always  appear 
the  most  elegant.    The  other  reason  is,  that  many  of  the  ^ooks 

»  Ulair's  Lecture*  v  ..  i.  p.  'i-1'    ... 

•  Bishop  Marsh's  Lectures,  part  m.  p.  C9. 


35'i 


ON  THE  FIGURATIVE  LANGUAGE  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


[Part  II.  Book  U 


of  the  Old  Testament  are  poetical ;  now  it  is  the  privilege  of 
a  poet  to  illustrate  the  productions  of  his  muse,  and  to  render 
them  more  animated,  oy  figures  and  images  drawn  from 
ilmost  every  subject  that  presents  itself  to  his  imagination. 
Hence  David,  Solomon,  Isaiah,  and  other  sacred  poets, 
abound  with  figures,  make  rapid  transitions  from  one  to  ano- 
ther, every  where  scattering  flowers,  and  adorning  their  poems 
with  metaphors,  the  real  beauty  of  which,  however,  can  only 
be  appreciated  by  being  acquainted  with  the  country  in  which 
the  sacred  poets  lived,  its  situation  and  peculiarities,  and  also 
with  the  manners  of  the  inhabitants  and  the  idioms  of  their 
language. 

The  language  of  the  New  Testament,  and  especially  the 
discourses  ana  speeches  of  our  Saviour,  are  not  less  figura- 
tive ;  "  and  numerous  mistakes  have  been  made  by  a  literal 
application  of  what  was  figuratively  meant.  When  our 
Saviour  said  to  the  Jews,  •  Destroy  this  temple,  and  in  three 
days  I  will  raise  it  up,'  the  Jews  understood  the  word  temple 
in  its  natural  sense,  and  asked  him,  Whether  he  could  raise 
again  in  three  days  what  had  taken  six-and-forty  years  to 
build  1  They  did  not  perceive  that  his  language  was  figu- 
rative, and  that  he  spake  of  the  temple  of  his  body."2 

In  order,  then,  to  understand  fully  the  figurative  language 
of  the  Scriptures,  it  is  requisite,  first,  to  ascertain  and  aeter- 
mine  what  is  really  figurative,  lest  we  take  that  to  be  literal 
which  is  figurative,  as  the  disciples  of  our  Lord  and  the  Jews 
frequently  did,  or  lest  we  pervert  the  literal  meaning  of  words 
by  a  figurative  interpretation  ;  and,  secondly,  when  we  have 
ascertained  what  is  really  figurative,  to  interpret  it  correctly, 
and  deliver  its  true  sense.  For  this  purpose,  Ernesti  has 
given  it  the  following  general  rule : — We  may  ascertain 
whether  any  expression  is  to  be  taken  literally  or  figura- 
t  ely,  by  recalling  the  thing  spoken  of  to  its  internal  or 
i  sternal  sense,  that  is,  by  seeking  out  its  internal  or  external 
merning;  and  this  may  in  general  be  readily  ascertained. 
Hence  it  is,  that  in  human  compositions  we  are  very  rarely 
If  ever  in  doubt,  whether  a  thing  be  spoken  literally  or  figu- 
ratively ;  because  the  thing  or  subject  spoken  of  being  human, 
and  capable  both  of  external  and  internal  senses,  may  be 
recalled  to  a  human  sense,  that  is,  to  a  sense  intelligible  by 
man.     To  understand  this  subject  more  particularly: 

1 .  The  literal  meaning  of -words  must  be  retained,  more  in  the 
historical  books  of  Scripture  than  in  those  which  are  poetical. 

For  it  is  the  duty  of  an  historian  to  relate  transactions  simply  as  they 
happened  ;  while  a  poet  has  license  to  ornament  his  subject  by  the  aid  of 
figures,  and  to  render  it  more  lively  by  availing  himself  of  similes  and 
metaphors.  Hence  we  find,  that  the  style  of  narration  in  the  historical 
books  is  simple  and  generally  devoid  of  ornament,  while  the  poetical  books 
abound  with  images  borrowed  from  various  objects  :  not,  indeed,  that  the 
historical  books  are  entirely  destitute  of  figurative  expressions;  for, 
whatever  language  men  may  use,  they  are  so  accustomed  to  this  mode  of 
expression,  that  they  cannot  fully  convey  their  meaning  in  literal  words, 
but  are  compelled  by  the  force  of  habit  to  make  use  of  such  as  are  figu- 
rative. But  we  must  not  look  for  a  figurative  style  in  the  historical  books, 
and  still  less  are  historical  narratives  to  be  changed  into  allegories,  and 
parables,  unless  these  be  obviously  apparent.  From  inattention  to  this 
important  rule,  "some  interpreters,  in  ancient  and  modern  times,  have 
tui  Bed  into  allegory  the  whole  Jewish  ceremonial  law.  So,  formerly  and 
recently,  the  history  of  the  creation  of  the  world,  the  fallof  man,  the  flood, 
the  account  of  the  tower  of  Babel,  &c.  have  been  explained  either  as 
fvht,  or  as  philosophical  allegories,  i.  e.  philosophical  speculations  on 
these  subjects,  clothed  in  the  garb  of  narration.  By  the  same  principles 
of  exegesis,  the  Gospels  are  treated  as  fwiti,  which  exhibit  an  imaginary 
picture  i,f  h  perfect  character,  in  the  person  of  Jesus.  In  a  word,  every 
narration  i;i  the  Bible,  of  an  occurrence  which  is  of  a  miraculous  nature 
i;i  any  respect,  is  ^:o„-  ;  which  means,  as  its  abettors  say,  that  some  real 
la  i  or  occurrence  lios  at  the  basis  of  the  story,  which  is  told  agreeably  to 
the  very  imperfect  conceptions  and  philosophy  of  ancient  times,  or  has 
been  augmented  and  adorned  by  tradition  and  fancy. 

But  that  such  liberties  with  the  language  of  Scripture  are  utterly  in- 
compatible with  the  sober  principles  of  interpretation,  is  sufficiently  mani- 
fest trom  the  bar,-  statement  of  them.  The  object  of  the  interpreter  is,  to 
tirt'l  out  what  the  sacred  writers  meant  to  saxj.  This  done,  his  task  is  per- 
formed, arty  philosophy  or  skepticism  cannot  guide  the  interpretation  of 
language."*  ' 

2.  The  literal  meaning-  of  words  is  to  be  given  up,  if  it  be 
either  improper,  or  involve  an  impossibility,  or  where  words, 
properly  taken,  contain  any  thing  contrary  to  the  doctrinal 
or  moral  precepts  delivered  in  other  parts  of  Scripture.* 

< I  )  The  expressions  in  ,ler.  i  18.  are  necessarily  to  ho  understood  fieu- 
ratively.     Bod  is  there  represented  as  saying  to  tile  prophet,  I  have  made 


1  Bishop  Marsh's  Lectures,  part  hi.  p.  60. 

» Stuart's  Flehvnts  of  Int*rpretation,  p.  76.    Mori  Acroases  tnm  i  nn 

an— 29i.  '  pp- 

s  "1  hold  it,"  says  the  learned  and  venerable  Hooker,  "  for  a  most  infalli 
pie  rule  in  expositions  of  sacred  Scrip! hit,  tint,  where  a  literal  construc- 
tion will  stand,  the  farthest  from  the  letter  is  commonly  the  worst.  There 
is  nothing  more  dangerous  than  this  licentious  and  deluding  art,  which 
changes  the  meaning  of  words,  as  alchemy  doth  or  would  do  the  substance 
of  metals,  making  of  any  thing  what  it  pleases,  and  bringing  in  the  end  all 
truth  to  nothing."  Ecclesiastical  Polity,  book  v.  cc.  58—60.  or  p.  211.  of 
Mr.  Collinson's  Analysis. 


thee  a  defenced  city,  and  an  iron  pillar,  and  brazen  walls  against  the 
whole  land.  Now,  it  is  obvious  that  these  expressions  are  figurative  ;  be 
cause,  if  taken  literally,  they  involve  ar.  impossibility.  The  general  import 
of  the  divine  promise  is,  that  God  would  defend  Jeremiah  agaiust  all  open 
assaults,  and  secret  contrivances  of  his  enemies,  who  should  no  more  b« 
able  to  prevail  against  him  than  they  could  against  an  impregnable  wall  or 
fortress.  So  the  literal  sense  of  Isa.  i.  25.  is  equally  Inapplicable  ;  but  in 
the  following  verse  the  prophet  explains  it  in  ihe  proper  words 

(2.)  In  Psal.  xviii.  2.  God  is  termed  a  rock,  a  fortress,  a  deliverer,  a 
buckler,  &  horn  of  salvation,  and  a  high  tower:  it  is  obvious  that  these 
predicates  are  metaphorically  spoken  of  the  Almighty. 

(3.)  Malt.  viii.  22.  Let  the  dead  bury  their  dead  cannot  possibly  be  ap- 
plied to  those  who  are  really  and  naturally  dead ;  and,  consequently,  mii3/ 
be  understood  figuratively,  "Leave  those  who  are  spiritually  dead  to  per- 
form the  rites  of  burial  for  such  as  are  naturally  dead."  In  Psal.  exxx.  1. 
David  is  said  to  have  cried  unto  the  Lord  out  of  the  depths,  by  which  word 
we  are  metaphorically  to  understand  a  state  of  Ihe  deepest  affliction :  be- 
cause it  nowhere  appears  from  Scripture,  nor  is  it  probable,  that  the 
Jewish  monarch  was  ever  thrown  into  the  sea,  even  in  his  greatest  adver 
sity,  as  we  read  that  the  prophet  Jonah  was,  who  cried  to  the  Lord  out  of 
the  depth,  or  midst  of  the  sea.  (Jon.  i.  15.  17.  ii.  2,  3.5.)  Similar  expressions 
occur  in  1  Col.  iii.  13.  and  Rev.  vi.  13. 

(4.)  The  command  of  Jesus  Christ,  related  in  Matt,  xviii.  8,  9.  if  inter- 
preted literally,  is  directly  at  variance  with  the  sixth  commandment 
(Exod.  xx.  13.),  and  must  consequently  be  understood  figuratively.  So,  the 
declaration  of  Jesus  Christ  in  John  xiv.  28.  {My  Father  is  greater  than  I) 
is  to  be  understood  of  himself,  as  he  is  man.  This  is  evident  from  the  con- 
text and  from  the  nature  of  his  discourse.  In  John  xiv.  24.  Christ  tells  his 
disciples  that  the  Father  had  sent  him ;  that  is,  in  his  quality  of  Messiah, 
he  was  sent  by  the  Father  to  instruct  and  to  save  mankind.  Now  as  the 
sender  is  greater  than  he  who  is  sent  (xiii.  16.) ;  so,  in  this  sense,  is  the 
Father  greater  than  the  Son.  It  certainly  requires  very  little  argument. 
and  no  sophistry,  to  reconcile  this  saying  with  the  most  orthodox  notion  of 
the  deity  of  Christ;  as  he  is  repeatedly  speaking  of  his  divine  and  of  his 
human  nature.  Of  the  former  he  says  (John  x.  30.),  /  and  the  Father  are 
one  ;  and  of  the  latter  lie  states  with  the  same  truth,  the  Father  is  greater 
than  I. 

(5.)  Whatever  is  repugnant  to  natural  reason  cannot  be  the  true  meaning 
of  the  Scriptures  ;  for  God  is  the  original  of  natural  truth,  as  well  as  of  that 
which  comes  by  particular  revelation.  No  proposition,  therefore,  which  is 
repugnant  to  the  fundamental  principles  of  reason,  can  be  the  sense  of  any 
part  of  the  word  of  God  ;  hence  the  words  of  Christ, — This  is  my  body, 
and  This  is  my  blood  (Matt.  xxvi.  26.  28.), — are  not  to  be  understood  in  that 
sense,  which  makes  for  the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation,  or,  of  the  con- 
version of  the  bread  and  wine,  in  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper, 
into  the  actual  body  and  blood  of  Christ:  because  it  is  impossible  that 
contradictions  should  be  true  ;  and  we  cannot  be  more  certain  that  any 
thing  is  true,  than  we  are  that  that  doctrine  is  false.  Yet  it  is  upon  a  forced 
and  literal  construction  of  our  Lord's  declaration,  that  the  Romish  church 
has,  ever  since  the  thirteenth  century,  erected  and  maintained  the  doc- 
trine of  transubstantiation  : — a  doctrine  which  is  manifestly  "  repugnant  to 
the  plain  words  of  Scripture,  overthroweth  the  nature  of  a  sacrament,  and 
hath  given  occasion  to  many  superstitions."*  In  fact,  if  the  words — "thit 
is  my  body" — must  be  literally  understood,  why  are  not  other  words  of 
similar  import  also  to  be  taken  literally  ?  In  which  case  Jesus  Christ  must 
be  a  vine,  a  door,  and  a  rock  ;  for  so  he  is  expressly  termed  in  John  x.  9. 
xv.  1.  and  1  Cor.  x.  4.  And  in  the  other  part  of  the  sacrament,  the  cup 
must  be  transubstantiated,  not  into  the  blood  of  Christ,  but  into  the  New 
Testament :  for  he  said, — "  This  cup  is  the  New  Testament"  or  covenant 
(Luke  xxii.  20.),  that  is,  the  representation  or  memorial  of  it.  Further,  as 
the  words — "  This  is  my  body,"  and  "  This  is  my  blood"1 — were  spoken 
before  Christ's  body  was  broken  upon  the  cross,  and  before  his  blood 
was  shed,  he  could  not  pronounce  them  with  the  intention  that  they  should 
be  taken  and  interpreted  literally  by  his  disciples.  He  could  not  take  his 
body  in  his  hands,  nor  offer  them  his  blood  in  the  cup,  for  it  had  not  yet 
been  shed.  If  the  bread  which  he  broke  had  been  changed,  he  would 
have  had  two  bodies,  one  of  which  would  have  been  instrumental  in  pre- 
senting the  other  to  the  apostles.  Of  such  a  transformation  they  do  not 
appear  to  have  had  the  smallest  idea ;  and  if  it  did  not  take  place  in  this 
first  sacrament,  what  reason  can  we  have  to  believe  that  it  has  been  effect* 
ed  in  any  other?  Hence  it  is  clear  that  the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation 
has  no  foundation  in  the  words  of  Christ,  which  must  necessarily  be  un- 
derstood, not  literally  and  properly,  but  figuratively,  agreeably  to  the  well 
known  metonymy,  common  in  all  languages,  but  peculiar  to  the  Hebrew 
(the  impression  of  which  the  Greek  here  naturally  takes),  in  which  the 
sign  is  put  for  the  thing  signified.  Thus  in  Gen.  xl.  12.  the  three  branches 
are  three  days,  and  in  v.  18.  the  three  baskets  are  three  days  ;  in  xli.  26. 
the  seven  good  kine  are  seven  years,  and  the  seven  good  ears  are  seven 
years  ;*  and  in  Ezek.  xxxii.  11.  the  dry  bones  are  the  whole  house  of  Israel. .' 


*  Art.  xxviii.  of  the  Confession  of  the  Anglican  Church.  The  term— 
"transubstantiation" — was  not  invented  until  the  thirteenth  century;  the 
first  idea  of  Christ's  bodily  presence  in  the  eucharist  was  started  in  the 
beginning  of  the  eighth  century  ;  the  first  writer  who  maintained  the  doc 
trine  was  Paschasius  Radbertus,  in  the  ninth  century,  before  it  was  firmly 
established :  and  the  first  public  assertion  of  it  was,  at  the  third  Lateraii 
Council,  in  the  year  1215,  after  it  had  been  for  some  time  avowed  by  the 
Roman  popes,  and  inculcated  by  the  clergy  dependent  on  them,  in  obe 
dience  to  their  injunctions.  But  the  term  itself  was  not  known  before  the 
thirteenth  century,  when  it  was  invented  by  Stephen  bishop  of  Autun 
Mosheim's  Eccl.  Hist.  vol.  iii.  pp.  217.  231. 

'  Matt.  xxvi.  26.  28.  and  Mark  xiv.  22.  24.  compared  with  Luke  xxii.  19,  £0 
and  1  Cor.  xi.  24,  25. 

•  "Solet  autem  res,  quae  significat,  ejus  rei  nomine  quam  significat  nun- 
cupari,  sicut  scriptum  est,  Septem  spiers  septem  anni  sunt:  non  enim 
dicit,  septem  annos  significant :  et  Septem  bores  septem  anni  sunt,  et  mulia 
hujusmodi."  Augustini  (lua?stiones  in  Leviticum.  lib.  iii.  Quaest.  27.  (Ope- 
ruin,  torn.  iii.  pars  i.  p.  516.  Paris,  1680.)  In  another  place  the  same  writer 
says, — "Inde  est,  quod  ait  Apostolus,  Petra  autem  erat  Christus  (1  Cor.  x. 
4.),  non  ait,  Petra  significant  Christum."  (Ibid.  Quaest.  in  Gcnesin.  c.  xli 
Op.  torn.  iii.  pars  1.  p.  335.) 

'  The  Hebrews,  having  no  particular  word  denoting  to  represent,  supply 
its  place  by  the  verb  substantive,  which  is  sometimes  leftto  be  understood 
as  in  Isa.  v.  7.  and  sometimes  is  expressed  by  the  personal  pronoun,  as  in 
the  passages  above  cited,  agreeably  lo  the  well-known  rule  of  Hebrew 
grammar,  viz.  that  where  th»>se  pronouns  stand  simply  for  the"verb  of  ex- 
istence, they  are  to  be  translated  accordingly  ;  as  wc  read  in  the  Septuagint 
Greek  and  Latin  Vulgate  versions,  and  also  in  •  ery  modern  version  of  the 
Bible.  Various  additional  examples  of  this  construction  may  be  seen  in 
Stuart's  Hebrew  Grammar,  5  649.  o.  163.    Oxford,  1831.)  Robertson's  Hebr 


UflA*.  I.    SSOT.  I.] 


ON  THE  INTERPRETATION  OF  TROPES  AND  FIGURES. 


357 


The  same  metonymy  exisU  in  the  service  fur  the  celebration  of  thi 

over  among  the  modem  Jew.s;  in  which  tin:  muter!  of  the  family  unit  all 

the  guests  take  hold  of  the  dish  containing  iii'-  unleavened  bi  ea  i  v.  hich  be 
had  previously  broken,  and  Bay,— "2»o/  This-  is  the  bread  oj'  uj/liction, 
which  all  our  ancestors  ate  in  the  land  of  Egypt."*  The  tame  phraseology 
ia  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the  New  Te  i  tment  Thus,  in  Man.  mil  38, 
39.  "The field  is  [represents]  the  world;  the  good  seed  is  [repi 
the  children  of  the  kingdom  ;  tin-  inns  am:  [represent]  'hi  children  of  the 
wicked  one.  The  enemy  is  [represents]  the  devil;  the  haroeet  II  [repre- 
sents] the  endof  the  world  ;  the  reaper*  4KB  lAe  angels.  And  in  1  Cor.  x.  4. 
That  rock  was  [represented]  Christ.  Similar  modes  of  expression  occur 
in  Luke  viii.  'J.  xv.  26.  (Jr.  and  xviii.  36.  Gr.  John  vii.  86.  ami  x.  0.  Acts  x.  17. 

QaL  iv.  21.  and  Rev.  i.  'J).  Or.    It  is  evident,  therefore,  ii the  context, 

from  biblical  linage,  and  from  the  .snip.'  ol  the  i  I  might  also  be 

added,  if  the  limits  necessarily  prescribed  to  this  paragraph  would  , 
from  the  testimonies  of  the  fathers  of  the  Christum  church  and  of  other 
ecclesiastical  writers,  both  Greek  and  Latin),  —that  lbs  literal  Inti 

tiuu  of  Malt.  xxvi.  28,  Z~i.  niiiat  be  abandoned,  and  with  it  01  I 

the  modern  Romish  tenet  of  transubstantuuion. 

(0.)  To  change  day  into  night  (Job  xvii.  12.)  is  a  moral  impossibility, 
contrary  to  common  sense,  and  must  be  a  figurative  expression,    In  Isa. 

i.  5,  0.  the  Jewish  nation  are  described   U  being  sorely  itrickctt  >••"  chas- 

man  mortally  wounded,  and  destitute  both  ol   medicine  as 

well  as  of  the  means  of  cure.    That  this  description  is  figurative,  is  evident 

from  the  context i  for  In  the  t«<>  following  verses  the  prophet  delineates 
the  condition  of  the  Jews  In  literal  tei  in 

(7.)  If  a  passage  ol  Scripture  be  a  precept,  prohibiting  some  heinous 
wickedness  or  ci  Ime  or  commanding  us  to  do  good,  It  la  not  Dguratlve ;  but 

if  it  seem  to  <■ maud  any  heinous  wickedness  or  crime,  or  to   forbid  that 

which   is  profitable  or  beneficial  to  others,  it  IS  figurative,  and  must  be 
interpreted  accordingly! 

In  John  vi  53.  Christ  says,  Except  ye  cat  the  flesh  of  the  Son  of  Man, 
anil  ili  ink  his  blood,  y  have  no  life  in  you.  Now  this  sentence  seems  to 
command  s  heinous  wickedness  or  crime:  consequently  it  is  figurative, 
anding  us  to  oommunlcate  of  the  passion  of  our  Iiord,  and  with  de- 
light and  advantage  to  lay  up  in  our  memory,  that  his  llesh  was  wounded 
and  crucified  for  us.» 

It  is  not,  however,  sufficient  to  know  whether  an  expression 
be  figurative,  or  not,  but,  when  this  point  is  ascertained,  another 
of  equal  importance  presents  itself;  namely,  to  interpret  meta- 
phorical expressions  by  corresponding  and  appropriate  terms.  In 
order  to  accomplish  this  object,  it  is  necessary, 

3.  That  we  inquire  in  -what  respects  the  thing-  compared, 
and  that  -with  which  it  is  compared,  respectively  agree,  and 
also  in  what  respects  they  have  any  affiility  or  resemblance. 

For,  as  a  similitude  is  concealed  in  every  metaphor,  it  is  only  by  diligent 
study  that  it  can  be  elicited,  by  carefully  observ  Ing  the  points  of  agreement 
between  the  proper  or  literal  and  the  figurative  meaning.  Por  instance,  the 
prophetic  writers,  and  particularly  Ezekiel,  very  frequently  charge  the 
Israelites  with  having  committed  adultery  and  played  the  harlot,  and  with 
deserting  Jehovah,  their  husband.  From  the  slightest  inspection  of  these 
passages,  it  is  evident  that  spiritual  adultery,  or  idolatry  isjntended.  Now 
ihe  origin  of  this  metaphor  is  to  be  sought  from  one  and  the  same  notion, 
in  which  there  is  an  agreement  between  adultery  and  the  worship  paid  by 
the  Israelites  to  strange  gods.  That  notion  or  idea  is  unfaithfulness;  by 
which  as  a  wife  deceives  her  husband,  so  they  are  represented  as  deci  iv- 
ing  God,  and  as  violating  their  fidelity,  in  forsaking  him. 

To  explain  this  general  remark  more  particularly. 

(1.)  The  sense  of  a  figurative  passage  will  he  known,  if  the  resem- 
blance between  the  things  or  objects  compared  be  so  clear  as  to  be 
immediately  perceived. 

Thus,  if  any  one  be  said  to  iralk  in  the  way  of  the  ungodly,  or  of  the 
godly,  we  readily  apprehend  that  the  imitation  of  the  conduct  of  those  cha- 


( iramm .  lib.  iv.  c.  2.  in  Schroeder's  Syntax.  Regula  38.,  Jahn's  Grammatica 
Hebrasa,  §  92.,  Cellerier's  Grammaire  Hebraique,  p.  206.,  and  in  Glass's 
Philologia  Sacra,  torn.  i.  pp.  149,  150.  (edit.  Dathii.)  That  the  same  con- 
struction exists  in  the  Syriac  Language  is  evident  from  the  examples 
given  by  Bishop  Beveridge  in  his  Grammatica  Syriaca,  p.  30.,  by  Jahn  in  bis 
Elemenla  Aramaicae  seu  Chaldaeo-SyriacaiLinguaB,  pp.  24,  25.,  by  Michaelis 
in  his  Grammatica  Syriaca,  §§  79.  132.,  and  by  Hoffman  in  his  Grammatica 
Syriaca,  pp.  314.  377.  Finally,  the  same  idiom  of  using  the  pronoun  in 
place  of  the  verb  substantive  prevails  in  the  Arabic  Language ;  and  exam- 
ples of  it  arc  given  by  Richardson  in  his  Arabic  Grammar,  chap.  viii.  and 
by  Rosenmiiller  in  his  Institutiones  Linguae  Arabics,  lib.  v.  5  83. 

«  See  the  "  Forms  of  Prayer  for  the  Festivals  of  Passover  and  Pentecost, 
according  to  the  custom  of  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  Jews,  in  Hebrew 
and  English."     By  David  Levi,  p.  20. 

*  Archbishop  Tillotson  in  his  Discourse  on  TransubstanrJatfon  (pp.  14 
— 23.  !2mo.  edit.)  and  Bishop  Burnet  (on  art.  XXViii.)  have  riven  numerous 
passages  from  the  fathers  and  other  ecclesiastical  writers,  from  the  second 
to  the  sixth  century,  in  which  the  Protestant— or  true  interpretation  of 
Matt.  xxvi.  20.  is  maintained.  But  the  fulled  view  of  Christian  antiquity  on 
this  subject  will  be  found  in  a  collection  of  testimonies  from  the  second  to 
the  thirteenth  century  inclusive,  translated  and  published  by  irchbisbop 
Wake,  entitled  "An  Historical  Treatise  written  by  an  Author  of  the  Com- 
munion of  the  Church  of  Rome,  touching  1'ransubstantiation.  Wherein  is 
made  appear,  that,  according  to  the  Principles  of  thai  Church,  this  Doc- 
ti  in  cannot  be  an  Article  of  Faith.  London,  1688."  4to.  The  reader,  who 
is  desirous  of  Investigating  further  this  very  important  subject,  is  referred 

to  the  Rev.  J.  II.  Todd's  edition  of  archbishop  Cranmi  r*s  "  Defeni fthe 

True  and  Catholic  Doctrine  of  the  Sacrament," &c.  (London,  182&8VO.); 

jo  Mr.  Meek's  "  Church  of  England  a  Faithful  Witness  against  the  Errors 
of  the  Church  of  Rome,"  pp.  156—191.  (London,  1834  Bvo  ) ;  to  Mr.  Paber's 
"Difficulties  of  Romanism,"  pp.  89—156.  313—416.  (second  edition);  and  to 
DuMoulin's  unanswered  and  unanswerable  "Anatomy  of  the  Mass,"  trans- 
lated from  the  very  rare  French  original  by  the  Rev.  Robert  Shanks,  A.  M. 
who  has  prefixed  a  concise  and  valuable  History  of  the  Eucharist.  Edin- 
burgh, 1833,  12mo. 

•  The  preceding  rule  and  illustration  are  designed]]!  taken  from  Augus- 
tine, bishop  of  Hippo  in  Africa,  an  ecclesiastical  writer,  in  the  fifth  century. 
of  the  greatest  celebrity  in  the  Romish  church,  in  the  catalogue  of  whose 
supposed  saints  he  is  enrolled  ;  because  John  vi. 53,  is  one  of  Ihe  p  I 
urged  by  that  church  in  support  of  her  novel  dogma  of  transubstantiation. 
The  attentive  reader  will  not  fail  to  observe,  how  completely  Augustine 
refutes  and  condemns  that  dogma.  See  his  treatise  de  Doctrina  Christiana, 
lib.  iii.  c.  16.  On-  t-m  W  n  rv  I.  p.  52.    Paris,  1680. 


is  the  idea  designed  to  be  expressed.  In  like  manner,  when  any 
one  is  compared  to  a  lion,  who  does  not  immediately  understand  that 
strength  of  limbs,  firmness  of  nerve,  and  magnanimity,  are  the  ideas  in 
tended  ti  ■  d?    In  Gen.  xlix.  9.  Judah  is  styled  a.  lion's  whelp,  and 

.  a  lion  and  lioness  couching,  whom  no  one  dares  to  rouse. 
The  warlike  character  and  the  conquests  of  this  tribe  are  here  propheti- 
cally de.-eribi.-c I :  but  the  full  force  of  the  passage  will  not  be  perceived, 
unless  we  know  that  a  lion  is,  among  (he  orientals,  used  figuratively  to  de- 
le.te  a  hero,  and  also  that  a  lion  or  lioness,  when  lying  down  alter  satisfying 

.  i ,  v.  ill  nol  attack  any  person.  Mr.  Park  has  recorded  an  instance 
of  his  providential  escape  from  a  lion  thus  circumstanced,  which  he  saw 
lying  near  the  road,  and  passed  unhurt .« 

(2.)  As,  in  the  sacred  metaphors,  one  particular  is  generally  the 
principal  thing  thereby  exhibited,  the  sense  of  a  metaphor  will  be 
illustrated  by  considering  the  context  of  a  passage  in  which  it  occurs 

This  rule  particularly  applies  to  images,  which  do  not  always  convey  one 
and  the  sane-  meaning.  1'hus,  light  and  darkness  not  only  denote  happi 
ins- and  misery,  but  also  knowledge  and  ignorance ;  which  of  these  two 
significations  is  to  be  preferably  adopted,  the  context  alone  can  show.  In 
I'sal.  ixii  1  we  lead:  Cnlo  tin  upright  there  atisethlight  in  the  darkness. 
Bishop  Horsley  thinks  that  this  is  an  allusion  to  what  happened  in  Egypt, 
when  the  I  raelites  had  light  in  all  their  dwellings  in  Goshen,  while  the  rest 
of  Egypt  was  enveloped  in  darkne  Be  this,  however,  as  it  may,  since 

the  design  of  the  psalm  in  question  is,  to  show  ihe  blessedness  of  the 
righteous  and  the  final  perdition  of  the  ungodly,  the  context  will  plainly 
Indicate  that  happiness  is  the  idea  intended  in  This  verse;  for.  if  we  con- 
sult what  prei  -  ill  find  thai  temporal  prosperity  is  promised  to 
bteous,  and  that,  among  the  particulars  in  which  his  prosperity  is 
stated  to  consist,  it  is  specified  that  his  seed  shall  he  mighty  upon  rarth  ; 
the  generation  of  the  upright  shall  be  blessed;  wealth  and  riches  shall  be 
in  his  house.  On  the  contrary,  inPsal.  xix.  8.  when-  the  ci  mmandment  of 
Jehovah  is  said  to  enlighten  the  eyes,  the  idea  of  spiritual  knowledge  is 
intended,  and  this  phrase  corresponds  to  that  in  the  preceding  verse,  where 
the  testimony  of  Jehovah  is  said  to  make  wise  the  simple.  In  the  New 
Testament,  light  and  darkness  are  of  frequent  occurrence,  and  in  like  man- 
ner designate  a  state  of  knowledge  and  a  state  of  ignorance.  It  may  be 
sufficient  to  refer  to  Luke  i.  78,  79.  Acts  xxvi.  18.  Rom.  i.  21.  Eph.  iv.  18. 
and  v.  8.  1  Pet.  ii.  9. 

(3.)  The  sense  of  a  figurative  expression  is  often  known  from  tht 
sacred  writer's  own  explanation  of  it. 

In  common  with  profane  writers,  whether  in  prose  or  verse,  the  inspire., 
penmen  of  the  Old  Testament  frequently  subjoin  to  figurative  expressions 
proper  or  literal  terms,  and  thus  explain  the  meaning  intended  to  be  I  on 
veyed  by  the  images  they  employ.  Thus,  in  Esther  viii.  lfi.  it  is  said  that 
the  Jews  had  light  and  gladness,  and  joy  and  honour  ;  here  the  explana 
tory  synonymes  mark  the  greatness  of  their  prosperity  and  joy.  In  Psai 
xcvli.  11.  light  is  said  to  be  sown  for  the  righteous:  the  exposition  imme 
diately  follows,  and  joy  for  the  upright  in  heart.  In  like  mariner,  when 
the  prophet  Hosea  complains  that  a  spirit  of  lasciviousness  had  driven  the 
Israelites  astray  (Hog.  iv.  12.),  he  explains  his  meaning  not  only  by  subjoin- 
ing that  they  forsook  their  God,  but  in  the  following  verse  he  states  in  cleat 
and  literal  terms  the  eagerness  with  which  they  committed  idolatry  ;  vpom 
the  tops  of  the  mountains  they  sacrifice,  and  upon  the  hills  they  burn  in- 
cense, <fcc. 

(4.)  The  sense  of  a  figurative  expression  may  also  be  ascertained 
by  consulting  parallel  passages  ;  in  which  the  same  thing  is  expressed 
pr<r-  ~y  and  literally,  or  in  which  the  same  word  occurs,  so  that  the 
senst-,  may  be  readily  apprehended. 

The  Hebrew  prophets  very  often  represent  Jehovah  as  holding  in  his 
hand  a  cup,  and  presenting  it  to  men  who  are  compelled  to  drink  it  up  to 
the  very  dregs.  The  intoxicated  stagger,  and,  falling  prostrate  on  the 
ground,  shamefully  vomit  forth  the  wine  they  have  drunk.  This  metaphor 
is  frequently  repeated  in  various  ways  by  the  sacred  poets,  who  sometimes 
only  glance  at  it,  while  at  others  they  more  fully  illustrate  it.  Compare 
Obad.  16.  Nahnm  iii.  11.  Habak.  ii.  16.  Psal.  lxxv.  8.  Jer.  xrv.  15-27.  and 
Ezekiel  xxiii.  33,  34.  Now,  if  there  were  any  doubt  as  to  the  meaning  of 
the  image  occurring  in  these  passages,  its  sense  might  be  immediately 
ascertained  by  comparing  the  following  parallel  passage  in  Isaiah  li.  17—23., 
in  which  the  prophet  portrays  Jerusalem  as  a  woman  so  intoxicated  as  to 
be  unable  to  stand  ;  but  in  which  he  introduces  some  words  that  clearly 
mark  the  sense  of  the  metaphor.  The  passage  itself,  Bishop  Lowth  justly 
remarks,  is  poetry  of  the  first  order,  sublimity  of  the  highest  proof. 

Rouse  thyself,  rouse  thyself  up;  arise,  O  Jerusalem  ! 

Who  hast  drunken  from  the  hand  of  Jehovah  the  cup  of  his  fury  ; 

The  dregs  of  the  cup  of  trembling  thou  hast  drunken,  thou  hast  wrung 
them  out. 

There  is  not  one  to  lead  her,  of  all  the  6ons  which  she  hath  brought 
forth  ; 

Neither  is  there  one  to  support  her  by  the  hand,  of  nil  the  sons  which 
she  hath  educated. 

These  two  things  have  befallen  thee  ;  who  shall  bemoan  thee? 

Desolation  and  destruction  ;  the  famine  and  the  sword  ;  who  shall  com- 
fort theel 

T!iv  sons  lie  astounded ;  they  are  cast  down  : 

At  the  head  of  all  the  streets,  like  the  oryx*  taken  in  the  toiU ; 

Drenched  to  the  full  with  the  fury  of  Jehovah,  with  the  fury  of  thy  God 

Wherefore  hear  now  this,  O  thou  afflicted  daughter; 

And  thou  drunken,  but  not  wilh  wine. 

Thus  saith  thy  Lord  Jehovah  ; 

And  thy  God,  who  avengeth  his  people ; 

Behold  I  take  from  thy  hand  Ihe  cup  of  trembling; 

The  dregs  of  the  cup  of  my  fury  : 

Thou  shalt  drink  of  it  again  no  more. 

But  I  will  put  it  into  the  hand  of  them  who  oppress  thee ; 

Who  said  to  thpe,  Bow  down  thy  body,  that  we  may  go  over: 

And  thou  layedst  down  thy  back,  as  the  ground  : 

And  as  the  street  to  them'that  pass  along. 

Bishop  Lowth's  >  ersion. 

(5.)  Consider  History. 

A  consideration  of  events  recorded  in  history  will  very  frequently  show, 
how  far  and  in  what  sense  any  expression  is  to  be  understood  figuratively 
Thus  uianv  and  various  things  are  said  relative  to  the  comma  of  Christ, 


*  Travels  in  the  Interior  of  Africa,  p.  310     London,   1807.  8r0    or  te 
Pinkerton's  Collection  of  Voyages,  vol.  xvi.  p.  848. 

•  Or  wild  bull. 


3f>8 


ON  THE  FIGURATIVE  LANGUAGE  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


[Part  II.  Book  II 


ais  kingdom,  government,  and  adversaria.  Now  history  informs  us,  thai 
he  came,  at  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  to  rule  and  govern  lar  and  wide 
l>v  Hie  spreading  of  the  Gospel.  In  Matt.  x.  M.  Christ  says  that  he  came 
not  to  send  peace  on  earth,  bul  isteord.  In  tlic  parallel  passage,  Luke 
xii.  51.,  lie  says  that  he  cametocau.se  division.  The  general  import  ol 
these  two  passages  is,  thai  he  would  cause  discord,  and  as  it  were  sow  dis- 
sensions. But  in  what  sense  could  the  blessed  Saviour  mean  that  he  would 
cause  discord  1  We  learn  from  history,  that  in  consequence  of  the  diffusion 
of  the  Christian  religion,  nations  and  families  became  divided,  so  that  some 
embraced  it  while  others  rejected  it,  and  the  former  were  persecuted  by 
the  latter  on  account  of  their  Christian  profession.  A  further  exposition 
j(  this  passage  is  given  in  p.  457.  infra. 

(6.)  Consider  the  connection  of  doctrine,  as  well  as  the  context  of 
the  figurative  passage. 

A  consideration  of  the  connection  of  doctrine,  as  well  as  of  the  context, 
will  often  lead  to  the  origin  of  the  figurative  expressions  employed  by  the 
sacred  writers,  and  consequently  enable  us  to  ascertain  their  meaning: 
for  very  frequently  some  word  precedes  or  follows,  or  some  synonyme  is 
annexed,  that  plainly  indicates  whether  the  expression  is  to  be  taken  pro- 
perlv  or  figuratively.  For  instance,  the  words  sin  and  iniquity,  which  are 
of  such  frequent  occurrence  in  the  law  of  Moses,  are  tropically  put  for 
punishment;  and  that  the  phrase,  to  bear  one's  sin  or  iniquity,  is  equiva- 
lent to  the  suffering  of  the  punishment  due  to  sin,  appears  from  the 
synonymous  expressions  of  being  cut  off  from  the  people,  and  dying  being 
very  often  annexed.'  As  in  Levit.  xix.  8.  Exoo'us  xxviii.  43.  Num.  xiv.  34. 
and  xviii.  22.  32,  &c.  Thus  also  diseases  and  infirmities  are  called  sins, 
because  they  are  considered  as  the  punishment  of  sin  (as  in  Isa.  liii.  4. 
with  Matt.  viii.  17.),  the  figure  in  which  passage  is  subsequently  explained 
in  verse  5.  Compare  also  verse  12.  and  Psalm  xxxviii.  3—5.  Ezek.  xxxiii. 
10.  and  John  ix.  2,  3.  So  likewise  in  Gen.  xxxi.  42.  53.  the  context  mani- 
festly shows  that  the  fear  of  Isaac,  and  the  fear  of  his  father,  are  put  for 
Jehovah,  the  object  of  fear  and  reverence.  Once  more;  when  in  1  Pet. 
ii.  5.  9.  believers  are  said  to  be  living  stones,  a  spiritual  house,  and  a  royal 
priesthood,  as  these  expressions  are  derived  from  the  Old  Testament,  we 
must  recur  to  Exodus  xix.  5,6.  in  order  to  ascertain  the  full  extent  of  their 
privileges.  The  general  tenor  of  the  Apostle's  address  then  will  be,  "  Con- 
sider yourselves  as  forming  part  of  a  nobler  temple  than  that  of  the  Jews, 
and  in  which  a  much  more  spiritual  sacrifice  is  offered  to  God  through 
Christ. — You,  who  have  embraced  the  Gospel,  are  considered  by  God  as 
inheritors  of  all  those  holy  blessings  which  were  promised  to  the  Jews." 

(7.)  In  fixing  the  sense  exhibited  by  a  metaphor,  the  comparison 
ought  never  to  be  extended  too  far,  or  into  any  thing  which  cannot 
be  properly  applied  to  the  person  or  thing  represented. 

In  other  words,  a  comparison  which  ordinarily  has  but  one  particular 
view  ought  not  to  be  strained,  in  order  to  make  it  agree  in  other  respects, 
where  it  is  evident  that  there  is  not  a  similitude  of  ideas.  For  instance,  in 
Isa.  xl.  6.  we  read  all  flesh  is  grass ;  that  is,  all  mankind  are  liable  to  wither 
and  decay,  and  will  wither  and  decay  like  grass.  But  this  metaphor  would 
be  tortured  to  a  meaning,  which,  as  it  is  foolish  and  absurd,  we  may  be 
sure  was  never  intended  by  the  inspired  writer,  if  we  were  to  say  that 
mankind  were  like  grass,  or  were  grass  in  colour  or  shape.  What  wild, 
and  indeed  what  wicked,  abuse,  would  be  made  of  the  Scripture  expres- 
sion concerning  our  Lord  that  he  will  come  as  a  thief  in  the  night  (Rev. 
xvi.  15.),  if  we  were  not  to  confine  the  sense  to  the  suddenness  and  sur- 
prisal  of  the  thief,  but  should  extend  it  to  the  temper  and  designs  of  the 
villain  who  breaks  open  houses  in  the  night?1  Hence,  though  one  meta- 
phor may  be  brought  to  signify  many  things  with  respect  to  some  different 
qualities,  and  diverse  attributes,  it  nevertheless  is  very  evident  that  that 
sense  ought  chiefly  to  be  attended  to,  which  appears  to  be  designed  by 
the  Spirit  of  God,  and  which  is  obviously  figured  out  to  us  in  the  nature, 
form,  or  use  of  the  thing,  from  which  the  metaphor  is  taken.  Thus,  Christ 
is  called  a  lion  (Rev.  v.  5.)  because  he  is  noble,  heroic,  and  invincible; 
Satan,  the  grand  adversary  of  souls,  is  called  a  lion  in  1  Pel.  v.  8.  because 
he  is  rapacious,  roaring,  and  devouring.  And  wicked  men  are  termed 
lions  in  Job  iv.  10,  11.  and  2  Tim.  iv.  17.  Decause  they  are  fierce,  outrage- 
ous, and  cruel  to  weaker  men. 

(8.)  In  the  interpretation  of  figurative  expressions  generally,  and 
those  which  particularly  occur  in  the  moral  parts  of  Scripture,  the 
meaning  of  such  expressions  ought  to  be  regulated  by  those  which 
are  plain  and  clear. 

All  mere  maxims,  whether  plain  or  figurative,  must  be  understood  in  a 
manner  consistent  with  possibility  and  the  rules  of  humanity.  The  rule 
just  stated  is  especially  applicable  to  the  right  interpretation  of  Matt.  v. 
38 — 42.,  which  enjoins  us  not  to  retaliate,  but  to  bear  small  injuries,  and 
Matt.  vi.  19.31.34.,  which  prohibits  thoughtfulness  about  worldly  concerns; 
which  injunctions  have  been  objected  to,  as  being  impracticable  general 
duties,  inconsistent  with  natural  instinct  and  law,  and  altogether  destructive 
of  society.  If,  however,  the  present  rule  be  kept  in  view,  and  if  we  attend 
to  the  auditors  and  occasion  of  tins  discourse  and  to  the  context,  the  true 
sense  of  the  precepts  before  us  will  be  evident. 

The  auditors  were  the  multitude  and  the  disciples  of  Christ,  as  appears 
from  the  context  both  preceding  and  following  the  sermon,  and  also  from 
the  conclusion  of  it. •»  The  multitude  and  the  disciples  were  likewise  the 
auditors  of  the  same,  or  a  similar,  discourse  recorded  by  Luke.'  They 
were  both,  therefore,  intended  for  general  instruction  to  all  Christians. 
Particular  appropriate  instructions  to  his  apostles,  and  to  the  seventy  dur- 
ing his  ministry,  Christ  gave  to  them  when  he  sent  them  forth  to  preach 
and  work  miracles  ;«  and  upon  other  occasions  when  they  were  in  private.' 
After  Jesus  had  been  delivering  some  similar  instructions  to  those  in  the 
sermon  on  the  mount,  he  tells  Peter  that  they  were  designed  for  general 
use.'  Our  Lord,  therefore,  probably  delivered  the  precepts  we  are  con- 
sidering in  such  language  as  was  intelligible  to  the  multitude.  Now  they, 
instead  of  viewing  them  as  "  impracticable,  inconsistent  with  natural  law! 
and  destructive  of  society,"  expressed  their  great  admiration  of  the  wisdom 
and  dignity  with  which  he  taught.' 

The  occasion  of  this  sermon  was,  towards  the  beginning  of  his  ministry, 
to  teach  the  true  nature  of  the  Messiah's  kingdom,  to  give  laws  suitable  to 
it,  and  to  correct  the  false  and  worldly  notions  of  it,  which  the  Jews  in 
general  entertained.  They  were  filled  with  ideas  of  conquest,  and  revenue 
against  the  Romans,  and  of  enriching  themselves  by  plunder.  But  Christ 
instead  of  countenancing  a  vindictive  temper,  enjoins  lenity,  forbearance' 

i  Numerous  similar  instances  are  given  by  Glassius,  Philologia  Sacra 
(edit.  Dathii,")  lib.  ii.  pp.  918—921. 
a  Matt.  v.  1. ;  vii.  24.  23  ;  viii.  1.  a  Luke  vi.  17.  47-^9. ;  vii.  1. 

«  Matt.  x.    Mark  vi.  7—11.    Luke  ix.  1—6. ;  x.  1.  24. 
»  Matt.  xiii.  10—23.  36—43.  51.     John  xiv.— xvii. 
•  Luke  xii.  41^18  '  Matt.  vii.  28, 29. 


and  kindness  to  those  who  injure  us.  These  directions  accord  with  the 
disposilions  which,  in  the  introduction  to  the  sermon,  he  pronounces  to  be 
requisite  to  true  happiness;  with  his  plain  injunctions  to  forgive  in  juries  , 
with  the  general  strain  of  his  discourses,  with  the  condition  of  humanity  , 
and  with  the  context,  both  in  Matthew  and  Luke.*  In  connection  with  the 
precepts  we  are  considering,  in  both  evangelists,  "doing  to  others  as  we 
would  have  them  do  to  us,'* and,  "  doing  good  to  our  enemies,  in  imitutx  n 
of  our  heavenly  Father,"  are  enjoined.  These  plain  comprehensive  nil' s 
are  intioduced  as  including  the  figurative  ones  here  specified,  which  iioi.it 
out  small  injuries.  And  trivial  instances  are  here  specified,  probably  io 
point  out  the  necessity  of  extending  a  lenient  and  forbearing  disposition  to 
small  circumstances,  in  order  to  pervade  every  social  sentiment  and  acton 
with  the  temper  of  kindness,  and  to  prevent  a  vindictive  spirit  from  insinu- 
ating itself  by  the  smallest  avenues  into  our  hearts.  That  these  commands 
are  not  to  be  taken  literally,  as  enjoining  the  particular  actions  here  speci 
lied,  but  the  disposition  of  forgiveness  and  benevolence,  is  apparent,  no. 
only  from  its  being  usual  in  the  East  to  put  the  action  for  the  disposition,* 
and  from  the  manner  in  which  the  precepts  are  introduced,  but  alto  from 
our  Lord's  own  conduct.  For  he  mildly  reproved  the  officer  who  struck 
him  at  his  trial.19  Though  he  had  before  voluntarily  given  himself  up  to  the 
persons  who  were  sent  to  take  him,  bade  Peter  sheathe  the  sword  with 
which  he  had  maimed  one  of  them,  and  himself  miraculously  cured  him, 
yet  even  here  he  gently  reproved  them  for  the  manner  in  which  they  came 
to  apprehend  him. "  These  instances  of  Christ's  different  behaviour  under 
a  variation  of  circumstances,  show  that  he  meant  these  precepts  to  be  inter- 
preted, according  to  the  nature  and  reason  of  the  case.  He  might  express 
them  the  more  strongly  in  order  to  contradict  Ecclus.  xii.  4, 5.  7.,  and  similar 
improper  sentiments  and  practices  which  at  that  time  prevailed  in  Judaea. 
Neither  did  Paul  act  agreeably  to  the  literal  sense  of  the  commands  in 
question.14 

The  injunction  not  to  lay  up  your  treasures  upon  earth,  but  in  heaven,** 
according  to  the  Hebrew  idiom,  means,  to  prefer  heavenly  to  earthly  trea- 
sures. The  reason  given  for  it  is,  because,  making  earthly  treasures  the 
chief  object,  beclouds  the  moral  eye,  the  guide  of  life,  and  is  inconsistent 
with  the  love  and  service  of  God.  Christ  adds,  ".therefore  take  no  thought,  ' 
or,  as  it  should  be  translated,  "be  not  anxious  about  food,  drink  or  cloth- 
ing," but  with  moderate  care  only  about  them,  trust  the  providence  of  your 
heavenly  Father.  Let  your  first  and  chief  care  be  to  do  your  duly.  Do 
not  anxiously  anticipate  the  cares  of  the  morrow.  All  this  accords  with 
our  best  natural  sentiments,  and  with  the  other  instructions  of  our  Lord. 
The  auditors  and  occasion  of  the  discourse,  together  with  the  language  and 
connection  in  which  the  directions  are  given,  show  these  to  be  the  ideas 
which  Jesus  meant  to  convey.1* 

4.  Lastly,  in  explaining  the  figurative  language  of  Scrip- 
ture, care  must  be  taken  that  we  do  not  judge  of  the  applica- 
tion of  characters  from  modern  usage;  because  the  inhabitants 
of  the  East  have  very  frequently  attached  a  character  to  the 
idea  expressed,  -widely  different  from  that  which  usually  pre- 
sents itself  to  our  views. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  East,  from  their  lively  imaginations,  very  often 
make  use  of  far-fetched  comparisons,  and  bring  together  things  which,  in 
our  judgments,  are  the  most  dissimilar.  Besides,  since  the  Hebrew  mode 
of  living  differed  greatly  from  ours,  and  many  things  were  in  use  and  com- 
mended by  the  Israelites  which  to  us  are  unknown,  we  ought  not  to  be  sur- 
prised, if  there  be  a  very  wide  difference  subsisting  between  the  metapho- 
rical expressions  of  the  Hebrews,  and  those  which  are  familiar  to  us,  and 
if  they  should  sometimes  appear  harsh,  and  seem  to  convey  a  different 
meaning  from  that  which  we  are  accustomed  to  receive.  Thus,  in  Deut. 
xxxiii.  17.  the  glory  of  the  tribe  of  Joseph  is  compared  to  the  firstling  of  a 
bullock;  in  like  manner  Amos  (iv.  1.)  compares  the  noble  women  of  Israel 
to  the  kine  of  Bashan,  and  Hosea  compares  the  Israelites  to  refractory 
kine  that  shake  off  the  yoke.  The  patriarch  Jacob  in  his  prophetic  and 
valedictory  address  to  his  children  (Gen.  xlix.  14.),  in  which  he  foretells 
their  own  and  their  descendants'  future  condition,  terms  Issachar  a  strong 
ass,  literally  a  strong-boned  or  strong-limbed  ass.  Now,  if  we  take  these 
metaphors  according  to  their  present  sense  we  shall  greatly  err.  Th*e  ox 
tribe  of  animals,  whose  greatest  beauty  and  strength  lie  in  its  horns,  was 
held  in  very  honour  among  the  ancient  nations,  and  was  much  esteemed 
on  account  of  its  aptitude  for  agricultural  labour:  hence  Moses  especially 
enacts,  that  the  ox  should  not  be  muzzled  while  treading  out  the  corn. 
The  ass  tribe,  in  the  East,  is  robust  and  more  handsome,  as  well  as  much 
quicker  in  its  pace,  than  those  animals  are  in  our  country  ;  and  therefore 
princes  and  persons  of  noble  birth  thought  it  no  degradation  to  ride  on 
asses.  Hence,  in  the  opinion  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  East,  it  is  not  reck- 
oned disgraceful  to  be  compared  with  oxen  and  asses ;  nor,  if  a  metaphor 
be  derived  from  those  animals,  do  they  intend  to  convey  the  same  mean- 
ing which  we  should  express  by  a  figure  drawn  from  them.  In  the  com- 
parison of  the  tribe  of  Joseph  to  the  firstling  of  a  bullock,  the  point,  of 
resemblance  is  strength  and  powcrA*  In  the  comparison  of  the  matrons 
of  Samaria  to  the  kine  of  Bashan,  the  point  of  resemblance  is  luxury  and 
wantonness  flowing  from  their  abundance  :'*  in  the  comparison  of  Issachar 
to  an  ass,  the  point  of  resemblance  is  bodily  strength  and  vigour  ;  for  in 
that  animal  the  Hebrews  were  accustomed  to  regard  strength,  though  we 
usually  associate  with  it  the  idea  of  slowness  and  stupidity." 

»  Matt.  v.  43—48.     Luke  vi.  27—36. 

»  Matt.  v.  38.     Luke  xxii.  36. ;  xix.  13, 14.    John  xiii.  14, 15.  17. 

'"  John  xviii.  22,23. 

•  i  Mark  xiv.  48.    Matt.  xxvi.  55.    Luke  xxii.  50—53.    John  xviii.  10. 

«»  Acts  xxiii.  3. ;  xvi.  37. 

13  Matt.  vi.  19—34.    John  vi.  27. 

i»  Blair  on  Christ's  Sermon  on  the  Mount.  Newcome's  Observations  on 
Christ,  p.  30.  part  i.  chap.  1.  sect.  9. 

"  Mr.  Brown  has  recorded  a  similar  figure,  which  is  in  use  at  the  pre- 
sent time  at  the  court  of  the  sultan  of  Dar  Fur,  in  Africa ;  where,  during 
public  audiences,  a  kind  of  hired  encomiast  stands  at  the  monarch's  right 
hand,  crying  out,  "See  the  buffalo,  the  offspring  of  a  buffalo,  the  bull  of 
bulls,  the  elephant  of  a  superior  strength,  the  powerful  Sultan  Ab-delrach- 
man-al-rashid !"  Journey  to  Dar  Fur,  chap.  1.  in  fine,  or  Pinkerton's 
Voyages,  vol.  xv.  p.  122. 

»•  The  propriety  of  this  comparison  will  appear  when  it  is  recollected 
that  Bashan  was  celebrated  for  the  richness  of  its  pastures,  and  its  breed 
of  cattle.  (See  Num.  xxxii.  4.  Deut.  xxxii.  14.  and  Ezek.  xxxix.  IS.) 
This  region  still  retains  its  ancient  fertility  ;  and  its  robust,  handsome,  and 
independent  inhabitants  are  such  as  we  may  conceive  its  ancient  possess- 
ors to  have  been.     See  Buckingham's  Travels  in  Palestine,  pp.  325—329. 

"  Bauer,  Herm.  Sacra,  pp.  206.  210— 213.  W  281.  Ernesti,  Instit.  Interp 
Nov.  Test.  pp.  99—110.  Morus  in  Ernesti,  torn.  i.  pp.  260—300.  Jahn, 
Enchirid.  Hermeneut.  pp.  100—119. 


Chip.  L  Sect.  II.] 


ON  THE  INTERPRETATION  OF  METONYMIES. 


Job 


SECTION  II. 

ON   THE    INTERPRETATION    OK   THE   METONYMIES  OCCURRING    IN 
THE  SCRIPTURES. 

Nature  of  a  Metonymy. —  1.  Metonymy  of the  came. — 2.  Me- 
tonymy of  the  effiit. — :).  Metonymy  of  the  subject, — 4. 
Metonymy  of  the  adjunct,  in  which  the  adjunct  is  put  for 

the  subject. 

A  Metonymy  is  ;i  trope,  by  which  Wr  substitute  ooe  ;ij>- 
pellation  l'<>r  another,'  .is  ihe  cause  for  the  effect,  the  effect  fur 
thec««.w,  the  subject  fur  tlio  adjunct,  or  the  adjunct  for  the 
auto  <■/. 

A  Metonymy  if  the  cause  is  used  in  Scriptuie,  when  the 
person  acting  is  put  tor  the  thing  done,  or  the  instrument  l>y 
which  a  thing  is  done  is  put  for  the  thing  effected,  or  when 
a  thing  or  action  is  put  lor  the  effect  produced  by  that  action. 

A  Metonymy  of  tin  effect  occurs,  when  the  effect  is  put  for 
the  efficient  causd) 

A  Metonymy  "f  the  subject  is,  when  the  subject  is  put  for 
the  adjunct  ;  that  is,  for  some  circumstance  or  appendage 
belonging  to  the  subject :  when  the  tiling  or  place  containing 
is  put  lor  the  thing  contained  or  placed  ;  when  the  possessor  is 
put  for  the  thing  possessed/  when  the  object  is  put,  for  the  thing 
conversant  about  it ;  or  when  the  thing  signified  is  put  for  its 
sign. 

A  Metonymy  of  the  adjunct  is,  when  that  which  belongs 
'o  any  thing  serves  to  represent  the  thing  itself. 


I.  METONYMY  OF  THE  CAUSE. 


1.  Frequently  the  person  acting  is  put  fur  the  thing  done. 

1.  Thus,  Christ  is  put  for  his  Doctrine  in  Rom.  xvi.  9. 

Salute  Urbunus  our  helper  in  Christ,  thai  Is,  in  preaching  the  doctrines 
of  the  Gospel,  he  having  been  a  fellow-labourer  with  the  apostles.  Similar 
instances  occur  in  1  Cor.  iv.  15.  and  Eplfl  iv.  20. 

2.  The  Holy  Spirit  is  put  for  His  Effects,  as  in  2  Cor.  iii.  fi. 

Who  hath  made  us  able  ministers  of  the  new  covenant,  not  of  the  letter  but 
of  the  spirit ;  fur  the  letter  killeth,  but  the  spirit  giveth  life.  Here,  by  the 
word  letter  we  are  to  understand  the  late  written  on  tables  of  stone,  which 
required  perfect  obedience,  and  which  no  man  can  perform  because  of  the 
corruption  of  bis  nature  ;  therefore  the  law  or  letter  killeth,  that  is,  can  pnj- 
nounce  nothing  hut  a  sentence  of  condemnation  and  eternal  death 
man.  Rut  by  the  spirit  is  intended  the  savin;  doctrine  of  the  Gospel,  which 
derives  its  origin  from  the  Holy  Spirit,  the  Comforter,  who  teaches  or 
instructs,  and  prepares  man  for  eternal  life.  In  the  same  sense,  Jesus 
Christ  says  John  vi.  03.  The  words  that  I  speak  they  are  spirit  and  life, 
that  is,  they  are  from  the  Spirit  of  God,  and,  if  received  with  true  faith,  will 
lead  to  eternal  life.  A  similar  mode  of  expression  occurs  in  Uom.  viii.  2. 
Here,  by  the  laic  of  the  spirit  of  life  is  meant  the  doctrine  of  the  Gospel, 
because  it  is  a  peculiar  instrument  of  the  operation  of  tin-  Holy  Spirit ;  who, 
by  a  divine  efficacy,  changes  the  heart,  and  writes  his  law  there,  which 
now  is  not  only  inscribed  on  tablets  or  parchments,  but  also  penetrates  the 
very  heart  of  man,  and  quickens  the  soul  to  spiritual  motions  and  actions. « 

3.  The  Holy  Spirit  is  put  for  His  Operations  : 

For  renewing.  Psal.  li.  10.  Ezek.  xx.xvi.  2fi,  27.  compared  with  Eph.  iv.  23. 
Horn.  xii.  2.  which  passages  imply  nothing  less  than  a  radical  change,  both 
external  or  moral,  and  internal  or  spiritual,  wrought  in  the  sou!  by  the 
Influence  of  divine  grace. 

4.  The  Holy  Spirit  is  put  for  the  Infttences  or  Gifts  of  the 
Spirit,  as  in  1  Thess.  v.  19.    Quench  not  the  Spirit. 

The  similitude  is  borrowed  from  the  ancient  altar  of  burnt-offering,  in 
which  the  lire  was  to  he  kepi  continually  burning.  The  Holy  Spirit  is  hero 
re>presented  as  a  lire,  because  it  is  His  province  to  enlighten,  quicken, 
purify,  ami  refine  the  soul  and  to  excite  and  maintain  every  pious  ami 
devout  affection.    The  Christian,  therefore,  must  not  quench  the  sacred 

tla f  the  Holy  Spirit  in  any  of  his  influences  by  committing  any  act, 

Uttering  any   word,    or  indulging  any  sensual    or   malevolent  disposition. 

which  may  provoke  Him  to  withdraw  both  His  gifts  ami  graces.  Neither 
must  ihr  <  Ihristian  extinguish  tin-  gift*  of  tht  Spirit,  bul  keep  them  in  con- 
stant exercise,  as  love,  joy,  peace,  long-suffering,  gentleness,  goodness, 
fidelity,  meekness,  Ac.    so,  in  2  Tim.  i  6   Saint  Paul  up  the 

Kiftof  God  irhtch  is  in  thee,  means  the  sift  of  tht  If'ly  Spirit.     9 
lTim.  iv.  it. 

Again,  when  our  Saviour  ''exhorts  us  to  ask  with  confidence  for  spiritual 
aid,  appealing  to  the  conduct  of  men.  he  adds,  If  y  then,  being  evil,  know 
how  to  five  so'id  gifts  unto  your  rhildr*  n,  ftOU)  much  mure  shall  your  hea- 
venly Father  give  the  Holy  Spirit  to  them  th  it  ask  him  V  (Luke  *■  13  ) 
By  which  he  would  have  us  distinctly  understand  thru  if  man,  with  all  his 
Imperfections  and  all  his  unkindness.  can  yet  he  tender-hearted  to  his 
children,  and  seasonably  bestow  on  them  beneficial  sifts,  much  more  will 
God,  who  is  perfection  and  benignity  itself,  most  assuredly  impart  the  bless- 
ing of  his  Holy  Spirit  to  those  who  earnestly  and  anxiously  implore  divine 
help, — that  help  which  can  illumine  what  is  dark  :  ran  strengthen  what  is 
'rresolute ;  can  restrain  what  is  violent ;  can  comfort  what  is  afflicted  ;  in 

1  Quintilian.  lib.  viii.  c.  vi.  torn.  ii.  p  103.  ed.  Bipont. 
*  Flaccus  lllyricus,  in  Clav.  Script  pars  1  col.  1162. 
Vol.  I.  3B 


such  a  manner,  and  to  such  a  degree,  as  may  be  requisite  for  th,  sou,  when 
struggling  under  different  hut  dimcull  temptations ;  that  help,  without  which 
■  i  cannot  persevere  in  rectitude  of  thought  and  action. "■> 

5.  Spirit  also  denotes  a  Divine  Power  or  energy,  reigning  in 
the  soul  of  a  renewed  man. 

Compare  LoJh  i  10,  47.  with  1  Thess.  v.  23.;  and  for  other  places,  where 
tin-  word  I  for  tbe  n*  <r  man  and  spiritual  strength,  see  Isa. 

xxvi.  9.  Ezek.  xviii.  31.  Mut  xxvi  41.  Roin.  i.  9.  1  Cor.  v.  3—5.  and  vi.  20 
Gal.  iii.  3,  4c. 

6.  More  especially  the  Holy  Spirit  is  put  for  those  peculiar 
and  extraordinary  Gifts  of  the  Spirit,  which,  for  various 
uses,  whether  public  or  private,  spiritual  or  temporal,  are  be- 
stowed on  man. 

Thus,  in  2  Kings  ii.  9  Elisha  earnestly  requests  of  Elijah,  Lit  a  doubk 
tf  thy  spirit  rest  upon  me  ;  that  is,  an  extraordinary  measure  of  the 
tuns  oi  prophecy    'nil  of  power  In  working  miracles,  which  are  ben 
the  pot '  See  also  Num.  xt.  17         i  •  1 1  •■  pro- 

phei  Daniel  had  a  tin  pirit,  that  is  a  more  eminent  gift  of  the 

spirit,  more  knowledge,  sad  more  understanding. 

7.  The  Spirit  is  also  put  for  revelations,  visions,  or  ecstacies, 
whether  really  from  the  Holy  Spirit,  or  pretended  to  be  so. 

Ezek.  xxxvii.  1.    The  hand  of  the  Lord  *  m  the  Spirit  of  Utt 

thai  la,  by  a  vision  or/apture  of  spirit.    2  Thess  U.2.  That  yt 

shaken  in  mind, — neither  by  spirit,  6k .  that   is,  by  revelatioi 
lo   ,  omo   Ik, mi    ilii    spirit.     Rev.  i.   JO.    /  was  in  the  s/n'rit  thai   is.   In   an 
ecstacy  and  peculiar  revelation  of  the  Holy  Spirit  Rev.  iv. 

2.  xvii.  :i.  xxf.  10.  ami  2  Cor.  xii.  2.  To  tins  head  may  also  be  referred  those 
passages  where  spirit  is  put  for  doctrines,  whether  really  reveal)  d  or  pre. 
tended  to  he  so  ;   u  in  1  Tim.  iv,  1.  v.  In  1 1  pirilS  are  inn  tided 

ihers  who  pretend  to  receive  their  doctrine  Iron,  the  Spirit  ol  God  ; 
and  1  John  iv.  1.  where  spirit  is  put  for  doctrine  pretended  to  be  n 
by  the  false  teachers  from  God. 

8.  Parents  or  Ancestors  are  put  for  their  Posterity  :  this 
mode  of  speaking  is  of  very  frequent  occurrence  in  the  Sacred 
Writings. 

Thus  Shem,  Japhet,  and  Canaan,  are  put  for  their  posterity,  in  Gen.  Ix. 

27.  Jacob  and  Israel  for  the  Israelites,  in  Exod.  v.  2.  Num.  xxiit.  21. 
xxjv.5.17.  Deut.  xxxiii.  28.  1  Kings  xviii.  17,  18.  Psal.  xiv.  7.  and  i  . 
Amos  vii.  0.  in  which  verse  Isaac,  as  in  verse  10.  the  House  of  Isaac,  meant 
the  same  people.  The  seed  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob,  (of  ichom, 
according  to  the  flesh,  Christ  came,  Rom.  ix.  5.)  is  put  for  Christ  himself, 
in  Gen.  xii.  3.  xviii.  18.  xxii.  19.  xxvi.  4.  xxviii.  14.  and  Gal.  iii. 8.,  ac 
dent  by  comparing  Acts  iii.  25.  and  Gal  iii.  14.  16.  In  2  Chron.  XXV.  24. 
dom  is  puffor  his  descendants,  who,  it  appears  from  I  Chron.  XXV 
15.,  wen  poit.is  and  keepers  of  the  sacred  treasures.  In  Ezek.  xxxiv.  23. 
Da i- id  is  put  for  David's  Lord,  the  illustrious  Messiah. 

9.  The  Writer  or  Author  is  put  for  his  Book  or  Work  . 

As  in  Luke  xvi.  20.  xxiv.  27.  Acts  xv.  21.,  xxi.  21.  and  2  Cor.  iii.  16.  :  m 
which  passages  Musis  and  the  Prophets  respectively  mean  the  Mosaic  and 
Prophetic  Writings,  composed  by  them  under  divine  inspiration,  and  trans 
oiitted  to  posterity  as  the  rule  of  faith. 

To  this  first  species  of  metonymy  may  be  appropriately  refer- 
red, FinsT,  all  those  passages  where  the  soul  of  man  is  put  for 
his  life,  which  is  its  effect,  as  in  Gen.  ix.  5.  (Heb.)  Exod.  iv.  19. 
(He  b.)  Lev.  xvii.  11.  Judg.  ix.  17.  (Heb.)  1  Sam.  xxvi.  21. 
1  Kings  ii.  23.  (Heb.)  2  Kings  vii.  7.  (Heb.)  Psal.  xxxiii.  19. 
xxxviii.  12.  (Heb.)  lvi.  13.  Jer.  xlv.  5.  (Heb.)  Lam.  v.  9.  (Heb.) 
Jonah  ii.  6.  (Heb.)  Matt.  ii.  20.  (Gr.)  x.  39.  (Gr.)  xvi.  25.  (Gr.) 
xx.  28.  (Gr.)  John  x.  17.  (Gr.)  xiii.  37,  38.  (Gr.)  xv.  13.  (Gr.) 
&c.  Ssoowult,  those  passages  also,  where  the  soul  is  put  for 
the  -will,  affections,  and  desires,  which  are  its  operations,  as  in 
the  original  of  the  following  passages,  where  the  metonymy  is 
correctly  rendered  in  our  authorized  version ;  viz.  Gen.  xxiii.  8. 
Exod.  xxiii.  9.  Deut.  xxiii.  24.  Psalm  xvii.  10.  xxvii.  12.  xii. 
2.  cv.  22.  Prov.  xxiii.  2.  and  John  x.  24.  (literally,  hold  our  soul 
in  sttspett.te.)  And,  tiiiiuilt,  all  such  passages  where  the  spirit 
(which  is  frequently  synonymous  with  the  soul  of  man)  is  used 
to  express  the  motions  or  affections  of  the  soul,  whether  good  or 
evil.  Examples  of  this  kind  occur  in  Gen.  xlv.  27.  Num.  xiv. 
24.  Judg  viii.  3.,  where,  in  the  Hebrew,  anger  is  soul,  as  is  heart 
in  Exod.  xxiii.  9.  2  Chron.  xxi.  16.  xxxvi.  22.  Psal.  lxxvi.  12. 
Ixxvii.  3.  Prov.  i.  23.  xviii.  14.  xxix.  1.  Eccles.  vii.  9.  Isa.  xxix. 
10.  xxxvii.  7.  Jer.  li.  11.  Ezek.  xiii.  3.  Dan.  v.  20.  Hag.  i.  11. 
Hab.  i.  11.  Rom.  xi.  8.  (Gr.)  1  Cor.  i.  12.  (Gr.)  &c. 

II.  Sometimes  the  cause  or  instrument  is  put  fur  ihe  thing 
effected  by  it.     Thus, 

1.  The  Mouth,  the  Lips,  and  the  Tongue,  are  respectively 
put  for  the  Speech. 

Thus,  Deut.  xvii.  C.  by  the  mouth  of  two  or  three  witnesses  (that  is,  their 

-|> Jl  or  testimony)  shall  he  that  is  in  rthy  of  death  be  put  todiath.    So 

Deut.  xix  1.".  Matt,  xviii.  16.  Prov.  xxv.  15.  A  soft  tongue  treaketh  the  bone; 
that  is,  a  mild  and  courteous  way  of  speaking  softens  the  hardest  heart  ano" 
most  obstinate  resolutions.  Similar  instances  occur  in  Psal.  v.  9.  Prov.  x. 
20.  Jer.  xviii.  18.  Acts  ii.  1.  11.  Tongue  is  also  put  for  the  gift  of  foreign 
languages,  in  Mark  xvi.  17.  and  1  Cor  xiv.  19.  Gen.  xi.  1.  The  whole  earth 
teas  of  one  language  (Heb.  lip),  and  of  one  speech  (Heb.  wordy  In  the 
book  of  Proverbs,  tbe  lip  is  very  frequently  put  for  speech.  See  Prov.  xii. 
19.  22  xiv.  7.  xvii.  7.  xviii.  7.  20.     Job  xii.  20.  (Marginal  renderings.) 


>  Bishop   Huntingford's   Charge,   entitled  "Preparations   for  the  Ho!» 
Order  of  Deacons,"  p.  14. 


360 


ON  THE    FIGURATIVE  LANGUAGE  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


[Paht  II.  Book  II 


2.  The  Mouth  is  also  put  for  Commandment  in  Gen.  xlv.  21. 
(marginal  rendering)  (Heb.  mouth).  Num.  iii.  16.  39.  xx. 
24.  xxvii.  14.  Ueut.  i.  26.  43.  and  in  Prov.  v.  3.  the  Palate 
vmarginal  rendering)  is  also  put  for  Speech. 

3.  The  Throat  is  also  put  for  Loud  Speaking,  in  Isa.  lviii.  1. 
Cry  aloud  (Heb.  with  the  throat).  • 

4.  The  Hand  is  ordinarily  put  for  its  Writing,  1  Cor.  xvi.  21. 

Col.  iv.  18. 

By  the  same  form  of  speech  also  Labour  is  put  for  Wages,  or  the  fruit 
of  labour,  Ezek.  xxiii.  29. ;  and  things  that  are  sold  for  the  price  at  which 
they  are  sold.  Thus,  in  Matt.  xxvi.  9.  it  is  said  the  ointment  might  have 
been  sold  for  so  much  and  given  to  the  poor.  See  likewise  Exod.  xxi.  21. 
The  sword  is  put  for  war  or  slaughter.  Exod.  v.  3.  Lev.  xxvi.  6.  Psal.  cxliv. 
0.  Isa.  i.  20.  Jer.  xliii.  11.  Rom.  viii.  35. 

5.  The  Sword,  Famine,  and  Pestilence  likewise  respectively 
denote  the  effects  of  those  scourges. 

Ezek.  vii.  15.  The  sword  is  without,  and  the  pestilence  and  the  famine 
within;  that  is,  death  and  ruin  arc  every  where  scattered  by  those  terrible 
agents.  So  in  Matt.  x.  34.  J  came  not  to  sendpeace  (or  temporal  prosperity) 
tut  a  sword;  that  is,  variance,  death,  and  persecution.  Our  Saviour's  mean- 
ing is,  not  that  his  coming  was  the  necessary  and  proper  cause  of  such  un- 
happiness,  but  that  so  it  should  eventually  happen  on  his  appearance  in  our 
nature  ;  because  his  kingdom  was  of  another  world,  and  consequently,  op- 
posed to  all  the  designs  and  interests  of  the  present  world.  This  remark 
will  satisfactorily  explain  Luke  xii.  51—53.,  where  Jesus  foretells  the  effects 
that  would  follow  from  preaching  the  Gospel. 


2.  METONYMY  OF  THE  EFFECT. 


III.  Sometimes,  on  the  contrary,  the  effect  is  put  for  the 
cause. 

Thus,  God  is  called  Salvation,  that  is,  the  author  of  it,  Exod.  xv.  2.,  our 
life  and  the  length  of  our  days,  Deut.  xxx.  20.,  our  strength,  Psal.  xviii.  1. 
So,  Christ  is  termed  Salvation,  Isa.  xlix.  6.  Luke  ii.  30. — Life,  John  xi.  25. 
and  the  resurrection  in  the  same  place.  See  also  Col.  iii.  4.  Peace,  Eph. 
ii.  14.  So  he  is  said  to  be  made  unto  us  wisdom,  righteousness,  sanctifica- 
tion,  and  redemption,  that  is  the  author  of  all  these,  in  1  Cor.  i.  30.  So,  in 
Luke  xi.  14.  compared  with  Matt.  ix.  32.,  a  dumb  devil  or  demon  is  one  that 
made  the  person  whom  he  possessed  dumb.  In  like  manner  the  Gospel  is 
called  the  poller  of  God  unto  salvation,  in  Rom.  i.  16.,  that  is,  the  instru- 
ment of  his  power.  Faith  is  called  our  Victory,  because  by  it  we  over- 
come the  world,  1  John  v.  4.  That  which  is  the  means  of  sustaining  or 
preserving  life  is  called  our  life,  Deut.  xxiv.  6.,  or  our  living,  Mark  xii. 
44.  Luke  viii.  43.  and  xv.  12.  So,  glad  tidings,  are  such  as  make  glad,  Rom. 
x.  15.  A  lively  hope  is  that  which  revives  or  enlightens,  1  Pet.  i.  3. —  Wine 
is  a  mocker  and  strong  drink  is  raging,  Prov.  xx.  1.,  that  is,  they  make  men 
such.  There  is  the  same  form  of  speech  likewise  in  Heb.  vi.  1.  and  ix.  14. 
where  dead  works  are  deadly  works,  that  is  such  as  make  men  obnoxious 
to  death.  Deut.  xxx.  15.  I  have  set  before  thee  this  day  life  anddeath,  that 
is,  have  clearly  showed  thee  what  is  the  cause  and  original  of  each.  John 
iii.  19.  This  is  the  condemnation,  that  is,  the  cause  of  it.  Rom.  vii.  7.  Is 
the  law  sin?  that  is  the  cause  of  sin,  in  itself.  Rom.  viii.  6.  To  be  carnally 
minded  is  death,  that  is,  its  cause,  but  to  be  spiritually  minded  is  life  and 
peace,  or  the  cause  of  those  blessings.  A  like  expression  occurs  in  Rom. 
vi.  23.  Bread  is  put  for  the  seed  of  which  bread  is  made,  Eccl.  xi.  1.  Shame 
is  put  for  that  which  is  the  cause  of  it,  or  the  idols  worshipped  by  the 
Israelites,  which  proved  their  shame.    Jer.  iii.  24.    Hos.  ix.  10. 


3.  METONYMY  OF  THE  SUBJECT. 


IV.  Sometimes  the  subject  is  put  for  the  adjunct ;  that  is,  for 
some  circumstance  or  appendage  belonging  to  or  depending  upon 
the  subject. 

Thus,  the  heart  is  frequently  used  for  the  will  and  affections, 
as  in 

Deut.  iv.  29.  vi.  5.  x.  12.  Psal.  ix.  1.  xxiv.  4.  Ii.  10.  Ixii.  10.  cv.  25.  cxix. 
10.32.112.  Prov.  xxi.  1.  xxiii.  26.  Acts  iv.  32.  For  the  understanding, 
mind,  thoughts,  and  memory,  Deut.  iv.  39.  vi.  6.  xi.  16.  18.  xxix.  4.  1  Sam. 
i.13.  2Chron.vi.8.  Job  xxi i.  22.  Psal.  iv.  4.  lxiv.  6.  Prov.  xix.  21.  xxviii. 
26.  and  Luke  ii.  51.  For  the  conscience,  2  Sam.  xxiv.  10.  2  Kings  xxii.  19. 
Eccles.  vii.  22.  and  1  John  iii.  20.,  and  for  the  desires  of  the  soul  expressed 
in  prayer,  in  Psal.  Ixii.  8.  Lam.  ii.  19.  The  reins  are  also  frequently  put 
for  the  thoughts,  as  in  Psal.  vii.  9.  xxvi.  2.  Ii.  6.  lxiii.  21.  Prov.  xxiii.  16.  Jer. 
xi.  20.  xvii.  10.  and  xx.  12.  So,  the  new  or  inward  man  is  put  for  the  con- 
dition or  state  of  a  regenerated  soul,  to  which  the  old  or  outward  man  is 
opposed.     See  Rom.  vi.  6.  and  xii.  2.  Eph.  iv.  22.  24.    2  Cor.  v.  17. 

V.  Sometimes  the  place  or  thing  containing  denotes  that 
which  is  contained  in  such  place  or  thing. 

Thus,  the  earth  and  the  world  are  frequently  put  for  the  men  that 
dwell  therein,  as  in  Gen.  vi.  11.  Psal.  xcvi.  13.  Hab  ii  14  John  i  29 
iii.  16,  17.  xv.  18.  and  xvii.  21.  1  Cor.  vi.  2.  as  also  in  very  many  passages'. 
In  like  manner,  countries,  islands,  cities,  and  houses,  are  respectively  put 
for  their  inhabitants,  Gen.  xii.  57.  Psal.  c.  1.  cv.  38.  Isa.  xii  1  5  xlii  4 
xlii:.  3.  Ii.  5.  Matt.  iii.  5.  viii.  34.  xi.  21,22,23.  Gen.  vii.  1.  Exod  i  21  2 
Sam.  vii.  11.  1  Chron.  x.  6.  Acts  x.  2.  1  Tim.  iii.  4.  Heb.  xi.  7.  So  the 
Aomscs  of  Levi  and  Israel  denote  their  several  families.  Exod.  ii.  1.  Ezek 
iii.  1.  The  basket,  Deut.  xxvii.  5.  17.  is  the  fruit  of  the  basket ;  a  table,  Psal! 
xxiii.  5.  lxix.  22.  andlxxviii.  19.  denotes  the  meat  placed  on  it;  the  cup,  the 
wine  or  other  liquor  in  it,  Jer.  xlix.  12.  Ezek.  xxiii.  32.  Matt,  xxvi  27  28 
Mark  xiv.  23.  Luke  xxii.  17.  20.  1  Cor.  x.  16.  21.  and  xi.  26,  27.;  ships,  'isa! 
xxiii.  1.  14.  the  men  in  them  ;  the  grave,  those  who  are  buried  in  it,  as  in 
Isa.  xxxvii.  18.  compared  with  verse  19.  and  in  Psal.  vi.  5.  In  like  manner 
heaven  is  put  for  God  limself,  in  Psal.  lxxiii.  9.  Matt.  xxi.  25.  Luke  xx.  4. 
and  xv.  18. 


VI.  Sometimes  the  possessor  of  a  thing  is  put  for  the  thing 
possessed. 

Thus,  Deut.  ix.  1.  To  possess  nations  greater  and  mightier  than  thyself, 
means  to  possess  the  countries  of  the  Gentiles.  See  also  Psal.  lxxix.  7. 
where  Jacob  means  the  land  of  the  Israelites.  In  like  manner,  tvie  name 
of  God  is  put  for  the  oblations  made  to  him.  Josh.  xiii.  33.  with  verse  14. 
Josh,  xviii.  7.  and  Deut.  x.  9.  Christ  is  put  for  his  church  (or  believers, 
who  are  termed  his  peculiar  people,  Tit.  ii.  14.  1  Pet.  ii.  9.)  in  Matt.  xxv.  35. 
explained  in  verse  40.  1  Cor.  xii.  12. ;  and  the  afflictions  of  Christ  are  pu| 
for  the  afflictions  of  the  faithful,  in  Col.  i.  24. 

VII.  Frequently  the  object  is  put  for  that  which  is  conversant 
about  it. 

Thus  glory  zndstrength  are  put  for  the  celebration  of  the  divine  glory  ana 
strength,  in  Psal.  viii.  2.  explained  by  Matt.  xxi.  16.  ;  see  also  Psal.  xcvi.  7, 
8.  A  burthen  is  a  prediction  of  divine  judgments  or  punishments  about  to 
be  inflicted  on  sinners.  Isa.  xiii.  1.  xv.  1.  xvii.  1.  xix.  1.  xxi.  1.  xxii.  1.  and  xxiii. 
1.  Promise  is  put  for  faith  which  receives  the  gracious  promise  of  God,  in 
Rom.  ix.  8.  and  Gal.  iv.  28.  Sin  denotes  a  sacrifice  for  sin  or  sin-offering, 
Gen.  iv.  7.  Exod.  xxix.  14.  (Heb.  sin)  Lev.  x.  17.  (Heb.  sin)  Hos.  iv.  8.  Isa. 
liii.  10.  (Heb.  sin)  and  2  Cor.  v.  21.i 

VIII.  Sometimes  the  thing  signified  is  put  for  the  sign. 

So,  the  strength  of  God,  in  1  Chron.  xvi.  11.  and  Psal.  cv.  4.  is  the  ark, 
which  was  a  sign  and  symbol  of  the  divine  presence  and  strength,  whence 
it  is  expressly  called  the  ark  of  the  strength  of  God  in  Psal.  exxxii.  8. 
Thus,  in  Ezek.  vii.  27.  desolation  denotes  a  mourning  garment  as  a  token 
of  it. 

IX.  When  an  action  is  said  to  be  done,  the  meaning  fre- 
quently is,  that  it  is  declared  or  permitted,  or  foretold  that  it 
shall  be  done. 

Thus,  in  the  original  of  Lev.  xiii.  3.  the  priests  shall  look  on  him  ana 
pollute  him;  in  our  version,  shall  pronounce  him  unclean  or  polluted. 
The  original  of  Ezek.  xiii.  22.  is,  by  quickening  or  enlivening  him ;  in  our 
translation  it  is  rendered  by  promising  him  life.  So  Gen.  xii.  13.  me  Ae 
restored,  means,  foretold  or  declared  that  I  should  be  restored.  Jer.  iv.  10. 
Ah,  Lord  God!  thou  hast  greatly  deceived  this  people,  that  is,  hast  per- 
mitted them  to  be  deceived  by  their  false  prophets.  Ezek.  xiii.  19.  to  slay 
the  souls  which  should  not  die,  denotes  the  prophesying  falsely  that  they 
should  die.  So  Jer.  i.  10.  I  have  set  thee  over  the  nations  to  root  out  and 
to  pull  down,  that  is,  to  prophesy  or  declare  them  pulled  down.  Ezek. 
xx.  25,  26.  I  gave  them  statutes  which  were  not  good,  and  polluted  thent 
in  their  own  gifts,  that  is,  I  gave  them  up  to  themselves,  and  permitted 
them  to  receive  such  statutes  of  the  heathen,  and  suffered  them  to  pollute 
themselves  in  those  very  gifts,  which,  by  the  law,  they  were  to  dedicate  to 
my  service,  and  dealt  with  them  accordingly.  Hos.  vi.  5. 1  have  hewn  them 
by  the  prophets,  or  foretold  that  they  should  be  hewn  or  slain.  So  in  Acts 
x.  15.  the  original  rendering  is,  what  God  hath  cleansed,  that  do  not  thou 
pollute  (compare  Matt.  xv.  11.),  that  is,  as  in  our  version,  call  not  thou  com- 
mon or  defiled.  Hence  in  Matt.  xvi.  19.  whatsoever  thou  shall  bind  or  loose 
on  earth,  Vfcc.  means,  whatsoever  thou  shalt  declare  to  be  my  will  on  earth 
shall  be  confirmed  in  heaven.  And  in  like  manner  the  meaning  of  John 
xx.  23.  is,  whose  sins  ye  shall  declare  to  be  remitted  or  retained  by  the 
word  of  God.*  Matt.  vi.  13.  lead  us  not  into  temptation,  that  is,  suffer  us 
not  to  be  overcome  by  temptation. 

X.  Further,  an  action  is  said  to  be  done,  when  the  giving 
of  an  occasion  for  it  is  only  intended. 

Thus,  the  literal  rendering  of  Jer.  xxxviii.  23.  is,  thou  shalt  burn  this 
city,  that  is  (as  translated  in  our  version),  shalt  cause  it  to  be  burnt.  Hence 
Jeroboam  is  recorded  in  I  Kings  xiv.  16.  to  have  made  Israel  to  sin,  that  is, 
to  have  occasioned  it,  by  his  example  ami  command.  In  Acts  i.  18.  Juda* 
is  said  to  have  purchased  a  field,  that  is,  occasioned  it  to  be  purchased  by 
the  money  which  he  cast  down  in  the  temple.  Rom.  xiv.  15.  destroy  not 
him,  that  is,  be  not  the  cause  or  occasion  of  his  destruction.  And  in 
1  Cor.  vii.  16.  whether  thou  shall  save  thy  husband,  means,  whether  thou 
shalt  be  the  cause  of  his  conversion,  and,  consequently,  of  his  salvation. 


4.  METONYMY   OF   THE   ADJUNCT,    IN    WHICH  THE 
ADJUNCT  IS  PUT  FOR  THE  SUBJECT. 


XI.  Sometimes  the  accident,  or  that  which  is  additional  to  a 
thing,  is  put  for  its  subject  in  kind. 

The  abstract  is  put  for  the  concrete.  So  grey  hairs  (Heb.  hoariness, 
or  greyheadedness),  in  Gen.  xlii.  38.  denote  me,  who  am  now  an  old  man, 
grey  and  decrepit  with  age.  So  also,  days,  and  midtitude  ofyears,  in  Job 
xxxii.  7.  are  old  men.  The  strength  of  Israel,  1  Sam.  xv.  29.  is  the  strong 
God  of  Israel.  Circumcision  and  uncircumcision,  in  Rom.  iii.  30.  signify 
the  circumcised  and  uncircumcised.  The  election,  Rom.  xi.  7.  is  the  elect. 
Abomination,  in  Gen.  xlvi.  34.  and  Luke  xvi.  15.  is  an  abominable  thing. 
A  curse,  Gal.  iii.  13.  is  accursed.  Light  and  darkness,  Eph.  v.  8.  denote 
the  enlightened  and  the  ignorant. 

XII.  Sometimes  the  thing  contained  is  put  for  the  thing 
containing  it,  and  a  thing  deposited  in  a  place  for  the  place 
itself. 

Thus,  Gen.  xxviii.  22.  means  this  place,  where  I  have  erected  a  pillar  of 
stone,  shall  be  God's  house.  Josh.  xv.  19.  Springs  of  water  denote  some 
portion  of  land,  where  there  may  be  springs.  Matt.  ii.  11.  Treasures  are 
the  cabinets  or  other  vessels  containing  them.  A  similar  expression  occurs 
in  Psal.  exxxv.  7.  Outer  darkness,  in  Matt.  xxii.  13.  means  hell,  the  place 
of  oiler  darkness.  Matt.  xxv.  10.  Marriage  denotes  the  place  where  the 
nuptial  feast  was  to  be  celebrated.     Mark  iii.  11.  Unclean  spirits  are  men 

•  Dr.  A.  Clarke,  in  his  commentary  on  this  verse,  has  adduced  one 
hundred  and  eight  instances  from  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  in  which 
the  word  sin  is  put  for  a  sin-offering  ;  Dr.  Whitby  (in  loc.)  has  specified 
only  twenty-two  examples. 

»  On  a  forced  interpretation  of  these  two  clauses  (among  others)  has  the 
papal  church  erected  the  dangerous  notion  that  priests  may  grant  particu- 
lar absolution  to  individuals.  See  it  brieflv  hut  ably  confuted  in  Bishop 
Porteus's  Confutation  of  the  Errors  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  pp.  44,  45. 


Cuaf.I.  Sect.  III.] 


INTERPRETATION  OF  SCRIPTURE  METAPHORS. 


361 


possessed  by  them.     In  Luke  vi.  12.  and  Arts  xvi    13.  1G.  Prayer  evidently 

means  the  place  of  prayer.'    Rev.  viii..'i.  Golden  incense,  K.ix*.  rev,  mean! 

golden  cemer,  and  so  it  is  rendered  in  our  authorized  English  version. 

XIII.  Time  is  likewise  put  for  the  things  which  are  done 
or  happen  in  lime. 

This  is  to  lie  understood   both  of  the  word  lime  Itself,  and  of  D 
expressing  portion!  of  lime,  whethei  divided  naturally  or  by  human  In  tl 
tution.    Thus,  in  IChron,  ill  32.  xxix.80   Eith.  I.  13.  2Tlm  III  I.  Deut. 
hr.  32.  Mirk  xiv. .'!."..  and  Jofln  mi.  27.  times,  day,  and  Itau 
denote  the  transactions  thai  took  place  In  them.    Again,  da\ 
be  good  jr  evil,  according  to  the  events  which  happen  In  them,  as  m  Qen 
xlvfl.  9.  Ecclea  vil   10   and  Eph.  v.  16.;  and  that  Is  called  a  person 
in  which  any  thing  notorious  or  remarkable  befalls  him.  whethi 
good,  as  in  Boa    i    11.  and  Lake  til   42  I1,  Or  evil,  as  in  Job  xviii.  20. 
Psal.  cxzzvU.7.  Ezek.  xxll.  I,  Obad.  12.  Mil  ah  vl!  i   Psal  ixzvtl.  18.   The 
daye  of  the  Lord,  In  Job  ulv  I.  las  rill  6  Joel  I.  16.  and  II.  l,  2.  Amos  v. 
20VZeph.  i.  14—16.  is.  and  II  2.  respectively  denote  the  days  when  divine 
punishments  were  to  be  Inflloted;  and  hence,  by  way  of  emlnenci 
day  of  the  Lord  Is  appropriated  to  the  day  of  Judgment,  in  Joel  II  81 
Acts  ii.  20.  1  Cor.  i.  8.  2ThesS.  ii.  2,  &c.     In  the  same  manner,  the  harvest 
and  tllfflffU  r  are  pul  for  the  fruits  gathered  at  those  seasons.  Deut  xxiv.  19. 
lsa.  xvi.  9,  [Jer.  at  10.  Amos  viii.  l,  8,  28am,  rvl  2  In  which  Ihn 
sages,  as  also  in  lsa.  xvi. 'J.  the  Hebrew  is  only  summer].     And  also  the 
paesorer  la  put  for  the  lamb  which  was  slain  and  eaten  on  that  solemn 
.  Exod   all.  21,  '-Tliion.  xxx.  17.  Mark  xiv.  12.  11.  Matt.  xxvi.  17— 18. 
Lake  axil,  a  11.  13.  16. 

XIV.  In  the  Scriptures,  things  are  sometimes  named  or  de- 
teribed  according  to  appearances,  or  to  the  opinion  formed  of 
thrm  by  una,  and  nut  us  they  are  in  their  own  nature. 

Thus,  Ilaiianiali,  the  opponent  of  Jeremiali,  is  called  a  prophet,  not  be- 
cause he  was  truly  one,  but  was  reputed  to  be  one,  Jer.  xxviii.  1.  .'5.  10.  In 
Ezek.  xvi.  .'!  the  righteous  mean  those  who  had  the  semblance  of  piety, 
but  really  were  nol  righteous,  So  in  Matt.  ix.  13.  Christ  says,  /  am  not 
tome  to  call  the  righteous  (that  is,  such  as  are  so  in  their  own  estimation), 
but  tinner*  to  repentance.  See  further  Luke  xviii.  0.  and  Kom.x.  2,  3,  &c. 

In  Luke  ii.  18.  Joseph  is  called  the  father  of  Christ,  and  in  v.  41.  is  nun 
tioneil  as  one  of  his  parents,  because  he  was  reputed  to  be  his  father,  as 
the  same  evangelist  states  in  ch.  iii.  23.*  Compare  John  vi.  42,  &c.  The 
preaching  of  the  Gospel  la  In  1  Cor.  i.  21.  termed  foolishness;  not  that  it 
was  really  such,  but  was  accounted  to  be  so  by  its  opponents.  In  like 
manner  false  leaching  Is  called  another  Gospel  in  Gal.  i.  o.  and  Epimenides, 
the  Cretan  philosopnev,  la  termed  a  prophet  in  Tit.  i.  12.  because  his 
countrymen  regarded  him  as  such,  and  after  his  death  otfered  sacrifices 
to  nim.' 

Ifis  enemies  shall  lick  the  dust,  Psal.  lxxii.  9.  means  that  they  shall 
prostrate  themselves  so  low  towards  the  earth,  that  they  shall  seem  to  lick 
the  dust.  Similar  expressions  occur  in  lsa.  xlix.  23.  Micah  vii.  17,  &c. 
The  phrase,  coming  from  afar  country  and  from  tUe  end  of  heaven,  in 
lsa.  xiii.  5  ,  is  taken  from  the  opinion  which  anciently  obtained,  and  was 
founded  on  the  appearance  to  the  eye,  viz.  that  the  heavens  are  not  spheri- 
cal but  hemispherical,  ending  at  the  extremities  of  the  earth,  upon  which 
the  extremities  of  heaven  appear  to  rest.  Hence  the  ends  of  the  earth 
denote  the  remotest  places.  The  same  phrase  occurs  in  Deut.  iv.  32.  and 
ixx.  4.  Neh.  i.  9.  Matt.  xxiv.  31. 

XV.  Sometimes  the  action  or  affection,  which  is  conversant 
about  any  object,  or  placed  upon  it,  is  put  for  the  object  itself. 

Thus,  me  Senses  are  put  for  the  objects  perceived  by  them,  as  hearing 
for  doctrine  or  speech,  in  lsa.  xxviii.  9.  (marg.  rend.)  aiid  liii.  1.  (Heb.)  In 
John  xii.  38.  and  Rom.  x.  16.  the  Greek  word  «<>>!,  translated  report,  lite- 
rally means  hearing,  and  so  it  is  rendered  in  Gal.  iii.  2.  5.  Hearing  is  also 
nut  for  fame  or  rumour  in  Psal.  cxii.  7.  (Heb.)  Ezek.  vii.  26.  Obad.  1. 
Hab.  iii.  2.  (Heb.)  Matt.  iv.  24.  xiv.  1.  and  xxiv.  6.  Mark  i.  23.  and  xiii.  7,  &c. 
The  Eye  in  the  original  of  Num.  xi.  7.  Lev.  xiii.  55.  Prov.  xxiii.  31.  Ezek. 
i.  4.  viii.  2.  and  x.  9.  is  put  for  colours  which  are  seen  by  the  eye.  Faith 
denotes  the  doctrine,  received  and  believed  by  faith,  in  Acts  vi.  7.  Gal.  i.  23. 
and  iii.  23.  25.  Eph.  iv.  5.  1  Tim  iv.  1.  Tit.  i.  13.  Jude  3.  Rev.  ii.  13—  Hope, 
in  Psal.  lxv.  5.  and  lxxi.  5.  Jer.  xiv.  8.  and  xvii.  7.  13.  is  God,  in  whom  we 
have  hope,  or  place  our  confidence.  Hope  also  denotes  Christ,  or  the 
benefits  which  we  receive  by  him,  in  Acts  xxvi.  6 — 8.  xxvii.  20.  Col.  i.  27. 
1  Tim.  i.  1.  Hope  is  sometimes  also  put  for  men,  in  whom  we  confide,  or 
from  whom  we  expect  some  good,  as  in  lsa.  xx.  5, 6.  and  for  the  thing  hoped 
for,  as  in  Prov.  xiii.  12.  Rom.  viii.  24.  and  Gal.  v.  6.  In  which  last  place  the 
hope  of  right !>>%sness  hy  faith  means  eternal  life,  which  is  promised  to  the 
just  by  faith,  and  also  in  Tit.  ii.  13. — Love  is  put  for  the  object  of  affection, 
Jer.  ii.  33.  and  xii.  7.  (marginal  rendering.) — Desire,  Ezek.  xxiv.  16.  21.  is 
the  thing  desired.  In  like  manner,  the  lust  or  desire  of  the  eyes,  1  John 
ii.  16.  is  the  object  of  the  eyes  which  we  eagerly  desire— So.  Fear  is  put 
for  the  object  that  is  feared,  in  Psal.  liii,  5.  Prov.  i.  96.   lsa.  viii.  13. 

XVI.  Sometimes  the  sign  is  pul  far  the  thing  signified. 

Thus,  Sovereign  Power  and  authority  are  expressed  by  a  Sceptre, 
Crotcn,  Diadem,  Throne,  and  Shutting  and  opening  without  resistance, 
in  Gen.  xlix.  10  lsa.  xxii.  22.  Ezek.  xxi.  26.  Zech.  x.  11.  and  Rev.  iii.  7. 
War  is  denoted  by  bows,  spears,  chariots,  and  swords,  Psal.  xlvi.  9.  Lam. 
v.  9,  Ezek.  xxi.  'i,  1.  Matt.  x.  34.  So,  to  lift  up  the  hand  is  sometimes  to 
swear,  Gen.  xiv  22,  Deut.  xxxil  40.,  and  sometimes  to  pray.  I.am.  iii.  41. 
I  Tim.  ii.  8.  In  like  manner,  to  stretch  forth  the  hand  is  to  call  for  audience, 
Psal.  xliv.  20.  Prov.  I,  21. 

To  kiss  the  hand,  or  to  kiss  another,  is  to  yield  reverence,  Job  xxxi.  27. 
1  Sam.  x.  1.  Psal.  ii.  12.  1  Kinns  xix.  IS.  Hos.  xiii.  2.  To  bow  the  knee,  is  to 
worship.  lsa.  xiv.  23  Phil,  11.  10.  Eph.  iii.  11.  To  give  the  hand,  or  to  strike 
hands,  is  to  swear,  join  in  fellowship,  encase,  or  became  surety  for  an- 
other, Ezek.  xvii.  18.  Gal.ii.il.  Jobxvil.3.   Prov  vi   1.     To  put  on  sackcloth, 

i  ITpiTsuzi).     From  1  Marc.  vii.  37.  it  appears  that  the  Jews  had  a  similar 

place  of  prayer  at  Mizpaii.    See  vVomus,  RosenmDuer,  Bchlndler,  and 
others,  on  Luke  vi.  12. 

*  A  similar  mode  of  speech  occurs  in  the  Iliad,  where  Homer  repeatedly 
calls  Menelaus  and  Agamemnon  the  sons  of  Atreus,  though  they  were  in 
reality  the  children  of  his  son  Plisthenes,  and,  consequently,  the  "rand- 
children  of  Atreus.  In  consequence  of  their  father's  death,  while  they 
were  very  young,  they  were  educated  by  their  grandfather ;  who,  from 
his  attention  to  them,  was  universally  acknowledged  their  protector  and 
father.    Hence  arose  their  appellation  of  Atridte,  or  sons  of  Atreus. 

» T*c$.  Laert.  lib.  i.  c.  10.  §  11.  torn.  i.  p.  123.  ed.  Longolii. 


is  to  mourn,  Psal.  lxix.  11.  To  beat  swords  into  ploughshares,  and speart 
into  pruning  hook*,  is  to  live  in  peace  and  security,  lsa.  ii.  4. 

XVII.   Lastly,  the  names  of  things  are  often  put  for  tkt 
things  themselves. 

Thus,  the  Name  of  God  denotes  the  Almighty  himself,  Psal.  xx.  1.  cxv.  1. 
Prov   xvni    10.    lsa.  xxx.  27.  Jer.  x.  25.    So,  in  Joel  ii.  32.   Acts  ii.  21.  and 
Bom.  x.  13.  the  name  of  the  Lord  denotes  Jesus  Christ.     Names  are  like- 
.i  lor  persons,  Acts  i.  16.  Rev.  iii.  4.  and  xi.  13.  (Gr.)    In  like  man- 
nei  we  And,  that  net  d  to  [persons  to  express  their  state  or 

condition,  although  they  are  nut  ordinarily  called  by  such  names,  as  in  lsa. 
i  26,  Thou  thaU  he  tatted  the  •  ity  <f  righteousness  or  justice,  that  is,  thou 
shall  be  so.     (Similar  Expressions  ot  tli  4.  and  Jer.  iii.  17. 


SECTION  III. 

ON   THE    INTERPRETATION    OF    SCRIPTURE    METAPHORS. 

Nature  of  a  Metaphor. — Sovrces  of  Scripture  Metaphor*. — 
I.  The  works  of  nature. — II.  The  occupations,  customs,  and 
arts  of  life. — III.  Sacred  topics,  or  religion  and  thing* 
connected  -with  it. — IV.   Sacred  history. 

A  Metaphor  is  a  trope,  by  which  a  won!  is  diverted  from 
its  proper  and  genuine  signification  to  another  moaning  for 
the  sake  of  comparison,  or  because  there  is  some  analogy 
between  the  similitude  and  the  thing  signified.  Of  all  the 
figures  of  rhetoric,  the  metaphor  is  that  which  is  most  fre- 
quently employed,  not  only  in  the  Scriptures,  but  likewise 
in  every  language ;  for,  independently  of  the  pleasure  which 
it  affords,  it  enriches  the  mind  with  two  ideas  at  the  same  time, 
the  truth  and  the  similitude.  Two  passages  will  suffice  to 
illustrate  this  definition.  In  Deut.  xxxii.  42.  we  read,  /  will 
make  mine  arrows  drunk  with  blood,  and  my  sword  shall  de- 
vour flesh.  Here,  the  first  metaphor  is  borrowed  from  exces- 
sive and  intemperate  drinking,  to  intimate  the  very  great 
effusion  of  blood,  and  the  exceeding  greatness  of  the  ruin  and 
destruction  which  would  befall  the  disobedient  Israelites . 
the  second  metaphor  is  drawn  from  the  voracious  appetite  of 
a  hungry  beast,  which  in  a  lively  manner  presents  to  the 
mind  the  impossibility  of  their  escaping  the  edge  of  the  sword, 
when  the  wrath  of  God  should  be  provoked.  Again,  in  Psal. 
exxxix.  2.  we  read,  Thou  understandest  my  thoughts  afar  off. 
In  this  verse  the  metaphor  is  taken  from  the  prospect  of  a 
distant  object :  but  in  a  proper  sense  the  phrase  assures  us, 
that  Jehovah,  by  his  prescience,  knows  our  thoughts,  before 
they  spring  up  in  our  souls. 

In  order  to  understand  metaphors  aright,  it  should  be  ob- 
served that  the  foundation  of  them  consists  in  a  likeness  or 
similitude  between  the  thing  from  which  the  metaphor  is 
drawn,  and  that  to  which  it  is  applied.  When  this  resem- 
blance is  exhibited  in  one  or  in  a  few  expressions,  it  is  termed 
a  single  metaphor.  When  it  is  pursued  with  a  variety  of 
expressions,  or  there  is  a  continued  assemblage  of  metaphors, 
it  is  called  an  allegory.  When  it  is  couched  in  a  short  sen- 
tence, obscure  and  ambiguous,  it  is  called  a  riddle.  If  it  be 
conveyed  in  a  short  saying  only,  it  is  a  proverb,  and  if  the 
metaphorical  representation  be  delivered  in  the  form  of  a  his- 
tory, it  is  a  parable.  W  hen  the  resemblance  is  far-fetched, 
as  to  see  a  voice  (Rev.  i.  12.),  it  is  termed  a  catachresis.  This 
last-mentioned  species  of  figure,  however,  is  of  less  frequent 
occurrence  in  the  Scriptures  than  any  of  the  preceding. 

The  metaphor  is  of  indispensable  necessity  in  the  Scrip- 
tures ;  for  the  sacred  writers,  having  occasion  to  impart  divine 
and  spiritual  things  to  man,  could  only  do  it  by  means  of 
terms  borrowed  from  sensible  and  material  objects,  as  all  our 
knowledge  begins  at  our  senses.  Hence  it  is,  especially  in 
the  poetical  and  prophetical  parts  of  the  Old  Testament,  that 
the  sentiments,  actions,  and  corporeal  parts,  not  only  of  man, 
but  also  of  inferior  creatures,  are  ascribed  to  God  himself;  it 
being  otherwise  impossible  for  us  to  form  any  conception  of 
his  pure  essence  and  incommunicable  attributes.  The  various 
sources,  whence  the  sacred  writers  have  drawn  their  meta 
phors,  have  been  discussed  at  great  length  by  Bishop  Lowth,4 
and  his  annotator  Michaelis,  and  also  by  Glassius;5  from 
whose  elaborate  works  the  following  observations  are  abridg- 
ed. The  sources  of  Scripture  metaphors  may  be  classed 
under  the  four  following  heads,  viz.  natural,  artificial,  sacred, 
and  historical. 

I.  The  works  of nuture  furnish  the  first  and  most  copious,  a* 
well  as  the  most  pleasing,  source  of  images  in  the  Sacred  Writ 
ings. 

•  In  his  Lectures  on  Hebrew  Poetry,  Lect.  vi.— ix. 
«  Philologia  Sacra,  lib.  ii.  pp.  916-1243.  ed.  Dathti. 


3&Z 


ON  THE  FIGURATIVE  LANGUAGE  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


i'Part  II.  Book  II. 


Thus  the  images  of  light  and  darkness  are  commonly  made 
use  of,  .in  all  languages,  to  denote  prosperity  and  adversity ;  and 
an  uncommon  degree  of  light  implies  a  proportionate  degree  of 
joy  and  prosperity,  and  vice  versa.  Isa.  xiii.  10.  lix.  19.  20.  xxx. 
26.  Jer.  xv. 'J.  Amos  viii.  9.  Micahiii.  6.  Joel  li.  10.  The  same 
metaphors  are  also  used  to  denote  knowledge  and  ignorance. 
Isa.  viii.  20.  ix.  2.  Matt.  iv.  16.  Eph.  v.  8.  The  sun,  moon,  and 
stars,  figuratively  represent  kings,  queens,  and  princes  or  rulers, 
as  in  Isa.  xxiv.  23.  Ezek.  xxxii.  7. 

"  The  lights  of  heaven,"  says  a  late  pious  and  learned  writer," 
"  in  their  order  are  all  applied  to  give  us  conceptions  of  God's 
power  and  the  glory  of  his  kingdom.  In  the  lxxxivth  Psalm 
(verse  1 1.)  the  Lord  is  said  to  be  a  sun  and  shield  ;  a  sun  to  give 
light  to  his  people,  and  a  shield  to  protect  them  from  the  power 
of  darkness.  Christ,  in  the  language  of  the  prophet,  is  the  sun 
of  righteousness ;  who,  as  the  natural  sun  revives  the  grass  and 
renews  the  year,  brings  on  the  acceptable  year  of  the  Lord,  and 
is  the  great  restorer  of  all  things  in  the  kingdom  of  grace  ;  shin- 
ing with  the  new  light  of  life  and  immortality  to  those  who  once 
sat  in  darkness  and  in  the  shadow  of  death.  And  the  church 
has  warning  to  receive  him  under  this  glorious  character.  Arise, 
shine  ;  for  thy  light  is  come,  and  the  glory  of  the  Lord  is  risen 
upon  thee!  (Isa.  Ix.  1.)  When  he  was  manifested  to  the  eyes 
of  men  he  called  himself  the  light  of  the  world,  and  promised  to 
give  the  same  light  to  those  that  follow  him.  In  the  absence  of 
Christ  as  the  personal  light  of  the  world,  his  place  is  supplied 
by  the  light  of  the  Scripture,  which  is  still  a  lamp  unto  our  feet, 
and  a  light  unto  our  paths.  The  word  of  prophecy  is  as  a  light 
shining  in  a  dark  place ;  and  as  we  study  by  the  light  of  a 
lamp,  so  we  must  give  heed  to  this  light,  as  if  we  would  see  things 
to  come. 

"  The  moon  is  used  as  an  emblem  of  the  church,  which  receives 
its  light  from  Christ,  as  the  moon  from  the  sun :  therefore  the 
renovation  of  the  moon  signifies  the  renovation  of  the  church. 
The  angels  or  presiding  ministers  in  the  seven  churches  of  Asia 
(Rev.  ii.  and  iii.)  are  signified  by  the  seven  stars,  because  his 
ministers  hold  forth  the  word  of  life,  and  their  light  shines  before 
men  in  this  mortal  state,  as  the  stars  give  light  to  the  world  in^ 
the  night  season ;  of  which  light  Christians  in  general  partake, 
and  are  therefore  called  children  of  the  light." 

Nothing  is  more  grateful  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  East  than 
springs,  rivers,  and  rain;  for,  as  showers  rarely  fall  in  their 
countries,  the  grass  and  flowers  of  the  field  become  consumed  by 
the  intolerable  heat,  unless  watered  by  showers  or  canals.  Hence, 
(lowing  springs,  copious  showers,  and  nightly  dews,  which  fer- 
tilize the  fields,  furnish  them  with  a  variety  of  pleasing  images. 
Isa.  xli.  18.  and  xxxv.  1.  6,  7.  The  blessings  of  the  Gospel  are 
delineated  under  the  metaphors  of  dew,  Isa.  xxvi.  19.,  moderate 
rains,  Hos.  vi.  3.,  gentle  streams  and  running  waters,  Isa.  xxvii. 
3.  and  xliv.  3.  On  the  other  hand,  no  metaphor  is  more  frequent 
than  that  by  which  sudden  and  great  calamities  are  expressed 
under  the  figure  of  a  deluge  of  waters.  With  this  metaphor  the 
Hebrews  appear  to  have  been  extremely  familiar,  as  if  it  were 
directly  taken  from  the  nature  and  state  of  their  country.  Im- 
mediately before  their  eyes  was  the  river  Jordan,2  which  annually 
overflowed  its  banks  ;  for  the  snows  of  Lebanon  and  the  neigh- 
bouring mountains,  being  melted  in  the  beginning  of  summer, 
the  waters  of  the  river  were  often  suddenly  augmented  by  the 
descending  torrents.  The  whole  country,  also,  being  mountain- 
ous, was  exposed  to  frequent  floods  after  the  great  periodical 
tempests  of  rain.  To  this  David  alludes,  Psal.  xlii.  7.  Immoderate 
rains,  hail,  floods,  inundations,  and  torrents,  denote  judgments 
and  destructions,  Isa.  viii.  7.  Jer.  xlvii.  2.  Ezek.  xxx  viii.  22. 

To  the  class  of  metaphors  derived  from  natural  objects  we 
may  refer  the  anthropopathy,  a  metaphor  by  which  things 
belonging  to  creatures,  and  especially  to  man,  are  ascribed  to 
God,  and  the  prosopopoeia  or  personification,  that  is.  the  change 
of  things  to  persons.  Both  these  figures  are  nearly  allied  to 
the  metaphor,  and  still  more  to  the  metonymy ;  hut  they  are 
noticed  in  this  place,  as  being  upon  the  whole  the  most  con- 
venient arrangement. 

1 .  In  the  consideration  of  anthropopatkies,  the  two  following 
important  rules  must  be  constantly  kept  in  mind  ;  viz. 

[i.]  That  we  understand  them  in  a  -way  and  manner  suita- 
ble to  the  nature  and  majesty  of  the  Almighty,  refining  them 
from  all  that  imperfection  -with  which  they  are  debased  in  the 
creatures,  and  so  attribute  them  to  the  Deity. 

»  The  Rev.  W.  Jones,  Lecmiee  on  the  Fig  irative  Language  of  Scripture, 
Lect.  ii.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  25. 
»  Josh,  iii  15.  1  Chron.  xii.  15.  Ecclus.  xxiv.  26. 


Thus  when  the  members  of  a  human  body  are  ascribed  to  God,  wo  art 
not  to  conceive  of  him  as  a  venerable  old  man,  silting  gravely  in  heaven  to 
observe  and  censure  the  things  done  on  earth  ;  but  musl  uiinVrMand  those 
perfections,  of  which  such  members  in  us  are  the  instruments.  The  eye, 
for  instance,  being  that  member  by  which  we  discern  orobsei  \  e  any  thine, 
is  employed  to  denote  God's  perfect  and  exact  knov  things, 

Job  xxxiv.  21.  Psal.  xi.  4.  and  Heb.  iv.  13.  ;  as  also  his  watchful  providence, 
Deut.  xi.  12.  1  Kings  ix.  3.  Psal.  xxxiv.  15.  In  like  mariner,  ears  are  aim 
buted  to  him,  to  signify  his  gracious  acceptance  of  his  pegple'a  prayers, 
Psal.  xxxi.  2.  or  the  exact  notice  which  he  lakes  of  lUe  sins  ol  others, 
James  v.  4.  By  his  arm  we  are  to  understand  his  potter  and  strength. 
Exod.  xv.  16.  which  is  also  expressed  by  his  right  hand,  Exod  xv.  0.  and 
Psal.  cxviii.  15,  1G.  So,  his  work  is  expressed  by  his  ringers,  Exod.  viii. 
19.  and  Psal.  viii.  3.  and  his  love  and  con. passion  l,\  Ids  huiculs.  Isa.  Ixiii.  15. 
Jer.  xxxi.  20.  Luke  i.  78.,  through  the  bowel*  . /  the  mercy  of  our  God 
(Jia  «->r\j).j;>»),  whereby  the  day-spring  trom  •  o  high  hath  visit! 
There  are  a  thousand  similar  instances  in  the  rStn  iptures. 

[ii.]  Further,  when  human  affections  are  attributed  to  Jehovah, 
we  must  be  careful  not  to  interpret  them  in  a  manner  that  shall 
imply  the  least  imperfection  in  Him ;  but  must  thereby  conceive, 
(1.)  Either  a  pure  act  of  his  will,  free  from  all  perturbation  to 
which  men  are  liable,  or  else,  (2.)  The  effect  of  such  human 
affections,  the  antecedent  being  put  for  the  consequent,  that  is, 
one  thing  being  expressed  while  another  thing  is  understood, 
which  is  usually  its  effect,  or  at  least  follows  it — a  figure  of  very 
frequent  occurrence  in  the  Sacred  Writings. 

Thus,  when  God  is  said  to  repent,  we  are  not  to  imagine  any  change  of 
mind  in  Him  with  whom  there  is  no  variableness  or  shadow  of  turning,  ol 
any  sorrow  or  trouble  that  is  inconsistent  with  his  perfect  happiness ;  bui, 
either  his  purpose  to  undo  what  he  has  done,  or  desist  from  what  he  is 
doing,  which  are  the  ordinary  effects  of  repentance  in  man  :  so  that  the 
change  is  not  in  the  disposition  of  the  Supreme  Mind,  but  in  the  dispensa- 
tions of  his  providence;  as  in  Gen.  vi.  6.  1  Sam.  xv.  11,  35.  2  Sam.  xxiv.  10. 
Psal.  cvi.  45.  Again,  God  is  said  in  very  many  passages  to  be  angry,  tc 
have  fury,  <fcc.  in  order  to  make  us  apprehend  how  much  he  hales  sin, 
and  will  punish  sinners.  The  same  remark  will  apply  to  other  affections 
which  are  attributed  to  Him. 

In  a  similar  manner  are  we  to  understand  all  those  passages  in  which 
human  actions  are  ascribed  to  God,  as  in  Gen.  xviii.  21.  To  go  down  and 
see  what  is  done  in  Sodom,  is  to  regard  well,  and  proceed  justly,  orderly, 
and  leisurely,  to  their  punishment ;  though  in  the  divine  promise  to  be  with 
Jacob,  Gen.  xxviii.  15.  it  means  that  the  divine  favour  and  protection  should 
accompany  him  all  the  way.  To  search  the  heart  and  try  the  reins,  is  to 
discern  exactly,  as  in  Psal.  vii.  9.  and  Jer.  xvii.  10. — Lastly,  human  relations 
are  likewise  ascribed  to  God,  to  express  the  properties  of  such  relations  : 
thus,  he  is  called  a  King,  Psal  xcv.  3.,  a  Father,  Psal.  ciii.  13.  Rom.  viii.  15., 
a  Husband,  Isa.  liv.  5.  Hosea  ii.  19.,  a  Shepherd,  Psal.  xxiii.  1.  to  express 
his  power  and  authority,  his  love,  pity,  tender  care,  and  watchful  provi 
dence. 

2.  Of 'the prosopopoeia  or  personification,  there  are  two  kinds ; 
one,  when  actions  and  character  are  attributed  to  fictitious, 
irrational,  or  even  inanimate  objects ;  the  other,  when  a  proba- 
ble but  fictitious  speech  is  assigned  to  a  real  character: 

[i.]  The  former,  Bishop  Lowth  remarks,  evidently  partakes  of 
the  nature  of  the  metaphor,  and  is  by  far  the  boldest  of  that  ckss 
of  figures :  it  is  most  frequently  and  successfully  introduced  by 
the  sacred  writers. 

In  Psalm  lxxxv.  10.  how  admirable  is  the  personification  of  the  divine 
attributes  1 

Mercy  and  truth  are  met  together ; 
Righteousness  and  peace  have  kissed  each  other. 

How  just,  elegant,  and  splendid  does  it  appear,  if  applied  only  (according 
to  the  literal  sense)  to  the  restoration  of  the  Jewish  nation  from  the  Baby- 
lonish captivity  !  But  if  we  consider  it  in  a  most  sacred  and  mystical 
sense,  which  is  not  obscurely  shadowed  under  the  ostensible  image,  viz. 
that  of  the  method  of  redemption  by  the  sacrifice  and  mediation  ol  Jesus 
Christ,  in  which  the  divine  perfections  were  so  harmoniously  displayed, 
it  is  beyond  measure  grand  and  elevated.  Again,  what  can  be  more  sub 
lime  or  graceful  than  the  personification  of  wisdom,  so  frequently  intro- 
duced in  the  Proverbs  of  Solomon,  particularly  in  chapter  viii.  verse? 
22 — 31.1  She  is  not  only  exhibited  as  the  directress  of  human  life  anil 
morals,  as  the  inventress  ot  arts,  as  the  dispenser  of  honours  and  riches, 
as  the  source  of  true  felicity,  but  also  as  the  eternal  daughter  of  the  omni- 
potent Creator,  and  as  the  eternal  associate  in  the  divine  counsels.  Similar 
passages,  exquisitely  imagined,  and  from  the  boldness  of  the  fiction  ex- 
tremely forcible,  occur  in  Job  xviii.  13.  xxviii.  22.  Isa.  v.  14.  xlvii.  1.  5. 
Lam.  i.  1.  6.  17.  Jer.  xlvii.  6,  7.  Hos.  xiii.  14.  and  1  Cor.  xv.  54. 3 

[ii.]  The  second  kind  of  prosopopoeia,  by  which  a  probable  but 
fictitious  speech  is  assigned  to  a  real  person, — though  less  cal- 
culated to  excite  admiration  and  approbation  by  its  novelty,  bold- 
ness, and  variety,  than  the  former, — is  nevertheless  possessed  of 
great  force,  evidence,  and  authority.  It  would,  as  Bishop  Lowth 
remarks,  be  an  infinite  task  to  specify  every  instance  in  the  sacred 
poems,  which  on  this  occasion  might  be  referred  to  as  worthy  oi 
notice  ;  or  to  observe  the  easy,  natural,  bold,  and  sudden  personi- 
fications ;  the  dignity,  importance,  and  impassioned  severity  of 
the  characters.  It  would  be  difficult  to  describe  the  energy  of 
that  eloquence  which  is  attributed  to  Jehovah  himself,  and  which 
appears  so  suitable  in  all  respects  to  the  Divine  Majesty  ;  or  to 
display  the  force  and  beauty  of  the  language  which  is  so  ad- 
mirably and  peculiarly  adapted  to  each  character ;  the  probability 
of  the  fiction  ;  and  the  excellence  of  the  imitation. 

3  The  lale  benevolent  and  learned  Mr.  Gilpin  has  pointed  out  many  very 
striking  personifications  and  other  metaphoiii.<J  allusions  used  by  St.  Paul 
See  his  Sermons,  vol.  iv.  p  4U5.  et  sea. 


CiiiP.  1.  Sect.  III.] 


INTERPRETATION  OF  SCRIPTURE  METAPHORS. 


368 


One  example,.*herefor;,  m  ist  suflfice  for  the  present ;  one  Dion  perfect 
it  is  not  possible  to  produce.  It  is  expressive  oi  Ho-  eager  expectation  of 
the  mother  ol  Sisera,  from  tin:  inimitable  ode  of  the  prophetess  Deborah. 
(Judg.  v.  28—30.- 

The  first  pentences  exhibit  a  striking  picture  of  maternal  solicitude,  both 
in  words  and  actions;  and  of  a  mind  suspended  and  agitated  between  hope 
and  fear. 

Through  the  window  she  looked  and  cried  out, 

The  mothi  rough  the  lattii 

\Vln-refore  is  his  chariot  so  long  in  coming! 

Wherefore  linger  the  wheels  oi  his  charloi  i 

Immediately,  impatient  of  his  delay,  she  anticipates  (he  consolations  of 
her  friends ;  and  her  mind  being  somewhat  elevated,  she  boasts  with  all 
the  levity  of  a  fond  female  : — 

(Vast  in  her  hopes,  and  giddy  with  success;) 

ii  i  u I  .■  bar ; 

\     •    she  returns  answer  to  herself: 

II. iv.-  thej  not  found  i  -  Banre  they  not  divided  the  spoill 

Let  us  nowobaerve  how  well  adapted  every  sentiment,  every  word,  is 
to  the  character  of  tin'  speaker.  She  tak.s  no  account  of  the  slaughter 
of  the  enemy,  ofthe  valour  and  conduct  of  the  conqueror,  of  the  multitude 
of  the  captives,  but 

Hums  with  a  female  thirst  of  prey  and 

Nothing  is  omitted  which  is  calculated  to  attract  and  engage  the  passions 
of  a  vain  ami  trilling  woman— 6laves,  gold,  and  rich  apparel.  Nor  is  she 
satisfied  with  the  hue  enumeration  of  them  ;  she  repeats,  she  amplifies, 
she  heightens  every  circumstance ;  she  senna  to  have  the  very  plunder 
in  her  immediate  possession  ;  she  pauses  and  contemplates  every  par- 
ticular:— a> 

Have  they  not  found  ?— Have  they  not  divided  the  spoil  7 

To  every  man  a  damsel,  yea,  a  damsel  or  twol 

To  Sisera  a  spoil  of  divers  colours? 

A  spoil  of  needlework  of  divers  colours, 

\  spoil  for  the  neck  of  divers  colours  of  needlework  on  either  side. 

To  add  to  the  beauty  of  this  passage,  there  is  also  an  uncommon  neatness 
in  the  versification,  great  force,  accuracy,  and  perspicuity  in  the  diction, 
the  utmost  elegance  b  the  repetitions,  which,  notwithstanding  theh  appa- 
rent redundancy,  are  conducted  with  the  most  perfect  brevity.  In  the 
end,  the  fatal  disappointment  of  tVniale  hope  and  credulity  tacitly  insinu- 
ated by  the  sudden  and  unexpected  apostrophe, 

So  let  all  thine  enemies  perish,  O  Jehovah  ! 
is  expressed  more  forcibly  by  this  very  silence  of  the  person  who  was 
iust  speaking,  than  it  could  possibly  have  been  by  all  the  powers  of  lan- 
guage. 

But  whoever  wishes  to  understand  the  full  force  and  ex- 
cellence of  this  figure,  as  well  as  the  elegant  use  of  it  in  the 
Hebrew  ode,  must  apply  to  Isaiah,  whom  we  may  justly 
pronounce  to  be  the  sublimest  of  poets.  Bishop  Lowth  con- 
siders his  fourteenth  chapter  as  the  grandest  specimen  of  that 
prophet's  poetry,  and  as  exemplifying  almost  every  form  of 
the  prosopopoeia,  and  indeed  of  all  that  constitutes  the  sublime 
in  composition. 

II.  The  Hebrews  derived  many  of  their  figures  from  the 
ordinary  occupations  and  customs  of  life,  as  wtll  as  from  such 
arts  us  u-trc  practised  at  that  time. 

This  source,  indeed,  is  common  to  all  nations ;  and  in  pro- 
portion as  they  are  more  polished,  and  cultivate  more  numerous 
arts,  they  are  supplied  with  a  greater  variety  of  images.  The 
whole  course  and  method  of  common  and  domestic  life  among 
the  ancient  Hebrews  Was  simple  in  the  highest  degree.  There 
did  not  exist  that  variety  of  studies  and  pursuits,  of  arts,  con- 
ditions, and  employments,  which  afterwards  obtained  among 
other  nations.  The  Hebrews  were  a  nation  of  husbandmen  and 
shepherds;  the  patriarchs  were  possessed  of  ureat  flocks  and 
herds  which  they  tended,  though  their  descendants  afterwards 
applied  themselves  to  agriculture.  Every  Israelite,  on  the  con- 
quest of  Canaan,  received  his  allotted  portion  of  land,  which  he 
cultivated,  ami  which,  as  it  could  not  be  alienated  by  sale, 
descended  without  diminution  to  his  posterity,  who  enjoyed 
unmolested  the  produce  of  his  land  and  labour.  Hence,  very 
numerous  metaphors  in  the  Sacred  Writings  arc  de-rived  from 
pastoral  and  rural  occupations.  Thus,  kinurs  are  said  to  feed 
their  people,  who  again  are  compared  to.  a  flock  of  sheep,  which 
the  shepherd  conducts  to  pasture,  and  guards  from  danger.  It 
would  extend  the  limits  of  this  section  too  far,  to  instance  par- 
ticularly with  what  embellishments  of  diction,  derived  from  one 
low  and  trivial  object  (as  it  may  appear  to  some) — the  barn  of 
or  threshing-floor — the  sacred  writers  have  added  a  lustre  to  the 
most  sublime,  and  a  force  to  the  most  important  subjects.  Yet 
the  following  passages  we  cannot  omit  to  notice,  on  account  of 
their  uncommon  force  and  beauty  : — 

Thus,  Jehovah  threshes  out  the  heathen,  and  tramples  thera  beneath 
iis  feet.  (Hab.  Hi.  12.)  He  delivers  the  nations  to  Israel  to  he  b 
pieces  by  an  indented  flail,  or  to  be  crushed  by  their  brazen  hoofs.  (Joel 
iii.  14.  (Heb.)  Jer.  Ii.  33.  lsa.  xxi.  10.  Mic.  iv.  13.)  He  scatters  his  enemies 
like  chaff  upon  the  mountains,  and  disperses  them  with  the  whirlwind  of 
his  indignation.  (Psal.  lxxxiii.  13 — 15.  Isa.  xvii.  13.)  But  nothing  can  sur- 
pass the  magnificent  delineation  of  the  Messiah  coming  to  take  vengeance 
on  his  adversaries  expressed  by  imagery  taken  from  the  wine-press,  which 
is  of  frequent  occurrence  vv.'.h  the  sacred  poets,  and  which  no  other  poet 
has  presumed  to  introduce.    See  Isa.  lxiii.  1—3. 


The  pastoral  and  rural  allusions  in  the  NewTestament  aif  almost  equally 
of  the  Old  Testament.  Thus  the  world  is  compared 
to  a  field,  the  children  of  the  kingdom  to  the  wheal,  and  the  children  of  the 
wicked  to  tares.  (Matt.  xiii.  38.)  The  end  of  the  world  is  the  harvest,  and 
the  angels  are  reapers.  (Matt.  xiii.  39.)  A  preacher  of  the  word  is  the 
sower.  (Matt  xiii.  3  )  The  word  of  Cod  is  the  seed.  The  heart  of  man  is 
the  ground.  (Luke  will.  13.  1Kb.  vi.  7.)  The  cares,  riches,  and  pleasures 
of  life  are  the  thorns.  (Luke:  viri.  1 1  Heb.  vi.  8.)  The  preparation  of  the 
heart  by  repentance  Is  ploughing  and  breaking  up  the  fallow  ground. 
(Hoe.  x.  12.1  Death,  which  cuts  down  the  fairest  flower  of  the  field,  is  a 
vwwer.  (Psal.  xc.6  )  The  minister,  who  serves  under  God  in  his  husbandry 
is  the  labourer.  (Matt.  ix.  37,  38.  1  Cor.  iii.  9.)  The  wicked  are  stable. 
(Isa.  xlvii.  II.)  And  the  temptations  and  trials  of  the  godly  are  the  sijting 
of  the  wheal.  (I.uke  xxii.  31. >» 

111.  Suned  Topics,  that  is  to  say,  Religion,  and  Things  con- 
nected with  it,  furnished  many  images  to  the  sacred  writers. 

Numerous  and  diversified  sacred  rites  were  enjoined  to  the  Is- 
raelites by  Moses,  and  their  religious  worship  was  conducted  with 
great  pomp  and  splendour. 

Thus  the  images  derived  from  the  temple  and  its  magnificent  service 
chiefly  serve  to  denote  the  glory  of  the  Christian  church,  the  excellency 
of  its  worship,  God's  favour  towards  it,  and  his  constant  presence  with  it: 
the  prophets  speaking  to  the  Jews  in  terms  accommodated  to  their  own 
Ideas,  aa  In  Bxek.  xxxvi.  25,  26.  compared  with  II.  I.  \m  ttt  Further, 
muchofthe  Jewish  law  is  employed  in  discriminating  between  things  clean 
and  unclean  ;  in  removing  and  making  atonement  for  things  polluted  or 
proscribed;  and  under  these  ceremonies,  as  under  a  veil  or  covering,  a 
meaning  the  most  important  and  sacred  is  concealed,  as  would  appear  from 
the  nature  Of  them,  even  if  we  had  not  other  cl«-ar  and  explicit  authority 
for  this  opinion.  Among  the  rest  are  certain  diseases  and  infirmities  of  the 
body,  ana  some  customs  in  themselves  evidently  indifferent:  these,  on  a 
cursory  view,  seem  light  and  trivial;  but,  when  the  reasons  of  them  are 
properly  investigated,  they  are  found  to  be  of  considerable  importance. 
vVe  are  not  to  wonder,  then,  if  the  sacred  poets  have  recourse  to  these 
topics  for  imagery,  even  on  the  mo3t  momentous  occasions  ;  as  when  they 
display  the  universal  depravity  ofthe  human  heart  (Isa.  lxiv.  6),  or  upbraid 
their  own  people  for  trie  corruptness  of  their  manners  (lsa.  i.  5,  6.  16. 
Ezek.  xxxvi.  \f.\  or  when  they  deplore  the  abject  state  of  the  virgin,  the 
daughter  of  Sion,  polluted  and  exposed.  (Lam.  i.  8,  9.  17.  and  ii.)  If  we 
consider  these  metaphors,  without  any  reference  to  the  religion  of  their 
authors,  they  will  doubtless  appear  in  some  degree  disgusting  and  inele- 
gant ;  but  if  we  refer  them  to  their  genuine  source,  the  peculiar  rites  of 
The  Hebrews,  they  will  not  be  found  wanting  either  in  force  or  dignity. 

The  pontifical  vestments,  which  were  extremely  splendid,  suggested  a 
variety  of  images  expressive  ofthe  glory  both  of  the  Jewish  and  Christian 
church.  We  have  an  instance  of  this  in  Ezek.  xvi.  10.  13.  11  and  particu- 
larly in  the  following  passage  of  the  evangelical  prophet  •— 

I  will  greatly  rejoice  in  Jehovah  : 

My  soul  shall  exult  in  my  God, 

For  he  hath  clothed  me  with  the  garments  of  salvation. 

He  hath  covered  me  with  the  mantle  of  righteousness: 

As  the  bridegroom  decketh  himself  with  a  priestly  crown  ; 

\nd  as  the  bride  adorneth  herself  with  her  costly  jewels. 

Isa.  Ixi.  JO. 

In  this  verse,  the  elegant  Isaiah  is  describing,  in  his  peculiar  and  magnifi 
cent  manner,  the  exultation  and  glory  of  the  church,  after  her  triumphal. 
restoration.  Pursuing  the  allusion,  he  decorates  her  with  the  vestments 
of  salvation,  and  clothes  her  in  the  robe  of  righteousness  :  he  afterwards 
compares  the  church  to  a  bridegroom  dressed  for  the  marriage,  to  which 
comparison  incredible  dignity  is  added  by  the  word  Hcohen,  a  metaphor 
plainly  taken  from  the  priest's  apparel,  the  force  of  which,  therefore,  no 
modern  language  can  express.  No  imagery,  Bishop  Lowth  further  remarks, 
which  the  Hebrew  writers  could  employ,  was  equally  adapted  with  this  to 
the  display  (as  far  as  human  powers  can  conceive  or  depict  the  subject)of 
the  infinite  majesty  of  God.  Jehovah  is,  therefore,  introduced  by  the 
Psalmist  as  clothed  with  glory  and  with  strength  (Psal.  xciii.  1),  and  he  is 
girded  with  power  (Psal.  Ixv.  6.),  which  are  the  very  terms  appropriated  to 
the  description  of  the  dress  and  ornaments  of  the  priests.  The  epistle  to 
the  Hebrews  is  an  admirable  comment  on  many  parts  of  the  Mosaic  ritual. 

IV.  The  Hebrews  derived  many  of  their  Metaphors  from 
Sacred  History. 

Thus,  as  the  devastation  of  the  land  of  Israel  is  frequently 
represented  by  the  restoration  of  ancient  chaos  (as  in  Jer.  iv. 
23 — 26.  Isa.  xxxiv.  4.  11.  and  Joel  iii.  15,  16),  so  the  same  event 
is  sometimes  expressed  in  metaphors  suggested  by  the  universal 
deluge  (as  in  Isa.  xxiv.  1.  18 — 20.),  and  also  from  the  destruction 
of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah.  (Isa.  xxxiv.  9.)   See  also  Psal.  xi.  6. 

The  departure  of  the  Israelites  from  Egypt,  while  it  affords 
materials  for  many  magnificent  descriptions,  is  commonly  applied, 
in  a  metaphorical  manner,  to  represent  other  great  deliverances  : 
as  in  Isa.  xi.  15, 16.  xliii.  16—19.  xlviii.  21.  and  li.  10.  But  the 
figurative  application  of  the  history  of  the  exodus  is  much  plainei 
in  the  New  Testament  There  we  see  Zacharias,  in  his  pro- 
phetical hymn,  on  occasion  of  the  birth  of  John  the  Baptist, 
celebrating  the  Messings  of  the  Christian  redemption  in  terms 
borrowed  from  the  past  redemption  of  Israel  out  of  Egypt.-' 

Lastly,  when  Jehovah  is  described  as  coming  to  execute  judg- 
ment, to  deliver  the  pious,  and  to  destroy  his  enemies,  or  in  any 
manner  to  display  his  divine  power  upon  earth,  the  description  u 
embellished  from  that  tremendous  scene  which  was  exhibited  on 

i  A  Key  to  the  Language  of  Prophecy,  by  the  Rev.  W.  Jones.  (Works, 
vol.  v.  p.  2&i)  See  also  a  Concise  Dictionary  of  the  Symbolics!  language 
ofProphecyintheIndextoVol.il.  j-„,k.  <.i  „„,.., 

*  This  interesting  and  important  topic  .swell  illustrated  in  he  lectures 
on  the  Figurative  Language  of  Scripture,"  Lect.  vi  -Jones  s  Works,  voi 
iii.  pp.  92—100. 


'J64 


ON  THE  FIGURATIVE  LANGUAGE  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


[Paht  II.  Book.  II 


Mount  Sinai'  at  the  delivery  of  the  law.  Two  sublime  examples 
of  this  sort,  to  mention  no  more,  occur  in  Psal.  xviii.  7 — 15.  and 
Mic.  i.  3, 4.2 


SECTION  IV, 

ON   THE    INTERPRETATION    OF    SCRIPTURE    ALLEGORIES. 

.   The  Allegory  defined. — Different  species  of  Allegory. — II. 
Rules  for  the  interpretation  of  Scripture  Allegories. 

Another  branch  of  the  figurative  language  of  Scripture  is 
the  allegory ;  which,  under  the  literal  sense  of  the  words, 
conceals  a  foreign  or  distant  meaning.  Of  this  species  of 
figure  Bishop  Lowth3  has  three  kinds,  viz. 

1.  The  Allegory*  properly  so  called,  and  which  he  terms 
a  continued  metaphor  ,•  — 

2.  The  Parable,  or  similitude,  which  is  discussed  in  the 
following  section ; — and, 

3.  The  Mystical  Allegory,  in  which  a  double  meaning 
is  couched  under  the  same  words,  or  when  the  same  predic- 
tion, according  as  it  is  differently  interpreted,  relates  to  dif- 
ferent events,  distant  in  time,  and  distinct  in  their  nature. 

The  Mystical  Allegory  differs  from  the  two  first-mentioned 
species  in  the  nature  of  its  materials ;  it  being  allowable  in 
the  former  to  make  use  of  imagery  from  different  objects, 
while  the  mystical  al  legory  is  exclusively  derived  from  things 
sacred.  There  is  likewise  this  further  distinction,  that  in 
those  other  forms  of  allegory,  the  exterior  or  ostensible 
imagery  is  fiction  only;  the  truth  lies  altogether  in  the  inte- 
rior or  remote  sense,  which  is  veiled  as  it  were  under  this  thin 
and  pellucid  covering.  But,  in  the  mystical  allegory,  each 
idea  is  equally  agreeable  to  truth.  The  exterior  or  ostensible 
image  is  not  a  shadowy  colouring  of  the  interior  sense,  but  is 
in  itself  a  reality ;  and,  although  it  sustains  another  character, 
it  does  not  wholly  lay  aside  its  own.  As,  however,  the  in- 
terpretation of  the  mystical  and  typical  parts  of  Scripture  is 
treated  of  in  a  subsequent  part  of  this  volume,5  we  snail,  in 
the  present  section,  direct  our  attention  to  the  allegory,  pro- 
perly and  strictly  so  called. 

As  every  such  allegory  is  a  representation  of  real  matters 
of  fact  under  feigned  names  ana  feigned  characters,  it  must 
be  subjected  to  a  two-fold  examination.  "  We  must  first 
examine  the  immediate  representation,  and  then  consider 
what  other  representation  it  was  intended  to  excite.  Now,  in 
most  allegories  the  immediate  representation  is  made  in  the 
form  of  a  narrative ;  and  since  it  is  the  object  of  an  allegory 
to  convey  a  moral,  not  an  historical  truth,  the  narrative  itself 
is  commonly  fictitious.  The  immediate  representation  is  of 
no  further  value,  than  as  it  leads  to  the  ultimate  representa- 
tion. It  is  the  application  or  moral  of  the  allegory  which 
constitutes  its  worth."6  In  the  investigation,  then,  of  an 
allegory,  the  following  rules  may  assist  us  to  determine  its 
ultimate  meaning : — 

I.  Allegorical  Senses  of  Scripture  are  not  to  be  sought  for, 
where  the  literal  sense  is  plain  and  obvious. 

This  rule  is  of  the  greatest  importance ;  from  not  attending  to 
it,  the  ancient  Jews,  as  the  Therapeutae,  the  author  of  the  book  of 
Wisdom,  Josephus,  and  Philo,  and,  in  imitation  of  them,  Origen7 
and  many  of  the  fathers  (whose  example  has  also  been  followed  by 
some  modern  expositors),  have  respectively  turned  even  historical 

1  See  Exod.  xix.  16.  18.    Deut.  iv.  11,  12. 

»  The  learned  Professor  Michaelis,  in  his  additions  to  Bishop  Lowth's 
ninth  lecture,  has  endeavoured  to  prove  that  the  sacred  writers  drew 
largely  from  poetic  fable,  which  they  derived  from  the  Egyptians,  in  com- 
mon with  the  Greeks  and  Romans.  As  it  respects  the  latter,  his  argument 
is  convincing  and  satisfactory ;  but  with  regard  to  the  Hebrews,  as  it 
depends  chiefly  on  his  own  Latin  versions,  which  (the  excellent  English 
translator  of  the  bishop's  lectures  remarks)  are  by  no  means  so  faithful  to 
•.he  original  as  our  common  version,  his  point  does  not  appear  to  be  demon- 
strated. On  this  account  the  present  brief  notice  of  Michaelis's  hypothesis 
may  be  deemed  sufficient :  it  is,  however,  adopted  by  Bauer  in  his  Her- 
tneneutica  Sacra,  pp.  209,  210. 

»  Lectures  on  Hebrew  Poetry,  vol.  i.  lect.  x.  and  xxi 

*  Akkvtyvpix  or  Allegory  is  derived  from  x\ko  ayopE.T«.  ;  \.  e.  a  different 
thing  is  said  from  that  which  is  meant.  It  differs  from  a  metaphor,  in  that 
.t  is  not  confined  to  a  word,  but  extends  to  a  whole  thought,  or  it  may  be,  to 
several  thoughts.  An  allegory  may  be  expressed  moreover  by  pictures, 
by  actions,  as  in  Ezek.  iii.  iv.  v.  and  Luke  xxii.  30.  or,  by  any  significant 
thing. 

»  See  Chapter  III.  infra,  on  the  Mystical  and  Typical  Interpretations  of 
Scripture  ;  and  Chapter  IV.  Section  111.  on  the  Double  Sense  of  Prophecy. 

«  Bishop  Marsh's  Lectures,  part  iii.  p.  80.  The  seventeenth  and  eigh- 
•eenth  lectures,  in  which  the  subject  of  figurative  interpretation  is  ably 
liscussed  at  considerable  length,  are  particularly  worthy  of  perusal. 

»  Dr.  A.  Clarke  (note  on  Exod.  i.  22.)  has  given  a  curious  specimen  of 
Origen's  mode  of  allegorizing,  to  which  the  reader  is  referred  on  account 
ef  its  length 


passages  of  Scripture  into  allegories,  together  with  such  othei 
passages  as  already  had  a  proper  and  literal  sense.  Hence  many 
ridiculous  interpretations  have  been  imposed  on  passages  of 
Scripture,  the  proper  moral  sense  of  which  has  been  either  grtatly 
enervated,  or  entirely  frittered  away,  by  such  misnamed  spiritual 
expositions. 

II.  The  proper  or  literal  meaning  of  tin-  Worth  must  be  as- 
certained,  before  ive  attempt  to  explain  an  Allegory. 

For  this  purpose  the  primary  word  itself  must  first  be  ascertained,  anil 
its  force  expressed,  by  an  appropriate  literal  word  ;  and  to  this  sense  al 
the  other  figurative  words  of  the  passage  should  be  referred,  and  explained 
agreeably  to  it.  The  primary  word  in  an  allegory  is  that  which  contains 
the  foundation  and  reason  why  the  passage  under  consideration  is  ex- 
pressed by  that  particular  image ;  and  such  primary  word  is  to  be  ascer- 
tained both  from  the  scope  as  well  as  from  the  explanation  .vhich  may  he 
subjoined,  and  also  from  the  subject  or  thing  itself  which  is  treated  of. 
Thus  in  1  Cor.  v.  6—8.  the  apostle  speaks  of  leaven  in  such  a  manner,  that 
the  whole  of  that  passage  contains  an  earnest  exhortation  to  a  holy  life  ; 
for  the  context  shows  that  the  design  of  the  allegorical  admonition  was. 
that  the  Corinthians  should  not  be  tainted  with  wickedness  and  depravity  of 
life.  The  occasion  of  the  allegory  was  their  admittance  of  an  incestuous 
person  into  the  church  at  Corinth.  Now,  as  the  apostle  says,  Know  ye  not 
that  a  little  leaven  leaveneth  the  whole  lump  ?  and  accommodates  the 
remaining  sentence  of  the  passage  to  the  same  image,  the  consideration  ot 
the  primary  word  will  readily  lead  us  to  this  sense  :  one  man  may  be  inju- 
rious to  the  whole  congregation  by  his  corrupt  example.  St.  Paul  further 
adds  an  explanation  of  hia, meaning,  when  he  says,  Let  us  keep  the  feast, 
not  with  old  leaven,  neither  with  the  leaven  of  malice  and  wickedness.  Ac 
Here  the  meaning  of  sopT*<fs.v  (keep  the  feast)  i|.iiot  to  celebrate  the  festi- 
val of  the  passover  as  it  literally  means,  but  toTServe  and  worship  God  in 
Christ:  in  other  words,  to  be  a  sincere  Christian,  and  in  such  a  manner 
that,  being  cleansed  from  all  former  sins,  we  should  serve  and  worship 
God  in  true  holiness.'  In  like  manner  we  are  to  understand  the  expression, 
Destroy  this  temple,  and  in  three  days  I  will  raise  it  up.  (John  ii.  19.)  The 
primary  word  temple  must  be  changed  into  a  proper  or  literal  one,  namely, 
the  body  of  Christ,  as  the  evangelical  history  suggests ;  and  to  this  the  rest 
of  the  passage  must  be  referred. 

III.  The  Design  of  the  whole  Allegory  must  be  investigated. 
The  consideration  of  this  rule  will  embrace  a  variety  of  par- 
ticulars. 

1.  In  investigating  the  Design  of  an  Allegory,  the  context 
is  first  to  be  examined  and  considered,-  by  comparing  the  pre- 
ceding and  subsequent  parts  of  the  discourse. 

In  2  Tim.  ii.  20.  we  read  thus : — In  a  great  house  there  are  not  only  ves- 
sels of  gold  and  silver,  but  also  of  wood  and  of  earth  ;  and  some  to  honour 
and  some  to  dishonour.  Now,  since  the  apostle  did  not  intend  to  say  what 
these  words  literally  mean  of  themselves,  it  is  evident  that  he  employed  an 
allegory,  the  design  of  which  is  to  be  ascertained  bythe  aid  of  the  context. 
In  the  preceding  verses,  15.  and  16.,  he  had  exhorted  Timothy  to  study  to 
show  himself  approved  unto  God,  a  workman  that  needeth  not  to  be 
ashamed,  rightly  dividing  the  word  of  truth,  and  to  shun  vain  and  profane 
babblings.  Hence  it  appears  that  Saint  Paul  was  speaking  of  the  <iualifi- 
cations  of  a  teacher.  The  great  house  then,  in  which  are  vessels  of  several 
kinds,  will  signify  the  Christian  church,  in  which  are  various  teachers,  and 
of  different  value.  In  the  following  verses,  21.  and  22.,  Timothy  is  ex 
horted  to  avoid  novel  doctrines,  to  separate  himself  from  false  teachers, 
and  to  make  himself  a  vessel  fitted  for  the  master's  use,  prepared  for  every 
good  work.  Here,  again,  the  apostle  is  not,  speaking  literally  of  household 
goods,  but  of  teachers.  The  design  of  the  allegory,  therefore,  in  the  pas 
sage  above  cited,  is  to  intimate,  that,  as  in  a  great  house  there  is  a  variety 
of  utensils,  some  of  a  more  precious  and  others  of  a  coarser  material,  sc 
in  the  church  of  God,  which  is  the  house  of  God,  there  are  teachers  of 
different  characters  and  capacities.  Some  of  them,  being  faithful,  are 
employed  in  the  honourable  work  of  leading  men  in  fhe  paths  of  truth  and 
piety  ;  while  others,  being  unfaithful,  are  permitted  to  follow  the  dishonour- 
able occupation  of  seducing  those  who  love  error,  that  the  approved  may 
be  made  manifest. 

2.  The  occasion  -which  gave  rise  to  the  Allegory,  and  which 
is  indicated  by  the  context,  is  also  to  be  considered. 

Thus,  in  the  Gospels,  we  meet  with  numerous  instances  of  persons  who 
asked  questions  of  our  Saviour,  or  wl>io  entertained  erroneous  notions  ;  an 
allegory  is  delivered  by  way  of  reply,  to  correct  the  error,  and  at  the  sane 
time  to  instruct  the  inquirer.  In  John  vi.  23—65.  many  things  are  an- 
nounced relative  to  the  eating  of  bread  :  these  are  to  be  understood  of 
spiritual  food,  the  doctrines  of  Christ,  which  are  to  be  received  for  the 
same  purpose  as  we  take  food,  namely,  that  we  may  be  nourished  and 
supported.  The  occasion  of  this  allegorical  mode  of  speaking  is  related  in 
verse  31.  Our  fathers,  said  the  Jews,  did  eat  manna  in  the  desert,  as  it  i* 
written,  He  gave  them  bread  from  heaven  to  eat.  I,  says  Christ,  am  the 
living  bread,  which  cometh  down  from  heaven.  The  meaning  of  the 
whole  evidently  is,  that  by  eating  the  flesh  of  Christ  we  are  to  understand 
the  same  idea  as  is  implied  in  eating  bread,  namely,  to  derive  support  from 


•  Mr.  Gilpin  has  given  the  following  lucid  exposition  of  this,  in  some 
respects,  difficult  passage  : — "I  hear,"  says  the  apostle  to  the  Corinthians, 
"  that  there  hath  been  practised  among  you  a  very  enormous  kind  of 
wickedness,  which  is  not  heard  of  even  among  Gentiles — that  one  of  you 
hath  had  connection  with  his  father's  wife  ;  and  that  others,  instead  of 
making  it  a  cause  of  general  mourning,  and  separating  themselves  from  so 
vile  a  person,  seem  rather  to  defend  him  in  his  wickedness.— Though 
absent,  I  take  upon  me,  through  the  authority  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  to  decide 
in  this  matter.  I  command,  therefore,  that,  on  receipt  of  this  epistle,  you 
gather  the  congregation  together,  and  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ  solemnly 
expel  this  person  from  your  communion  ;  that  he  may  see  the  heinousness 
of  his  sin,  and  after  a  sincere  repentance  be  restored  to  God's  favour  — 
Your  defending  him  in  his  wickedness  is  an  immediate  step  towards 
being  corrupted  yourselves.  You  are  under  a  necessity,  therefore,  on 
your  own  account,  to  remove  this  pernicious  example.  Consider  your 
blessed  Saviour's  death,  and  preserve  yourselves  as  free  as  possible  from 
sin,  which  was  the  cause  of  it."    See  the  New  Testament,  vol.  ».  p.  165. 

•  On  the  investigation  of  the  context,  tta  pp.  337,  338.  supra. 


Chap.  I.  Sect.  IV.] 


INTERPRETATION  OF  SCRIPTURE  ALLEGORIES. 


365 


it.  The  argument  of  our  Lord,  then,  may  be  thus  expressed: — "The 
manna  which  our  fathers  did  eat  in  the  wilderness  could  only  preserve  a 
mortal  life.  That  is  the  true  bread  of  life  which  qualifies  every  one  who 
eats  it  for  everlasting  happiness.  I  call  myself  this  bread,  not  only  on 
account  of  my  doctrine,  which  puriflm  tlnr  soul,  and  fits  it  for  a  state  of 
happiness,  but  also  because  I  shall  give  my  own  life  to  procure  the  life  of 
the  world." 

3.  As  the  context  frequently  indicates  the  meaning  of  an 
Allegory,  so  likewise  its  Scopb  and  Intkiumietatiov  are  fre- 
quently pointed  out  by  some  explanation  that  is  subjoined. 

In  Luke  v.  29.  it  ii  related  that  our  Lord  sat  down  to  eat  with  publican* 
and  sinners.  When  questioned  by  the  Pharisees  for  this  conduct,  ho  re- 
plied, They  that  arc.  whole  need  noi  a  physician,  but  they  that  are  sick  ;  and 
added  the  following  explanation— I  am  not  come  to  call  the  righteous,  those 
who  arrogantly  preaunie  themselves  to  bfl  inch,  but  sinners  to  repentance. 
The  scope,  occasion,  and  explanation  being  severally  known,  the  meaning 
ofthe  allegory  becomes  evident  Sometimes,  however,  i  ins  explanation  of 
an  allegory  is  conveyed  in  a  single  word,  as  in  1  Thess.  v.  8.  Here  we  are 
commanded  to  pul  on  a  bceasi-plate  and  helmet;  it  is  added,  by  way  of  expo- 
sition, the  breasl  plate  of  faith  and  love,  and  the  helmel  of  hope.  The  sense 
ofthe  figure  is— Prepare  yourself  for  your  spiritual  warfare  with  faith,  love, 
and  hope,  lest  you  suffer  loss. 

\.  Sometimes  the  Allegory  proposed  is  explained  in  its  seve- 
ral parts  by  the  person  speaking. 

Thus,  in  Eph.  vi.  11—10.  many  things  are  said  of  the  Christian's  armour; 
and  the  girdle,  breast  plate,  greaves,  shield,  and  sword,  are  distinctly  speci- 
fic,!. That  these  terms  are  allegorical  is  evident.  In  the  tenth  verse  the 
exhortation,  tu  he  strong  in  the  Lord,  and  in  the  power  of  his  might,  pre- 
cedes: in  the  eleventh  and  following  verses  the  apostle  explains  what  he 
Intended  to  he  understood  in  its  several  parts:  thus,  the  sword  is  the  word 
il  God,  the  girdle  is  integrity,  the  shield  is  faith,  &c.  In  such  passages  as 
'his,  an  explanation  is  desirable,  otherwise  the  allegory  it  contains  could 
not  lie  interpreted  upon  any  certain  principle. 

5.   Sometimes  also  the  oontkxt  incidentally  presents  some 

proper  -word,  by  which  the  meaning  of  the  tohole  allegory  may 

be  discerned. 

I,i  John  xii.  3.">.  our  Lord  says—  Yet  a  little  while  is  the  light  with  you.  A 
single  proper  word  is  almost  immediately  subjoined — believe  in  the  light 
;Ver.  36.)  Hence  it  appears  that  by  light  is  meant  himself,  the  divine 
teacher  :  it  is  equally  plain  that  to  continue  in  darkness  means  to  continue 
in  ignorance.  Another  instance  occurs  in  Matt.  v.  14.  Ye  are  the  light  of 
Ihe  world  :  a  city  that  is  set  on  a  hill  cannot  be  hid,  <fcc.  It  is  afterwards 
subjoined,  that  men  may  see  your  good  works,  and  glorify  your  Father 
which  is  in  heaven.  From  this  expression,  good  works,  which  is  the  key  to 
the  whole  passage,  we  perceive  that  our  Lord's  discourse  treats  of  that 
example  ofa  holy  life  and  conversation,  which  it  is  the  duty  of  Chrisfians  to 
set  before  others. 

IV.  In  the  explanation  of  an  Allegorical  Passage,  Histori- 
cal Circumstances  should  be  consulted. 

For  it  sometimes  happens  that  history  alone  can  throw  any 
light  on  the  passage. 

1.  Thus,  in  John  xxi.  18.  the  evangelist  evidently  refers  us  to  history  for 
an  explanation.  Our  Lord  is  there  represented  as  sayinc  to  Peter — When 
thou  wast  young  thou  girdedst  thyself,  and  walkedst  whither  thou  would^st: 
but,  when  thou  shall  be  old,  thou  shall  stretch  forth  thy  hand*,  and  another 
■shall  gird  thee,  and  carry  thee  whither  thou  worilde.it  not.  This,  adds  the 
ttistonan,  spake  he  signifying  by  what  death  he  should  glorify  God.  Now 
there  is  nothing  related  in  the  INew  Testament  which  can  afford  any  clue 
to  this  passage  :  but,  if  we  consult  ecclesiastical  history,  we  shall  find  that 
Peter  suffered  a  violent  death  ;  and  thus  every  sentence  becomes  clear. 

2,  So,  in  Matt.  xiii.  31 — 34.  the  kingdom  of  God  is  likened  unto  a  grain  of 
mustard  seed  which  gradually  springs  up  and  becomes  t  large  plant ;  and 
also  to  leaven,  which  gradually  ferments  the  whole  mass,  into  which  it  is 
put.  History  shows  that  thechmrh  of  Christ  has  arisen  from  small  begin- 
nings, and  is  spreading  itself  through  the  earth. 

'.',.  In  Prov.  v.  15—18.  we  have  the  following  beautiful  allegory  : — Drink 
waters  out  of  thine  own  cistern,  and  running  renters  out  of  thine  own  well. 
Let  thy  fountains  be  dispersed  abroad,  and  rivers  of  waters  in  the  streets. 
L't  them  be  only  thine  own,  and  not  strangers  with  thee.  Let  thy  foun- 
tain be.  blessed,  and  rejoice  with  the  wife  of  thy  youth.  That  this  passage 
is  allegorical,  is  evident  from  the  same  figure  being  continued  through 
several  sentences  and  verses.  Its  sense  is  to  be  investigated  both  accord- 
ing to  the  oriental  mode  of  speaking  (for  the  inhabitants  of  the  Ea^t.  who 
draw  most  of  their  metaphors  from  natural  objects,  are  accustomed  to 
compare  their  wives  to  a  cistern  or  pool,  whence  rivers  How),  and  also 
from  the  proper  words  subjoined  towards  the  close,  rejoice  with  the  wife 
nf  thy  youth;  as  likewise  from  the  series  of  the  discourse,  since  the  author 
ofthe  Hook  of  Proverbs,  in  the  beginning  of  this  chapter,  is  dissuading 
from  illicit  intercourse.  From  these  circumstances  collectively  considered, 
the  sense  of  the  allegory  plainly  is  that  no.  man  should  follow  strange 
women,  hut  live  content  with  the  wife  whom  he  hath  espoused;  lest,  influ- 
enced by  his  example,  she  should  deviate  from  the  path  of  virtue. 

V.  Tlie  Nature  ofthe  Thine  spoken  of  it  asho  /"  be  eonti- 

dfred  in  the  Exposition  of  an  Allegory. 

It  is  necessary  that  the  nature  of  the  thing  should  be  consi- 
dered, in  order  that  the  tendency  of  every  comparison  may  appear, 
and  also  the  literal  meaning  which  is  concealed  under  the  figura- 
tive expressions. 

1.  Thus  in  Matt.  v.  13.  we  rea,d,  Ye  are  the  saH  of  the  earth  ;  but  if  the 
salt  have  lost  its  savour,  wherewith  shall  it  he  salted!  It  is  thenceforth  good 
for  nothing  but  to  be  cast  out,  and  to  be  trodden  underfoot  of  mm 
what  is  the  meaning  of  this  admonition?  What  is  the  primary  word?  Salt. 
But  with  what  proper  word  can  it  be  interpreted  ?  Here  the  nature  of  the 
Ihing  is  to  be  consulted,  which  shows  that  it  is  the  property  of  salt  to  render 
food  savoury,  as  well  as  to  correct  the  taste :  hence  it  is  clear  in  what  sense 
the  disciples  are  said  to  be  the  salt  ofthe  earth :  for  they  were  teachers  by 
whom  some  were  corrected  and  made  better.    The  general  meaning  ofthe 


passage  is,— Ye  who  embrace  my  religion,  like  salt  shall  purify  the  world 
but  ye  must  first  be  pure  yourselves. 

2.  In  Luke  v.  36.  the  following  passage  occurs:— No  man putteth  a  piece 
of  a  new  garment  upon  an  old;  if  otherwise,  then  both  the  new  maketh  a 
rent,  and  the  piece  that  was  taken  out  ofthe  new  ugrecth  not  with  the  old. 
Nothing  is  adduced  by  way  of  explanation:  in  a  preceding  verse  the  I'hari- 
I  asked  Christ  why  his  disciples  did  not  fast,  butlived  more  cheer- 
fully than  those  of  John.  Our  Saviour  replied  in  the  words  above  cited; 
nothing,  then,  can  lead  us  to  understand  the  passage  but  the  nature  of  the 
Now,  in  common  life  we  know  that  no  one  voluntarily  and  readily 
lets  indiscreetly,  or  in  an  unbecoming  manner.  Therefore,  says  Christ, 
since  ii"  one  in  common  life  acts  thus  indiscreetly,  neither  do  I  require  my 
is  to  do  so,  since  there  is  no  need  for  them  to  undergo  such  austeri- 
ties. The  time  will  come  (ver.  35.)  when  they  will  fare  hardly  enough; 
then  they  will  have  sufficient  trials.  At  present,  neither  circumstances, 
time,  nor  place  require  it ;  things  must  be  accommodated  to  circumstances 
The  passage  being  thus  considered,  the  meaning  of  the  allegory  become* 
very  evident. 

VI.  Comparison  ie  not  to  be  extended  to  all  the  Circumstance* 
of  the  Allegory. 

"  Thus,  in  the  parable  of  the  good  Samaritan,  the  point  to  b* 
illustrated  is,  the  extent  of  the  duty  of  beneficence.  Most  of 
the  circumstances  in  the  parable  go  to  make  up  merely  the  veri- 
similitude of  the  narration,  so  that  it  may  give  pleasure  to  him 
who  hears  or  reads  it.  But  how  differently  does  the  whole 
appear,  when  it  comes  to  be  interpreted  by  an  allegorizer  of  the 
inystic  schools  !  The  man  going  down  from  Jerusalem  to  Jericho 
is  Adam  wandering  in  the  wilderness  of  this  world  ;  the  thieves, 
who  robbed  ajid  wounded  him,  are  evil  spirits ;  the  priest,  who 
passed  by  without  relieving  him,  is  the  Levitical  Law  ;  the  Le- 
vite  is  good  works;  the  good  Samaritan  is  Christ;  the  oil  and 
wine  are  grace,  &c.  What  may  not  a  parable  be  made  to  mean, 
if  imagination  is  to  supply  the  place  of  reason  and  philology  1 
And  what  riddle  or  oracle  of  Delphos  could  be  more  equivocal, 
or  of  more  multifarious  significancy,  than  the  Bible,  if  such  exe- 
gesis be  admissible  1  It  is  a  miserable  excuse,  which  interpreters 
make  for  themselves,  that  they  render  the  Scriptures  more  edi- 
fying and  significant  by  interpreting  them  in  this  manner.  And 
are  the  Scriptures  then  to  be  made  more  significant  than  God  has 
made  them  1  Or  to  be  mended  by  the  skill  of  the  interpreter  so 
as  to  become  more  edifying  than  the  Holy  Spirit  has  made  them  1 
If  there  be  a  semblance  of  piety  in  such  interpretations,  a  sem- 
blance is  all.  Real  piety  and  humility  appear  to  advantage  in 
receiving  the  Scriptures  as  they  are,  and  expounding  them  as 
simply  and  skilfully  as  the  rules  of  language  will  render  practi- 
cable, rather  than  by  attempting  to  amend  and  improve  the  reve- 
lation which  God  has  made."1 

VII.  We  must  not  explain  one  Part  literally,  and  another 
Part  figuratively. 

Thus,  the  whole  of  1  Cor.  iii.  9 — 13.  is  allegorical :  a  compa- 
rison is  there  instituted  between  the  office  of  a  teacher  of  religion 
and  that  of  a  builder.  Hence  a  Christian  congregation  is  termed 
a  building ;  its  ministers  are  the  architects,  some  of  whom  lay  the 
foundation  on  which  others  build  ;  some  erect  a  superstructure  of 
gold  and  silver ;  others  of  wood,  hay,  and  stubble.  The  sense 
concealed  under  the  allegory  is  apparent :  a  Christian  congrega- 
tion is  instructed  by  teachers,  some  of  whom  communicate  the 
first  principles,  others  impart  further  knowledge  ;  some  deliver 
good  and  useful  things  {the  truth),  while  others  deliver  useless 
things  (erroneous  doctrines,  such  as  at  that  time  prevailed  in  the 
Corinthian  church).  That  day  (the  great  day  of  judgment)  will 
declare  what  superstructure  a  man  has  raised ;  that  is,  whether 
what  he  has  taught  be  good  or  bad.  And  as  fire  is  the  test  of 
gold,  silver,  precious  stones,  wood,  hay,  stubble,  so  the  great  day 
will  be  the  test  of  every  man's  work.  Though  the  whole  of  this 
passage  is  obviously  allegorical,  yet  it  is  understood  literally  by 
the  church  of  Rome,  who  has  erected  upon  it  her  doctrine  of  the 
fire  of  purgatory.  How  contrary  this  doctrine  is  to  every  rule 
of  right  interpretation  is  too.  plain  to  require  any  exposition.2 

It  falls  not  within  the  plan  of  this  work  to  enumerate  all 
the  allegories  occurring  in  the  Sacred  Writings :  some  have 
been  incidentally  mentioned  in  the  present  section ;  yet, 
before  we  proceed  to  other  topics,  we  cannot  but  notice  the 
admirable  allegorical  delineation  of  old  age  by  Solomon, 
Eccl.  xii.  2 — 6.  It  is,  perhaps,  one  of  the  finest  allpgories 
in  the  Old  Testament:  the  inconveniencies  of  increasing 
years,  the  debility  of  mind  and  body,  the  torpor  of  the  senses, 
l  pressed  most  learnedly  and  elegantly  indeed,  but  with 

>  Professor  Stuart's  F.lements  of  Interpretation,  translated  from  the 
Latin  of  Ernesti,  p.  60.     Andover  (North  America),  1822,  12mo. 

»  Ilauer,  Herm.  Sacr.  pp.  221—226.  Ernesti,  Inst.  Intern-  rNov.  Test.  pp. 
110,  111.  Mori  Acroases  in  Ernesti,  torn.  i.  pp. 301— 313.  Glassn  Phil.  Sac. 
lib.  ii.  pp.  1294—1304.  Ramiresii  de  Prado,  Pentecontarchus,  c.  28.  apud 
Fabricii  Observationes  Selects,  pp.  173—179.  J.  E.  Pfeiffer,  Institutiones 
Herm.  Sacr.  pp.  740 — 753. 


366 


ON  THE  FIGURATIVE  LANGUAGE  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


[Part  II.  Book  II 


some  degree  of  obscurity,  by  different  images  derived  from 
nature  and  common  life ;  for  by  this  enigmatical  composition, 
Solomon,  after  the  manner  of  the  oriental  sages,  intended  to 
put  to  trial  the  acuteness  of  his  readers.  It  has  on  this  ac- 
count afforded  nwch  exercise  to  the  ingenuity  of  the  learned  ; 
many  of  whom  have  differently,  it  is  true,  but  with  much 
learning  and  penetration,  explained  the  passage. 

There  is  also  in  Isaiah  (xxviii.  23 — 29.)  an  allegory, 
which,  with  no  less  elegance  of  imagery,  is  perhaps  more 
simple  and  regular,  as  well  as  more  just  and  complete  in  the 
colouring,  than  any  of  those  above  cited.  In  the  passage 
referred  to,  the  prophet  is  examining  the  design  and  manner 
of  the  divine  judgments,  and  is  inculcating  the  principle,  that 
God  adopts  different  modes  of  acting  in  the  chastisement  of 
the  wicked,  but  that  the  most  perfect  wisdom  is  conspicuous 
in  all ;  that  he  will,  as  before  urged,  "  exact  judgment  by  the 
nne,  and  righteousness  by  the  plummet;"  that  he  ponders, 
with  the  most  minute  attention,  the  distinctions  of  times, 
characters,  and  circumstances,  as  well  as  every  motive  to 
lenity  or  severity.  All  this  is  expressed  in  a  continued  alle- 
gory, the  imagery  of  which  is  taken  from  the  employments 
of  agriculture  and  threshing,  and  is  admirably  adapted  to  the 
purpose.1 


SECTION  V. 

ON   THE    INTERPRETATION    OF   SCRIPTURE    PARABLES. 

!.  Nature  of  a  Parable. — II.  Antiquity  of  this  mode  of  instruc- 
tion.— III.  Utiles  for  the  interpretation  of  Parables. — IV. 
Parables,  why  used  by  Jesus  Christ. — V.  Remarks  on  the 
distinguishing  excellencies  of  Christ's  Parables,  compared 
with  the  most  celebrated  fables  of  antiquity. 

A  parable  (n*/>*&,\>f,  from  7r^u£±KKitv,  to  collate,  compare 
together,  assimilate)2  is  a  similitude  taken  from  natural 
things  in  order  to  instruct  us  in  things  spiritual.  The  word, 
however,  is  variously  used  in  the  Scriptures,  to  denote  a  pro- 
verb or  short  saying  (Luke  iv.  23.);  a  famous  or  received 
saying  (1  Sam.  x.  12. 3  Ezek.  xviii.  2.);  a  thing  gravely 
spoken,  and  comprehending  important  matters  in  a  few  words 
(Job  xxvii.  1.  Num.  xxiii.  7.  18.  xxiv.  3.  15.  Psal.  xlix.  4. 
and  lxxviii.  2.) ;  a  thing  darkly  or  figuratively  expressed 
(Ezek.  xx.  49.  Matt.  xv.  15.)  ;  a  visible  type  or  emblem,  re- 
presenting something  different  from  and  beyond  itself  (Heb. 
ix.  9.  ana  xi.  19.  Gr.)  ;  a  special  instruction  (Luke  xiv.  7.)  ; 
and  a  similitude  or  comparison.  (Matt.  xxiv.  32.  Mark  iii. 
23.)4 

According  to  Bishop  Lowth,  a  parable  is  that  kind  of  alle- 
gory which  consists  of  a  continued  narration  of  a  fictitious 
event,  applied  by  way  of  simile  to  the  illustration  of  some 
important  truth.  By  the  Greeks,  allegories  were  called  &iveu 
or  apologues,  and  by  the  Romans  fabulae  or  fables  ;5  and  the 
writings  of  the  Phrygian  sage,  or  those  composed  in  imitation 
of  him,  have  acquired  the  greatest  celebrity.  Nor  did  our 
Saviour  himself  disdain  to  adopt  the  same  method  of  instruc 
tion ;  of  whose  parables  it  is  doubtful  whether  they  excel 
most  in  wisdom  and  utility,  or  in  sweetness,  elegance,  and 
perspicuity.  As  the  appellation  of  parable  has  been  applied 
to  his  discourses  of  this  kind,  the  term  is  now  restricted  from 
its  former  extensive  signification  to  a  more  confined  sense. 
This  species  of  composition  also  occurs  very  frequently  in 
the  prophetic  poetry,  and  particularly  in  that  of  Ezekiel. 

II.  The  use  of  parables  is  of  very  great  antiquity.  In  the 
early  ages  of  th?  ^-orld,  when  the  art  of  reasoning  was  little 

»  Lowlh's  Prtelectlones,  No.  10.  or  vol.  i.  p.  220.  of  Dr.  Gregory's  transla- 
tion. 

*  «  verbo  arafxZahhuv,  quod  significat  conferre,  comparare,  assimilarc, 
^cf.  Marc.  iv.  30.)  duclum  est  nomen  *-*f>x€ox„r ;  quoc|  aimilitudinem,  colla- 
twnem  Qumtilianus  (Inst.  Or.  1.  v.  c.  11. ;  1.  viii.  c.  3.  pp.  298. 302.  470.)  inter- 
pretatur,  Seneca  (Ep.  lix  )  imaginem.  Itaque  collatio,  sive,  ut  Ciceronis  (1. 1. 
de  Invent,  c.  30.)  definitione,  utamur,  oratio,  rem  cum  re  ex  similitudine 
conferens  Graeco  nomine  parabola  appellatur.  Eo  sensu  Christus  (Marc, 
iii.  23.)  iv  TrxfxSoKxii  locutus  riicitur,  quando  per  varias  similitudincs  (v. 
34—27.)  probavit  se  non  Satanae  ope,  sed  altiore  virtute  daemonia  eiicere 
G.  C.  Storr.  De  Parabolis  Christi,  in  Opusc.  Academic,  vol.  i.  p.  89.  The 
whole  disquisition,  to  which  this  section  is  largely  indebted,  is  well  worthy 
of  perusal.  See  also  Rambach,  Institutiones  Hermenent.  p.  187.  ct  sea  • 
J.  E.  Pfeiffer's  Instit.  Hermeneut.  Sacr.  pp.  753—773.;  and  Chladenius's 
Institutiones  Exegeticae,  p.  190.  et  seq. 

»  la  this  and  the  other  references  to  the  Old  Testament  in  the  above 
paragraph,  the  original  is  7IPD  (moshol),  a  parable. 

*  Glassii  Phil.  Sacr.  lib.  ii.  pp.  1301—1306.  ed.  Dathii.  Parkhurst  and 
■*chlcusner  in  voce  rapatokti. 

»  Storr,  Opusc.  Acad.  vol.  i.  p.  89.  et  seq. 


known,  and  the  minds  of  men  were  not  accustomed  to  nice 
and  curious  speculations,  we  find  that  the  most  ancient  mode 
of  instruction  was  by  parable  and  fable  :  its  advantages,  in- 
deed, are  many  and  obvious.  It  has  been  remarked  by  an 
acute  observer  of  men  and  morals,  that  "  little  reaches  the 
understanding  of  the  mass  but  through  the  medium  of  the 
senses.  Their  minds  are  not  fitted  for  the  reception  of  ab- 
stract truth.  Dry  argumentative  instruction,  therefore,  is  not 
proportioned  to  their  capacity :  the  faculty,  by  which  a  right 
conclusion  is  drawn,  is  in  them  the  most  defective;  they 
rather  feel  strongly  than  judge  accurately  :  and  their  feelings 
are  awakened  by  the  impression  made  on  their  senses.  ° 
Hence,  instruction  by  way  of  parable  is  naturally  adapted  to 
engage  attention;  it  is  easily  comprehended,  and  suitea  to  the 
meanest  capacity ;  and  while  it  opens  the  doctrine  which  i : 
professes  to  conceal,  it  gives  no  alarm  to  our  prejudices  anc 
passions ;  it  communicates  unwelcome  truths  in  the  least  dis- 
agreeable manner ;  points  out  mistakes,  and  insinuates  reproof 
with  less  offence  and  with  greater  efficacy  than  undisguisec 
contradiction  and  open  rebuke.  Of  this  description,  we  may 
remark,  are  the  parables  related  by  Nathan  to  David  (2  Sam 
xii.  1 — 9.),  and  by  the  woman  of  Tekoah  to  the  same  mo- 
narch. (2  Sam.  xiv.  1 — 13.)  The  New  Testament  abounds 
with  similar  examples.  "  By  laying  hold  on  the  imagination, 
parable  insinuates  itself  into  the  affections;  and  by  the  inter- 
communication of  the  faculties,  the  understanding  is  made  to 
apprehend  the  truth  which  was  proposed  to  the  fancy ."r  In 
a  word,  this  kind  of  instruction  seizes  us  by  surprise,  and 
carries  with  it  a  force  and  conviction  which  are  almost  irre- 
sistible. It  is  no  wonder,  therefore,  that  parables  were  made 
the  vehicle  of  national  instruction  in  the  most  early  times ; 
that  the  prophets,  especially  Ezekiel,  availed  themselves  of 
the  same  impressive  mode  of  conveying  instruction  or  re- 
proof; and  that  our  Lord,  following  the  same  example,  also 
adopted  it  for  the  same  important  purposes. 

III.  Although  a  parable  has  some  things  in  common  with 
an  allegory,  so  that  the  sama  rules  which  apply  to  the  latter 
are  in  some  degree  applicable  to  the  former,  yet,  from  its 

Eeculiar  nature,  it  becomes  necessary  to  consider  the  parable 
y  itself,  in  order  that  we  may  understand  and  interpret  it 
aright. 

1.  The  first  excellence  of  a  parable  is,  that  it  turns  upon 
an  image  -well  known  and  applicable  to  the  subject,  the  mean- 
ing of  -which  is  clear  and  definite  ;  for  this  circumstance  ivitl 
give  it  that  perspicuity  -which  is  essential  to  every  species  of 
allegory. 

How  clearly  this  rule  applies  to  the  parables  of  our  Lord  is  obvious  to 
every  reader  of  the  NewTestament.  It  may  suffice  to  mention  his  parable 
of  the  Ten  Virgins  (Matt.  xxv.  1—13.),  which  is  a  plain  allusion  to  those 
things  which  were  common  at  the  Jewish  marriages  in  those  days :  the 
whole  parable,  indeed,  is  made  up  of  the  rites  used  by  the  Orientals,  as  well 
as  by  the  Roman  people,  at  their  nuptials ;  and  all  the  particulars  related  in 
it  were  such  as  were  commonly  known  to  the  Jews,  because  they  were 
every  day  practised  by  some  of  them.  In  like  manner  the  parables  of  the 
lamp  (l.ukexin.  16.),  of  the  sotcerand  the  seed,  of  the  tares,  of  the  mustard 
seed,  of  the  leaven,  of  the  net  cast  into  the  sea,  all  of  which  are  related  in 
Matt.  xiii.  as  well  as  of  the  householder  that  planted  a  vineyard,  and  let  it  out 
to  husbandmen  (Matt.  xxi.  33—41.),  are  all  representations  of  usual  and 
common  occurrences,  and  such  as  the  generality  of  our  Saviour's  hearers 
were  daily  conversant  with,  and  they  were,  therefore,  selected  by  him  as 
being  the  most  interesting  and  affecting. 

If  the  parables  of  the  sacred  prophets  be  examined  by  this  rule,  they 
will  not  appear  deficient;  being  in  general  founded  upon  such  imagery  as 
is  frequently  used;  and  similarly  applied  byway  of  metaphor  and  com- 
parison in  Hebrew  poetry.  Examples  of  this  kind  occur  in  the  deceitful 
vineyard  (Isa.  v.  1—7.),  and  in  the  useless  vine  which  is  given  to  the  fire 
(Ezek.  xv.  and  xix.  10—14.) ;  for,  under  this  imagery,  the  ungrateful  people 
of  God  are  more  than  once  described.  Similar  instances  of  apposite  com- 
parison present  themselves  in  the  parable  of  the  lion's  whelps  falling  into 
the  pit  (Ezek.  xix.  1—9),  in  which  is  displayed  the  captivity  of  the  Jewish 
princes;  and  also  in  that  of  the  fair,  lofty,  and  flourishing  cedar  of  Lebanon 
(Ezek.  xxxi.  3—17.),  which  once  raised  its  head  to  the  clouds,  at  length  cut 
down  and  neglected:— thus  exhibiting,  as  in  a  picture,  the  prosperity  and 
the  fall  of  the  king  of  Assyria.  To  these  may  be  added  one  more  example, 
namely,  that  in  which  the  love  of  God  towards  his  people,  and  their  piety 
and  fidelity  to  him,  are  expressed  by  an  allusion  to  the  solemn  covenant  of 
marriage.  Ezekiel  has  pursued  this  image  with  uncommon  freedom  in  two 
parables  (Ezek.  xvi.  and  xxiii.) ;  and  it  has  been  alluded  to  by  almost  all  the 
sacred  poets. 

2.  The  image,  however,  must  not  only  be  apt  and  familiar, 
but  must  also  be  elegant  and  beautiful  in  itself,  and  all  it* 
parts  must  be  perspicuous  and  pertinent ;  since  it  is  the  pur~ 
pose  of  a  parable,  and  especially  of  a  poetic  parable,  not  only 
to  explain  more  perfectly  some  proposition,  but  frequently  to 
give  it  animation  and  splendour. 

Of  all  these  excellences  there  cannot  bcuioru  perfect  examples  than  the 
parables  which  have  just  been  specified:  to  which  we  may  add  the  well- 
known  parables  of  Jothain  (Judges  ix.  7— 15.),  of  Nathan  (2  Sam.  xii.  1—14.) 


•  Mrs.  More's  Christian  Morals,  vol.  i.  p.  106. 


i  Ibid.  p.  107. 


f 'hap  I.  Sect.  V.] 


INTERPRETATION  OF  SCRIPTURE  PARABLES. 


307 


arid  of  .he  woman  of  Tekoah.  (i!  Sam.  xiv.  4—7.)    The  admirably  devised 
parable  of  Nathan  ia  perhaps  one  of  the  finest  specimens  of  the  genuine 
patlietic  style  tliat  can  be  found  in  the  <>M  Teatatneol ;  an  I  I 
condemnation  of  the  offender  at  the  same  lime  displays  a  strik- 

ing instance  of  the  delusion  of  sin  and  the  blindness  of  self-love.   "He,  who 
bad  lived  a  whole  year  in  the  unrepented  eommlaaion  ol  one  ol  the  blackest 
I  in  the  decalogue — and  who,  tosecur--  to  himself  the  object  for  which 
!  committed  it,  perpetrated  another  almoel  more  heinous,  and  tliat 
with  an  hypocrisy  suited  to  Ins  i  I,  trader — he  could  in  an  instant  denounce 
death  on  the  imaginary  offender  for  a  fault  comparatively  trilling."— ".Sfce- 
ing,  he  saw  not.  and  hearing,  he  heard  not;"  he  immediately  saw  the 
iniquity  and  barbarity  of  the  rich  man's  proceedings;  his  heart  was  in  a 
moment  Bred  with  in  lignalion  at  the  thought  of  it ;  "i: 
resentment  even  overall  pped  the  limits  o]  his  natural  justice,  in  decreeing 
a  punishment  disproportlooed  to  the  crime,  while  he  remained  dead  to  his 
own  delinquency.    A  pointed  parable  instantly  surprised  him  into  the  most 
bitter  self-reproach.     A  direct  accusation  might  have  uill.iined  him  before 
thai  prepari  d;  and  m  the  one  case  be  might  bare  punished  the 

•  r,  by  whom,  In  the  other   be  was  brought  into  the  deep' 
abasement     The  pruCh  nl  prophet  did  not  rashly  reproach  the  king  with  the 
crime  which  he  wished  bun  to  condemn;  but  placed  the  fault  at  such  a 
distance,  and  in  such  ■  point  of  view,  that  he  fust  procured  bi^  Impartial 
judgment,  and  afterwards  bis  self-condemnation  :— an  important  lesson,  not 

the  offender,  but  also  to  the  reprover."1 

:!.  Every  parable  is  oompoeed  of  three  parts;  1.  The  *en»iA/e 
similitude,  which  has  variously  been  termed  the  bark  and  the 
protasis,  and  consists  in  its  literal  sense; — 2.  The  explanation 
or  mystical  sens?,  also  termed  the  upodosis  and  the  sap  or  fruit, 
or  the  thing  ajgnified  by  the  similitude  proposed.  This  is  fre- 
qaently  not  expressed  ;  lor  though  our  Saviour  sometimes  conde- 
scended to  unveil  the  hidden  sense,  by  disclosing  the  moral 
meaning  of  his  parables  (as  in  .Mall.  xiii.  3 — 8.  18 — 23.  com- 
pared  with  Luke  viii.  4—15.  and  Matt  xiii.  24 — 30.  36 — 43.), 
yet  he  usually  left  the  application  to  those  whom  he  designed  to 
instruct  by  his  doctrine.  Of  this  description  are  the  parables  of 
the  grain  of  mustard  seed,  of  leaven,  of  the  hidden  treasure,  and 
the  pearl  of  great  price  (Matt.  xiii.  31 — 33.41 — 46.),  between 
which  and  the  kingdom  of  heaven  a  comparison  is  instituted,  the 
mystical  sense  of  which  is  to  he  sought  in  the  similitudes  ihem- 
- ; — 3.  The  third  constituent  part  of  a  parable  is  the  root  or 
to  which  it  tends.3 

4.  For  the  rig-lit  explanation  and  application  of  parables, 
their  general  Scope  and  design  mint  be  ascertained. 

Where  our  Saviour  has  not  himself  interpreted  e  parable,  its  immediate 
scope  and  design  are  to  be  sought  with  great  attention  :  this,  indeed,  will 
generally  appear  from  the  context,  being  either  expressed  at  its  commence- 
ment or  at  its  conclusion;  or  it  is  sufficiently  evident  from  the  occasion 
.  cb  it  was  delivered.  More  particularly  the  scope  of  a  parable  may 
be  ascertained, 
(1.)  From  the  clear  declaration  prefixed  to  it : 

As  in  the  parable  of  the  rich  glutton  (Luke  .vii.  16—20  ),  which  is  prefaced 
oy  the  following  caution  in  verse  15. : — Take  heed  and  beware  of  covetous- 
for  a  man's  life  consisteth  not  in  the  abundance  of  the  things  uhich 
he  jiassesselh.     Thus,  in   Luke  xviii.  2— S.  the  parable  of  the  unjust  judge 
is  preceded  by  this  declaration,  which  plainly  points  out  one  of  its  .- 
—  lie  spake  a  parable  unto  them,  that  men  ought  aboays  to  pray,  and  not 
'     ted  again,  in  verse  9.  lie  spake  this  parable  (of  the  Pharisee 
and  publican,  verses  10 — 14.)  unto  ceitain  which  trusted  in.  themselves  that 
••  righteous,  and  despised  o.'hers. 
from  the  declaration  subjoined  to  a  parul. ■'• 
our  .Saviour  concludes  the  rciful  creditor,  who 

would  not  fin.  '  portion  of  his  debt,  though  much 

•  mi  forgiven  him  I  Matt  .xviii  21 — 36.),  by  the  following  explanation  : — 
Ho  likewise  shall  my  heavenly  Father  do  also  untu  you  if  ye  forgive  not 
every  one  his  brother  their  trespasses.  Similar  declarations  are  annexed 
to  the  parables  of  the  wedding  feast  (Matt  xxv.  13  Luke  xiv.  11.),  of  the 
rich  glutton  (Luke  xii.  21.),  and  of  the  unjust  steward  (Luke  xvi.  9.)  The 
prophetic  writings  will  furnish  similar  instances:  thus  Isaiah  (v.  1 — 7.) 
ha7ing  delivered  the  parable  of  a  vineyard— planted  with  the  choicest  vines, 
and  cultivated  with  the  utmost  care,  yet  which  product  d  only  wild  fruit — 
announces  al  its  close,  that  by  the  vineyard  were  intended  the  Jews,  and 

■  wild  fruit  their  enormous  wickedness,  for  which  they  deserved  the 

-t  iudgmenta     Nathan,  also,  in  the  beautiful  parable  already  cited, 

lined  a  declaration  of  its  scope  to  the  criminal  sovereign.     In  the  short 

parable,  or  apologue,  communicated  from  Jehoash  king  of  Israel  to  Amaziah 

fJudac  (2  Kings  xiv.  9,  10),  the  application  ofil  to  the  latter  is  expli- 

ited  at  its  conclusion. 

Where  no  declaration  is  prefixed  or  si  I  parable,  its 

■lust  be  collected  from  a  con  itter,  context, 

or  the  occasion  on  account  of  which  the  jm  rred 

Thus,  in  the  parable  of  the  barren  bg  Jesus  Christ 

I. as  indicated  nothing  concerning  its  scope.     But  fro  leration 

of  the  context  of  his  discourse,  and  of  till  i  Me,  we  learn 

thai  't  was  designed  to  teach  the  Jews,  t   a'  u  :■•  inted  within 

ice  of  time  allotted  to  them  by  Infinite  M  punishments 

iwait  them,  and  their  civil  and  reliciouc  d.    The 

'.  ite  occasion  of  the  parable  was.  bis  di-tciples  irlliug  him  of  certain 

Galileans,  who  had  come  up  to  the  temple  al   J  worship,  and 

whose  blood  Pilate  had  mingled  with  their  sacrifice*.    *).i  hearing  this  cir- 

"ice.  Christ   said,   Suppose  ye,  that  these  Gnlileuns  icere  sinners 

above  all  the  Galileans,  because  they  suffered  these  things )  J  tell  you,  nay: 

•  Mrs.  More's  Christian  Morals,  vol.  i.  p.  106. 

*  In  parabolis.  si  integre  accipiantur,  tria  sunt;  radix,  cortex  elmeduUa 
site  fructus.  Iiailix  est  scopus,  in  quem  tendit  parabola.  Cbrfe x  est 
similuudo  sensibilis,  qua*  adhibetur,  et  suo  sensu  literati  constat.  Medulla 
seu  fructus  est  sensm  parabola  mysticus,  seu  ipsa  res  ad  quarn  parabola; 
fit  accommodatio,  seu  qua?  per  similitudinem  propositain  significatur. 
Glassii  Philologia  Sacra,  lib.  ii.  pars  i.  tr.  2.  sect.  5.  canon  3.  col.  433.  (Lip- 
sia,  1725.)  It  is  not  a  little  remarkable  that  the  nine  very  useful  canons  for 
the  interpretation  of  parables,  byGlassius,  should  be  altogether  omitted  in 

or  Dathe's  va  cable  edition  of  his  work. 
V.L.  I.  **   C 


but  except  ye  repent,  ye  shall  all  likewise  perish.     Ilav  tig  repealed   L';t 
second  tune,  he  delivered  the  parable  of  the  barren  fig  tree. 

In  like  manner,  to  the  parable  of  the  prodigal  son  nothing  is  prefixed  or 
subjoined  ;  but  the  relation  occurs  immediately  after  two  others,  in  which 
lectared  that  the  return  of  penitent  sinners  affords  joy  in  heaven. 
This,  bowerer,  is  an  Important  topic,  and  will  require  to  be  more  particu- 
larly considered  From  the  observations  already  made  on  the  g 
nature  of  parables,  it  will  be  easily  perceived  that  tie  ol  for  I  r 

parables  were  various;  such  as  the  conveying  natrnction  oi 

reproof,  the  correcting  or  preventing  of  errors;  the  instructing  of  men  in 
the  knowledge  of  some  truths  which  could  be  v.ewed  with  advantag 
at  a  distance,  or  of  others,  which  would  have  startled  them  when  plain lj 
propose!  rurtber,  there  were  truths  which  were  necessary  to  be  con 
i  especting  the  establishment  of  his  religion,  and  the  conduct  of  hu 
di.-e  iplcs  on  occasion  of  that  <  |  ectS  required  to  be  toucl  et 

with  a  delicate  hand  ;  and  a  few  instances  will  show  that  each  of  them  was 
conducted  with  the  highest  grace  and  propriety. 

Thus,  the  worldly  spirit  of  the  Pharisees  is  delicately  yel  strikingly  re 
proved  in  the  parables  of  the  rich  man  whose  grounds  brought  forth  plen- 
tifully (l.uke  xii.  IS — 21.)  J  which  was  spoken  to  show  the  folly  of  Co.- 

of  the  unjust  steward  (Luke  xvi.  1 .),  I 
wealth, — ami  of  the  rich  man  ami  the   beggar  (Luke  x\i    19—31  ),  i- 
the  danger  of  abusing  it. — The  selfishness  and  bigoti  •    sect, 

which  characteristic  in  some  degree  applied  to  the  whole  Jewish 
who  "  trusted  in  themselves  that  they  cere  ngtr 

are  convicted  in  the  parables  of  the  Pharisee  and  the  publican  preying  it. 
the  temple,  of  the  two  sons  commanded  to  work  in  the  vineyard,  ot  the 
guest  who  chose  the  highest  seal  al  the  table,  oi 

of  the  prodigal  son,  and  of  the  good  Samaritan.  In  several  of  these  [.ara- 
bles the  comparative  merit  of  the  Jew  end  Gentile  world  is  jusily  though 
faintly  stated,  on  purpose  to  abase  Ihe  pride  of  the  one  and  to  exalt  the 
humble  hopes  of  the  other. 

Another  class  of  parables  is  designed  to  deliver  some  general  lessons 
of  wisdom  and  piety:  such  are  the  parables  of  the  ten  virgins  si 
talents.  The  parables  of  the  sower  and  of  the  tares,  anil  man 
parables,  are  designed  to  show  the  nature  and  progress  of  the  Gospel  dis- 
pensation, together  with  the  opposition  which  would  be  made  to  it  from 
the  malice  of  Satan,  and  the  folly  and  perverseness  of  mankind 
these  are  closely  connected  such  parables  as  have  for  their  object  the 
rejection  of  the  Jews,  and  the  calling  of  the  Gentiles:  under  this  I, 
comprised  the  parables  of  Ihe  murmuring  labourers,  of  the  cruel  and 
unjust  husbandmen,  the  barren  fig  tree,  and  the  marriage- feast.    By  con- 
sidering the  occasions  upon  which  these  and  other  parables  were  delivered 
by  the  Redeemer  of  the  world,  we  shall  be  enabled,  not  only  to  ascertain 
thi  ir  scope  and  design,  but  also  to  perceive  their  wisdom,  beauty,  ami 
propriety. 

5.  Wherever  the  words  of  Jesus  seem  to  be  capable  of  dif- 
ferent senses,  toe  may  -with  certainty  conclude  that  to  be  the 
true  one  -which  lies  most  level  to  the  apprehension  of  hit 
auditors. 

Allowing  for  those  figurative  expressions  which  were  so  very  frequent 
and  familiar  with  them,  and  which,  therefore,  are  no  exceptions  to  this 
general  rule,  this  necessary  canon  of  interpretation,  of  all  others,  demand* 
the  most  attention. 

6.  As  every  parable  has  two  senses,  the  literal  or  external, 
and  the  mistical  or  internal  sense,  the  literal  sense  must  be 
first  explained,  in  order  that  the  correspondence  between  it 
and  the  mystical  sense  may  be  the  more  readily  perceived. 

For  instance,  "  the  parable  of  the  unforgiving  servant  represents,  lite- 
rally, ibat  his  lord  forgave  him  a  debt  often  thousand  talents  ;— mystically 
or  spiritually,  that  God  remits  to  the  penitent  the  punishment  of  innunie 
rable  offences.  Literally,  it  states  that  this  servant,  on  his  refusal  to  exei- 
cise  forbearance  towards  his  fellow  servant,  was  delivered  over  to  the 
tormentors :  mystically,  that  God  will  inflict  the  severest  judgments  on  all 
who  do  not  forgive  others  their  trepasses.  The  unity  of  sense  in  both 
interpretations  is  easily  perceptible  :''*  whence  it  follows  that  every  para- 
ble must  be  consistent  throughout,  ami  that  the  literal  sense  must  not  be 
confounded  with  the  mystical  sense.  Hence  slso  it  follows,  that,  since  the 
scope  and  application  of  parables  are  the  chief  points  to  be  regarded, 

7.  It  i»  not  necessary,  in  the  interpretation  of  parables,  that 
we  should  anxiously  insist  upon  every  single  word ;  nor  ought 
we  to  expect  too  curious  an  adaptation  or  accommodation  of  it 
in  every  part  to  the  spiritual  meaning  inculcated  by  it ;  for 
many  circumstances  are  introduced  into  parables  which  are 
merely  ornamental,  and  designed  to  make  the  similitude  more 
pleasing  and  interesting. 

Inattention  to  this  obvious  rule  has  led  many  expositors  into  the  most 
fanciful  explanations;  resemblances  have  been  accumulated,  which  are 
for  the  most  part  futile,  or  at  best  of  little  use,  and  manifestly  not  included 
in  the  scope  of  the  parable.  Where,  indeed,  circumstantial  resemblances 
(though  merely  ornamental)  will  admit  of  an  easy  and  natural  application, 
they  are  by  no  means  to  be  overlooked :  and  it  is  worthy  of  remark,  that 
in  those  parables  which  our  Lord  himself  explained  to  his  disciples,  there 
are  few,  if  any,  of  the  circumstantial  points  left  unapplied;  but  here  great 
judgment  is  necessary  neither  to  do  too  little,  nor  to  attempt  too  much.' 
In  the  application,  then,  of  this  rule,  there  are  two  points  to  be  consi- 
dered : — 

(1.)  Persons  arenot  to  be  compared  with  persons,  but  thir.ss  with  ti 
part  is  not  to  be  compared  with  part,  but  the  whole  of  the  parable  with 
itself. 

Tnus,  we  read  in  Matt.  xiii.  24.  The  kingdom  of  heaven  is  likened  unto  a 
man  which  sowed  good  seed  in  his  field;  and  in  verse  45.  The  kingdom 
of  heaven  is  likened  unto  a  merchant  man  seeking  goodly  pearls.  The 
similitude  here  is  not  with  the  men,  but  with  the  seed  and  the  pearl;  and 
the  construction  is  to  be  the  same  as  in  verses  31.  and  33.,  where  the  pro- 
gress of  the  Gospel  is  compared  to  the  grain  of  mustard-seed,  and  to 
leaven. 

(2.)  In  parables  it  is  not  necessary-thot  all  the  actions  of  men,  mentioned 
in  them,  should  be  just  actions,  that  is  to  scy,  morally  just  and  honest 

For  instance,  the  unjust  steward  (l.uke  xvi.  1— « )  is  not  proposed  eithe. 
to  justify  his  dishonesty,  or  as  an  example  to  us  in  cheating  his  lord  (for 


»  Bishop  Vanmildert's  Bampton  Led   res,  p.  236 


Ibid 


tffJS 


ON  THE  FIGURATIVE  LANGUAGE  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


[Part  II.  Book  II 


that  is  merely  .rnauiental.  and  introduced  to  fill  up  the  story),  but  as  an 
example  of  his  care  and  prudence,  in  providing  for  the  future.  From  the 
conduct  of  this  man,  our  Lord  took  occasion  to  point  out  the  management 
of  worldly  men,  as  an  example  of  attention  to  his  followers  in  their  spiritual 
affairs  j  and  at  the  same  time  added  an  impressive  exhortation  to  make  the 
ihings  of  this  life  subservient  to  their  everlasting  happiness ;  assuring 
them,  that  if  they  did  not  use  temporal  blessings  as  they  ought,  they  could 
never  be  qualified  to  receive  spiritual  blessings.  So  again,  in  Luke  xii.  39. 
and  Rev.  iii.  3.  the  coming  of  Christ  is  compared  to  the  coming  of  a  thief, 
not  in  respect  of  theft,  but  of  the  sudden  surprise.  "It  is  not  necessary," 
pays  a  great  master  of  eloquence,  "that  there  should  be  a  perfect  resem- 
blance of  one  tiling  in  all  respects  to  another;  but  it  is  necessary  that  a 
thing  should  bear  a  likeness  to  that  with  which  it  is  compared."' 

8.  Attention  to  Historical  Circumstances,  as  -well  as  an 
acquaintance  -with  the  nature  and  properties  of  the  things 
■whence  the  similitudes  are  taken,  -will  essentially  contribute  to 
the  interpretation  of  parables. 

(1.)  Some  of  the  parables  related  in  the  New  Testament  are  supposed  to 
be  true  histories:  in  the  incidental  circumstances  of  others,  our  Saviour 
evidently  bad  a  regard  to  historical  propriety.  Thus,  the  scene  of  that  most 
beautiful  and  instructive  parable  of  the  good  Samaritan  (Luke  x.  30—37.)  is 
very  appositely  placed  in  that  dangerous  road  which  lay  between  Jerusa- 
lem and  Jericho  ;  no  way  being  more  frequented  than  this,  both  on  account 
of  its  leading  to  Pera?a,  and  especially  because  the  classes  or  stations  of 
the  Priests  and  Levites  were  fixed  at  Jericho  as  well  as  at  Jerusalem :  and 
hence  it  is  that  a  Priest  and  a  Levite  are  mentioned  as  travelling  this  way.» 
It  further  appears,  that  at  this  very  time  Judaea  in  general  was  overrun  by 
robbers,  and  that  the  road  between  Jericho  and  Jerusalem  (in  which  our 
Lord  represents  this  robbery  to  have  been  committed)  was  particularly 
infested  by  banditti,  whose  depredations  it  favoured,  as  it  lay  through  a 
dreary  solitude.  On  account  of  these  frequent  robberies,  we  are  informed 
by  Jerome  that  it  was  called  the  Bloody  Way.* 

(2.)  Again,  in  the  parable  of  a  nobleman  who  went  into  afar  country  to 
receive  for  himself  a  kingdom,  and  to  return  (Luke  xix.  12.),  our  Lord 
alludes  to  a  case,  which,  no  long  time  before,  had  actually  occurred  in 
Judasa.  Those  who,  by  hereditary  succession,  or  by  interest,  had  pre- 
tensions to  the  Jewish  throne,  travelled  to  Rome,  in  order  to  have  it  con- 
firmed to  them.  Herod  the  Great  first  went  that  long  journey  to  obtain  the 
kingdom  of  Juda?a  from  Antony,  in  which  he  succeeded ;  and  having  re- 
ceived the  kingdom*  he  afterwards  travelled  from  Judaea  to  Rhodes  in  order 
io  obtain  a  confirmation  of  it  from  Ca?sar,  in  which  he  was  equally  success- 
ful.* Archelau3,  the  son  and  successor  of  Herod,  did  the  same  ;and  to  him 
our  Lord  most  probably  alluded.  Every  historical  circumstance  is  beau- 
tifully interwoven  by  our  Saviour  in  this  instructive  parable. 

(3.)  Of  the  further  benefit  to  be  derived  from  history  in  the  interpreta- 
tion of  parables,  the  similes  in  Matt.  xiii.  31,  32.  will  afford  a  striking  illus- 
tration :  in  these  parables  the  progress  of  the  Gospel  is  compared  to  a  grain 
of  mustard-seed,  and  to  leaven  :  nothing  is  subjoined  to  these  verses  by 
way  of  explanation.  What  then  is  their  scope?  Jesus  Christ  was  desirous 
of  accustoming  his  disciples  to  parabolic  instruction :  from  this  design, 
however,  we  cannot  collect  the  sense  of  the  parables  ;  we  have  therefore, 
no  other  resource  but  history.  Since,  then,  Jesus  Christ  is  speaking  of  the 
progress  of  the  Christian  church,  we  must  consult  ecclesiastical  history, 
which  informs  us  that,  from  small  beginnings,  the  church  of  Christ  has 
grown  into  a  vast  congregation,  that  is,  spread  over  the  whole  world.  In 
order,  however,  that  we  may  enter  fully  into  the  meaning  of  this  parable  of 
our  Lord,  it  may  not  be  irrelevant  to  observe  that  in  eastern  countries  the 
mustard-plant  (or,  at  least,  a  species  of  the  c-ivxn-i,  which  the  Orientals 
comprehended  under  that  name)  attains  a  greater  size  than  with  us.  It  ap- 
pears that  the  Orientals  were  accustomed  to  give  the  denomination  of  trees 
to  plants.growing  to  the  height  of  ten  or  twelve  feet,  and  having  branches 
in  proportion.*  To  such  a  height  the  mustard-plant  grows  in  Judaea  ;  and 
its  branches  are  so  strong  and  well  covered  with  leaves,  as  to  afford  shelter 
'othe  feathered  tribe.  Such  is  the  image  by  which  Jesus  Christ  represents 
the  progress  of  his  Gospel.  The  kingdom  of  heaven,  said  he,  is  like  to  a 
qrain  of  mustard-seed— small  and  contemptible  in  its  beginning  ;  which  is 
indeed  the  least  of  all  seeds,  that  is,  of  all  those  seeds,  with  which  the  Jews 
were  then  acquainted  (for  our  Lord's  words  are  to  be  interpreted  by 
popular  use  ;  and  we  learn  from  Matt.  xvii.  20.  that  like  a  grain  of  mustard- 
seed  was  a  proverbial  expression  to  denote  a  small  quantity) :  but  when  it  is 
grown,  it  becomcth  a  trep,  so  that  the  birds  of  the  air  come  and  lodge  in  the 
branches  thereof.  Under  this  simple  and  beautiful  figure  does  Jesus  Christ 
describe  the  admirable  development  of  his  Gospel  from  its  origin  to  its  final 
consummation. 

(4.)  We  have  said  that  the  understanding  of  parables  is  facilitated  by  an 
acquaintance  with  the  properties  of  the  things  whence  the  similitudes  are 
derived.  Besides  the  diffusive  effects  of  leaven  already  adverted  to,  which 
sufficiently  indicate  the  certain  spread  of  the  Gospel,  we  may  adduce  an 
example  from  the  prophet  Jeremiah;  who,  parabolically  describing  a 
furious  invader  (xlix.  19.),  says,  He  shall  come  zip  like  a  lion  from  the  swell- 
ing of  Jordan  against  the  habitation  of  the  strong.  The  propriety  of  this 
will  appear,  when  it  is  known  that  in  ancient  times  the  river  Jordan  was 
PK-rti.CUlarly  infested  witn  Iions>  which  concealed  themselves  among  the 
.hick  reeds  upon  its  banks.'  Let  us  then  imagine  one  of  these  monarchs 
of  the  desert  asleep  among  the  thickets  upon  the  banks  of  that  river :  let 
us  further  suppose  him  to  be  suddenly  awakened  by  the  roaring,  or  dis- 


i  Non  euim  res  iota toii  reinecesse  est  similes  sit;  sed  ad  ipsum,  ad  quod 
conferetur,  simililudinem  habeat,  oportet.  Cicbro  ad  Herennium,  lib.  iv 
.-.  48.  torn.  i.  p.  122.  edit.  Bipont. 

■>  f.ightfoot,  Ilor.  Heb  in  loc.  »  Jerome,  cited  by  Calmet,  in  loc. 

«  Josephus,  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  xiv.  c.  xiv  §§4  5 

»  Ibid.  lib.  xv.  c.  vi.  §§6,  7. 

'  See  Lightfoot's  and  Schoettgenius's  Horas  Hebraic*  et  TalmudiC8e,  in 
Matt.  nil.  31,  32.  ' 

i  "Aacr  having  descended,"  says  Maundrell,  "the  outermost  bank  of 
Jordan,  you  go  about  a  furlong  upon  a  level'strand,  before  you  come  to  the 
immediate  bank  of  the  river.  This  second  bank  is  so  beset  with  bushes 
and  trees,  such  as  tamarisks,  willows,  oleanders,  &c.  that  you  can  see  no 
water,  till  you  have  made  your  way  through  them.  In  this  thicket  anciently 
and  the  same  is  reported  of  it  at  this  day,  several  sorts  of  wild  beasts  were 
wont  to  harbour  themselves ;  whose  being  washed  out  of  the  covert  by  the 
overflowings  of  the  river  gave  occasion  to  that  allusion,  He  shall  come  up 
like  a  lion  from  the  swelling  of  Jordan,"  <fec.  Maundrell's  Journey  from 
Aleppo  to  Jerusalem,  p.  110.  (London,  1810.)  Agreeably  to  this  account 
Ammianus  Marcellinus  states,  that  "innumerable  lions  wander  about 
tmcng  tne  reeds  and  copses  on  the  borders  of  the  rivers  in  Mesopotamia  " 
Lib  xviii.  c.  7.  (torn.  i.  p.  177.  edit.  Bipont.) 


lodged  by  the  overflowing,  of  the  rapid  tumultuous  torrent,  and  in  his  fury 
rushing  into  the  upland  country  ;  and  we  shall  perceive  the  admirable  pro 
priety  and  force  of  the  prophet's  allusion. 

9.  Lastly,  although  in  many  «/  his  parables  Jesus  Christ 
has  delineated  the  future  state  of  the  church,  yet  he  intended 
that  they  should  convey  some  important  moral  precepts,  of 
•which  -we  should  never  lose  sight  in  interpreting  parables. 

Thus,  the  parable  of  the  sower  (M3tt.  xiii.  3—24.  Mark  iv.  3—20.  and 
Luke  viii.  4 — 16.)  has  a  moral  doctrine,  for  our  Lord  himself  soon  after 
subjoins  the  following  Important  caution  : — Take  heed  how  ye  hear.  A"ain 
the  parable  of  the  tares  (Matt.  xiii.  24.  et  seq.)  refers  to  the  mixture  of  the' 
wicked  with  the  good  in  this  world  ;  when,  therefore,  our  Lord  intimated 
(in  verses  27 — 29.)  that  it  is  not  our  province  to  judge  those  whom  he  has 
reserved  for  his  own  tribunal,  and  in  the  30th  verse  added,  let  both  grow 
together,  he  evidently  implied  that,  since  God  tolerates  incorrigible  sinners, 
it  is  the  duty  of  men  to  bear  with  them  :  the  propagation  of  false  doctrines 
is  an  ofTence  against  God,  who  alone  is  the  judge  and  punisher  of  them ; — 
man  has  no  right  to  punish  his  brethren  for  their  sentiments.*  The  para- 
bles which  are  delivered  in  the  same  chapter  of  Saint  Matthew's  Gospel, 
and  also  in  Luke  xiii.  19.  21.  delineate  the  excellence  of  the  religion  of  Jesus, 
and  are  admirably  adapted  to  inspire  us  with  love  and  admiration  for  its 
Divine  Author.  Further,  the  parable  of  the  labourers  in  the  vineyard 
(Matt.  xx.  1 — 17),  besides  predicting  the  future  reception  of  the  Gospel, 
teaches  us  that  no  one  should  despair  of  the  divine  mercy  so  long  as  he 
lives,  and  that  God  will  bestow  upon  the  faithful  a  larger  measure  of  blessed- 
ness than  they  can  venture  to  expect,  and  also  that  we  should  not  be  moved 
with  envy,  if  others  enjoy  a  greater  portion  of  gifts  or  talents  than  are  be- 
stowed upon  ourselves.  In  fact,  as  an  able  expositor'  has  remarked,  since 
our  Saviour's  parables  frequently  have  a  double  view,  this  parable  seems 
not  only  to  Illustrate  the  case  of  the  Jews  and  Gentiles,  but  also  the  case 
of  all  individuals  of  every  nation,  whom  God  accepts  according  to  their  im- 
provement of  the  opportunities  they  have  enjoyed.  In  like  manner,  the 
parable  of  the  royal  nuptials,  related  in  Matt.  xxii.  verses  1 — 15.  was 
designed  chiefly  to  show  the  Jews,  that  the  offers  of  grace  which  they 
rejected  would  tie  made  to  the  Gentiles.  But  the  latter  part  of  it  also 
seems  intended  to  check  the  presumption  of  such  as  pretend  to  the  divine 
favour  without  complying  with  the  conditions  on  which  it  is  promised.  It 
was  customary  for  the  bridegroom  to  prepare  vestments  for  his  guests ; 
and  the  man  mentioned  in  verses  11 — 13.  is  said  to  have  intruded  without 
the  requisite  garment. »• 

IV.  From  the  preceding  remarks  it  will  have  been  seen 
that  parables  are  of  more  frequent  occurrence  in  the  New 
than  in  the  Old  Testament ;  and  although  some  hints  have 
been  already  offered,11  to  account  for  the  adoption  of  this 
mode  of  instruction,  yet  as  some  persons  have  taken  occasion, 
from  the  prophecy  of  Isaiah  (vi.  9, 10.),  as  cited  by  Matthew 
(xiii.  13 — 15.),  to  insinuate  that  our  Lord  spake  in  parables  in 
order  that  the  perverse  Jews  might  not  understand,  it  may 
not  be  irrelevant  if  we  conclude  the  present  strictures  on 
parabolic  instruction,  with  a  few  remarks  on  the  reasons  why 
it  was  adopted  by  our  Lord. 

1.  The  practice  was  familiar  to  the  Jews  in  common  with 
the  other  inhabitants  of  the  East,  as  already  stated  ;  and  some 
of  our  Lord's  parables  were  probably  taken  from  Jewish  cus- 
toms, as  the  royal  nuptials  (Matt.  xxii.  1 — 15.),  the  rich  glut- 
ton (Luke  xvi.  19 — 31.,)  and  the  wise  and  foolish  virgins. 
(Matt.  xxv.  1 — 13. )'2  This  method  of  teaching,  therefore, 
was  intelligible  to  an  attentive  and  inquiring  auditory.  See 
Matt.  xv.  10.  and  Mark  iv.  13. 

2.  It  was  customary  for  the  disciples  of  the  Jewish  doctors, 
when  they  did  not  understand  the  meaning  of  their  parables, 
to  request  an  explanation  from  their  teachers ;  in  like  manner, 
Christ's  hearers  might  have  applied  to  him,  if  they  had  not 
been  indisposed  to  receive  the  doctrines  he  taught,  and  had 
they  not  preferred  to  be  held  in  error  by  the  Scribes  and 
Pharisees,  rather  than  to  receive  instruction  from  his  lips. 

3.  Parabolic  instruction  was  peculiarly  well  calculated  to 
veil  offensive  truths  or  hard  sayings,  until,  in  due  season,  they 
should  be  disclosed  with  greater  evidence  and  lustre,  when 
they  were  able  to  hear  and  to  bear  them,  lest  they  should 
revolt  at  the  premature  disclosure  of  the  mystery.  Compare 
Mark  iv.  33.  with  John  xvi.  12.  25. 

4.  It  was  a  necessary  screen  from  the  malice  of  his  in- 
veterate enemies,  the  chief  priests,  Scribes  and  Pharisees  ; 
who  would  not  have  failed  to  take  advantage  of  any  expres* 
declaration  which  they  might  turn  to  his  destruction  (John 

•  It  is  with  pleasure  the  author  transcribes  the  following  explicit  declara- 
tion of  the  learned  Romanist,  Viser.  Having  cited  the  passages  abore 
adduced,  he  says,  Facile  apparel  eos  huic precepto  nsquaquam  satisfacere, 
qui  vi,  metu,  ac  minis,  homines  student  a  sua  religione  abddcerb.  Her- 
ineneutica  Sacra  Nov.  Test,  pars  iii.  p.  131. 

•  Gilpin's  Exposition  of  the  New  Test.  vol.  i.  p  78.  note  t. 

»•  The  authorities  consulted  for  this  section,  independently  of  those 
already  cited  incidentally,  are  Ernesti,  Instit.  Interp.  Nov.  Test.  p.  112. ; 
Morus,  in  Ernesti,  torn.  i.  pp.  314—320.  ;  Bauer,  Hermeneutica  Sacra,  pp. 
226—229. ;  Glassii  Philologia  Sacra,  lib.  ii.  part  i.  tract  2.  sect.  5.  canons  3— 
9.  col.  473—492  ;  Turretin,  de  Interpret.  Script,  pp.  214,  215.  ;  Pfeiffei", 
Herrn.  Sacr.  c.  iii.  §  13.  (Op.  torn.  ii.  pp.  635,  636.) ;  Chladenius,  Inst.  Exeget. 
pp.  190,  191.;  J.  E.  Pfeiffer,  Inst.  Herm.  Sacr.  pp.  753—773.;  Alber,  Her- 
meneut.  Sacr.  Nov.  Test.  vol.  i.  pp.  50—56.  Brouwer,  de  Parabolis  Christ 
(Lug.  Bat.  1825);  Scholten,  Diatribe  de  Paiabolis  Christi  (Lug.  Bat.  1*27.  .1 
Schult7.e,  De  Parabolarum  Jesu  Christi  Indole  Poetica  Commentatio  (Got 
tingae,  1827) ;  and  Unger,  De  Parabolarum  Jesu  Natura  (Lipsis,  182S). 

"  See  p.  366.  supra. 

••Sheringham,  in  Pref.  ad  Joma,  cited  by  Whitby  on  Mali,  xiii  !0 


Cimp.  I.  Sept.  V.] 


INTERPRETATION  OF  SCRIPTURE  PARABLES. 


369 


x.  21.);  but  yet  they  could  not  lay  hold  of  the  most  pointed 
parables,  which,  they  were  clear-sighted  enough  to  perceive, 
were  levelled  against  themselves.  See  Matt.  ui.  45.  Mark 
xi.  12.  and  Luke  xx.  19.1 

r>.  The  parables  did  nol  contain  the  fnndamental  pn 
r.nd  doctrines  of  the  Gospel,  which  were,  delivered  in  the 
audience  of  the  people  witn  sufficient  perspicuity  in  Mutt.  v. — 
vH.  and  elsewhere,  nut  only  the  mysteries  relative  to  i:-  pro- 
gress among  both  .lews  and  Gentiles. 

6.    Lastly,  the  JeWS  were  addressed  in  parables,  beCSt 

their  wickedness  and  perverseness  indisposed  them  to  receive 

profit  from  his  more  plain  discourses,  .lesus  Christ  would  not 

vouchsafe  to  them  a  clearer  knowledge  of  th<  Be  events.    To 

"have    ears   and   hear    not,"   is   a    proverbial   expression,  to 

describe   men  who    are    so   wicked,   and   slothful,  that   they 

either  do  nol  attend  to,  or  will  not  follow  the  clearest  intima- 

■  ■  mvictions  of  their  duty.    See  instances  of  this 

expression  in  .ler.  V.  21.  and  Ezck.  xii.  2.-  To  this  remark 
we  may  add,  with  reference  to  the  quotations  from  Isaiah 
vi.  9,  10.  thai  it  is  common  for  God  to  speak,  by  his  pro- 
phets, of  events  that  would  happen,  in  a  manner  as  if  he  had 
enjoined  them. ' 

V.  Whoever  attentively  considers  the  character  of  our  Sa- 
vior merely  as  a  moral  teacher  and  instructor  of  mankind, 
w'll  clearly  perceive  his  superiority  to  the  most  distinguished 
teachers  of  antiquity.  Through  the  whole  of  his  Gospel,  he 
discovers  a  deep  and  thorough  insight  into  human  nature, 
and  seems  intimately  acquainted  with  all  the  subtle  malig- 
nities and  latent  corruptions  of  the.  human  heart,  as  well  as 
with  all  the  illusions  and  refinements  of  self-idolatry,  and  the 
windings  and  intricacies  of  self-deceit.  How  admirably  the 
manner,  in  which  he  conveyed  his  instructions,  was  adapted 
to  answer  the  end  and  design  of  them,  we  have  already  seen; 
we  might,  indeed,  almost  venture  to  appeal  to  his  parables 
alone  for  the  authenticity  of  our  Lord's  mission  as  a  divine 
teacher :  all  of  them,  indeed,  are  distinguished  by  a  dignity  of 
sentiment,  and  a  simplicity  of  expression,  perfectly  becoming 
the  purity  and  excellence  of  that  religion  which  he  came  to 
establish.  The  whole  system  of  heathen  mythology  was  the 
invention  of  the  poets ;  a  mere  farrago  of  childish  and  ro- 
mantic stories,  chiefly  calculated  to  amuse  the  vulgar.  As  the 
far  greater  part  of  their  fables  and  allegories  are  founded  on 
this  fictitious  history  of  the  gods,  so  they  were  plainly  sub- 
servient to  the  support  of  that  system  of  idolatry  and  poly- 
theism which  the  Gospel  was  designed  to  overthrow.  If  any 
secret  meaning  was  conveyed  under  these  allegorical  repre- 
sentations (which  seems,  however,  to  be  very  doubtful),  it 
was  too  refined  and  philosophical  to  be  understood  by  the 
common  people,  whose  religious  knowledge  and  belief  ex- 
tended no  farther  than  the  literal  sense  of  the  words.  The 
moral  instruction,  if  any  was  intended,  must  be  dug  out  of  the 
rubbish  of  poetical  images  and  superstitious  conceits.  And, 
as  these  were  founded  on  a  false  system  of  the  universe,  and 
on  unworthy  sentiments  of  God,  and  his  moral  government, 
they  could  never  contribute  to  the  religious  improvement  of 
mankind  either  in  knowledge  or  in  practice.  Let  any  man 
of  true  taste  and  judgment  compare  the  abstruse  allegories  of 
Plato,  or  the  monstrous  fables  of  the  Jewish  Talmuds,  w  ith 
the  parables  of  our  Saviour,  and  he  will  be  at  no  loss 
which  to  prefer;  while,  tired  and  disgusted  with  the  one,  he 
will  be  struck  with  admiration  at  the  beauty,  elegance,  and 
propriety  of  the  other. 

Further,  the  parables  of  Jesus  far  excel  the  tables  of  an- 
tiquity in  clearness  and  perspicuity,  which  made  th<  m  re- 
markably lit  for  the  instruction  of  the  ignorant  and  prejudiced, 
for  whom  they  were,  originally  designed*  Our  Saviour's 
images  and  allusions  are  not  only  taken  from  nature,  but 
especially  from  those  objects  and  occurrences  which  are  most 
familiar  to  our  observation  and  experience.  It  requires  no 
laborious  search,  no  stretch  of  imagination,  to  discover  his 
meaning,  in  all  cases  where  be  intended  instruction  or  reproof, 
8B appears  evident  from  the  impressions  immediately  produced 
on  the  minds  of  his  hearers,  according  to  their  different  tempers 
ind  dispositions.  Such  of  his  parables,  indeed,  as  predicted 
the  nature  and  progress  of  the  Gospel  dispensation,  and  the 
opposition  which  it  would  meet  from  the  malice  of  Satan  and 
the  folly  of  mankind,1  were  purposely  left  to  be  explained  by 

1  Dr.  Hales's  New  Analysis  of  Chronology,  vol.  ii.  p.  773. 

*  Grotius  and  Whitby  on  Matt.  xiii.  10.  Dr.' Whitby  has  collected  passages 
showing  the  proverbial  use  of  having  ears  and  kearin^.not,  from  Philo 
(Alle§.  lib.  ii.  p.  72.  D.  and  lib.  iii.  p.  850.  E.),  and  from  Demosthenes.  (Oral, 
m  Anstogeton,  sect.  127.) 

'  See  Bishop  Lowth's  note  on  Isa.  vi.  10. 

4  Of  this  description,  for  instance,  are  the  parables  of  the  sower,  of 
the  tares,  and  of  the  labourers  in  the  vineyard. 


tin-  events  to  which  they  refer,  and  with  which  the/  so  ex- 
actly correspond,  that  their  meaning  soon  became  plain  and 
obvious  to  all.  It  is,  moreover,  particularly  worthy  of  ob- 
servation, that  the  moral  instructions  conveyed  by  the  parables 
of  the  Gospel  are  of  the  most  important  nature,  and  essential 
to  our  duty  and  bi  st  interests.  They  do  not  serve  merely  to 
amuse  the  imagination,  but  to  enlighten  the  understanding, 
and  to  purify  the  heart.  They  aim  at  no  less  an  object  than 
the  happiness  of  mankind  in  a  future  and  eternal  state.  The 
doctrines  of  the  soul's  immortality  and  a  future  judgment  are 
the  ground-work  of  our  Lord's  parables;  and  to  illustrate  and 
confirm  these  fundamental  principles  is  their  main  and  leading 
design.  They  all  terminate  in  this  point,  and  describe  the 
awful  seines  of  eternity ,  and  the  interesting  consequences  of 
that  decisive  trial,  in  a  language,  though  simple  and  unadorn- 
ed, yet  amazingly  striking  and  impressive.  But  the  fabulous 
representations  of  the  heathen  poets  on  this  subject  wen 
more  fitted  to  amuse  than  to  instruct :  they  served  rather  tc 
extinguish  than  revive  the  genuine  sentiments  of  nature,  and, 
consequently,  to  weaken  the  influence  of  this  doctrine  as  a 
principle  of  virtuous  conduct 

There  is,  also,  a  pleasing  variety  in  the  parables  of  Jesus. 
Some  of  them  comprehend  no  dialogue,  and  scarcely  any 
action,  and  are  little  more  than  a  simple  comparison  between 
the  subject  to  be  investigated  and  something  very  well 
known.  In  others  may  be  traced  the  outlines  of  a  complete 
drama.  The  obscurity  which  may  be  thought  to  lie  in 
of  them  wholly  arises  from  our  not  clearly  understanding  his 
character,  or  that  of  his  audience,  or  the  occasion  on  which 
he  spoke;  except  where  the  subject  itself  rendered  some 
obscurity  unavoidable. 

Conciseness  is  another  excellence  of  the  parables  of  Christ. 
Scarce  a  single  circumstance  or  expression  can  be  taken 
away  from  any  of  them,  without  injuring  the  whole.  They 
also  comprehend  the  most  extensive  and  important  meaning 
in  the  shortest  compass  of  narration;  and  afford  at  the  same 
time  the  largest  scope  to  the  judgment  and  reflection  of  the 
reader.      An   extraordinary   candour    and   charity   likewise 

fiervade  all  the  parables  of  Jesus.  He  gives  the  most 
avourable  representations  of  things.  In  the  parable  of  the 
lost  sheep,  he  supposes  but  one  of  a  hundred  to  go  astray  ; 
yet  the  good  shepherd  leaves  the  rest,  to  go  in  quest  of  this. 
In  the  parable  of  the  ten  virgins,  he  supposes  the  number  of 
the  wise  to  be  equal  to  that  of  the  foolish.  In  that  of  the 
prodigal,  for  one  son  that  takes  a  riotous  course,  there  is 
another  that  continued  in  his  duty.  In  that  of  the  ten  talents, 
two  are  supposed  to  improve  what  is  committed  to  them,  for 
one  that  does  not  improve  it.  In  the  parable  of  the  rich  man 
and  Lazarus,  Abraham  uses  the  term  Son  to  the  former, 
though  in  the  place  of  punishment ;  and  he  is  represented  as 
still  retaining  Kind  regards  to  his  brethren.  A  name  is  deli- 
cately withheld  from  the  character  that  is  blamable,  while  one 
is  given  to  the  good. 

An  exact  propriety  and  decorum  is  observed  in  all  the 
parables  of  Christ,  and  every  thing  that  is  spoken  is  suited 
to  the  character  of  the  person  who  speaks  it.  His  parable*, 
surpass  all  others,  in  being  so  natural  and  probable,  that  they 
have  the  air  of  truth  rather  than  of  fiction.5  Generosity  and 
decorum  are  so  strongly  manifested  in  the  character  of  the 
Compassionate  Samaritan,  that  the  Jewish  lawyer,  whose 
prejudices  and  passions  would  be  all  excited  by  the  very 
name,  could  not  withhold  his  approbation  of  it.  There  is 
also  great  candour  and  propriety  in  the  selection  and  adjust- 
ment of  the  two  characters.  Had  a  Jew  or  a  Samaritan  been 
represented  as  assisting  a  fellow-countryman,  or  a  Jew 
assisting  a  Samaritan,  the  story  would  have  been  less  con- 
vincing and  impressive.  "  In  the  parable  of  the  murmuring 
labourers,  the  proprietor  of  the  vineyard  assembles  the  la- 
bourers in  the  evening  all  together  to  receive  their  wages, 
begins  to  pay  those  who  were  called  at  the  latest  hour,  and 
is  gradually  to  the  first  invited.  This  circumstance 
with  the  greatest  propriety  introduces  their  complaint.  It 
also  discovers  candour  and  integrity  in  the  judge,  in  allowing 
them  to  be  witnesses  of  his  distribution,  in  attentively  hear- 
ing^ their  objections,  and  calmly  pointing  out  how  groundless 
and  unreasonable  they  were.  In  the  parable  of  the  barren 
fig  tree,  the  keeper  of  the  vineyard  is  with  great  propriety 
and  candour  introduced  as  interceding  earnestly  for  a  further 
respite  and  trial  to  the  tree,  and  enforcing  his  plea  from 
weighty  considerations."  In  what  an  amiable  and  proper 
light  is  the  generous  creditor  in  the  parable  represented,  and 
with  what  natural  simplicity  !  "  Then  the  lord  of  that  servan 

•  Law's  Life  of  Christ,  p.  325.  note. 


«"?0 


ON  THE  FIGURATIVE  LANGUAGE  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


[Fart  II.  Book  I 


w  ta  moved  with  compassion,  and  loosed  him,  and  forgave  him 
the  debt."  What  ingenuous  sorrow  appears  in  the  character 
of  the  prodigal !  What  natural  affection,  generosity,  and 
forwardness  to  forgive,  in  the  parent! 

Besides  the  regard  paid  by  Jesus  Christ  to  historical 
propriety  in  the  incidental  circumstances  (which  has  been 
already  noticed  in  p.  368.),  it  is  a  peculiar  excellence  of  the 
parables  of  Christ,  that  the  actors  in  them  are  not  the  inferior 
creatures,  but  men.  He  leads  us  sometimes  to  draw  instruc- 
tion from  the  inferior  animals,  and  the  process  of  things  in 
the  vegetable  world,  as  well  as  nature  in  general.  But  men 
a™  the  more  proper  actors  in  a  scene,  and  speakers  in  a  dia- 
logue, formed  for  the  instruction  of  mankind.  Men  add  to 
the  significance  without  diminishing  the  ease  and  fami- 
liarity of  the  narration.  In  the  fables  of  JEsop,  and  of  the 
Hindoos,1  as  well  as  of  the  Jewish  prophets,  inferior  crea- 
tures, and  even  vegetables,  are  introduced  as  actors. 

Another  distinguishing  character  of  our  Lord's  parables  is, 
the  frequent  introduction  of  his  own  character  into  them,  as 
the  principal  figure,  and  in  views  so  various,  important,  and 
significant:  for  instance,  the  sower;  the  vine-dresser;  the 
proprietor  of  an  estate ;  the  careful  shepherd ;  the  just  master ; 
the  kind  father;  the  splendid  bridegroom  ;  the  potent  noble- 
man ;  the  heir  of  a  kingdom  ;  and  the  king  upon  his  throne 
of  glory  judging  the  whole  world  of  mankind.  A  striking 
contrast  hence  arises  between  the  simplicity  of  the  descrip- 
tions and  dignity  of  the  speaker. 

A  further  material  circumstance  which  characterizes  the 
parables  of  Christ  is,  that  he  spake  them  just  as  occasions 
were  offered;  in  the  ordinary  course  of  his  conversation  and 
instruction ;  privately  as  well  as  publicly  ;  to  his  own  dis- 
ciples ;  to  the  multitude ;  and  to  the  Pharisees  and  chief 
rulers.  An  accidental  question  or  unexpected  event  appears 
to  have  been  the  occasion  of  some  of  them.  For  instance, 
that  of  the  good  Samaritan,  when  he  was  asked,  "  Who  is 
my  neighbour'?"  that  of  the  rich  man,  whose  ground  brought 
forth  plentifully,  when  he  was  desired  to  determine  a  suit 
concerning  an  estate  ;  that  of  the  barren  fig  tree,  when  he 
was  told  of  the  Galilaeans  whom  Pilate  had  massacred;  that 
of  a  certain  man  who  made  a  great  supper,  when  he  was 
present  at  a  splendid  entertainment ;  and  those  of  the  careful 
shepherd,  the  prodigal  son,  the  unjust  steward,  and  the 
inhuman  rich  Jew,  when  a  great  number  of  publicans  and 
sinners,  and  of  Pharisees  and  Scribes,  happened  to  be  present, 
and  the  latter  murmured  against  him,  and  insulted  him.  No 
man,  except  Jesus,  ever  did  speak  in  parables,  unpremedi- 
tated, and  on  various  occasions.  No  man  is  now  capable  of 
conveying  instruction  in  like  manner.  No  instructor  can 
ever  presume  to  be  equal  to  him,  nor  so  much  as  to  imitate 
or  resemble  him. 

Again :  the  parables  of  our  Lord  were  admirably  adapted 
to  the  time  when,  the  place  in  which,  and  the  persons  to 
whom,  they  were  delivered ;  while  they  were  also  fitted  for 
the  general  instruction  of  mankind  in  all  ages.  These  com- 
positions of  Christ  were  likewise  all  original.  Dr.  Lightfoot 
and  others  have  shown  that  Jesus  often  borrowed  proverbs 
and  phrases  from  the  Jews.  But  an  inspired  teacher  would 
not  surely  propose  whole  -parables,  that  were  in  common  use, 
for  his  own.  Nor  does  it  appear  that  any  body  used  the 
parables  of  Christ  before  his  time;  for  those  which  are 
alleged  out  of  the  Talmudical  or  other  Jewish  writers  were 
all  penned  some  ages  after  his  birth.  For  instance,  the  para- 
ble of  the  householder  and  the  labourers,2  which  is  extant 
in  the  Jerusalem  Gemara,  was  written  an  age  and  a  half  at 
least  after  the  destruction  of  the  temple.  It  is  more  proba- 
ble, therefore,  that  it  was  written  in  imitation  of  Christ,  than 
borrowed  from  any  ancient  tradition.  The  same  may  be 
said  of  many  others ;  as  Matt,  xviii.  17.  out  of  the  book  of 
Musar;  and  of  another  parable  like  that,  Matt.  xxv.  1.  of  the 
ten  virgins.3 

If  Jesus  had  borrowed  whole  parables,  or  discourses,  it 
would  scarcely  have  been  remarked  so  often,  that  he  spake 
as  one  who  had  authority, and  not  as  the  Scribes;  nor  would 
the  extraordinary  wisdom  of  his  instructions  have  so  much 
astonished  his  auditors.  Further ;  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees 
would  have  been  glad  to  have  exposed  him,  by  proclaiming 
to  the  people  that  ne  was  indebted  to  the  Rabbis  for  what 
gained  him  the  reputation  of  superior  sagacity.  This,  also, 
would  have  been  a  plausible  argument  to  have  retorted  upon 
him,  when  he  opposed  their  traditions. 

«  See  Wilkins's,  ox-  Sir  W.  Jones's  Translatioa  of  the  Fables  of  Veshnoo- 
B&rmiu 
»  Matt  xx.  1—16.  •  Le  Clere  on  Matt.  xx.  15 


To  conclude,  it  is  a  singular  excellency  in  the  Gosper 
parables,  that,  though  they  were  for  the  most  part  occasional 
and  wisely  adapted  oy  our  Saviour  to  the  characters  and  cir- 
cumstances of  the  persons  to  whom  they  were  original!) 
addressed,  yet  they  contain  most  wholesome  instructions  an< 
admonitions  for  all  ages  of  the  world,  and  for  every  future 
period  of  his  church.  They  are  at  once  excellently  nccom 
modated  to  the  comprehensions  of  the  vulgar,  and  capable  of 
instructing  and  delighting  the  most  learned  and  judicious.  In 
short,  all  the  parables  of  Christ  "  are  beautiful ;  the  truest 
delineation  of  human  manners,  embellished  witb  all  those 
graces  which  an  unaffected  lovely  simplicity  of  diction  is 
able  to  bestow, — graces  beyond  the  reacn  of  the  most  elabo- 
rate artifice  of  composition.  But  two  of  the  number  shine 
among  the  rest  with  unrivalled  splendour ;  and  we  may 
safely  challenge  the  genius  of  antiquity  to  produce,  from  ail 
his  stores  of  elegance  and  beauty,  such  specimens  of  pathetic 
unlaboured  description,  as  the  parables  of  the  prodigal  son 
and  the  good  Samaritan."4 


SECTION  VI. 


ON    SCRIPTURE    PROVERBS. 


I.  ^future  of  Proverbs. — Prevalence  of  this  mode  of  instruc 
tion. — fl.  Different  ki?ids  of  Proverbs. — III.  The  Proverbt 
occurring  in  the  JVetu  Testament,  how  to  be  interpreted. 

I.  The  inhabitants  of  Palestine,  in  common  with  othec 
oriental  nations,  were  much  in  the  use  of  Proverbs,  or  de- 
tached aphorisms ;  that  is,  concise  and  sententious  common 
sayings,  founded  on  a  close  observance  of  men  and  manners. 

This  method  of  instruction  is  of  very  remote  antiquity,  and 
was  adopted  by  those  who,  by  genius  and  reflection,  exer- 
cised in  the  school  of  experience,  had  accumulated  a  stock 
of  knowledge,  which  they  were  desirous  of  reducing  into 
the  most  compendious  form,  and  comprising,  in  a  few 
maxims,  such  observations  as  they  apprehended  to  be  most 
essential  to  human  happiness.  Proverbial  expressions  were 
peculiarly  adapted  to  a  rude  state  of  society,  and  more  likely 
to  produce  effect  than  any  other :  for  they  professed  not  to 
dispute,  but  to  command, — not  to  persuade,  but  to  compel ; 
they  conducted  men,  not  by  circuitous  argument,  but  led  them 
immediately  to  the  approbation  and  practice  of  integrity  and 
virtue.  That  this  kind  of  instruction,  however,  might  not  be 
altogether  destitute  of  attraction,  and  lest  it  should  disgust 
by  an  appearance  of  harshness  and  severity,  the  teachers 
of  mankind  added  to  their  precepts  the  graces  of  harmony ; 
and  decorated  them  with  metaphors,  comparisons,  allusions, 
and  other  embellishments  of  style. 

Proverbial  instruction  was  a  favourite  style  of  composition 
among  the  Jews,  which  continued  to  the  latest  ages  of  their 
literature;  and  obtained  among  them  the  appellation  of  Ma- 
shalim,  or  parables,  partly  because  it  consisted  of  parables 
strictly  so  called  (tbe  nature  of  which  has  been  discussed  in 
the  preceding  section),  and  partly  because  it  possessed  un- 
common force  and  authority  over  the  minds  of  the  auditors. 
The  proverbs  of  the  Old  Testament  are  classed  by  Bishop 
Lowth  among  the  didactic  poetry  of  the  Hebrews,  of  which 
many  specimens  are  extant,  particularly  the  book  of  Proverbs, 
composed  by  Solomon,  of  which  an  account  is  given  in  the 
subsequent  part  of  this  work.5  The  royal  sage  has,  in  one 
of  his  proverbs,  himself  explained  the  principal  excellences 
of  this  form  of  composition ;  exhibiting  at  once  a  complete 
definition  of  a  proverb,  and  a  very  happy  specimen  of  what 
he  describes : 


Apples  of  gold  in  a  net-woi  k  of  : 
Is  a  word  seasonably  spoken. 


Prow  xxv.  11. 


Thus  intimating,  that  grave  and  profound  sentiments  sltbuld 
be  set  off  by  a  smooth  and  well-turned  phraseology ;  as  the 
appearance  of  the  most  beautiful  and  exquisitely-coloured 
fruit,  or  the  imitation  of  it,  perhaps,  in  the  most  precious 
materials,  is  improved  by  the  circumstance  of  its  shining  (as 
through  a  veil)  through  the  reticulations  of  a  silver  vessel 
exquisitely  carved.  In  the  above-cited  passage  he  further 
insinuates,  that  it  is  not  merely  a  neat  turn  and  polished  dic- 

*  Dr.  Gray's  Delineation  of  the  Parables,  pp.  19.  21.  (Edinburgh,  1814. 
8vo.)  Monthly  Review,  O.  S.  vol.  Ivii.  p.  1%.  Wakefield's  Internal  Evidence* 
of  Christianity,  p.  36.  Simpson's  Internal  and  Presumptive  Evidences  of 
Christianity,  pp.  403—422. 

•  See  Vol.  U.  pp.  245—247 


Chap.  I.  Sect.  VII.] 


ON  THE  FIGURATIVE  LANGUAGE  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


371 


turn  by  which  proverbs  must  be  recommended  ;  but  that  trutb 
itself  acquires  additional  beauty  when  partially  discovered 
through  tbe  veil  of  elegant  fiction  and  imagery. 
1.  The  first  excellence  of  a  proverb  is  Brevity  J  without 

which  it  can  retain  neither  its  name  nor  its  nature  The  dis- 
criminating sentiment  should  be  expressed  in  a  few  words, 
not  exceeding  ten  or  at  most  twelve  words,  otherwise  it  is 
no  longer  a  proverb,  but  a  declamation  ;  and  it  should  force 
itself  upon  the  mind  by  a  single  effort,  not  bv  a  tedious 
process.  Accordingly,  the  language  must  be  strong  and 
condensed,  rather  omitting  some  circumstances  which  may 
appear  necessary,  than  admitting  any  thing  superfluous. 
Horace  himself  insists  on  this  as  one  ox  the  express  rules  of 
didactic  poetry,  and  has  assigned  the  reason  on  which  it  is 
founded : 

siim  t  be  tbe  precept,  whloh  wit  Ined 

By  docile  minds,  and  faithfully  retained.* 

Solomon  i  iprei  tea  the  same  sentiment  in  his  own  parabolic 
manner: 

like  goads, 
An. I  like  nalli  thai  are  (Irmly  fixed.       Bcclee.  .vii.  11. 

That  is,  they  instantaneously  stimulate  or  affect  the  mind; 
they  penetrate  deeply  and  are  firmly  retained.  Even  The 
obscurity,  which  is  generally  attendant  on  excessive  brevity, 
has  its  use;  as  it  sharpens  the  understanding,  keeps  alive 
the  attention,  and  exercises  the  genius  by  the  labour  of 
investigation,  while  no  Bmall  gratification  results  from  the 
acquisition  of  knowledge  by  our  own  ;  Hurts. 

I.  Another  excellence,  essential  to  a  proverb,  is  Elegance s 
which  is  neither  inconsistent  with  brevity,  nor  with  some 
degree  of  obscurity.  Elegance  in  this  connection  respects 
the  sentiment,  tbe  imagery,  and  the  diction;  and  those  pro- 
verbs, which  arc  the  plainest,  most  obvious,  and  simple,  or 
which  contain  nothing  remarkable  either  in  sentiment  or 
style,  are  not  to  be  considered  as  destitute  of  their  peculiar 
elegance,  if  they  possess  only  brevity,  and  that  neat,  compact 
form,  and  roundness  of  period,  which  alone  are  sufficient  tc 
constitute  a  proverb.  Examples  of  this  kind  occur  in  the 
maxim  of  David,  recorded  in  1  Sam.  xxiv.  13.  and  in  that  of 
Solomon,  Prov.  x.  12.3 

II.  Proverbs  are  divided  into  two  classes,  viz.  1.  Entire 
Sentences;  and,  2.  Proverbial  Phbases,  which  by  common 
usage  are  admitted  into  a  sentence. 

1.  Examples  of  .Entire  Pboveb.biax  Sbntbkcxs  occurin  Gen. 
x.  9.  and  xxii.  14.  1  Sam.  x.  12.  and  xxiv.  13.  2  Sam.  v.  8.  and 
xx.  18.  Ezek.  xvi.  44.  and  xviii.  2.  Luke  iv.  23.  John  iv.  37.  and 
2  Peter  ii.  22.  ;  in  which  passages  the  inspired  writers  expressly 
state  the  sentences  to  have  passed  into  proverbs. 

2.  Examples  of  Pbovxbbial  Pbbases,  which,  indeed,  cannot 
be  correctly  termed  proverbs,  but  which  have  acquired  their  form 
and  use,  are  to  be  found  in  Deut.  xxv.  1.  1  Kings  xx.  1 1.  2  Cbron. 
xxv.  9.  Job  vi.  5.  xiv.  19.  and  xxviii.  IS.  Psal.  xlii.  7.  and  lxii.  9. 
Of  this  description  also  is  that  beautiful  and  memorable  sentence, 

THE    FBAR    OF    THE    LUltli   IB  THB    HKKINNINC    05    WISDOM,  Psal. 

cxi.  10.,  which  is  repeated  in  Prov.  i.  7.  ix.  10.  and  in  Job  xxviii. 
28.  The  book  of  Proverbs  likewise  contains  very  many  similar 
sentences  ;  from  among  which  it  may  suffice  to  refer  to  Prov.  i. 
17.32.  iii.  12.  vi.  6.27.X.  5.  13.  19.25.  xi.  15.22.27.  xii.  11.  15. 
xv.  2.  33.  xvii.  1.  10.  19.  28.  xix.  2.  24.  xx.  4.  1 1.  14.  21.  25. 
xxii.fi.  13.  xxv.  11.  16.27.  xxvi.  4.  10,  11.  14.  17.28.  xxvii.  6, 
7.  S.  10.  14. 17.22.  xxviii.  21.  So  in  the  book  of  Ecclesiastes, 
eh.  i.  15. 18.  iv.  5.  12.  v.  2.  6.8,  9, 10.  vi.  9.  vii.  17.  ix.  4.  18.  x. 
1,2.8.  15.19,20.  xi.3.4.  6,  7.  xii.  12.  And  in  the  Prophets, 
Jer.  xiii.23.  xxiii.  US.  Ezek.  vii.  5.  Micah  vii.  5,  6.  Habak.  ii.  6. 
Mai.  ii.  10,  &c.  And  likewise  in  the  JVew  Testament,  as  in  Matt, 
v.  13— 15.  ti3.21.34.  vii.  2.5.  f 6.  ix.  12.16.  x.  10.22.24.  26. 
xii.  31.  xiii.  12.  57.  xv.  11.  xxiii.  21.  xxiv.  28.  Mark  ix.  50. 
Luke  ix.  62.  xii.  18.  xxiii.  31.  Acts  ix.  5.  xx.  35.  1  Cor.  v.  6. 
x.  12.  xv.  33.    2  Cor.  ix.  6,  7.    2  These,  iii.  10.     Tit.  i.  15. 

III.  The  Proverbs  occurring  in  the  New  Testament  are  to 
De  explained,  partly  by  the  aid  of  similar  passages  from  the 
Old  Testament,  and  partly  from  the  ancient  writings  of  the 
Jews,  especially  from  the  Talmud ;  whence  it  appears  how 

»  "The  brevity  of  this  kind  of  composition."  says  an  elegant  critic  of 
ancient  times,  "and  the  condensing  of  much  thought  into  a  small  compass, 
renders  it  more  sententious,  more  sage,  and  expressive:  as  in  a  small 
seed,  the  whole  power  of  vegetation,  which  is  to  produce  a  tree,  is  con- 
tained. Anil  if  any  writer  should  amplify  the  sentence,  it  would  do  longer 
be  a  proverb,  but  a  declamation."  Demetiuvs  Phalekecs,  U-j-'  EpMi»«»"S, 
tect.  ix. 

»  Art  of  Poetry,  bv  Francis,  verse  455. 

*Lowth,  PrJBlect.'xxiv.  op.  312—313.  (edit.  17G3).  or  vol.  ii.  pp.  162—173. 
•f  Dr.  Gregory's  transition. 


much  they  were  in  use  among  that  people,  and  that  they 
wen-  applied  by  Christ  and  his  apostles,  agreeably  to  com- 
mon usage.  The  proverbs,  contained  in  the  Old  and  New 
Testaments,  are  collected  and  illustrated  by  Drusius,  and 
Andreas  Schottns;  whose  works  are  comprised  in  the  ninth 
volume  of  the  Critici  Sacri,  and  also  by  Joachim  Zehner, 
who  has  elucidated  them  by  parallel  passages  from  the 
fathers  as  well  as  from  the  heathen  writers,  in  a  treatise  pub- 
lished atLeipsic  in  1601.  The  proverbs  which  are  found  in 
the  New  Testament  have  been  illustrated  by  Vorstius'  and 
Viser,5  as  well  as  by  Lightfoot  and  Schoetgenius  in  their 
Bora  Hebraictt  it  Taknudiem^  and  by  Buxtorf  in  his  Lexicon 
Chaldaicum  Tabnudicum  it  Rabbinicum;  from  which  last- 
mentioned  works  Uosenmnllcr,  Kuindel,  Dr.  Whitby,  Dr. 
A.  Clarke,  and  other  commentators,  both  British  and  foreign, 
have  derived  their  illustrations  of  the  Jewish  parables  and 
proverbs. 


SECTION  VII. 

CONCLUDING    OBSERVATIONS    ON    THE   FIGURATIVE  LANGUAGE  OF 
SCRIPTURE. 

I.  Synecdoche. — II.  Irony. — III.  Hyperbole. — IV.  Paronomasia. 

Besides  the  figures  already  discussed,  and  the  right  un- 
derstanding of  which  is  of  the  greatest  importance  for  a 
taining  the  sense  of  Scripture,  Glassius,  and  other  writers, 
who  have  treated  expressly  on  the  tropes  and  figures  of  the 
Sacred  Writings,  have  enumerated  a  great  variety  of  other 
figures  which  are  to  be  found  in  them.  As,  however,  many 
of  these  are  merely  rhetorical ;  and  though  they  are  admira- 
bly calculated  to  show  how  vastly  superior  the  inspired 
volume  is  to  all  tbe  productions  of  the  human  mind,  for  th< 
beauty  and  sublimity  of  its  compositions;  yet  as  it  would 
lead  us  into  too  wide  a  field  of  discussion,  were  we  to  in- 
troduce such  figures  at  length,  our  attention  must  be  directed 
tn  a  few  of  those  principal  figures  which  have  not  been  men- 
tioned in  the  preceding  pages. 

The  most  important  of  these  figures,  which  remain  to  be 
noticed,  are,  1.  Synecdoche;  2.  irony;  3.  the  Hyperbole; 
and,  4.  the  Paronomasia. 

I.  Synecdoclie. 

A  Svnecdoche  is  a  trope  in  which,  1 .  The  whole  is  put  for 
a  part  ;  2.  A  part  is  put  for  the  whole ;  3.  A  certain  number 
for  an  uncertain  one ;  4.  A  general  name  for  a  particular  one ; 
and,  4.  Special  words  for  general  ones.  A  very  few  ex 
amples  will  suffice  to  illustrate  this  figure. 

1.  The  -whole  is  sometimes  put  for  a  part. 

As,  the  world  for  the  Romun  empire,  which  is  hut  a  small  thnu| 
remarkable  part  of  the  worlil,  in  Acts  xxn  •">.  and  Rev.  iii.  10.  The  world 
for  the  earth,  which  is  a  part  of  it,  2  Pet.  iii.  6.  Rom.  i.  8.  1  John  v.  19.  Thus 
the  whole  person  is  put  for  a  part,  as  man  for  the  soul,  Luke  xvi.  23.  where 
the  rich  man  Abraham,  and  Lazarus,  ire  respectively  put  for  their  souls; 
man,  for  the  body,  John  xix.  42.  xx.  2.  13.  with  Luke  xxiv.  3..  in  which 
passages  Jesus  is  put  for  his  dead  body.  Time  for  a  part  of  time,  as  Dan. 
ii.  4.  which  simply  means,  we  wish  you  a  long  life  ami  reign.  Gen.  xvii.  19. 
where  the  words  everlasting  covenant  denote  while  the  Jewish  polity 
subsists,  that  is,  until  Messiah  come.  (Gen.  xlix.  10.) — See  also  Exod.  xxi.  6. 
where  the  expression  for  ever  means  the  year  of  jubilee. 

To  this  class  of  Synecdoche  may  he  referred  those  instances,  in  which 
the  plural  number  is  sometimes  put  for  the  singular :  as  the  mountains 
of  Ararat  (Gen.  viii.  4),  which  term  might  refer  to  the  bi-topped  form  of 
thai  mountainous  range.  The  cilies  win  re  Lot  dwelt.  Gen.  xix.  29. ;  the 
i  the  house,  Amos  vi.  10. ;  the  sides  of  the  ship,  Jonah  i.  5. ;  the  ass 
and  foal,  00  which  Jesus  Christ  was  set,  Malt  xxi.  7.  compared  with  Zech. 
the  prophets,  Mark  i.  2.  John  vi.  45.  Acts  xiii.  40.;  in  all  which 
places  only  one  of  those  things  or  persons  mentioned  is  to  be  understood. 
s,.,  children  is  put  for  child,  Gen.  xxi.  7. ;  so  daughters  and  sons'  daughters, 
Gen.  xhi  7  ,  when  Jacob  had  but  one  daughter  (verse  15.)  and  one  grand 
daughter,  (verse  17.)  So  the  sons  of  Dan  (verse  23.),  when  he  had  but  one 
So  the  cilies  of  Gilead  are  mentioned  in  Judg.  xii.  7.  ;  whereas  Jephthah 
was  buried  in  one  city  in  that  region.  In  like  manner,  by  the  sons  of  Je- 
hoiada  is  intended  only  Zechariah,  2  Chron.  xxiv.  25.  compared  with 
verses  20.  and  21. ;  and  our  Saviour  speaks  of  himself  in  the  plural  num- 
ber, John  iii.  11. 

2.  Sometimes  the  part  for  the  -whole. 

Thus  in  Gen.  i.  ."..  S.  13.  19.  23.  31.  the  evening  and  morning,  being  the 
principal  parts  of  ihe  day,  are  put  for  the  entire  day.  So  the  soul  compre- 
hends the  entire  man.  Acls  xxvii.  37.  See  similar  expressions  in  Gen.  xii.  5. 
xvii.  14.  F.xod.  xii.  19.  Lev.  iv.  2.  Psal.  iii.  2.  xi.  1-  xxv.  13.  Isa.  Ivui.  5. 
Ezek.  xviii.  4.  Acts  ii.  41,  Ac. 

•  Vorsdus's  Diatribs  Novi  Testamenti  is  printed  in  Crenius'g 
Fasciculus  Terttus  Opusculorum  qu<e  ad  Historiam  et  Philologiam  Sacram 
spectant  ISmo.  Rotterdam,  pp.  175—576. ;  and  also  in  Fischer's  second 
edition  of  Leusden,  De  Dilectis  N.  T.  (8vo.  I.ips.s).  pp.  16S— 2o2. 

•  Viner,  HermeneuticiS.,cra  Novi  Testainenti,  pari  u.  sect.  ix.  cap.  5.  pp. 
132-150. 


iTZ 


OX    THE    FIGURATIVE  LANGUAGE  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


[Paiit  II.  Book.  J 


So,  the  singular  number  is  sometimes  put  for  the  plural. 

This  chiefly  takes  place  when  the  Scriptures  speak  of  the  multitude  col- 
ectively,  or  of  an  entire  species.  Thus  in  Gen.  iii.  8.  tree  in  the  Hebrew 
is  put  for  trees.  Exod.  xiv.  17.  (Heb.)  /  wll  get  me  honour  upon  Pharaoh 
and  upon  all  his  hunt,  upon  his  chariots,  and  upon  his  horsemen,  that  is, 
the  whole  multitude  of  his  chariots  which  are  enumerated  in  verse  7.  So 
in  Exod.  xv.  1.  21.  the  horse  and  his  rider  me  put  collectively  for  the  horses 
and  horsemen  who  were  in  the  Egyptian  army.  So  the  Hivile,  Canaanite, 
and  Hittite,  Exod.  xxiii.  28.,  the  ox  and  the  ass,  Isa.  i.  3.,  the  stork,  the  turtle, 
the  cra»e,'the  swallow,  Jer.  viii.  7.,  the  palmer-worm,  Joel  i.  4.,  street, 
Rev.  xxi.  21.,  are  respectively  put  for  the  Hivites,  oxen,  storks,  <Scc.  &c. 
It  is  proper  to  remark,  that  in  very  many  instances  the  learned  and  pious 
translators  of  our  authorized  version  have  justly  rendered  the  singular 
words  in  the  plural  number  where  the  sense  evidently  required  it. 

3.  Very  frequently  a  certain  or  definite  number  is  put  for 
an  uncertain  and  indefinite  number. 

Thus  we  find  double  for  much  or  sufficient,  in  Isa.  xl.  2.  lxi.  7.  Jer.  xvi.  18. 
Zech.  ix.  12.  Rev.  xviii.  6.  Twice  for  several  times,  in  Psal.  lxii.  11.  Five 
for  a  few,  1  Cor.  xiv.  19.,  in  which  verse  ten  thousand  are  put  for  many. 
Ten  for  many,  Gen.  xxi.  7.  and  ISam.  i.  8.  But  most  frequently  we  have 
seven  for  an  indefinite  number.  See  Gen.  iv.  15.  Lev.  xxvi.  18.  21.  24.  28. 
Ruth  iv.  15.  ISam.  ii.  5.  Psal.  cxix.  164.  Prov.  xxiv.  16.  xxvi.  25.  Isa.  iv.  1. 
Jer.  xv.  9.  Ezek.  xxxix.  9.  12.  Zech.  iii.  9.  Matt.  xii.  45.  One  hundred  for 
many,  indefinitely,  in  Eccl.  vi.  3.  viii.  12.  Prov.  xvii.  10.  Matt.  xix.  29.  Luke 
viii.  8.  A  thousand  for  a  great  many,  Exod.  xx.  6.  xxxiv.  7.  Deut.  i.  11. 
ISam.  xviii.  7.  Psal.  cxix.  72.  Ten  thousand  for  an  immense  number, 
I  Sain,  xviii.  7.  Psal.  iii.  6.  ;  and  ten  thousand  thousand  for  a  countless  host, 
in  Num.  x.  35.  (Heb.)  Dan.  vii.  10.  Rev.  v.  11.,  &c. 

4.  A  general  name  is  put  for  a  particular  one, 

As  in  Mark  xvi.  15.  where  every  creature  means  all  mankind;  as  Jtesh 
also  does  in  Gen.  vi.  12.  Psal.  cxlv.  21.  Isa.  xl.  5,  6.  lxvi.  23.  Matt.  xxiv.  22. 
Luke  iii.  6.  and  Rom.  iii.  20. 

5.  Sometimes  'special  words  or  particular  names  are  put  for 
such  as  are  general: 

Thus  Jehovah  is,  in  Psal.  xlvi.  9.,  said  to  break  the  bow,  and  cut  the  spear 
in  sunder,  and  to  bum  the  chariot  in  the  fire :  that  is,  God  destroys  all  the 
weapons  of  war,  and  blesses  the  world  with  peace.  Again,  in  Dan.  xii.  2., 
we  read,  Many  of  them  that  sleep  in  the  dust  of  the  earth  shall  awake; 
some  to  everla-iting  life,  and  some  to  shame  and  everlasting  contempt. 
Here  many  is  put  for  all.  So  man,  generally,  is  put  for  all  mankind,  both 
male  and  female,  Psal.  i.  1.  Mark  xvi.  16.  Numerous  similar  passages 
might  !"■  adduced.  So,  father  is  put  for  any  ancestor,  Psal.  xxii.  4.  xliv.  1. 
cvi.  0.  Father  for  grandfather,  2  Sam.  ix.  7.  Dan.  v.  11.  Mother  for  grand- 
mother,  1  Kings  xv.  10.  13.  compared  with  verses  2.  8.  Brother  for  kinsman, 
Gen.  xiii.  8.  and  xiv.  14.  with  Gen.  xii.  5.  Matt.  xii.  46.  John  vii.  3.  5.  In  the 
same  manner,  son  is  put  for  any  of  the  posterity :  thus  Laban  is  said  to  be 
Nahor's  son,  in  Gen.  xxix.  5.,  when  he  was  the  son  of  Bethuel,  and  grand- 
son or  nephew  of  Nahor.  Compare  Gen.  xxii.  20.  23.  with  xxiv.  29.  So 
Rebekah  is  called  Abraham's  brother's  daughter,  Gen.  xxiv.  48.  Father 
and  mother  intend  all  superiors,  Exod.  xx.  12.  In  like  manner  the  Greeks, 
who  are  the  most  eminent  of  the  heathen  nations,  are  put  for  the  whole 
Gentile  world,  in  Rom.  i.  16.  Gal.  vii.  28.  and  Col.  iii.  11.  So  bread  denotes 
all  the  necessaries  of  life,  in  Matt.  vi.  11.  and  numerous  other  places.  The 
fatherless  and  widows  are  put  for  any  who  are  in  distress  or  affliction,  Isa. 
i   17.  23.  James  i.  27..  &c. 

II.  Irony. 

An  Irony  is  a  figure,  in  which  we  speak  one  thing-  and  de- 
sign another,  in  order  to  give  the  greater  force  and  vehemence 
to  our  meaning.  An  irony  is  distinguished  from  the  real 
sentiments  of  the  speaker  or  writer,  By  the  accent,  the  air, 
the  extravagance  of  the  praise,  the  character  of  the  person, 
or  the  nature  of  the  discourse. 

Very  numerous  instances  of  irony  are  to  be  found  in  the  Scrip- 
ture, which  might  be  produced ;  but  the  following  will  suffice  to 
show  the  nature  of  this  figure. 

Thus,  the  p*  p  lei  Elijah  speaks  in  irony  to  the  priests  of  Baal — Cry 
aloud  ;  fn  he  is  <i  God .  either  he  is  talking,  or  he  is  pursuing,  or  he  is  in 
a  journ.il/  or  pe  rttdventure  he  sleepelh,  and  must  be  uwaked.  (1  Kings  xviii. 
77.)  So  the  prophet  Micah  bids  Ahab  go  to  battle  against  Ramoth-Gilead 
ami  prosper.  (1  Kings  xxii.  15.)  We  meet  with  an  irony  in  Job  xii.  2.  No 
doubt  hut  i,»  are  the  \><  ople,  mid  wisdom  shall  die  with  you.  That  well- 
known  passage  in  Eccles.  xi.  9.  may  also  be  considered  as  an  irony:  Re- 
joice, O  young  man,  in  thy  youth;  and  let.  thine  heart  cheer  thee  in  the 
days  of  thy  youth,  and  walk  in  the  way  of  thine  heart  and  in  the  sight  of 
thine  eyes.  Nay.  the  Almighty  himself  appears  to  speak  ironically  in  Gen. 
iii.  22. :  And  the  Lord  God  said.  Behold  the  man  is  become  as  one  of  us,  to 
know  goo,/,  and  evil ;  arid  also  in  Judges  x.  14.  Go  and  cry  unto  the  gods 
whirh  ye  have  chosen  ;  lei  them  deliver  you  in  the  time  of 'your  tribulation. 
A-iil  in  (he  same  manner  we  may  apprehend  Christ's  rebuke  to  the  Jewish 
doctors,  when  he  says  (Mark  vii.  9.),  Full  well  ye  reject  the  commandment 
of  Hod.  lln.t  ye  way  keep  your  own  tradition ;  where,  by  the  word  x«.\<os, 
which  ourtranslators  render/uJZ  well,  it  is  evident  that  our  Saviour  intends 
q.nte  the  contrary  ol  what  his  language  seems  to  import.  Saint  Paul  also 
rra*a  fine  example  ol  irony  in  I  Cor.  iv.8.  Now  ye  are  full,  now  ye  are 
rich,  ye  have  reigned  as  ki  ngs  without  us  ;  and  I  would  to  God  ye  did  reign, 
tli  1 1  ire  also  might  reign  with  yon. 

Under  this  figure  we  may  include  the  Sarcasm,  which  may 
be  denned  to  be  an  irony  in  its  superlative  keenness  and  as- 
perity. As  an  instance  of  this  kind,  we  may  consider  the 
soldier's  speech  to  our  Lord  ;  when,  after  they  had  arrayed 
him  in  mock  majesty,  they  bowed  the  knee  before  him,  and 


said,  Hail,  King  of  the  Jews.  (Matt,  xxvii.  29.)  So,  again, 
while  our  Redeemer  was  suspended  on  the  cross,  there  were 
some  who  thus  derided  him,  Let  Christ,  the  King  of  Israel, 
descend  now  from  the  cross,  that  we  muysee  and  believe.  (Mark 
xv.  32.) 

III.  Hyperbole. 

This  figure,  in  its  representation  of  things  or  objects,  either 
magnifies  or  diminishes  them  beyond  or  below  their  proper 
limits  :  it  is  common  in  all  languages,  and  is  of  frequent  oc 
currence  in  the  Scripture. 

Thus,  things,  which  are  very  Jofty,  are  said  to  reach  up  to 
heaven.  Deut.  i.  28.  ix.  1.  Psal.  cvii.  26.  So,  things  which  are 
beyond  the  reach  or  capacity  of  man,  are  said  to  be  in  heaven,  in 
the  deep,  or  beyond  the  sea,  Deut.  xxx.  12.  Rom.  x.  6,  7.  So,  a 
great  quantity  or  number  is  commonly  expressed  by  the  sand  of 
the  sea,  the  dust  of  the  earth,  and  the  stars  of  heaven,  Gen. 
xiii.  16.  xii.  49.  Judges  vii.  12.  1  Sam.  xiii.  5.  1  Kings  iv.  29. 
2  Chron.  i.  9.  Jer.  xv.  8.  Heb.  xi.  12.  In  like  manner,  we  meet, 
in  Num.  xiii.  33.  with  smaller  than  grasshoppers,  to  denote  ex 
treme  dimi.nutiveness :  2  Sam.  i.  23.  s-wifter  than  eagles,  to 
intimate  extreme  celerity.  Judges  v.  4.  the  earth  trembled, 
verse  5.  the  mountains  melted.  1  Kings  i.  40.  the  earth  rent. 
Psal.  vi.  6.  I  make  my  bed  to  swim.  Psal.  cxix.  136.  rivers  of 
tears  run  down  mine  eyes.  So  we  read  of  angels'  food,  Psal. 
ixxviii.  25.  The  face  of  an  angel,  in  Acts  vi.  15.  ;  the  tongue 
of  an  angel,  in  1  Cor.  xiii.  1.  See  also  Gal.  i.  8.  and  iv.  11 
In  Ezek.  xxi.  6.  we  read,  Sigh  with  the  breaking  of  thy  loins, 
that  is,  most  deeply.  So  in  Luke  xix.  40.  we  read  that  the  stones 
■would  cry  out,  and  in  verse  44.  They  shall  not  leave  in  thee  one 
stone  upon  another  ;  that  is,  there  shall  be  a  total  desolation.1 

IV.  Paronomasia. 
Paronomasia  is  the  name  given  to  an  expression,  which 
contains  two  words,  that  are  purposely  chosen,  so  that  tbey 
may  resemble  each  other  in  sound,  while  they  may  differ  in 
sense.  It  is  a  very  favourite  figure  of  rhetoric  among  the 
Hebrews,  and  is  common  among  the  oriental  languages  in 
general.  Paronomasia  differs  from  our  rhyme,  inasmuch  as 
the  words  which  constitute  it  do  not  necessarily  stand  at  the 
end  of  parallelisms  or  stiophes,  but  may  be  placed  together 
in  any  part  of  a  sentence.,  and  are  found  in  prose  as  well  as 
in  poetry.  Professor  Stuart2  has  given  numerous  examples 
of  this  figure  in  the  Old  Testament,  which  the  limits  of  this 
work  do  not  permit  us  to  insert.  The  paronomasia  also 
occurs  very  frequently  in  the  New  Testament,  especially  in 
the  writings  of  Saint  Paul,  where  it  seems  to  be  sometimes 
unpremeditated,  and  sometimes  to  be  the  result  of  design  on 
the  part  of  the  writer.  Professor  Winer,  to  whom  we  are 
indebted  for  this  paragraph,  divides  the  paronomasia  into  two 
kinds,  viz. : — 

1.  Where  -words  of  a  like  sound  are  employed  in  the  sam. 
sentence,  -without  regard  to  their  sense. 

In  Rom.  i.  29.  we  have  jropi<£ia,  rrovxpia — ifSovou,  $ovou  : — 31.  ttrvvtrevs, 

0t(TUl6£TOU5— 1     COr.     ii.    13.    IV    SiSxXTOl;     n-VSU^XTO?,     !7l»SU,U*TIX0l>    TTVtVflXllXa 

(ruyxpivoiTs? — Luke  xxi.  11.  Kxi  x^oi  x*i  \oijuoi  eroi'TKi.  These  instances 
of  paronomasia  cannot  be  equivalently  expressed  in  English. 

In  order  to  form  a  paronomasia  of  this  kind,  unusual  words  or  forms  of 
words  are  sometimes  employed:  as  in  Gal.  v.  7.  miSto-sixt — >i  ^atr/iow.. 

2.  Where  the  -words  are  not  only  the  same  in  sound,  but  there 
is  also  a  resemblance  or  antithesis  in  the  sense.  Thus : 

Gal.  iv.  17.  Z x  *. o u  <r  i  v  hftxs....!vx  butovs  £m*.out£. — They  zealously 
affect  you..  ..that  ye  might  [zealously]  affect  them ;  that  is,  they  ear- 
nestly desire  to  draw  you  over  to  their  party,— that  you  may  be  devoted  to 
their  interests. 

Rom.    V.     19.        'fiTJTSp     SlX    TMJ     7TMp*X0»$    T0U    6V0J     XvifUTTOV      UflXfToiKOl 

xxrurrxStfirxv   01   jroX\oi,   cjtui  xxi   Six  tx;  u  sr  a  x  o  y  ;  :— As  by  one   man's 

disobedience  many  [or  multitudes]  tcere  made  sinners,  so  by  the  obedienc* 
of  one  shall  many  [or  multitudes]  be  made  righteous. 

Other  instances  of  this  kind  of  paronomasia  occur  in  Phil.  iii.  2,  3.  2  Cor. 
iv.  8.  2  Cor.  v.  4.  2Thess.  iii.  11.  Philem.  10.  20.  Acts  viii.  20.  1  Cor.  iii.  17. 
vi.  2.  xi.  29.  31.  2  Cor.  x.  2.  (Gr.) 

In  this  manner  a  paronomasia  is  sometimes  formed  by  repeating  the 
same  word  in  a  different  sense  :  as  in  Matt.  viii.  22.  Let  the  dead  bury  their 
dead.     See  the  proper  import  of  this  passage  explained  in  page  356.  supra 

Similar  instances  of  paronomasia  occur  in  the  Greek  Apocryphal  writings 
of  the  Old  Testament.     Compare  particularly  Dan.  xiii.  54,  55.» 

<  Glassii  Phil.  Sacr.  torn.  ii.  pp.  55.  56.  897—916.    1243—1276.    1283— L294 
Turretin.  delnterp.  S.  S.  p.  206. 
*  Stuart's  Hebrew  Grammar,  pp.  336,337.  (first  edit.) 
'  Winer's  Greek  Grammar  of  the  New  Testamri:!,  pp.  161,  162.  (Ardoiei 

1825.1 


Chap.  II.] 


INTERPRETATION  OF  THE    POETICAL  PARTS  OF  SCRiPTURE. 


373 


CHAPTER  II. 

ON    THE    INTERPRETATION    OF    THE    POETICAL    PARTS    OP    SCRIPTURE. 

I.  A  large  Portion  of  the  Old  Testament  proved  to  be  poetical  ,■  —  Cultivation  of  Poetry  by  the  Hebrews. — II.  The  Se  itentiotts 
Parallelism,  the  grand  Characteristic  of  Hebrew  Poetry. — Its  Origin  and  Varieties. —  1.  Parallel  Lines  gradat.onal  ; — 
2.  Parallel  Lines  antithetic  ; — 3.  Parallel  Lines  constructive  ; — 4.  Parallel  Lines  introverted. — III.  The  poetical  Dialect  not 
confined  to  the  Old  Testament. — Reasons  for  expecting  to  find  it  in  the  New  Testament. — Proofs  of  the  Existence  of  the 
poetical  Dialect  there ; — 1.  From  simple  anil  direct  Quotations  of  single  Passages  from  the  poetical  Purts  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament ; — 2.  From  Quotations  of  different  Passages,  combined  into  one  connected  Whole  ; — 2.  And  from  Quotations  mingled 
•with  original  Matter. — IV.  Original  Parallelisms  occurring  in  the  New  Testament. —  I.  Parallel  Couplets; — 2.  Parallel 
Triplets  ; — 3.  Quutrains  ; — 4,  5.  Stanzas  of  five  and  six  Lines  ; — 6.  Stanzas  of  more  than  six  parallel  Lines. — V.  Other 
Examples  of  the  poetical  Parallelism  in  the  New  Testament  ; — I.  Parallel  Lines  gradational ; — 2.  The  Epanodos. — 
VI.  Different  Kinds  of  Hebrew  Poetry. — 1.  Prophetic  Poetry; — 2.  Elegiac  Poetry; — 3.  Djdactic  Poetry; — \.  Lyric 
Poetry  ,■ — 5.  The  Idyl; — 6.  Dramatic  Poetry; — 7.  Acrostic  or  Alphabetical  Poetry. — VII.  General  Obsei-vatiotis  for  better 
understanding  the  Compositions  of  the  Sucred  Poets. 


I.  It  is  obvious  to  the  most  cursory  reader  of  the  Holy 
Scripturfs,  that  among  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament  there 
is  such  an  apparent  diversity  in  style,  as  sufficiently  discovers 
which  of  them  are  to  be  considered  as  poetical,  and  which 
are  to  be  regarded  as  prose  compositions.  While  the  histo- 
rical books  and  legislative  writings  of  Moses  are  evidently 
prosaic  in  their  composition,  the  book  of  Job,  the  Psalms  of 
David,  the  Song  of  Solomon,  the  Lamentations  of  Jeremiah, 
a  great  part  of  the  prophetic  writings,  and  several  passages 
occasionally  scattered  through  the  historical  books,  Dear  the 
most  plain  and  distinguishing  marks  of  poetical  writing.1  We 
can  have  no  reason  to  doubt  that  these  were  originally  writ- 
ten in  verse,  or  in  some  kind  of  measured  numbers;  though, 
as  the  ancient  pronunciation  of  the  Hebrew  language  is  now 
lost,  we  can  only  very  imperfectly  ascertain  the  nature  of  the 
Hebrew  verse. 

From  the  manner,  however,  in  which  Josephus,  Origen, 
and  Jerome  have  spoken  of  the  Hebrew  poetry,  it  should 
seem  that  in  their  time  its  beauty  and  rules  were  well  known. 
Josephus  repeatedly  affirms2  that  the  songs  composed  by 
Moses  are  in  heroic  verse,  and  that  David  composed  several 
sorts  of  verses  and  songs,  odes  and  hymns,  in  honour  of 
God :  some  of  which  were  in  trimeters  or  verses  of  three 
metrical  feet,  and  others  in  pentameters  or  verses  of  five  me- 
trical feet.  Origen  and  Eusebius  are  said  to  have  espoused 
the  same  notion:  and  Jerome,  probably  influenced  by  the 
manner  in  which  he  found  the  poetical  parts  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament exhibited  in  the  manuscripts  of  theSeptuagint  version, 
fancied  that  he  perceived  iambic,  alcaic,  and  sapphic  verses 
in  the  Psalms,  similar  to  those  occurring  in  the  works  of 
Pindar  and  Horace  :  hexameters  and  pentameters  in  the  songs 
of  Deuteronomy  and  Isaiah,  the  book  of  Job,  and  those  of 
Solomon  ;  and  sapphic  verses  in  the  Lamentations  of  Jere- 
miah.3 Among  modern  writers,  the  nature  and  genius  of 
Hebrew  poetry  have  been  warmly  contested  ;'  buthy  no  one 
have  these  subjects  been  illustrated  with  more  elegance  and 
ability  than  by  the  eminently  learned  Bishop  of  London,  Dr. 
Robert  Lowth.  In  the  third  of  his  justly  admired  Lectures 
on  Hebrew  Poetry,5  he  has  collected  much  and  very  valuable 

»  In  illustration  of  this  remark,  we  may  mention  the  soup  of  Moses  at 
Lhe  Red  Sea  (Bxod.  xv.);  the  prophecy  of  Balaam  (Num.  xxiv   18—34.); 
the  song  of  Deborah  and  Barak.  (Judg.  v.)    Nor  is  ii  Improbable  tual  the 
Book  of  the  Wars  of  the  Lord  (Num.   xxi.  11.),   and  the  Book  uj  . 
(Josh.  x.  13.  2  Sam.  i.  18.),  were  written  in  poetic  measure. 

»  Antiq.  Jud.  lib.  ii.  c.  10.  §  4.  lib.  iv.  c.  8.  §  44.  and  lib.  \  ii.  C,  I 

»  Hieronymi  Praefat.  in  Chronic.  Epist.  133.  ad  Paul  Brb.  el  Bpist.  ad 
Pauliu.  Comment,  in  Ezek.  c.  30. 

«  Carpzov  (Introd.  ad  Libros  Canonicos  Vet.  Test,  pan  ii.  pp.  23,  20.)  has 
eivcnalist  of  ancient  and  modern  writers  who  have  treated  on  Hebrew 
Poetry  :  and  in  pp.  2 — 27.  he  has  noticed  the  various  diecordanl  opinions  on 
tins  tonic.  Tin'  nypothesis  of  Bishop  Hare  on  Hebrew  metre  was  refuted 
by  Bishop  Lowth  at  the  end  of  his  lectures,  and  also  in  ins  "  Larger  Con- 
futation," published  in  1706,  in  Svo.  iu  answer  to  Dr.  Edwards's  Latin  Letter 
in  defenceof  Hare's  system,  published  in  the  preceding  year.  Tin-  general 
opinion  of  the  learned  world  has  coincided  with  the  argtl nts  of  Lowth. 

•  The  first  edition  of  these  Lectures  appeared  in  17.">i  in  Ho.,  under  the 
title  of  "De  Sacra  Poilsi  Hebrawrum  PraHectiones  Academical :"  a  second 
edition  was  printed  by  Bishop  Lowth  in  17(53,  in  two  volumes,  octavo;  the 
second  volume,  consisting  of  additions  made  by  the  celebrated  Professor 
Michaelis,  who  had  reprinted  the  Pnelectiones al  Qottingen.  Several  sub- 
sequent editions  have  issued  from  the  Clarendon  press;  particularly  a 
beautiful  one  in  1821,  including  (besides  the  additions  of  Michaelis)  the 
further  observations  of  Rosenmuller  (whose  edition  appeared  at  Leipsic  in 
1815),  Richter,  and  Weiss.  In  1787,  Dr.  George  Gregory  printed  his  excel- 
lent English  translation  of  Bishop  Lowth's  Lectures,  in  two  octavo  volumes, 
with  some  very  important  additional  notes;  which  was  reprinted  in  1S1I5. 
In  1787  M.  Herder  published  at  Leipsic  two  octavo  volumes  On  the  Spirit 
>J  Hebrew  Poetry,  froui  which  a  selection  was  translated  and  published  iu 


information  concerning  the  much  litigated  Question,  respecting 
the  nature  of  Hebrew  metre  ;  but  many  oi  his  arguments  are 
successfully  controverted  by  Bishop  Jebb,  in  bis  Sacred  Lite- 
rature;'5 to  which  work,  ana  to  Bishop  Lowth's  Lectures,  the 
reader  is  necessarily  referred,  as  the  discussion  of  this  very 
difficult  question  would  extend  this  chapter  to  an  inordinate 
length.  The  construction, characteristics,  and  different  kinds 
of  Hebrew  Poetry,  including  also  the  poetical  style  of  the 
New  Testament,  are  the  subjects  now  to  be  considered  :  and 
our  account  of  them  is  chiefly  abridged  from  the  Lectures  of 
Bishop  Lowth,  and  from  his  preliminary  dissertation  prefixed 
to  his  version  of  the  prophet  Isaiah,  together  with  Bishop 
Jebb's  elegant  and  instructive  volume  above  cited. 

The  peculiar  excellence  of  the  Hebrew  Poetuv  will  ap- 
pear when  we  consider  that  its  origin  and  earliest  applica- 
tion have  been  clearly  traced  to  the  service  of  religion.  To 
celebrate  in  hymns  and  songs  the  praises  of  Jehovah — to  de- 
corate the  worship  of  the  Most  High  with  all  the  charms  and 
graces  of  harmony — to  give  force  and  energy  to  the  devout 
affections — was  the  sublime  employment  of  the  sacred  muses  : 
and  it  is  more  than  probable,  that  the  very  early  use  of  sacred 
music  in  the  public  worship  of  the  Hebrews,  contributed  not 
a  little  to  the  peculiar  character  of  their  poetry,  and  rnij^ht 
impart  to  it  that  appropriate  form,  which,  though  chiefly 
adapted  to  this  particular  purpose,  it  nevertheless  preserves 
on  every  other  occasion.  In  the  Old  Testament  we  have 
ample  evidence  that  music  and  poetry  were  cultivated  from 
the  earliest  ages  among  the  Hebrews.  In  the  days  of  the 
Judges,  mention  is  maae  of  the  schools  or  colleges  of  the 
prophets ;  in  which  the  candidates  for  the  prophetic  office, 
under  the  direction  of  some  superior  prophet,  being  altogether 
removed  from  intercourse  with  the  world,  devoted  themselves 
entirely  to  the  exercises  and  study  of  religion :  and  though 
the  sacred  history  affords  us  but  little  information  concerning 
their  institutes  and  discipline,  yet  it  is  manifest  from  1  Sam. 
x.  5 — 10.  and  xix.  20 — 34.,  that  a  principal  part  of  their  oc- 
cupation consisted  in  celebrating  the  praises  of  Jehovah  in 
hymns  and  poetry,  with  choral  chants  accompanied  with  va- 
rious musical  instruments.  But  it  was  during  the  reign  of 
David  that  music  and  poetry  were  carried  to  the  greatest  per- 
fection. For  the  service  of  the  tabernacle  he  appointed  four 
thousand  Levites,  divided  into  twenty-four  courses,  and  mar- 
shalled under  several  leaders,  whose  sole  business  it  was  to 
sing  hymns,  and  to  perform  instrumental  music  in  the  public 
worship.  Asaph,  Heman,  and  Jeduthun  were  the  chiefdirec- 
tors  of  the  music,  and,  from  the  titles  of  some  of  the  psalms,  we 
may  also  infer  that  they  were  excellent  composers  of  hymns 

1801,  uniler  the  title  of  Oriental  Dialogues.  Both  these  publications  ar<r 
distinguished  by  that  bold  criticism,  which  for  the  last  fifty  or  sixty  years 
has  characterized  too  many  of  those  German  divines,  to  whose  researches 
in  other  respects  biblical  literature  is  so  largely  indebted.  Sir  William 
Jones  has  a  few  observations  on  Hebrew  metres  in  his  Poesos  Asiatics 
Comment  cap.  ii.  (Works,  vi.  pp.  22—59.)  See  also  "  An  Essay  on  Hebrew 
Poetry,  Ancient  and  Modern.  By  Philip  Sarchi,  LL.D.  London,  1824;" 
the  latter  portion  of  the  volume,  which  treats  on  modern  Hebrew  poetry, 
is  both  curious  and  interesting.  Professor  Pareau  has  also  given  an  abstract 
of  the  most  material  observations  on  Hebrew  Poetry,  in  his  Insututio  Inter- 
prets Veteris  Testamenti,  pp.  426—457. 

•  Pp.  4—22.  The  title  at  length  of  this  beautifully  and  correctly  printed 
work  is  as  follows :—"  Sacred  Literature;  comprising  a  Review  of  the 
Principles  of  Composition,  laid  down  by  the  late  Robert  Lowth,  D.D.  Lord 
Bishop  of  London,  in  his  Pra:lections  and  Isaiah,  and  an  Application  of  thf 
Principles  so  reviewed  to  the  Illustration  of  the  New  Testament.  By 
John  Jebb,  A.M.  [afterwards  D.D.  and  Bishop  of  Limerick.]  London 
1820."  Svo. 


374 


ON  THE  INTERPRETATION  OF  THE 


or  sacred  poems.  In  the  first  book  of  Chronicles  (ch.  xxv.) 
we  have  an  account  of  the  institutions  of  David  :  which  were 
more  costly,  splendid,  and  magnificent  than  any  that  ever 
obtained  in  the  public  service  of  other  nations. 

II.  According  to  Bishop  Lowth,  there  are  four  principal 
Characteristics  of  Hebrew  Poetry,  viz. — 1.  The  acros- 
tical  or  alphabetical  commencement  of  lines  or  stanzas; — 2. 
The  admission  of  foreign  words  and  certain  particles,  which 
seldom  occur  in  prose  composition,  and  which  thus  form  a 
distinct  poetical  dialect; — 3.  Its  sententious,  figurative,  and 
sublime  expressions ;  and,  4.  Parallelism,  the  nature  of  which 
is  fully  illustrated  in  a  subsequent  page.  But  the  existence 
jf  the  first  three  of  these  characteristics  has  been  disproved 
by  Bishop  Jebb;  who  observes,  that  the  grand  characteristic 
of  Hebrew  poetry  does  not  appear  to  belong  peculiarly  to  the 
original  language  of  the  Old  Testament,  as  contradistin- 
guished from  that  of  the  New.  "  It  is  not  the  acrostical,  or 
regularly  alphabetical,  commencement  of  lines  or  stanzas ; 
for  this  occurs  but  in  twelve  poems  of  the  Old  Testament: 
it  is  not  the  introduction  of  foreign  words,  and  of  what  gram- 
marians call  the  paragogic  or  redundant  particles ;  for  these 
licenses,  though  frequent,  are  by  no  means  universal,  in  the 
poetical  books  of  Scripture  ;  and  they  are  occasionally  ad- 
mitted in  passages  merely  historical  and  prosaic  :  it  is  not  the 
rhyming  termination  of  lines ;  for  no  trace  of  this  artifice  is 
discoverable  in  the  alphabetical  poems,  the  lines  or  stanzas 
of  which  are  defined  with  infallible  precision ;  and  every 
attempt  to  force  it  on  the  text,  has  been  accompanied  by  the 
most  licentious  mutilation  of  Scripture :  and  finally,  this 
grand  characteristic  is  not  the  adoption  of  metre,  properly  so 
called,  and  analogous  to  the  metre  of  the  heathen  classics  ; 
for  the  efforts  of  the  learned,  to  discover  such  metre  in  any 
one  poem  of  the  Hebrews,  have  universally  failed  ;  and  while 
we  are  morally  certain,  that  even,  though  it  were  known  and 
employed  by  the  Jews,  while  their  language  was  a  living 
one,  it  is  quite  beyond  recovery  in  the  dead  and  unpronounce- 
able state  of  that  language ;  there  are  also  strong  reasons  for 
believing,  that,  even  in  the  most  flourishing  state  of  their 
literature,  the  Hebrew  poets  never  used  this  declaration. 

"Again,  it  is  most  certain,  that  the  proper  characteristic  of 
Hebrew  poetry  is  not  elation,  grandeur,  or  sublimity,  either 
of  thought  or  diction.     In  these  qualities,  indeed,  a  large 

Eortion  of  the  poetical  Scriptures  is  not  only  distinguished, 
ut  unrivalled  :  but  there  are  also  many  compositions  in  the 
Old  Testament,  indisputably  poetical,  which,  in  thought  and 
expression,  do  not  rise  above  the  ordinary  tone  of  just  and 
clear  conceptions,  calmly,  yet  pointedly  delivered."1 

The  grand,  and,  indeed,  the  sole  characteristic  of  Hebrew 
Poetry,  is  what  Bishop  Lowth  entitles  Parallelism,  that  is, 
a  certain  equality,  resemblance,  or  relationship,  between  the 
members  of  each  period ;  so  that  in  two  lines,  or  members 
of  the  same  period,  things  shall  answer  to  things,  and  words 
to  words,  as  if  fitted  to  each  other  by  a  kind  of  rule  or  mea- 
sure. Such  is  the  general  strain  of  the  Hebrew  poetry ; 
instances  of  which  occur  in  almost  every  part  of  the  Old 
Testament,  particularly  in  the  ninety-sixth  psalm. 

It  is  in  a  great  measure  owing  to  this  form  of  composition 
that  our  admirable  authorized  version,  though  executed  in 
prose,  retains  so  much  of  a  poetical  cast ;  tor,  that  version 
being  strictly  word  for  word  after  the  original,  the  form  and 
order  of  the  original  sentences  are  preserved  ;  which,  by  this 
artificial  structure,  this  regular  alternation  and  correspondence 
of  parts,  makes  the  ear  sensible  of  a  departure  from  the  com- 
mon style  and  tone  of  prose. 

The  origin  of  this  form  of  poetical  composition  among  the 
Hebrews,  Bishop  Lowth  has  satisfactorily  deduced  from  the 
manner  in  which  they  were  accustomed  to  sing  or  chant  their 
sacred  hymns.  They  were  accompanied  with  music,  and 
were  alternately  sung  by  opposite  choirs :  sometimes  one 
choir  performed  the  hymn  itself,  while  the  other  sang  a  par- 
ticular distich,  which  was  regularly  interposed  at  stated  inter- 
vals. In  this  manner  we.  learn  that  Moses  with  the  Israelites 
chanted  the  ode  at  the  Red  Sea  (Exod.  xv.  20,  21.) ;  and  the 
same  order  is  observable  in  some  of  the  psalms  which  are 
composed  in  this  form.  On  some  occasions,  however,  the 
musical  performance  was  differently  conducted,  one  of  the 
choirs  singing  a  single  verse  to  the  other,  while  the  other 
constantly  added  a  verse  in  some  respect  correspondent.  Of 
this  the  following  distich  is  an  example : — 

Sing  praises  to  Jehovah,  for  he  is  good, 

Because  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever.    Psal.  exxxvi.  1. 


Bp.  Jebb's  Sacred  Literature,  pp.  4,  5. 


[Pa»t  II.  Book  II. 

Which  Ezra  informs  us  (Hi.  10, 11.)  was  sung  by  the  priests 
and  Levites  in  alternate  choirs, "  after  the  ordinance  of  David, 
king  of  Israel ;"  as  indeed  may  be  collected  from  the  hundred 
and  thirty-sixth  psalm  itself,  in  which  the  latter  verse  sung 
by  the  latter  choir  forms  a  perpetual  epode.  Of  the  same 
nature  is  the  song  of  the  women  concerning  Saul  and  David 
(I  Sam.  xviii.  7.)  ;  and  in  the  very  same  manner  does  Isaiah 
describe  the  seraphim  as  chanting  the  praises  of  Jehovah— 
"  they  cried  one  to  another,"  that  is,  alternately, 

Holy,  holy,  holy,  Jehovah,  God  of  hosts! 

The  whole  earth  is  filled  with  his  glory  !    Isa.  vi.  3. 

But  the  fullest  example,  perhaps,  of  this  style  of  composi- 
tion is  to  be  found  in  the  twenty-fourth  psalm,  composed  on 
occasion  of  the  induction  of  the  ark  to  Mount  Sion :  the 
mode  of  performing  which  is  particularly  illustrated  by  Bishop 
Lowth,2  and  must  have  had  a  most  noble  and  impressive 
effect. 

In  determining  the  length  of  his  lines,  Bishop  Lowth  con- 
siders only  that  relation  and  proportion  of  one  verse  to  an- 
other which  arises  from  the  correspondence  of  terms,  and  from 
the  form  of  construction,  whence  results  a  rhythmus  of  pro- 
positions, and  a  harmony  of  sentences.  From  this  corres- 
pondence of  the  verses  one  with  another,  arises  a  certain 
relation  also  between  the  composition  of  the  verses,  and  the 
composition  of  the  sentences,  so  that  generally  periods  coin- 
cide with  stanzas,  members  with  verses,  and  pauses  of  the 
one  with  pauses  of  the  other.  This  correspondence  is  called 
parallelism,  the  corresponding  lines  are  called  parallel  lines. 
and  the  words  or  phrases  answering  one  to  another  in  the 
corresponding  lines,  parallel  terms. 

A  single  example  will  illustrate  the  above  definition  of 
parallelism : — In  Luke  i.  52,  53.  we  read,  He  (God)  hath  put 
down  the  mighty  from  their  seats,  and  exalted  them  of  low  de- 
gree. He  hath  filled  the  hungry  with  good  things,  and  the  rich 
he  hath  sent  empty  away.  In  this  passage  the  same  thing  is 
expressed,  viz.  that  God  changes  the  conditions  of  men  :  and 
this  same  thing  is  also  expressed  in  corresponding  members 
that  represent  it  in  various  points  of  view.  Thus  the 
Almighty  changes  adversity  into  prosperity,  and  prosperity 
into  adversity.  The  words  answer  to  each  other,  the  mighty 
— those  of  low  degree ;  put  down — exalted ;  the  hungry  (or 
poor} — the  rich ;  filled  with  good  things — sent  empty  away 
Lastly,  the  things  or  subjects  stated  answer  to  each  other  by  a 
contrast  sufficiently  obvious ;  the  former  (the  powerful  and 
rich)  are  depressed ;  the  latter  (the  humble  and  poor)  are 
exalted. 

The  nature  of  parallelism,  thus  defined  and  illustrated,  is 
sometimes  so  evident  as  to  strike  even  a  careless  reader,  and 
sometimes  so  subtle  and  obscure  as  to  require  considerable 
practice,  and  some  familiarity  with  the  system,  in  order  to 
distribute  the  pauses  and  develope  the  diffeient  members  of 
the  sentences  in  probable  order  and  connection.  Thus,  much 
doubt  has  arisen  not  only  as  to  what  books,  but  as  to  what 
parts  of  books,  are  to  be  accounted  poetical.  Sometimes, 
according  to  Bishop  Jebb,  it  is  continuous  and  unmixed,  as 
in  the  Psalms,  Proverbs,  and  Canticles ;  sometimes  it  cha- 
racterizes the  main  body  of  a  work  with  a  prosaic  introduc- 
tion and  conclusion,  as  in  the  book  of  Job ;  sometimes  it 
predominates  throughout  a  whole  book  with  an  occasional 
mixture  of  prose,  as  in  most  of  the  prophets ;  sometimes  the 
general  texture  is  prose,  with  an  occasional  mixture  of  verses, 
as  in  the  historical  books,  and  the  book  of  Ecclesiastes. 

This  parallelism  has  hitherto  been  confined  principally  to 
the  poetical  books  of  the  Old  Testament ;  and  to  them  chiefly, 
in  the  first  edition  of  this  work,  the  author  had  restricted  it. 
Bishop  Jebb,  however,  has  demonstrated  that  this  grand 
characteristic  of  Hebrew  poetry  pervades  the  New  Testament 
as  well  as  the  Old. 

The  poetical  parallelism  has  much  variety  and  many  gra- 
dations, being  sometimes  more  accurate  and  manifest,  some- 
times more  vague  and  obscure :  it  may,  however,  on  the 
whole,  be  said  to  consist  of  four  species,  viz.  Parallel  Lines 
Gradational,3  Parallel  Lines  Antithetic,  Parallel  Lines  Syn- 
thetic, and  Parallel  Lines  Introverted. 

a  Lecture  xxvii.  Bishop  Horsley,  in  his  translation  of  the  book  of  Psalms, 
has  divided  them  so  as  to  exhibit  the  construction  of  those  divine  composi- 
tions to  the  best  possible  advantage. 

s  Bishop  Lowth  has  ranged  the  different  kinds  of  parallelism  under  three 
classesonly,  viz. :  parallels  synonymous,  parallels  antithetic,  and  parallels 
synthetic.  The  last  two  terms,  it  will  be  perceived,  we  have  retained,  and 
in  lieu  of  parallels  synonymous  we  have  adopted  the  term  parallel  lines 
gradational.  Bishop  Jebb  has  assigned  satisfactory  reasons  for  changing 
the  bishop's  phraseology.  According  to  Lowth,  parallel  lines  synonymous 
aie  those  which  correspond  one  to  another  by  expressing  the  same  sent) 


Chip.  II.] 


POETICAL  PARTS  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


375 


1.  Parallel  Lines  Gradational  are  those  in  which  the 
second  or  responsive  clause  so  diversifies  the  preceding  clause, 
as  generally  to  rise  ahove  it,  sometimes  by  a  descending  scale 
in  the  value  of  the  related  terms  and  periods,  hut  in  all  cases 
with  a  marked  distinction  of  meaning.  This  species  of  pa- 
rallelism is  the  mosl  frequent  of  all :  it  prevails  chiefly  in  the 
shorter  poems,  in  many  of  the  p  talms,  and  very  frequently  in 
the  prophecies  of  Isaiah.  Three  or  lour  nstances  will  suffice 
to  show  the  nature  of  parallel  lines  gradations!.  The  first 
example  shall  be  taken  from  the  first  psalm. 

Otiii-  happlne  ■  ol  ttiml  man 

Who  halo  n"i  walked  In  the  i lei  of  the  nngodly  ; 

Ami  bath  no)  stood  In  the  way  ol    am  i 

And  hath  not  sal  in  the  n  rnful  Psalm  i.  I. 

"The  exclamation  with  which  the  paalm  opens,  belongs  squally  to  each 
Una  cf  the  succeeding  triplet.  In  the  triplet  itself,  each  line  consists  of 
three  members;  and  the  lines  gradually  rise,  one  above  the  other,  not 
merely  in  ih>  '  dally  throughout tbelr  corn 

hag  members.    To  tealk,  Implies  no  more  than  casual  intercourse ;  to  stand, 

closer  Intimacy ;  to  «i<  Qxed  and  permanent  cm ctlon;  the  counsel,  the 

ordinary  place  of  meeting,  of  public  resort ;  the  way,  the  selei  I  and  chosen 
footpath  ;  the  tual  and  final  resting  place  ;  tbl  ungodly,  nega- 

tively wicked  ;  sinnera,  positively  wicked  ;  the »corn/u(,  scoffers  at  the  very 
name  or  notion  of  piety  and  goodness."' 

The  following  passages  will  supply  additional  examples : — 
Who  shall  ascend  the  mountain  of  Jehovah  1 

Anil  who  iball  stand  within  his  holy  place  1 

The  clean  of  hands,  and  the  pure  in  heart. 

Paalm  \.\iv.  3,  4. 

"  To  ascend  marks  progress ;  to  standi  stability  and  confirmation:  the 
mountain  of  Jehovah,  the  site  of  the  divine  sanctuary  ;  Ma  holy  place,  the 
-  in  in  iry  its.  If;  and,  in  correspondence  with  the  advance  of  the  two  lines 
which  form  the  first  couplet,  there  is  an  advance  in  the  members  of  the 
third  line  :  (As  dean  of  hands  ;  ami  t/ir  purr  in  heart :  the  clean  of  hands, 
shall  a.ire nd  the  mountain  of  Jehovah:  the  pure  in  heart,  shall  stand 
within  his  holy  place."* 

O  Jehovah,  in  thy  strength  the  king  shall  rejoice  ; 

And  in  thy  salvation,  how  greatly  shall  he  exult ! 

The  desire  of  his  heart  thou  hast  granted  him  ; 

And  the  request  of  his  lips  thou  hast  not  denied. 

Psalm  xxi.  1, 2. 
"The  gradation  of  member  above  member,  and  line  above  line,  in  each 
couplet  of  this  stanza,  is  undeniable :  '  salvation*  is  an  advance  upon 
'strength;'  and  '  how  greatly  shall  he  exult,'  an  advance  upon  '  He  snail 
rejoice:'  again,  'the  request  of  the  lips,'  is  something  beyond  'the  desire 
of  the  heart,' — it  is  desire  brought  into  act.  The  gradation  in  the  last  mem- 
bers of  the  last  two  lines  may  not  be  equally  obvious ;  but  it  is  by  no  means 
less  certain:  'thou  hast  granted: — thou  hast  not  denied."  the  negative 
form  is  here  much  stronger  than  the  positive  ;  for  it  is  a  received  canon  of 
biblical  philology,  that  verbs  of  negation,  or  what  amounts  tothe  same  thing, 
adverbs  of  negation  prefixed  to  verbs,  have,  in  such  cases,  the  force  of 
expressing  the  opposite  affirmative  with  peculiar  emphasis  : — for  example, 
The  Lord  will  not  hold  him  gui.ttess  who  takelh  his  name  in  vain :  that  is, 

WTLXi  ASSUREDLY  HOLD  HLM  OUILTV.      Exod.  XX.  7." 

The  prophetic  muse  is  no  less  elegant  and  correct.  Isaiah  especially 
abounds  in  beautiful  instances  of  this  mode  of  gradation.     Thus  he  says, 

S.ek  ye  Jehovah,  while  he  may  he  found 

Call  ye  upon  him,  while  he  is  near; 

Let  the  wicked  forsake  his  way  ; 

And  the  unrighteous  man  his  thoughts  : 

And  let  him  return  to  Jehovah,  and  he  will  compassionate  him  ; 

And  unto  our  God,  for  he  abounded)  in  forgiveness. 

Isa.  lv.  6,  7. 
"In  the  first  line,  men  are  invited  to  seek  Jehovah,  not  knowing  where 
he  Is,  ami  on  the  hare  intelligence  that  he  may  be  found;  In  the  second 
line,  having  found  Jehovah,  they  aro  encouraged  to  call  upon  him  by  the 
assurance  that  he  is  near.  In  the  third  line,  the  wicked,  the  positive,  and 
presumptuous  sinner  Is  warned  to  forsake  fats  Way,  his  habitual  course  of 
iniquity  ;  in  the  fourth  line,  the  unrighteous,  the  negatively  wicked,  is  called 
to  renounce  the  very  thought  of  sinning.  While  in  the  last  line,  the  ap- 
preciative and  encouraging  title  01  instituted  for  the  awful  name 
of  Jehovah  ;  and  simple  compassion  is  heightened  into  over/lowing  mercy 
and  forgiveness."' 

In  Isa.  li.  1.  4.  7.  there  is  another  singularly  fine  example 
of  moral  gradation,  which  is  admirably  illustrated  by  Bishop 
JebbV  to  whose  "  Sacred  Literature'"  the  render  is  referred. 
But  excellent  as  Isaiah  confessedly  is,  he  is  not  unrivalled 
in  this  kind  of  composition  :  the  other  prophets  contain  abun- 
dant examples  ;  we  shall,  however,  only  adduce  two  instances. 
The  first,  which  is  from  Hosea,  is  exquisitely  pathetic,  and 
will  speak  for  itself: — 

How  shall  I  give  thee  up,  O  Bphrsjml 

Abend  in  thee,  OI« 

Mow  shall  I  make  thee  as  Admah, 
Place  thee  |o  the  condition  ofZcboiml 


ment  in  different  but  nearly  equivalent  terms.  Bui  Up  Jebb  proves,  from 
an  examination  of  the  bishop's  examples,  thai  this  definition  does  not  hold 
good  :  he  therefore  proposes  that  of  cognate  parallels  as  preferablv  appli- 
cable to  thi<  kind  of  parallel-  (Sacred  Literature,  pp.  34—50.)  A  foamed 
critic,  however,  has  BUggested  the  term  gradational  parallelism,  as  being 
most  expressive,  and  also  most  applicable  to  the  examples  adduce. I  hv  these 
eminent  prelates.    (British Critic  for  1830.  vol.  xiv.  pp.  SS  We  have, 

therefore,  adopted  this  term  in  the  present  chapter.  Bp.  Jebb  had  further 
considered  the  introverted  parallel  as  a  variety  of  the  Hebrew  parallelism ; 
but  as  the  same  critic  has  assigned  good  reasons  for  constituting  it  a  distinct 
class,  we  have  availed  ourselves  of  his  authority,  and  have  according 
■doptedit.  &' 

»  Bp.  Jebb's  Sacred  Literature,  p.  41.  »  Ibid.  p.  40. 

•Ibid.  pp.  37,  38.  4  ibid.  pp.  46— 19. 

Vol.  I.  3D 


My  heart  is  turned  upon  ine  ; 
My  bowels  yearn  all  together. 

I  will  not  execute  the  fury  of  mine  anger: 
I  will  not  return  to  make  destruction  of  Ephraim  ; 
For  God  1  am,  anil  .not  man  ; 

The  Holy  One  |n  the  midst  of  thee,  although  I  am  no  fiequcnter  ol 
II    tea  xi.  %  9.  (Bp.  Horsley's  Translation.) 

The  other  passage  is  from  Joel,  and  is  highly  animated. 

Like  mighty  men  shall  they  rush  on  ; 
Like  tl  'hey  mount  upon  tho  wall ; 

And,  every  one  in  his  way,  shall  they  inarch  ; 
And  they  shall  not  turn  aside  horn  their  paths. 

Joel  li.  7. 
The  prophet  is  denouncing  a  terrible  judgment  on  the  land  of  Judah,  by 
the  devastation  Of  locust!  ;  and  all  naturalists  and  travellers,  who  have  wit- 
nessed the  desolation  caused  by  tl  ive  insects,  attest  and  con 
firm  the  .fidelity  of  Joel's  description  of  their  progress  and  ravages. 

2.  Parallel  Lines  Antithetic  are  those,  in  which  two 
lines  correspond  one  with  another,  hy  an  opposition  of  terms 
and  sentiments;  when  the  second  is  contrasted  with  the  first, 
sometimes  in  expressions,  sometimes  in  sense  only.  Thisi9 
not  confined  to  any  particular  form.  Accordingly  the  degrees 
of  antithesis  are  various,  from  an  exact  contraposition  of  word 
to  word,  sentiment  to  sentiment,  singulars  to  singulars,  plu- 
rals to  plurals,  down  to  a  general  disparity,  with  something 
of  a  contrariety  in  the  two  propositions. 

This  species  of  parallelism  is  of  less  frequent  occurrence  in 
the  prophetical  poems  of  the  Old  Testament,  especially  those 
which  are  elevated  in  the  style,  and  more  connected  in  the  parts  ; 
but  it  is  admirably  adapted  to  adages,  aphorisms,  proverbs,  and 
detached  sentences.  Much,  indeed,  of  the  elegance,  acuteness. 
and  force,  of  a  great  number  of  the  proverbs  of  Solomon,  arises 
from  the  antithetic  form,  the  opposition  of  diction,  and  sentiment, 
as  in  the  following  examples : — 

A  wise  son  rejoiceth  his  father  : 

But  a  foolish  son  is  the  grief  of  his  mother. 

Prov.  x.  1. 

Here  every  word  has  its  opposite,  the  terms  father  and  mother  being 
relatively  opposite ; 

The  memory  of  the  just  is  a  blessing; 
But  the  name  of  the  wicked  shall  rot. 

Prov.  x.  7. 

In  this  instance  there  are  only  two  antithetic  terms,  for  memory  and  name 
are  synonymous.     See  also  Prov.  xi.  21.  xvi.  :.!;:.  and  xxix.  26. 

But,  though  the  antithetic  parallel  be  of  comparatively  rare 
occurrence  in  the  superior  kinds  of  Hebrew  poetry,  it  is  not  in- 
consistent with  them.  Thus,  we  have  a  beautiful  instance  of  it 
in  the  thanksgiving  ode  of  Hannah,  1  Sam.  ii.  4 — 7.,  and  in 
some  of  the  Psalms,  as  in  Psalm  xx.  7,  8.  xxx.  5.  and  xxxvii. 
10,  11.  Isaiah,  also,  by  means  of  it,  without  departing  from  his 
usual  dignity,  greatly  increases  the  beauty  of  his  composition 

For  the  mountains  shall  be  removed  ; 

And  the  hills  shall  be  overthrown  ; 

But  my  kindness  from  thee  shall  not  be  removed ; 

And  the  covenant  of  my  peace  shall  not  be  overthrown. 

Isa.  liv.  10. 

See  likewise  Isa.  liv.  7,  8.    ix.  10.  and  Ixv.  13,  14. 

3.  Parallel  Lines  Synthetic  or  Constructive  are  those 
in  which  the  parallelism  consists  only  in  the  similar  form  of 
construction :  in  which  word  does  not  answer  to  word,  and 
sentence  to  sentence,  as  equivalent  or  opposite  ;  but  there  is 
a  correspondence  and  equality  between  trie  different  proposi- 
tions, in  respect  of  the  shape  and  turn  of  the  whole  sentence, 
and  of  the  constructive  parts ;  such  as  noun  answering  to 
noun,  verb  to  verb,  member  to  member,  negative  to  negative, 
interrogative  to  interrogative.  This  species  of  parallel  in- 
cludes such  as  do  not  come  within  the  two  former  classes. 
Accordingly,  Bishop  Lowth  remarks,  that  the  variety  of  this 
form  is  very  great;  the  parallelism  being  sometimes  more, 
sometimes  less  exact,  and  sometimes  hardly  at  all  apparent. 
The  nineteenth  psalm  will  furnish  a  beautiful  instance  of  pa- 
rallel lines  constructive : — 

The  law  of  Jehovah  is  perfect,  restoring  the  soul; 

The  testimony  of  Jehovah  is  sure,  making  wise  the  simple; 

The  precepts  of  Jehovah  are  right,  rejoicing  the  heart ; 

The  commandment  of  Jehovah  is  clear,  enlightening  the  eyes  ; 

The  fear  of  Jehovah  is  pure,  enduring  for  ever  ; 

The  judgments  of  Jehovah  are  truth,  they  are  just  altogethei , 

More  desirable  than  gold,  or  than  much  fine  cold, 

And  sweeter  than  honey,  or  the  dropping  of  honey-combs. 

Psal.  xix.  7— 1L 

Additional  instances  of  the  constructive  parallelism  occur  in  Psalm 
cxlviii.  7—13.  Job  xii.  13—16.  Isa.  xiv.  4—9.  and  lviii.  5—8. 

Respecting  the  three  preceding  species  of  parallelism, 
Bishop  Jebb  remarks  that,  separately,  "each  kind  admits 
many  subordinate  varieties,  and  that,  in  combinations  of 
verses,  the  several  kinds  are  perpetually  intermingled ;  cir 


376 


ON  THE  INTERPRETATION  OF  THE 


[PaktII.  BoorI!. 


cumstances  which  at  once  enliven  and  beautify  the  composi- 
tion, and  frequently  give  peculiar  distinctness  and  precision 
to  the  train  of  thought."  He  has  illustrated  this  observation 
by  some  instances  of  such  subordinate  varieties.  The  six 
followino-  are  taken  partly  from  his  volume,  and  partly  from 
the  nineteenth  of  Bishop  Lowth's  Lectures  on  Hebrew  Poe- 
try.    Thus  : 

(1.)  Sometimes  the  lines  are  bi-membral;  that  is,  they  consis 
each  of  double  members,  or  two  propositions  (or  sentiments,  as 
Lowth  terms  them). — For  example, 

The  nations  raged ;  the  kingdoms  were  moved ; 
He  uttered  a  voice ;  the  earth  was  dissolved : 
Be  still,  and  know  that  I  am  God ; 

I  will  be  exalted  in  the  nations ;  I  will  be  exalted  in  the  earth. 

Psal.  xlvi.  6.  10. 

Bow  thy  heavens,  O  Jehovah,  and  descend ; 
Touch  the  mountains,  and  they  shall  smoke : 
Dart  forth  thy  lightning,  and  scatter  them ; 
Shoot  out  thine  arrows,  and  destroy  them. 

Psal.  cxliv.  5,  6. 

Isaiah  has  two  striking  instances  of  these  bi-membral  lines. 

When  thou  passest  through  waters,  I  am  with  thee  ; 
And  through  rivers,  they  shall  not  overwhelm  thee  : 
When  thou  walkest  in  the  fire,  thou  shalt  not  be  scorched  ; 
And  the  flame  shall  not  cleave  to  thee. 

Isa.  xliii.  2. 
And  they  shall  build  houses,  and  shall  inhabit  them  ; 
And  they  shall  plant  vineyards,  and  shall  eat  the  fruit  thereof: 
They  shall  not  build,  and  another  inhabit ; 
They  shall  not  plant,  and  another  eat. 

Isa.  lxv.  21,  22. 

(2.)  "  Parallels  are  sometimes  formed  by  a  repetition  of  part 

of  the  first  sentence  : 

My  voice  is  unto  God,  and  I  cry  aloud : 

My  voice  unto  God,  and  he  will  hearken  unto  me  : 

I  will  remember  the  works  of  Jehovah  ; 

Yea,  I  will  remember  thy  works  of  old : — 

The  waters  saw  thee,  O  God ; 

The  waters  saw  thee  ;  they  were  seized  with  anguish. 

Psal.  lxxviii.  1. 1L  16. 

(3.)  "  Sometimes,  in  the  latter  line,  a  part  is  to  be  supplied 
from  the  former,  to  complete  the  sentence : — 

The  mighty  dead  tremble  from  beneath: 
The  waters,  and  they  that  dwell  therein. 

Job  xxvi.'5. 

(4.)  "  There  are  parallel  triplets  ;  where  three  lines  correspond 
together,  and  form  a  kind  of  stanza ;  of  which,  however,  only 
two  lines  are  commonly  synonymous : — 

The  wicked  shall  see  it,  and  it  shall  grieve  him; 
He  shall  gnash  with  his  teeth  and  pine  away  ; 
The  desire  of  the  wicked  shall  perish. 

Psal.  cxii.  10. "» 

Another  instance  of  parallel  triplets  occurs  in  Job  iii.  4.,  and 
Mlcah  vi.  15. 

(5.)  "  There  are  parallels  consisting  of  four  lines  ;  two  distichs 
being  so  connected  together  by  sound  and  construction,  as  to 
make  one  stanza : 

The  ox  knoweth  his  owner ; 
And  the  ass  the  crib  of  his  lord : 
But  Israel  does  not  know  ; 
My  people  doth  not  consider. 

Isa.  i.  3.    See  also  Psal.  xxvii.  1,  2. 

In  stanzas  of  four  lines,  sometimes  the  parallel  lines  answer  to 
one  another,  alternately ;  the  first  to  the  third,  and  the  second  to 
the  fourth : — 

As  the  heavens  are  high  above  the  earth 

So  high  is  his  goodness  over  them  that  fear  him  : 

As  remote  as  the  east  is  from  the  west ; 

So  far  hath  he  removed  from  us  our  transgressions. 

Psal.  ciii.  11,  12."» 

Sometimes,  however,  in  the  alternate  quatrain,  by  a  peculiar 
artifice  in  the  distribution  of  the  sentences,  the  third  line  forms 
a  continuous  sense  with  the  first,  and  the  fourth  with  the 
second : — 

From  the  heavens  Jehovah  looketh  down : 
He  seeth  all  the  children  of  men  ; 
From  the  seat  of  his  rest  he  contemplateth 
All  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth. 

Psal.  xxxiii.  13,  14. 

Isaiah  with  great  elegance  uses  this  form  of  composition  : 

For  thy  husband  is  thy  Maker ; 

Jehovah  God  of  hosts  is  his  name  : 

And  thy  Redeemer  is  the  Holy  One  of  Israel; 

The  God  of  the  whole  earth  shall  he  be  called. 

Isa.  liv.  5. 


<  Bp.  Jebb's  Sacred  Literature,  pp.  27,  28. 


»  Ibid.  p.  29. 


(6.)  Some  periods  also  may  be  considered  as  forming  otanzas 
of  five  lines ;  in  which  the  odd  line  or  member  usually  cither 
comes  in  between  two  distichs  ;  or  the  line  that  is  not  parallel  is 
generally  placed  between  the  two  distichs ;  or,  after  two  distiches 
makes  a  full  close  : 

Who  is  wise,  and  will  understand  these  things? 
Prudent,  and  will  know  them  t 
For  right  are  the  ways  of  Jehovah  : 
And  the  just  shall  walk  in  them  : 
And  the  disobedient  shall  fall  therein. 

Hos.  xiv.  9. 
Like  as  a  lion  growleth, 
Even  the  young  lion  over  his  prey  ; 
Though  the  whole  company  of  shepherds  be  called  together 

against  him  : 
At  their  voice  he  will  not  be  terrified, 
Nor  at  their  tumult  will  he  be  humbled. 

Isa.  xxxi.  4. 
Who  established  the  word  of  his  servant : 
And  accomplisheth  the  counsel  of  his  messenger ; 
Who  sayeth  to  Jerusalem,  Thou  shalt  be  inhabited, 
And  to.  the  cities  of  Judah,  Ye  shall  be  built ; 
And  her  desolate  places  I  will  restore. 

Isa.  xliv.  26. 

The  preceding  are  the  chief  varieties  of  the  parallel  lines, 
gradational,  antithetic,  and  constructive :  a  few  others  of  less 
note  are  discussed  both  by  Bishops  Lowth  and  Jebb  ;  for 
which  the  reader  is  necessarily  referred  to  their  respective 
works.     We  now  proceed  to  notice, 

4.  Parallel  Lines  Introverted. — These  are  stanzas  so 
constructed,  that,  whatever  be  the  number  of  lines,  the  first 
line  shall  be  parallel  with  the  last ;  the  second  with  the 
penultimate,  or  last  but  one ;  and  so  throughout,  in  an  order 
that  looks  inward,  or,  to  borrow  a  military  pnrase,  from  flanks 
to  centre.     This  may  be  called  the  introverted  parallelism. 

Bishop  Jebb  has  illustrated  this  definition  with  several 
apposite  examples,  from  which  we  have  selected  the  three 
following. 

My  son,  if  thy  heart  be  wise ; 
My  heart  also  shall  rejoice ; 
Yea,  my  reins  shall  rejoice : 
When  thy  lips  speak  right  things. 

Prov.  xxiii.  15,  16. 
"  And  it  shall  come  to  pass  in  that  day  ; 

Jehovah  shall  make  a  gathering  of  his  fruit 
From  the  flood  of  the  river : 
To  the  stream  of  Egypt : 
And  ye  shall  be  gleaned  up,  one  by  one ; 
O  ye  sons  of  Israel. 

"And  it  shall  come  to  pass  in  that  day ; 
The  great  trumpet  shall  be  sounded  ; 

And  those  shall  come,  who  were  perishing  in  the  land  of 

Assyria ; 
And  who  were  dispersed  in  the  land  of  Egypt ; 
And  they  shall  bow  themselves  down  before  Jehovah; 
In  the  holy  mountain,  in  Jerusalem. 

Isaiah  xxvii.  12,  13. 
"In  these  two  stanzas  of  Isaiah,  figuratively,  in  the  first,  and  literally  lb 
the  second,  is  predicted  the  return  of  the  Jews  from  their  several  disper- 
sions. The  first  line  of  each  stanza  is  parallel  with  the  sixth ;  the  second 
with  the  fifth ;  and  the  third  with  the  fourth ;  also  on  comparing  the 
stanzas  one  with  another,  it  is  manifest,  that  they  are  constructed  with 
the  utmost  precision  of  mutual  correspondence  ;  clause  harmonizing  with 
clause,  and  line  respectively  with  line  ;  the  first  line  of  the  first  stanza  with 
the  first  line  of  the  second,  and  so  throughout." 

"  The  idols  of  the  heathen  are  silver  and  gold : 
The  work  of  men's  hand  ; 
They  have  mouths,  but  they  speak  not; 
They  have  eyes,  but  they  see  not; 
They  have  ears,  but  they  hear  not ; 
Neither  is  there  any  breath  in  their  mouths; 
They  who  make  them  are  like  unto  them  ; 
So  are  all  they  who  put  their  trust  in  them. 

Psal.  cxxxv.  15—18." 

The  parallelisms  here  marked  are  very  accurate.  In  the  first  line  ol 
this  example  we  have  the  idolatrous  heathen  ;— in  the  eighth,  those  whopu' 
their  trust  in  idols :— in  the  second  line,  the  fabrication  ; — in  the  seventh, 
the  fabricators ; — in  the  third  line,  mouths  without  articulation ; — in  the 
sixth,  mouths  without  breath ; — in  the  fourth  line,  eyes  without  vision ; 
and,  in  the  fifth  line,  ears  without  the  sense  of  hearing. 

The  parallelism  of  the  extreme  members,  Bishop  Jebb 
proceeds  to  state,  may  be  rendered  yet  more  evident,  by  re- 
ducing the  passage  into  two  quatrains ;  thus : 

The  idols  of  the  heathen  are  silver  and  gold ; 

The  work  of  men's  hand ; 

They  who  make  them  are  like  unto  them  ; 
So  are  all  they  who  put  their  trust  in  them. 

They  have  mouths,  but  they  speak  not ; 

They  have  eyes,  but  they  see  not ; 

They  have  ears,  but  they  hear  rv  '  . 
Neither  is  there  any  breath  in  theft  mouths.* 

III.  Such  is  the  nature,  and  such  are  the  species,  of  the 

Earallelisms  which  are  variously  distributed  throughout  the 
'Id  Testament.   With  the  exception  of  a  few  partial  failures, 
*  Sacred  Literature,  pp.  53  54.  57  58. 


Chap.  II] 


POETICAL  PARTS  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


377 


it  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  the  character  and  complexion  of 
Hebrew  poetry  have  been  very  competently  preserved  in  that 
body  of  Greet  translations,  composed  at  different  times,  by 
different  persons,  and  known  under  the  name  of  the  Septua- 
gint  version.  Nor  should  it  be  omitted,  that  the  Hebraic 
parallelism  occurs  also,  with  much  variety,  in  the  Apocrypha : 
the  book  of  Ecclesiasticus,  for  example,  is  composed  of  pure 
parallelisms  :  the  book  of  Wisdom,  too,  affords  fine  speci- 
mens of  this  manner,  though  it  is  commonly  overlaid  by  the 
i  Kuberant  and  vicious  rhetoric  of  the  Alexandrine  Plai  mists; 
while,  not  to  mention  other  parts  of  the  Apocryphal  writings, 
inTobitand  the  hooks  of  Maccabees  there  are  examples  both 

of  lyric  and  didactic  poetry,  clothed  in  parallelisms  which 
will  hardly  shrink  from  comparison  with  several  in  the 
genuine  Hebrew  Scriptures.  One  other  fact  remains: 
namely,  that  in  the  sententious  formula:  of  the  Rabbinical 
writers,  the  maimer  of  Hebrew  poetry  is  frequently  observed, 
with  much  accuracy,  though  with  a  manifest  declension  of 
spirit.1 

Such  being  the  fact,  we  are  authorized  by  analogy  to 
expect  a  similar  parallelism  in  the  New  Testament,  particu- 
larly when  the  nature  of  that  portion  of  the  Holy  Scriptures 
is  considered.  It  is  a  work  supplementary  to  and  perfective 
of  the  Old  Testament ;  composed  under  the  same  guidance 
that  superintended  the  composition  of  the  latter;  written  by 
Dative  Jews,  Hebrews  of  the  Hebrews, — by  men  whose  minds 
were  moulded  in  the  form  of  their  own  Sacred  Writings,  and 
whose  sole  stock  of  literature  (with  the  exception  of  Paul, 
and  probably  also  of  Luke  and  James)  was  comprised  in 
those  very  writings.  Now,  it  is  improbable  in  the  extreme, 
that  such  men,  when  they  came  to  write  such  a  work,  should, 
without  any  assignable  motive,  and  in  direct  opposition  to  all 
other  religious  teachers  of  their  nation,  have  estranged  them- 
selves from  a  manner,  so  pervading  the  noblest  parts  of  the 
Hebrew  Scriptures,  as  the  sententious  parallelism.  But  we 
are  not  left  to  analogical  reasoning.  1  he  Greek  style  of  the 
New  Testament  leads  us  to  expect  a  construction  similar  to 
that  which  we  find  in  the  Old.  The  New  Testament,  as  we 
have  already  shown,2  is  not  written  in  what  is  termed  strictly 
classical  Greek,  but  in  a  style  of  the  same  degree  of  purity 
as  the  Greek  which  was  spoken  in  Macedonia,  and  that  in 
which  Polybius  wrote  his  Roman  History.  From  the  in- 
termixture of  Oriental  idioms  and  expressions  with  those 
which  are  properly  Greek,  the  language  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment has  been  termed  Hellenistic  or  Hebraic  Greek.  The 
difference  in  style  and  manner  which  subsists  between  the 
writers  of  the  New  Testament  and  the  Greek  classic  authors 
is  most  strongly  marked :  and  this  difference  is  not  confined 
to  single  words  and  combination  of  words,  but  pervades  the 
whole  structure  of  the  composition :  and  in  frequent  instances, 
a  poetical  manner  is  observable,  which  not  only  is  not  known, 
but  would  not  be  tolerated,  in  any  modern  production,  pur- 
uorting  to  be  prose.  This  poetical  style  has  been  noticed 
briefly  by  Boeder,  Ernesti,  Michaelis,  Schleusner,  Dr.  Camp- 
bell, ana  other  critics,  and  also  by  the  author  of  this  work, 
in  the  first  edition  ;  but  none  of  these  writers  were  aware,  to 
how  great  an  extent  it  pervades  the  New  Testament.  It  was 
reserved  for  Bishop  Jebb,  to  whose  "  Sacred  Literature"  this 
chapter  is  so  deeply  indebted,  to  develope  the  existence  of  the 
poetical  parallelism  in  the  New  Testament,  and  to  place  its 
numerous  beauties  in  a  point  of  view  equally  novel  and  de- 
lightful to  the  biblical  student. 

The  proofs  of  the  existence  of  the  poetical  dialect  in  the 
.New  testament,  are  disposed  by  this  critic  under  the  fol- 
lowing t'our  divisions,  viz. ; — 1.  Simpleand  direct  quotations 
in  the  New  Testament,  of  single  passages  from  the  poetical 
parts  ot  the  Old  Testament; — '2.  Quotations  of  a  more  com- 
plex kied,  when  fragments  are  combined  from  different  parts 
of  the  poetical  Scriptures,  and  wrought  up  into  one  connected 
whole;  ind,  3.  Quotations  mingled  with  original  matter. 
We  shatf  give  one  or  two  examples  of  each  of  these  proofs. 

1.  Sim0le  and  direct  Quotations  of  single  passages  from 
the  poetical  parts  of  the  Old  Testament,  in  which  the  paral- 
lelism hi.*  been  preserved  by  the  -writers  of  the  J\'ew  Testament. 

xxi  <rv  B>|j').i;.u,  yn  Isvfm, 

OvSxfi*;  iKxX'y***1   ■»  75*>  yytfiZTlv   l:vSx 

ix  vzv  >'*p  i^iKtvvirxi  ijyou/uivo;, 

•ft;  s-.ifixni  T0»  A.3CV  psv  t3v  IrpxxK. 


•  Sacred  Literature,  p.  76.  Bp.  Jebb  has  illustrated  the  remarks  in  the 
-ext  by  numerous  apposite  examples  from  the  apocryphal  and  rabbinical 
writings,  for  which  the  reader  is  referred  to  bis  work,  pp.  84—90. 

*  See  pp.  194 — 196.  of  this  volume,  for  an  account  of  the  Greek  style  of 
ths  New  Testament, 


And  thou,  Bethlehem,  territory  of  Judah, 

Art  by  no  means  least  among  the  captains  of  Judah. 

For  from  these  shall  come  forlh  a  leader, 

Who  will  guide  in/  people  Israel.  Matt.  ii.  G. 

oil  m3U,  M*  oKiymfi*  xrai<5i!*f  Kupicu, 

ItxSi  ixKviv,  vw'  «'jt!»  tKtyx'M'"!' 
h  yxp  xy  xtx  Kvf  .5$,  vatfiull- 

/ixfiy-.i  Ji   vim  vi;v,  iv  ■BXfxSiwrxi. 

My  son,  despise  not  thou  the  chastening  of  the  Lord, 

Nor  faint  whin  thou  ul  rebuked  by  him: 
I'ur  whom  the  Lord  loveth  he  cbastenetb, 

But  scourgeth  every  MO  Whom  he  receiveth. 

Heb.  xii.  5,  6. 

This  passage  is  taken  from  Proverbs  iii.  11,  12. :  thus  rendered  in  oei 

authorized  translation  :— 

My  son,  despise  not  the  chastening  of  the  I.oru  : 

Neither  be  weary  of  his  correction : 
For  whom  the  Lord  loveth,  he  correcteth  ; 
Even  as  a  father  the  son  in  tchoni  he  delighteth. 
In  this  last  line  U"5  parallelism  is  completely  spoiled.     But  Bp.  Jebb  6how* 
thai  Saint  Paul']  reading  ii  afforded  without  altering  a  letter  m  the  Hebrew 
text,  by  a  slight  departure  from  the  Masoretic  punctuation.    The  origins 
passage  in  Prov.  in.  11,  12.,  therefore,  may  be  thus  rendered  in  strict  con 
formity  with  the  apostle. 

The  chastening  of  Jehovah,  rny  son,  do  not  despise  ; 

Neither  be  weary  at  his  rebuking: 
For,  whom  Jehovah  loveth,  he  chasteneth, 
But  scourgeth  the  son  in  whom  be  delighteth. 
In  the  corrected  version  of  this  quatrain,  the  parallelism  is  no',  only  pre 
served,  but  there  is  also  a  beautilul  climax  in  the  sense   both  of  which  ar» 
excellently  illustrated  by  Bp.  Jebb.» 

2.  Quotations  of  a  more  complex  hind,  in  -which  fra$  merits 
are  combined  from  different  parts  of  the  Poetical  Scriptures, 
and  -wrought  up  into  one  connected  or  consistent  -whole. 

Of  this  class  of  quotations,  the  following  is  a  short  but  satisfactory 
specimen  : 

o  oix5{  niv,  oix:$  rrpairivxii  xKti-trnzi  tij-i  toi;  iJiini' 
ujlillj  Si  i-rOiKTXTS  xvtov  ff-jr>;A*icv  /.ho-tcd*'. 

My  house  shall  be  called  the  house  of  prayer  for  all  the  nations ; 

But  ye  have  made  it  a  den  of  thieves.  Mark  xi.  17. 

This  antithetical  couplet  is  composed  of  two  independent  passages,  very 
remotely  connected  in  their  subject  matter;  of  which  the  first  stands  In 
the  Septuagint  version  of  Isaiah  lvi.  57.  exactly  as  it  is  given  above  from 
Saint  Mark's  Gospel.  The  substance  of  the  second  line  occurs  in  the 
prophet  Jeremiah,  (vii.  11.) 

p*  o-n-MXatiov  JU|r**  o  six:;  /*ou  ; 

Is  my  house  a  den  of  thieves?* 

■',-  w\outou,  xxi  rofi*,-,  xxi  yrxxieuj  Qiov 

£(    XV>£lf,VVHTX   T«    XJ>l/»XTX    «VT5V, 

xxi  >rl^i%ii>;ci  xi  iSii  »vtou- 

ti;  yxf  tyvw  vowv  Kuf  i:u  ; 

K  ti;  o-u.uSouXoj  xutou  i?ivit:( 

M   T*5    TTfZtixXtV    UVTU  J 

xxi  avTxrrcoo  jijtriTxi  mutui  J 

O  the  depth  of  the  riches,  and  the  wisdom,  and  the  knowledge 

of  God  I 
How  inscrutable  are  his  judgments; 
And  untraceable  his  ways! 
For  who  hath  known  the  mind  of  the  Lord? 
Or  who  hath  been  his  counsellor  1 
Or  who  hath  first  given  unto  him, 

And  il  shall  be  repaid  him  again  ?  Rom.  xi.  33 — 35. 

On  this  passage  Bishop  Jebb  remarks,  that,  although  the  quotation  it 
not  always  so  uniformly  direct  as  in  the  preceding  example,  yet  the  marks 
of  imitation  are  unquestionable ;  the  probable  sources  of  imitation  are  nu- 
merous ;  the  continuity  of  the  parallelism  is  maintained  unbroken  :  and  the 
style,  both  of  thought  and  of  expression,  is  remarkable  alike  for  elegance, 
animation,  and  profundity.  He  supposes  the  apostle  to  have  had  the  fol 
lowing  texts  (which  are  given  at  length  by  Dr.  J.)  present  in  his  recollection 
when  composing  this  noble  epiphonema ;  Psal.  xxxvi.  6.  Job  xi.»7,  8  v.  0 
xxxvi.  22,  23.  Jer.  xxiii.  19.  Isa.  xl.  13.  15.  Job  xxiii.  18.  and  xli.  2. 
"  The  first  line  proposes  the  subject : 

O  the  depth  of  the  riches,  and  the  wisdom,  and  the  knowledge  of  God! 
"The  notion  of  depth,  as  a  quality  attributed  alike  to  God's  riches,  and 
wisdom,  and  knowledge,  is  first  expanded  in  the  next  couplet: 
How  inscrutable  are  his  judgments; 
And  untraceable  his  ways  ! 
Riches,  wisdom,  and  knowledge  are  then,  in  a  fine  epanodos,  enlarged 
upon  in  the  inverted  order ;  first,  knowledge  : 

For  who  hath  known  the  mind  of  the  Lord? 
secondly,  wisdom : 

Or  who  hath  been  his  counsellor? 
thirdly,  riches  : 

Or  who  hath  first  given  unto  him, 
And  ii  shall  be  repaid  him  again? 
"  Let,  now,  the  most  skilfully  executed  cento  from  the  heathen  classics 
be  compared  with  this  finished  scriptural  mosaic  of  St.  Paul :  the  former, 
however  imposing  at  the  first  view,  will  on  closer  inspection  infallibly 
betray  its  patchwork  jointing  and  incongruous  materials ;  while  the  latter, 
like  the  beauties  of  creation,  not  only  bears  the  microscope  glance,  but, 
the  more  minutely  it  is  examined,  the  more  fully  its  exquisite  organization 
is  disclosed.  The  fathers,  also,  often  quote  and  combine  8cripture :  let 
their  complex  quotations  be  contrasted  with  those  of  the  apostle;  the 
result  may  be  readily  anticipated."' 


•  Sacred  Literature,  pp.  9S.  109— 113.— In  pp.  99—108.  other  examples  ar« 
given,  with  suitable  philological  illustrations. 

•  Ibid.  p.  114. 

»  Ibid.  pp.  114.  117.  120.      Other   examples  of  complex  quotations  ar« 
given  in  pp.  121—123.  . 


878 


ON  THE  INTERPRETATION  OF  THE 


[Part  II.  Book  II 


3.  Quotations  mingled  with  original  matter,  in  -which  one 
or  mart:  passages  derived  from  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  are  so 
connected  and  blended  with  original  writing,  that  the  compound 
forms  one  homogeneous  whole;  the  sententious  parallelism 
equally  pervaded  all  the  component  members,  whether  original 
•r  derived. 

~x;  y  xp  c;  xv  trrtxx'KKrviTXt  to  cvc.ua  Kupiou  0"u> StjTlrx i ' 

*IUI$    CUV   iTTIXXkiTOVTXi   EIC    QV    OUX    I  V  I  fl  U  <T«  V  J 

vote  Si  zriftvo-cua-tv  ov  oux  >|xouo*»v  J 
■sat  Si  «xouo-cuo-i  fciufic  xi)euo-o-oi/TC;; 
t^-c  Jf  xH^uPouG-iv  Jaev  l">l   «?r0f«^ujo-i  ; 

£i   yiy^xrrrxi- 
ci;  ijfxioi    01  -D-oas;  toji/  iuasyyi\i£OjC«tvi«iv  f  ifigviiii, 

Toiv  IvxyyiKlX^lxlvllv  T«  CCJ-a^X. 

For  whosoever  shall  call  on  the  name  of  the  Lord,  shall  be  saved : 
But  how  shall  they  call  on  him,  in  whom  they  have  not  believed! 
And  how  shall  they  believe  in  him,  of  whom  they  have  notheardl 
And  how  shall  they  hear  without  a  preacher? 
And  how  shall  they  preach,  if  they  be  not  sent  1 

As  it  is  written ; 
How  beautiful  the  feet  of  those  who  bring  good  tidings  of  peace  ! 
Who  bring  good  tidings,  of  good  things ! 

Rom.  x.  13—18. 

The  first  line  of  this  passage  is  literally  taken  from  the  Septuagint  ver- 
sion of  Joel  ii.  32.,  the  next  quotation  is  original,  and  affords  an  exact,  though 
somewhat  peculiar  specimen  of  parallelism,  its  composition  nearly  resem- 
bling that  of  the  logical  sorites,  in  which  the  predicate  of  each  preceding 
line  becomes  the  subject  of  the  line  next  in  order.  Similar  instances  of 
this  logical  construction  occur  in  the  prophetic  writings,  and  abound  in 
the  epistles  of  St.  Paul."  The  last  couplet  is  from  Isa.  lii.  7.,  the  Septuagint 
rendering  of  which  is  both  confused  and  inaccurate.  St.  Paul,  however, 
has  quoted  so  much  as  it  answered  his  purpose  to  quote,  but  has  carefully 
maintained  the  parallelism  uninjured. 

\t$ov  ov  X7riSoxipxtrxv  01*  OIXoS'OjUOUVTSC 
outo;  lyivqSt  £i{  xi!fx\viv  yjuvixf 
■uxex  Kupiou  i ytviro  e*uT>j, 
xai  i?i  5xv/*x;)t  iv  o$$x\f*oi;  It/cuv 

Six  touto  kiyw  VfJttV' 
on   «{9->|0-|T«l    X(f'  U/*U)V   V)   &XTl\UX  TOO   ©sou, 
XXI    SoSv\TSTXl  l$VH    'STOlOVVTt    TCUC   X»f5T0UC    «UTJ){* 

x«>  5  ■jTKrusyi  jjri  tov  XiS-ou  toutov,  a-vvSKxtrSiiiriTxi, 

1$    QV    S'  XV    TTKTyij    KlXfX^TH    KUTOV. 

The  stone  which  the  builders  rejected; 
The  same  has  become  the  head  of  the  corner ; 
From  the  Lord  hath  this  proceeded  ; 
And  it  is  marvellous  in  our  eyes ; 

Wherefore  I  say  unto  you  : 
That  from  you  shall  be  taken  away  the  kingdom  of  God ; 
And  it  shall  be  given  to  a  nation  producing  the  fruits  thereof: 
And  he  who  falleth  upon  this  stone,  shall  be  sorely  bruised. 
But  upon  whomsoever  it  shall  fall,  it  will  grind  him  to  powder. 

Matt.  xxi.  42—44. 
The  first  four  lines  are  literally  taken  from  the  Septuagint  version  of  Psal. 
exviii.  22,  23.    The  last  four  are  original ;  and  Bp.  Jebb  asks,  with  great 
reason,  whether  the  parallelism  is  not  more  striking  in  the  latter  portion 
than  in  the  former.* 

IV.  The  preceding  examples  will  sufficiently  exemplify 
the  manner  in  which  the  inspired  writers  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment were  accustomed  to  cite,  abridge,  amplify,  and  com- 
bine passages  from  the  poetical  parts  of  the  Old'Testament ; 
and  also  to  annex  to,  or  intermingle  with,  their  citations, 
parallelisms  by  no  means  less  perfect,  of  their  own  original 
composition.  These  examples  further  corroborate  the  ar- 
gument from  analogy  for  the  existence  of  the  grand  charac- 
teristic of  Hebrew  poesy, — the  sententious  parallelism, — in 
the  New  Testament.  We  shall,  therefore,  now  proceed  to 
give  a  few  examples  of  the  original  parallelisms,  which  per- 
vade that  portion  of  the  Holy  Scriptures.  They  are  divided 
by  Bishop  Jebb  into,  1.  Parallel  Couplets ; — 2.  Parallel  Trip- 
lets ; — 3.  Quatrains,  of  which  the  lines  are  either  directly, 
alternately,  or  inversely  parallel :  4,  5.  Stanzas  of  five  and 
six  lines ; — 6.  Stanzas  of  more  than  six  parallel  lines. 

1.  Of  Parallel  Couplets  the  two  following  examples  will 
give  the  reader  an  adequate  idea  : 

tui  aiToui/T.  o-i,  J,Jou- 

xcc*  tov  -ZiKovtx  x7ro  o-ou  Sxvii<rxo-$xi,  jUH  X7ro$px$vi$. 

To  him  that  asketh  thee,  give  ; 

And  him  that  would  borrow  from  thee,  turn  not  away. 

.    .  Matt.  v.  42. 

uiyxXvvn  v,  ^u^  jUOUtov  Kupioir 

K*l  nyxWixa-l  to  crnu.ux  j*ou  ejr*  tm  ®iV  Tutriartigi  jUOu. 

My  soul  doth  magnify  the  Lord ; 

And  my  spirit  hath  exulted  in  God  my  Saviour. 

Luke  i.  46,  47.' 
"The  second  line  of  the  latter  couplet,  it  is  well  observed,  clearly  rises 
above  the  first  in  all  its  terms;  nsyxxw*  js  simply  to  magnify,  to  praise  ■ 


xyx\Kixj>  denotes  exultation  or  ecstasy ;  <!  vx*  is  the  animal  soul :  -««,«» 
the  immortal  spirit ;  to>  Kupioi.  is  the  simplt  st  and  most  general  expression 
of  the  Godhead,  the  Lord  of  all  men  ;  r^  «■„  , „   -  ,  a  consider- 

able  amplification  in  terms,  and  personally  appropriate  in  meanimr,  the 
God  who  is  my  Saviour."4 

2.  Parallel  Triplets  consist  of  three  connected  and  cor- 
respondent lines,  which  are  constructively  parallel  with  each 
other,  and  form  within  themselves  a  distinct  sentence  or  signifi- 
cant part  of  a  sentence. 

x!  aKwixif  (fw\iovf  ifcouo-i- 

xxt  rx  yrertivx  tov  oupxvou  xxt  XTAKvyitn  ic" 

o  Si  uioc  tow  xv$(i>j37rvv  ovx  i%n  Toy  tiiv  xtccxXijv  icXivg 

The  foxes  have  dens ; 

And  the  birds  of  the  air  have  nests; 

But  the  Son  of  man  hath  not  where  lo  lay  his  head. 

Matt,  viii  20 
6  tris-tuuiv  t'c  tou  Ti'ov,  i%n  C,"1«  xijiviav4 

0  Si  XTTt  (3"U1V  to>  ufoj,  OUX  Ol^ETiii    '{ix-qv. 
ee\X*  >[  t>ey*l  tou  ©tou   fiivn  nr'  x'rov. 

He  who  believeth  in  the  Son,  hath  life  eternal; 

But  he  who  disobeyeth  the  Son,  shall  not  see  life  ; 

But  the  wrath  of  God  abideth  on  him. 

John  iii.  36. 
In  this  passage,  Bishop  Jebb  justly  remarks,  the  translators  of  our  , 
authorized  version  "have  not  preserved  the  variation  of  the  tenns,  i 
tris-sumv,  o  xtti^uv  :  rendering  Ihe  former,  'he  that  believeth  ;'  the  latter, 
'  he  that  believeth  not.'  The  variation,  however,  is  most  significant ;  and 
should  on  no  account  be  overlooked :  as  Dr.  Doddridge  well  observes,  '  the 
latter  phrase  explains  the  former ;  and  shows,  that  the  faith  to  which  the 
promise  of  eternal  life  is  annexed,  is  an  effectual  principle  of  sincere  and 
unreserved  obedience.'  The  descending  series  is  magnificently  awful ;  he 
who,  with  his  heart  believeth  in  the  Son,  is  already  in  possession  of  eternal 
life:  he,  whatever  may  be  his  outward  profession,  whatever  his  theoretic 
or  historical  belief,  who  obeyeth  not  the  Son,  not  only  does  not  possess 
eternal  life,  he  does  not  possess  any  thing  worthy  to  be  called  life  at  all; 
nor,  so  persisting,  ever  can  possess,  for  he  shall  not  even  see  it:  but  this 
is  not  the  whole,  for,  as  eternal  life  is  the  present  possession  of  the  faithful, 
so  the  wrath  of  God  is  the  present  and  permanent  lot  of  the  disobedient ; 
it  abideth  on  him."* 

3.  In  Quatrains,  two  parallel  couplets  are  so  connected  as 
to  form  one  continued  and  distinct  sentence ;  the  pairs  of  lines 
being  either  directly,  alternately,  or  inversely  parallel : 

txv  txc.  jvtoXxc  ficv  Tv,pv,T^Tit 

fitvliTi  iv  t>|  xyxxv,  (10V 
x«5ujc  lyui  rxg  ivnoKx;  tov  izxT^og  pov  tet^mxac, 

xxt  jxivw  ccurou  iv  t*j  xyX7r/i. 

If  ye  keep  my  commandments, 

Ye  shall  abide  in  my  love ; 
Even  as  I  have  kept  my  Father 

And  abide  in  his  love. 


«  Sacred  Literature,  p.  124.  In  p.  125.  and  also  in  his  nineteenth  section 
(pp.  388—390.),  Bp.  Jebb  has  given  several  of  the  instances  above  referred  to 

»  Ibid.  p.  127.  In  pp.  128—142.  Bp.  Jebb  has  given  additional  examples  of 
his  class  of  mingled  quotations ;  one  of  which  (Acts  iv.  24-^30.)  is  particu- 
larly worthy  of  tfie  reader's  attention,  on  account  of  the  very  sirikiii"  evi- 
ience  which  it  affords  (on  the  principles  of  sententious  parallelism)  of  the 
supreme  Deity  of  Jesus  Christ. 

»  Ibid.  p.  143.  In  po.  144—148.  are  given  numerous  other  instances  of 
Mtrallel  couplets. 


s  commandments, 

John  xv.  10 


T*5   yxe    OtSlV    XvbguiTTtUV,   XX    TOU    «V^fu)7TC 

fi  {xv[  TO  'bviv/ax  TOu.av«£'ju7rou  to  iv  wuTuj  ; 

OUTKJ   XII    T«   TOU    ©SOU    OuSlt,    ClStV, 
It    ft]    TO    7TVB\>ftX  TOU   ©I0U. 

For  who,  of  men,  knoweth  the  depth  of  any  man, 
Save  only  the  spirit  of  that  man  which  is  in  him  1 

Even  so,  the  depths  of  God,  knoweth  no  person  ; 
Save  only  the  Spirit  of  God.« 

1  Cor.  ii  11. 

In  this  last  cited  passage,  our  authorized  version  reads  the  things  of  a 
man ;  the  things  of  the  Spirit  of  God;  an  awkward  mode  of  supplying  the 
ellipsis,  which  ought  to  be  filled  up  from  the  t«  fix5>t  of  the  preceding  verse. 
This  ellipsis  is  supplied  by  Bishop  Jebb  from  Dr.  Macknight. 

4.  Five-lined  Stanzas  admit  of  considerable  varieties  of 
structure,  which  it  would  exceed  the  limits  of  this  work  to 
specify.     One  or  two  instances  must  suffice  to  exemplify  them. 

0U%l    SwSlXX    IITIV  Ui^Xt    TVi;    ''/,/J.iQXi;  ; 

IXV   TIC    7TtQl7rXTIH    IV   T*)    qfJllfX,  OU    7T  £  00-X07T  T  1 1 ' 

OT*   TO    CpoiJ    TOU    XOO-jUOU    TOUTOU    /SXjSTEI. 
IXV    Si    Tl£   7TIQ IJTC6TV]    IV    T  y    VUXTI,    JT^OO-XOCTTf  * 
OT*    TO    9lt'J   OUX    jflV   IV    06UTOJ. 

Are  there  not  twelve  hours  in  the  day? 
If  a  man  walk  in  the  day,  he  stumbleth  not; 
Because  he  seeth  the  light  of  this  world: 
But  if  a  man  walk  in  the  night  he  stumbleth ; 
Because  the  light  is  not  in  him. 

John  xi.  9,  10. 
In  this  instance,  the  odd  line  or  member  (which  commences  the  stanza) 
lays  down  a  truth  which  is  illustrated  in  the  remaining  four  lines.  A  simi- 
lar disposition  is  observable  in  the  first  of  the  two  following  stanzas,  in 
which  the  odd  line  lays  down  the  proposition  to  be  illustrated,  viz.  By 
their  fruits  ye  shall  thoroughly  know  them.  In  the  second  stanza,  on  the 
contrary,  the  odd  lines  make  a  full  close,  reasserting  with  authority  the 
same  proposition,  as  undeniably  established  by  the  intermediate  quatrains 
— By  their  fruits,  therefore,  ye  shall  thoroughly  know  mem. 

xtto  Tujv  xxgrrwv  ccutcov  imyviMTtT&l  auTOucV 
/ii;Ti  o-vKKi yevo-iv  xttc  xxxvSmv  ca^uX^v  ; 

M    065T0    TflScX.ouV    tTVXX  J 

O'jTw  ttxv  SivSgov  xyxSov  xxpfl-ouc  xacXouc.  jro*!!* 

to  Si  trxirpov  StvSpsv  xxf?rcuc  TTOviipovc  crois** 

ou  Svvxrxt  SivSfiOv  xyx^ov  xx^jtouc  :rov>]pouc  watnv 


*  Sacred  Literature,  p.  310. 

»  Ibid.  pp.  149, 150.  In  pp.  151— 1C7.  are  given  numerous  other  examples, 
in  which  are  interspersed  some  admirable  quotations  from  the  writings  of 
the  fathers. 

•  Ibid.  p.  169.  See  also  pp.  170—192.  for  further  examples  cf  the 
quatrain 


Chap.  II.] 


POETICAL  PARTS  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


379 


Ol/Jl   itvifOV  ITXTflv   KXfJTOUC   XXXOVf  WOUI*. 
srxv  StvSpiv  yuif  iroiouv  xx^gy  KxKovt 

IXX07TTITXI,  XXI    llf    7TI/p   «3xUlT«l' 

xpxyi  uiro  Twy  xo^tt  „v  xuruiv  UTtyvjjTivit  mvtou;. 

By  their  fruits  ye  shall  thoroughly  know  them  : 

Do  men  gather  from  thorns  the  hi .ij.t-  i 

Or  from  thistles  t tie  fig  7 

Thus,  every  sound  tree  beared)  good  fruil  , 

But  every  corrupt  tree  beaxetb  evil  i » nit . 

A  Round  tn  r  evil  fruit; 

Nur  u  corrapl  tree  beer  good  truit. 

Every  tree  not  bearlog  good  Orult 

[■  hewn  down,  end  east  Into  the  lire  : 
By  their  fruits,  therefore,  ye  ehall  thoroughly  know  then.1 

Matt.  vii.  16-20. 

5.  The  Six-Lined  Stanzas  likewise  admit  of  a  great  variety 
of  structure.  Sometimes  they  consist  of  a  quatrain,  with  a 
distich  annexed:  sometimes  of  two  parallel  couplets,  with  a  third 
pair  of  parallel  lines  so  distributed,  that  one  occupies  the  centre, 
and  the  other  the  close ;  and  occasionally  of  three  couplets 
alternately  parallel ;  the  first,  third,  and  fifth  lines  corresponding 
with  one  another ;  and,  in  like  manner,  the  second,  fourth,  and 
sixth.  Of  theso  six-lined  stanzas,  Bishop  Jebb  has  adduced 
numerous  examples.     We  subjoin  two. 

ovj/ix;  j  ivO/uivh;,  Ktytrt,  EvSlx, 
wu<e*i,'n  yxp  o  oupxwoj- 

XXI    *f><j   Dn.KlfOV   Xtl/MV, 

■s\i((x^n  yxp  rvyvx^'jiii  5  oupxvoj- 
uiroxpiTxi'  to  jutv  srpoo-wjrov  tov  oupxvou  yiVA'TXiTl  JixxpivjiV 

TN  St   0"l»jUIIX  T«V  XXIf'JJf    Ou    '1VVXT7S. 

When  it  is  evening,  ye  say,  "A  calin  ! 

For  the  sky  is  red  :" 
And  in  the  morning,  "To-day  a  tempest: 
For  the  eky  is  red  and  lowering  ;" 
Hypocrites  I  the  face  of  the  sky  ye  know  how  to  discern  ! 
But  ye  cannot  [discern]  the  signs  of  the  times ! 

Matt.  -xvi.  2,  3. 
This  stanza  consists  of  a  quatrain  with  a  distich  annexed.    In  the  follow- 
ing passage,  the  stanza  begins  and  ends  with  parallel  lines,  a  parallel  triplet 
intervening. 

ixiivo;  St  o  SovKi*  o  yvov$  TO  SiXijjmx  TOU  XVflOl/  SXUTCV, 
Ml  HA  iTOi/iXo-Xf,  fxi\$i  •3,0i»jO"«J  -sr^oj  TO  $i>.Af*x  xutOV, 
Hx(Yl<ri-rxi  TjoKKxf 

0  J«  tit\   J  HtVf. 

•=roi»lo-x;  Si  xjjix  ■sKityav, 
£xp>jo-|Txl  oKiyot$. 

And  that  servant  who  knew  the  will  of  his  lord, 

And  who  prepared  not,  neither  did  according  to  his  will, 

Shrill  be  beaten  with  many  stripes : 
And  he  who  did  not  know, 
And  did  things  worthy  of  stripes, 

Shall  be  beaten  with  few  stripes' 

Luke  xii.  47,  48. 

6.  Stanzas  of  more  than  six  Parallel  Lines. — It  fre- 
quently happens  that  more  than  six  parallel  lines  are  so  connected 
by  unity  of  subject  or  by  mutual  relationship,  as  to  form  a  dis- 
tinct stanza.  Of  the  numerous  examples  of  this  kind  of  distri- 
bution, given  by  Bishop  Jebb,  one  specimen  must  suffice. 


rx;  ouv  or*?  xxcun  /*ou  TOu;  \oyov$  TOUTOu^,  x-»± 
fitoUTw  xvtov  xv£pi  ^povijuar 

or»s  *xo£o^ui|o*i  tmv  oixixv  xutou  i-ri  tvy  n-iTpxv 
xxi  xxti6»  fc  dfoxH, 

XXI    »A.$0V    Cl    -30TX/U0I, 
XXI    I.TVIUO-XV    01    XV|jUOt) 

xxi   o-foo-urio-ow  TX  OIXIX   IXIIHJ, 
XXI   OUX    I7TITS'    TI?<^|*.ljuTO    >"X0    III    TXV   IITfH' 


ro«f, 


XXI  TX{  j  XXOUUV  ftOU  TOU{ 
OjUO  ladxTETXI  XvSpt  fl.optil, 
Ofl$    WXoSofxqT*    THV 


oyovf  toutcv;,  XXI  fit; 


«XT|C»    \    iSpOXH, 
*,KJ1V    01    70TXU0 


I  Tl    TI*V    XtUUC\ 


ITIffl'    XXI    l« 


?porixo\J/xv 


r»f  ^,yx*.«. 


Whoever,  therefore,  hearcth  these  my  words,  and  doeth  them, 
I  will  liken  him  to  a  prudent  man, 
Who  bull!  his  110086  upon  the  rock: 

And  the  rain  descended, 

And  the  floods  came, 

And  the  winds  blew, 

And  fell  upon  that  house  : 
And  it  fell  not  ;  for  it  was  founded  upon  the  rock. 


>  Sacred  Literature,  p  195. 

»  Ibid,  pp,  201.  201.  We  cannot  withhold  from  our  readers  Bishop 
Jebb's  beautiful  remarks  on  the  last  cited  passage.  "The  antit ).- 
this  passage  has  prodigious  moral  depth  :  be  who  sins  against  know- 
ledge,  though  his  sins  were  only  sins  of  omission,  shall  be  beaten  with 
many  strip's ;  but  he  who  sins  without  knowledge,  though  his  sins  were 
sins  of  commission,  shall  be  beaten  only  with  few  stripes.  Mere  negligence 
against  the  light  of  conscience  shall  be  severely  punished  :  while  an 
offence,  in  itself  comparatively  heinous,  if  commuted  tgnorantly,  and  with- 
out light,  shall  be  mildly  dealt  with.  This  merciful  discrimination,  how- 
ever, is  full  of  terror :  for,  whatever  may  be  the  case,  respecting  oast, 
forsaken,  and  repented  sins  of  ignorance,  no  man  is  entitled  to  take  com- 
fort to  himself  from  this  passage,  respecting  his  present,  or  future  course 
of  life :  the  very  thought  of  doing  so,  proves  that  the  person  entertaining 
that  thought  has  sufficient  knowledge  to  place  him  beyond  its  favourable 
»peration."  Ibid.  p.  205.  Other  examples  of  the  six-lined  stanza  are  given 
n  pp.  204—21*1. 


And  every  one  hearing  these  my  words,  and  loing  them  not 
Shall  be  likened  to  a  foolish  man, 
VVbj  juilt  his  house  upon  the  sand  : 

And  the  rain  descended, 

And  the  floods  came, 

And  the  winds  blew, 

And  struck  upon  that  house  ; 
And  it  fell  ;  and  the  fall  thereof  was  great.' 

Matt.  vii.  21—27. 

V.  Further,  several  stanzas  are  often  so  connected  with 
each  other  as  to  form  a  paragraph  or  section.  Luke  xvi.  9 — 
13.  James  iii.  1 — 12.  iv.  6 — 10.  and  v.  1 — 6.  and  1  John  iv. 
15 — 17.  afford  striking  examples  of  this  sort  of  distribution; 
for  the  detail  and  illustration  of  which  we  must  refer  out 
readers  to  Bishop  Jebb's  elegant  and  instructive  volume, 
which  has  been  so  often  cited.  It  only  remains  that  we  no- 
tice briefly  the  gradational parallelism,  and  the  epanodos,  in  the 
New  Testament,  which  he  has  discovered  and  elucidated. 

1.  Paiiallel  Lines  oradational  (or  as  Bishop  Jebb  terms 
them  Cognate  Parallelisms),  we  have  already  remarked,  are 
of  most  frequent  occurrence  in  the  poetical  books  of  the  Old 
Testament.  The  poetical  parallelisms  exhibited  in  the  preceding 
pages,  while  they  fully  prove  his  position,  that  the  poetical  dia- 
lect pervades  the  New  Testament,  will  prepare  the  reader  to  expect 
to  find  there  similar  instances  of  parallel  lines  gradational.  The 
second  example  of  parallel  couplets,  given  in  page  378.  supra, 
affords  a  concise  but  beautiful  specimen  of  the  ascent  or  climax 
in  the  terms,  clauses,  or  lines  which  constitute  the  parallelism. 
One  or  two  additional  instances,  therefore,  will  suffice,  to  show 
the  existence  of  the  gradational  parallelism  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment. 

ovoKupic;  I<c-ous  xvx}.j>iritt  to.  rvio/uiTi  tcu  ,-c.uxtc,-  xvtcu' 
xxi  xxtx^^-t.' i  tij  l-TTi^X'JUtt  Tijf  ^-xpcuo-ix;  x-.t:-j. 

Whom  the  Lord  Jesus  will  waste  away,  with  the  breath  of  his  mouth, 
And  will  utterly  destroy,  with  the  bright  appearance  of  his  coming. 

2  Thess.  ii.  8. 
"The  first  words,  o»  o  Kupiof  Imo-ov;  are  common  to  both  lines;  x»x>.»io-ii 
implies  no  more,  in  this  place,  than  gradual  decay;  xxTxpyxo-n  denotes 
total  extermination  ;  while,  in  terror  and  magnificence,  no  less  than  in  the 
effects  assigned,  the  breath  of  his  mouth  must  yield  to  the  bright  appear- 
ance of  his  coming.  The  first  line  seems  to  announce  the  ordinary  diffu- 
sion, gradually  to  be  effected,  of  Christian  truth :  the  second,  to  foretell 
the  extraordinary  manifestation  of  the  victorious  Messiah,  suddenly,  and 
overwhelmingly,  to  take  place  in  the  last  days."* 

fly  oSov  idvw  /iM  x^rlA.^HTl' 

xxi  (if  jro/.ii'  £xjUxptiT<uv  i*n  llo-l*.5«T|• 

7ropiV*0"^l  Ss  /AXKkOV  x-p35  T«  ?rpoSxTX  TX  x^-0A.a,;.5TX  sixou  Itrpxv.K. 

To  the  way  of  the  Gentiles  go  not  off; 

And  to  a  city  of  the  Samaritans  go  not  in  ; 

But  proceed  rather  to  the  lost  sheep  of  the  house  of  Israel. 

Matt.  x.  5,  6. 
"  This  is  a  gradation  in  the  scale  of  national  and  religious  proximity  ;  the 
Gentiles,  the  Samaritans,  Israel.  In  the  remaining  terms,  there  is  a  cor- 
respondent progress :  the  way,  or  road,  to  foreign  countries,  a  city  of  the 
Samaritans  ;  the  house  of  Israel,  a  phrase  conveying  the  notion  of  home  : 
go  not  off", — go  not  from  Palestine,  towards  other  nations  ;  go  not  in  to  a 
city  of  the  Samaritans ;  though,  in  your  progresses  between  Judaja  and 
Galilee,  you  must  oass  by  the  walls  of  many" Samaritan  cities ;  but,  how- 
ever great  your  fatigue,  and  want  of  refreshment,  proceed  rather  not 
merely  to  the  house  of  Israel,  but  to  the  lost  sheep  of  that  house.  Thus, 
by  a  beautiful  gradation,  the  apostles  are  brought  from  the  indefiniteness 
of  a  road  leading  to  countries  remote  from  their  own,  and  people  differing 
from  themselves  in  habits,  in  language,  and  in  faith,  to  the  homefelt,  indi- 
vidual, and  endearing  relationship  of  their  own  countrymen;  children  of 
the  same  covenant  of  promise,  and  additionally  recommended  to  their 
tender  compassion,  as  morally  lost." 

Bishop  Jeob  has  given  additional  examples  of  the  gradational  parallel's!;, 
from  Matt.  v.  45.  vii.  1,  2.  xx.  26,  27.  xxiv.  17,  18.  Mark  iv.  24.  Luke  vi.  :'■'- 
Rom.  v.  7.  James  i.  17.  iv.  8.  and  v.  5.  Rev.  ix.  6.  and  xxii.  14. 

2.  The  nature  of  the  Introverted  Parallelism,  or  Pa- 
rallel Lines  Introverted,  has  been  stated  in  page  376.,  and  con- 
firmed by  suitable  examples.  Closely  allied  to  this  is  a  peculiarity 
or  artifice  of  construction,  which  Bishop  Jebb  terms  an  Epanodos, 
and  which  he  defines  to  be  literally  "  agoing  bach,  speaking  first 
to  the  second  of  two  subjects  proposed  :  or  if  the  subjects  be  more 
than  two,  resuming  them  precisely  in  the  inverted  order,  speak- 
ing first  to  the  last,  and  last  to  the  first."  The  rationale  of  this 
artifice  of  composition  he  explains  more  particularly  in  the  fol- 
lowing words: — "Two  pair  of  terms  or  propositions,  containing 
two  important,  but  not  equally  important  notions,  are  to  be  so 
distributed,  as  to  bring  out  the  sense  in  the  strongest  and  most 
impressive  manner:  now,  this  result  will   be  best   attained,  by 

3  Sacred  Literature,  p.  211.  In  these  two  connected  stanzas,  the  language 
may  be  justly  termed  picturesque.  The  marked  transition  in  each  of  them 
from  a  long  and  measured  movement,  to  short  rapid  lines,  and  the  resump- 
tion, at  the  close  of  a  lengthened  cadence,  are  peculiarly  expressive.  The 
continual  return,  too,  in  the  shorter  lines,  of  the  copulative  particle  (a  returr, 
purely  Hebraic,  and  foreign  from  classical  usage),  has  a  fine  effect:  it  gives 
an  idea  of  danger,  sudden,  accumulated,  and  overwhelming.  These  are 
beauties  which  can  be  only  retained  in  a  literal  translation;  and  which  a 
literal  translation  may  exhibit  verv  competently.  Ibid.  p.  214.  In  pp.  2iS 
—248.  the  reader  will  find  many  other  examples,  intermingled  with  mu:b 
just  criticism  and  some  fine  quotations  from  the  fathers. 

«  Ibid.  p.  312 


380 


ON  THE  INTERPRETATION  OF  THE 


[Part  II.  Bo.wt  V 


commencing,  *nd  concluding,  will  the  notion  to  which  promi- 
nence is  to  be  given ;  and  by  plaring  in  the  centre  the  less  im- 
portant notion,  or  that  which,  from  the  scope  of  the  argument, 
is  to  be  kept  subordinate."1  Having  established  the  justice  of 
this  explanation  by  examples  of  epanodos,  derived  from  the 
Scriptures,  as  well  as  from  the  best  classic  authors,  Bishop  Jebb 
has  accumulated  many  examples  proving  its  existence  in  the  New 
Testament,  the  doctrines  and  precepts  of  which  derive  new  force 
and  beauty  from  the  application  of  this  figure.  The  length  to 
which  this  chapter  has  unavoidably  extended,  forbids  the  in- 
troduction of  more  than  one  or  two  instances  of  the  epanodos. 

/U>)  5"wTI  TO   xytOv  T0t£  xuo-c 

/xqSt  &%KnTt  towj  fitxpyxptrx;  vfiuv  tfjurpQTliv  toov  xoip^v' 

^**JT0T6    XXTXTFXXY.tTuMTlV    3CUT0UJ    IV   T0*5    TTOO-tV    XVTwV. 

Give  not  that  which  is  holy  to  the  dogs  ;     * 

Neither  cast  your  pearls  before  the  swine  ; 

Lest  they  trample  them  under  their  feet ; 
And  turn  about  and  rend  you. 

Matt.  vii.  6. 

"The  relation  of  the  first  line  to  the  fourth,  and  that  of  the  second  to 
the  third,  have  been  noticed  by  almost  all  the  commentators.  A  minor 
circumstance  is  not  altogether  undeserving  of  attention  :  the  equal  lengths, 
in  the  original,  of  each  related  pair  of  lines  ;  the  first  and  fourth  lines  being 
short,  the  second  and  third  lines  long.  The  sense  of  the  passage  becomes 
perfectly  clear,  on  thus  adjusting  the  parallelism: 

Give  not  that  which  is  holy  to  the  dogs 
Lest  they  turn  about  and  rend  you : 
Neither  cast  your  pearls  before  the  swine, 
Lest  they  trample  them  under  their  feet. 

"  The  more  dangerous  act  of  imprudence,  with  its  fatal  result,  is  placed 
flrBt  and  last,  so  as  to  make,  and  to  leave,  the  deepest  practical  impression. "» 

Xpirou  svutStx  zc-ftiv  Tu  ©eto* 

IV  TOIJ  0-<o£oiUSI'Oi5) 

XXt    IV  TOiJ   X7r0\hVfi.SV0l$' 

015  fjtiv  c<rf**\  SjcvseTOt/,  E4f  S'avaTOv" 
oi't  St  037*11  frtlSj  "5  ^xi". 

We  are  a  sweet  odour  of  Christ ; 
To  those  who  are  saved ; 
And  to  those  who  perish  ; 

To  the  one,  indeed,  an  odour  of  death,  unto  death  ; 
But  to  the  other,  an  odour  of  life,  unto  life.» 

2  Cor.  ii.  15, 16. 

In  this  specimen  of  the  epanodos,  the  painful  part  of  the  subject 
is  kept  subordinate ;  the  agreeable  is  placed  first  and  last. 

The  preceding  examples  are  sufficient  to  show  the  ex- 
istence of  the  grand  characteristic  of  Hebrew  poesy, — the 
sententious  parallelism,  with  all  its  varieties,  in  the  New 
Testament.  The  reader,  who  is  desirous  of  further  investi- 
gating this  interesting  topic  (and  what  student  who  has 
accompanied  the  author  of  the  present  work  thus  far,  will 
not  eagerly  prosecute  it])  is  necessarily  referred  to  Bishop 
Jebb's  "  Sacred  Literature,"  to  which  this  chapter  stands  so 
deeply  indebted ; — a  volume,  of  which  it  is  but  an  act  of  bare 
justice  in  the  writer  of  these  pages  to  say,  that,  independently 
of  the  spirit  of  enlightened  piety  which  pervades  every  part, 
it  has  the  highest  claims  to  the  attention  of  every  biblical 
student  for  its  numerous  beautiful  and  philological  criticisms 
and  elucidations  of  the  New  Testament ;  for  the  interpreta- 
tion of  which  this  learned  prelate  has  opened  and  developed 
a  new  and  most  important  source,  of  which  future  commenta- 
ors  will,  doubtless,  gladly  avail  themselves. 

VI.  The  sacred  writers  have  left  us  different  kinds  of 
poetical  composition:  they  do  not,  however,  appear. to  have 
cultivated  either  the  epic  or  the  dramatic  species,  unless  we 
take  these  terms  in  a  very  wide  sense,  and  refer  to  these 
classes,  those  poems  in  which  several  interlocutors  are 
introduced.  Thus,  M.  Ilgen1  and  (after  him)  Dr.  Good5 
conceive  the  hook  of  Job  to  be  a  regular  epic  poem  :  while 
Messieurs  Velthusen  and  Ammon  think  mat  the  Song  of 
Songs  exhibits  traces  of  a  dramatic  or  melo-dramatic  struc- 
ture. Bishop  Lowth,  however,  reduces  the  various  produc- 
tions of  the  Hebrew  poets  to  the  following  classes ;  viz. 

I.  Prophetic  Poetry. — Although  some  parts  of  the  writ- 
ings of  the  prophets  are  clearly  in  prose,  of  which  instances 
occur  in  the  prophecies  of  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  Jonah, 
and  Daniel,  yet  the  other  books,  constituting  by  far  the  larger 
portion  of  the  prophetic  writings,  are  classed  by  Bishop 
Lowth  among  the  poetical  productions  of  the  Jews;  and 
(with  the  exception  of  certain  passages  in  Isaiah,  Habakkuk, 
and  Ezekiel,  which  appear  to  constitute  complete  poems  of 
different  kinds,  odes  as  well  as  elegies)  form  a  particular 

'  Sacred  Literature,  pp.  60. 335.  »  Ibid.  p.  339.  a  Ibid.  p.  344. 

•  Jobi,  antiquissimi  carminis  Hebraici,  Natura  atque  Virtutes,  cap.  iii. 
op-  40—89. 

Introductory  Dissertation  to  his  version  of  the  book  of  Job,  p.  xx. 


species  of  poesy,  which  he  distingushes  by  the  appellation 
of  Prophetic. 

The  predictions  of  the  Hebrew  Prophets  are  pre-eminently 
characterized  by  the  sententious  parallelism,  which  has  been 
discussed  and  exemplified  in  tne  preceding  pages.  The 
prophetic  poesy,  however,  is  more  ornamented,  more 
splendid,  and  more  florid  than  any  other.  It  abounds  more 
in  imagery,  at  least  that  species  of  imagery,  which,  in  the 
parabolic  style,  is  of  common  and  established  acceptation, 
and  which,  by  means  of  a  settled  analogy  always  preserved, 
is  transferred  from  certain  and  definite  objects  to  express  in- 
definite and  general  ideas.  Of  all  the  images  peculiar  to  the 
parabolic  style,  it  most  frequently  introduces  those  which  are 
taken  from  natural  objects  and  sacred  history :  it  abounds 
most  in  metaphors,  allegories,  comparisons,  and  even  in 
copious  and  diffuse  descriptions.  It  possesses  all  that 
genuine  enthusiasm  which  is  the  natural  attendant  on  in- 
spiration; it  excels  in  the  brightness  of  imagination,  and  in 
clearness  and  energy  of  diction,  and,  consequently,  rises  to  an 
uncommon  pitch  of  sublimity ;  hence,  also,  it  is  often  very 
happy  in  the  expression  and  delineation  of  the  passions, 
though  more  commonly  employed  in  exciting  them.6 

The  following  passage  from  one  of  Balaam's  prophecies 
(which  Bishop  Lowth  ranks  among  the  most  exquisite 
specimens  of  Hebrew  poetry)  exhibits  a  prophetic  poem 
complete  in  all  its  parts.  It  abounds  in  gay  and  splendid 
imagery,  copied  immediately  from  the  tablet  of  nature ;  and 
is  chiefly  conspicuous  for  the  glowing  elegance  of  the  style, 
and  the  form  and  diversity  of  the  figures.  The  translation 
is  that  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Hales.7 

How  goodly  are  thy  tents,  O  Jacob, 
And  thy  tabernacles,  O  Israel ! 

As  streams  do  they  spread  forth, 

As  gardens  by  the  river  side  ; 
As  sandal-trees  which  the  Lord  hath  planteu, 
As  cedar-trees  beside  the  waters. 

There  shall  come  forth  a  man  of  his  seed, 

And  shall  rule  over  many  nations  : 
And  his  king  shall  be  higher  than  Gog, 

And  his  kingdom  shall  be  exalted.' 

(God  brought  him  forth  out  of  Egypt, 
He  is  to  him  as  the  strength  of  a  unicorn.) 
He  shall  devour  the  nations,  his  enemies, 
And  shall  break  their  bones. 
And  pierce  them  through  with  arrows 

He  lieth  down  as  a  lion, 
He  coucheth  as  a  lioness, 
Who  shall  rouse  him? 
Blessed  is  he  that  blesseth  thee, 
And  cursed  is  he  that  curselh  thee. 

Num.  xxiv.  5—9. 

The  eighteenth  chapter  and  the  first  three  verses  of  tht 
nineteenth  chapter  of  the  Apocalypse  present  a  noble  instance 
of  prophetic  poesy,  in  no  respect  inferior  to  the  finest  pro- 
ductions of  any  of  the  Hebrew  bards.9 

2.  Elegiac  Poetry. — Of  this  description  are  several  pas- 
sages in  the  prophetical  books,10  as  well  as  in  the  book  of  Job," 
and  many  of  David's  psalms  that  were  composed  on  oc- 
casions of  distress  and  mourning :  the  forty-second  psalm  in 
particular  is  in  the  highest  degree  tender  and  plaintive,  and 
is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  specimens  of  the  Hebrew  elegy. 
The  lamentation  of  David  over  his  friend  Jonathan  (2  Sam. 
i.  17 — 27.)  is  another  most  beautiful  elegy :  but  the  most 
regular  and  perfect  elegiac  composition  in  the  Scriptures, 
perhaps  in  the  whole  world,  is  tne  book  entitled  The  La- 
mentations of  Jeremiah,  of  which  we  have  given  a  particulai 
analysis,  infra,  Vol.  II.  p.  276. 

•  Bp.  Lowth's  Lectures  on  Hebrew  Poetry,  Lect.  xviii.  jcix.  and  xx. 
1  Analysis  of  Chronology,  vol.  ii.  book  i.  pp.  224 — 226. 

«  in  the  rendering  of  this  quatrain,  Dr.  Hales  has  followed  the  Septua- 
gint  version,  which  he  vindicates  in  a  long  note.  In  our  authorized  trans- 
lation, made  from  the  Masoretic  text,  the  seventh  verse  of  Num.  xxiv 
stands  thus  : — 

He  shall  pour  the  water  out  of  his  buckets, 

And  his  seed  shall  be  in  many  waters ; 

And  his  king  shall  be  higher  than  Agag, 

And  his  kingdom  shall  be  exalted. 

This  is  confessedly  obscure. — Dr.  Boothroyd,  in  his  New  Version  of  the 
Old  Testament,  with  a  slight  departure  from  the  common  rendering,  trans- 
lates the  verse  in  the  following  manner  : — 

Water  shall  flow  from  the  urn  of  Jacob, 
And  his  seed  shall  become  as  many  waters  ; 
Their  king  shall  be  higher  than  Agag, 
And  his  kingdom  more  highly  exalted 

*  The  passages  above  noticed  are  printed  in  dj  <:ek  and  English,  divided 
so  as  to  exhibit  their  poetical  structure  to  the  greatest  advantage,  in  Dr 
Jebb's  Sacred  Literature,  pp.  452—459. 

»•  See  Amos  v.  1,  2.  16.  Jer.  ix.  17—22.  Ezek.  xxii.  and  xxxii. 
•»  See  Job  iii.  vi.  vii.  x.  xiv.  rvii  xix.  xxix.  xxx 


Chap.  II.] 


POETICAL  PART8  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


381 


3.  Didactic  Poetry  is  defined  by  Bishop  Lowth  to  be 
that  which  delivers  moral  precepts  in  elegant  and  pointed 
verses,  often  illustrated  by  a  comparison  expressed  or  implied, 
similar  to  the  Tva/uu,  or  moral  sentences,  and  adages,  of  the 
ancient  sages.  Of  this  species  of  poetry  the  book  of  Proverbs 
is  the  principal  instance.  To  this  class  may  be  referred  the 
book  of  Ecclesiastes. 

4.  Of  Lyric  Poetry,  or  that  which  is  intended  to  be 
accompanied  wim  music,  the  Old  Testament  abounds  with 
numerous  examples.  Betide!  a  great  number  of  hymns  and 
songs  which  are  dispersed  through  the  historical  and  pro- 
phetical books,  such  as  the  ode  of  Moses  at  the  Red  Sea 
(Exod.  xv.),  his  prophetic  ode  (I)eut.  xxxii.),  the  triumphal 
ode  of  Deborah  (J"dg.  v.),  the  prayer  of  Habakkuk  (iii.),and 
many  similar  pieces,  the  entire  book  of  Psalms  is  to  be  con- 
sidered as  a  collection  of  sacred  odes,  possessing  every  va- 
riety of  form,  and  supported  with  the  highest  spirit  of  lyric 
poetry; — sometimes  sprightly,  cheerful,  and  triumphant; 
sometimes  solemn  and  magnificent ;  and  sometimes  tender, 
soft,  and  pathetic. 

5.  Of  the  Idyl,  or  short  pastoral  poem,1  the  historical 

Csalms  afford  abundant  instances.  The  seventy-eighth, 
undred  and  fifth,  hundred  and  sixth,  hundred  and  thirty- 
sixth,  and  the  hundred  and  thirty-ninth  psalms,  may  be 
adduced  as  singularly  beautiful  specimens  oi  the  sacred  idyl : 
to  which  may  be  addled  Isa.  ix.  8. — x.  4. 

G.  Of  Dramatic  Poetry,  Bishop  Lowth2  adduces  ex- 
amples in  the  book  of  Job  and  the  Song  of  Solomon,  under- 
standing the  term  in  a  more  extended  sense  than  that  in 
which  it  is  usually  received.  Seme  critics,  however,  are  of 
opinion,  that  the  Song  of  Solomon  is  a  collection  of  sacred 
idyls  :  and  M.  Bauer  is  disposed  to  consider  the  former  book 
as  approximating  nearest  to  the  Mckama,  that  is,  "  the  as- 
semblies," morafdiscourses,  or  conversations  of  the  celebrated 
Arabian  poet  Hariri.3 

In  another  part  of  this  work  some  reasons  are  offered  in 
confirmation  of  this  conjecture. 

Many  of  the  psalms  (and,  according  to  Bishop  Horsley,4 
by  far  the  greater  part)  are  a  kind  of  dramatic  ode,  consisting 
of  dialogues  between  persons  sustaining  certain  characters.5 
This  dramatic  or  dialogue  form  admits  of  considerable 
variety.  Its  leading  characteristic,  however,  is  an  alternate 
succession  of  parts,  adapted  to  the  purpose  of  alternate 
recitation  by  two  semi-choruses  in  the  Jewish  worship. 
Bishop  Jebb  considers  the  sublime  hymn  of  Zacharias  (Luke 
i.  67 — 79.)  as  a  dramatic  ode  of  this  description;  and,  in 
confirmation  of  his  opinion,  he  remarks  that  Zacharias  must 
have  been  familiar  with  this  character  of  composition,  both 
as  a  pious  and  literate  Jew,  much  conversant  with  the  de- 
votional and  lyric  poetry  of  his  country,  and  also  as  an  offici- 
ating priest,  accustomed  to  bear  his  part  in  the  choral  service 
of  the  temple.  Dr.  J.  has  accordingly  printed  that  hymn  in 
Greek  and  English,  in  the  form  of  a  dramatic  ode:  and  by 
this  mode  of  distribution  has  satisfactorily  elucidated  its  true 
meaning  and  grammatical  construction  in  many  passages, 
which  have  hitherto  in  vain  exercised  the  acumen  of  critics.6 

To  the  preceding  species  of  Hebrew  poetry,  we  may  add, 

7.  The  Acrostic  or  Alphabetical  Poems.  BishopLowth 
considered  this  form  of  poetry  as  one  of  the  lending  charac- 
teristics of  the  productions  of  the  Hebrew  muse :  but  this, 
we  have  seen,7  is  not  the  fact.  It  may  rather  be  viewed  as 
a  subordinate  species,  the  form  of  which  the  bishop  thus 
defines  : — The  acrostic  or  alphabetical  poem  consists  of  twen- 
ty-two lines,  or  of  twenty-two  systems  of  lines,  or  periods, 
or  stanzas,  according  to  the  number  of  the  letters  of  the 
Hebrew  alphabet;  and  every  line,  or  every  stanza,  begins 
with  each  letter  in  its  order,  as  it  stands  in  the  alphabet;  that 
is,  the  first  line,  or  fitai  stanza,  begins  with  n  {alepK).  the 
second  a  (beth),  and  so  on.  This  was  certainly  intended  for 
the  assistance  of  the  memory,  and  was  chiefly  employed  in 
subjects  of  common  use,  as  maxims  of  morality,  and  forms 
of  devotion  ;  which,  being  expressed  in  detached  sen! 
or  aphorisms  (the  form  in  which  the  sages  of  the  most 
ancient  times  delivered  their  instructions),  the  inconvenience 
arising  from  the  subject,  the  want  of  connection  in  the  parts, 
and  of  a  regular  train  of  thought  carried  through  the  whole, 

■  Bishop  Lowth  defines  an  idyl  to  be  a  poem  of  moderate  length,  of  a 
"iniforu:  middle  style,  chiefly  distinguished  for  elegance  and  sweetness ; 
regular  and  clear  as  to  the  plot,  conduct,  and  arrangement. 

*  Lowth,  Praelect.  xviii. — xxxiv. 

*  Bauer,  Hermeneut.  Sacr.  p.  386. 

♦  Bishop  Horsley's  Book  of  Psalms  translated  from  the  Hebrew,  vol.  i. 
fref.  p.  rv. 

•  See  Vol.  n.  p.  238. 

•  Sacred  Literature,  pp.  404— 417.  i  Bee  p.  374.  supra. 


was  remedied  by  this  artificial  contrivance  iu  the  form. 
There  are  still  extant  in  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament 
twelve*  of  these  poems:  three  of  them  perfectly  alphabeti- 
cal,9 in  which  every  line  is  marked  by  its  initial  letter;  the 
other  nine  less  perfectly  alphabetical,  in  which  every  stanza 
only  is  so  distinguished.  Of  the  three  former  it  is  to 
be  remarked,  that  not  only  every  single  line  is  distinguished 
by  its  initial  letter,  but  that  the  whole  poem  is  laid  out  into 
Stanzas;  two10  of  these  poems  each  into  ten  stanzas,  all  of 
two  lines  except  the  two  last  stanzas  in  each,  which  are  of 
three  lines;  in  these  the  sense  and  the  construction  mani- 
festly point  out  the  division  into  stanzas,  and  mark  the  limit 
of  every  stanza.  The  third1'  of  these  perfectly  alphabetical 
poems  consists  of  twenty-two  stanzas  of  three  lines:  but  in 
this  the  initial  letter  of  every  stanza  is  also  the  initial  letter 
of  every  line  of  that  stanza:  so  that  both  the  lines  and  the 
stanzas  are  infallibly  limited.  And  in  all  the  three  poems 
the  pauses  of  the  sentences  coincide  with  the  pauses  of  the 
lines  and  stanzas.  It  is  also  further  to  be  observed  of  these 
three  poems,  that  the  lines,  so  determined  by  the  initial  letters  in 
the  same  poem,  are  remarkably  equal  to  one  another  in  length, 
in  the  number  of  words  nearly,  and,  probably,  in  the  number 
of  syllables;  and  that  the  lines  of  the  same  stanza  have  a 
remarkable  congruity  one  with  another,  in  the  matter  and  the 
form,  in  the  sense  and  the  construction. 

Of  the  other  nine  poems  less  perfectly  alphabetical,  in 
which  the  stanzas  only  are  marked  with  initial  letters,  six12 
consist  of  stanzas  of  two  lines,  two13  of  stanzas  of  three  lines, 
and  oneH  of  stanzas  of  four  lines  :  not  taking  into  the  account 
at  present  some  irregularities,  which  in  all  probability  are  to 
be  imputed  to  the  mistakes  of  transcribers.  And  these 
stanzas  likewise  naturally  divide  themselves  into  their  dis- 
tinct lines,  the  sense  ana  the  construction  plainly  pointino- 
out  their  limits  :  and  the  lines  have  the  same  congruity  one 
with  another  in  matter  and  form,  as  was  above  observed,  in 
regard  to  the  poems  more  perfectly  alphabetical. 

Another  thing  to  be  observed  of  the  three  poems  perfectly 
alphabetical  is,  that  in  two15  of  them  the  lines  are  snorter 
than  those  of  the  third13  by  about  one  third  part,  or  almost 
half;  and  of  the  other  nine  poems  the  stanzas  only  of  which 
are  alphabetical,  that  three1'  consist  of  the  longer  lines,  and 
the  six  others  of  the  shorter. 

VII.  We  have  already  had  occasion  to  remark,  that  the 
poetry  of  the  Hebrews  derives  its  chief  excellence  from  its 
being  dedicated  to  religion.  Nothing  can  be  conceived  more 
elevated,  more  beautiful,  or  more  elegant,  than  the  composi- 
tions of  the  Hebrew  bards ;  in  which  the  sublimity  oi  the 
subject  is  fully  equalled  by  the  energy  of  the  language  and 
the  dignity  of  the  style.  Compared  with  them,  the  most 
brilliant  productions  of  the  Greek  and  Roman  muses,  who 
often  employed  themselves  on  frivolous  or  very  trifling 
themes,  are  infinitely  inferior  in  the  scale  of  excellence.  The 
Hebrew  poet,  who  worshipped  Jehovah  as  the  sovereign  of 
his  people — who  believed  all  the  laws,  whether  sacred  or 
civil,  which  he  was  bound  to  obey,  to  be  of  divine  enactment 
— and  who  was  taught  that  man  was  dependent  upon  God  frji 
every  thing — meditated  upon  nothing  but  Jehovah  ;  to  Him 
he  devoutly  referred  all  things,  and  placed  his  supreme 
delight  in  celebrating  the  divine  attributes  and  perfections. 
If,  however,  we  would  enter  fully  into  the  beauties  of  the 
sacred  poets,  there  are  two  General  Observations,  which  it 
will  be  necessary  to  keep  in  mind  whenever  we  analyze  or 
examine  the  Songs  of  Sion. 

1.  The  first  is,  that  we  carefully  investigate  their  nature 
and  genius. 

Tor,  .is  the  Hebrew  poems,  though  various  in  their  kinds,  are  each 
marked  by  a  character  peculiar  to  itself,  and  by  which  they  are  distinguish- 
ed from  each  other,  we  shall  be  enabled  to  enter  more  fully  into  their  ele- 

ii'l  beauty,  if  we  have  a  correct  view  of  their  form  and  arrange- 
iu. nt  Por  instance,  if  we  wish  critically  to  expound  the  Psalms,  we  ought 
to  investigate  the  nature  and  properties  of  the  Hebrew  ode,  as  well  as  the 
form  and  structure  of  the  Hebrew  elegies,  &c,  and  ascertain  in  what  re- 
■pecta  ihey  differ  from  the  odes,  elegies,  &c.  of  the  Greek  poets.  In  like 
manner,  when  studying  the  Proverbs  of  Solomon,  we  should  recollect  that 
the  most  ancient  kind  of  instruction  was  by  means  of  moral  sentences,  in 
Which  the  firal  principles  of  ancient  philosophy  were  contained;  and,  from 

i  ison  of  the  Hebrew,  Greek,  and  other  gnomic  sentences,  we  should 
investigate  the  principal  characters  of  a  proverb.  In  the  book  of  Job  are 
to  be  observed  the  unity  of  action,  delineation  of  manners,  the  externa.' 
form  and  construction  of  the  poem,  &c. 


•  Psal.  xxv.  xxxiv.  x.xxvii.  cxi.  cxii.  cxix.  cxlv.  Prov.  xxxi.  10—31.  Lam.  I 
ii.  iii.  iv. 

»  Psal.  cxi.  cxii.  Lament  iii. 

>»  Psal.  cxi.  cxii.  •*  Lament  U 

««  Psal.  xxv.  xxxiv.  cxix.  cxlv.  Prov.  xxxi.  Lam.  iv. 
'»  Lam.  i.  ii.  »«  Psal.  xxiTii.  :»  Psal.  cxl  cill. 

»•  Lament,  iii.  "  Lament  L  ii.  I*. 


382 


GENERAL  OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE 


[Part  II.  Rw,t  II. 


2.  Further,  in  interpreting  the  compositions  of  the  Hebrew 
oards,  it  ought  not  to  be  forgotten,  that  the  objects  of  our  atten- 
tion are  the  productions  of  poets,  and  of  oriental  poets  in 
particular. 

It  is  therefore  necessary  that  we  should  be  acquainted  with  the  country 
in  which  the  poet  lived,  its  situation  and  peculiarities,  and  also  with  the 
manners  of  the  inhabitants,  and  the  idiom  of  the  language.  Oriental  portry 
abounds  with  strong  expressions,  bold  metaphors,  glowing  sentiments,  and 
animated  descriptions,  portrayed  in  the  most  lively  colours.  Hence  the 
words  of  the  Hebrew  poets  are  neither  to  be  understood  in  too  laxa  sense, 
nor  to  be  interpreted  too  literally.  In  the  comparisons  introduced  by  them, 
the  point  of  resemblance  between  the  object  of  comparison,  and  the  thing 


with  which  it  is  compared,  should  be  examined,  but  not  strained  too  far 
and  the  lorce  of  the  personifications,  allegories,  or  other  figurr-s  that  may 
be  introduced,  should  be  fully  considered.  Above  ail,  it  should  be  recol- 
lected, that  as  the  sacred  poets  lived  in  the  East,  their  ideas  and  manners 
were  totally  different  from  ours,  and,  consequently,  are  not  to  be  considered 
according  to  our  modes  of  thinking.  From  inattention  to  this  circumstance, 
the  productions  of  the  Hebrew  muse  have  neither  been  correctly  under 
stood,  nor  their  beauties  duly  felt  and  appreciated. 

The  reader  will  find  some  hints  for  the  special  ttudy  of  the 
book  of  Psalms,  in  Vol.  II.  pp.  244,  245.,  ar?d  also  a  copious 
analysis  of  the  book  of  Job,  with  observations  for  the  better 
understanding  of  it,  in  pp.  235,  236.  of  the  same  volume. 


CHAPTER  III. 

ON     THE     SPIRITUAL    INTERPRETATION     OF     THE    SCRIPTURES. 

SECTION  I. 


GENERAL  OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE  SPIRITUAL  INTERPRETATION  OF  THE  SCRIPTURES. 


It  has  been  a  favourite  notion  with  some  divines,  that  the 
mystical  or  spiritual  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures  had  its 
first  origin  in  the  synagogue,  and  was  thence  adopted  by  our 
Lord  and  his  apostles,  when  arguing  with  the  Jews:  and 
that  from  them  it  was  received  by  the  fathers  of  the  Chris- 
tian church,  from  whom  it  has  been  transmitted  to  us.  The 
inference  deduced  by  many  of  these  eminently  learned  men 
is,  that  no  such  interpretation  is  admissible :  while  other 
commentators  and  critics  have  exaggerated  and  carried  it  to 
the  extreme.  But,  if  the  argument  against  a  thing  from  the 
possibility  of  its  being  abused  be  inadmissible  in  questions 
of  a  secular  nature,  it  is  equally  inadmissible  in  the  exposi- 
tion of  the  Sacred  Writings.  All  bur  ideas  are  admitted 
through  the  medium  of  the  senses,  and  consequently  refer  in 
the  first  place  to  external  objects :  but  no  sooner  are  we  con- 
vinced that  we  possess  an  immaterial  soul  or  spirit,  than  we 
find  occasion  for  other  terms,  or,  for  want  of  these,  another 
application  of  the  same  terms  to  a  different  class  of  objects ; 
and  hence  arises  the  necessity  of  resorting  to  figurative  and 
spiritual  interpretation.  Now,  the  object  of  revelation  being 
to  make  known  things  which  "  eye  hath  not  seen  nor  ear 
heard,  nor  have  entered  into  the  heart  of  man  to  conceive," 
it  seems  hardly  possible  that  the  human  mind  should  be 
capable  of  apprehending  them,  but  through  the  medium  of 
figurative  language  or  mystical  representations. 

"  The  foundation  of  religion  and  virtue  being  laid  in  the 
mind  and  heart,  the  secret  dispositions  and  genuine  acts  of 
which  are  invisible,  and  known  only  to  a  man's  self;  there- 
fore the  powers  and  operations  of  the  mind  can  only  be 
expressed  in  figurative  terms  and  external  symbols.  The 
motives  also  and  inducements  to  practice  are  spiritual,  such 
as  affect  men  in  a  way  of  moral  influence,  and  not  of  natural 
efficiency;  the  principal  of  which  are  drawn  from  the  consi- 
deration of  a  future  state ;  and,  consequently,  these  likewise 
must  be  represented  by  allegories  and  similitudes,  taken  from 
things  most  known  and  familiar  here.  And  thus  we  find  in 
Scripture  the  state  of  religion  illustrated  by  all  the  beautiful 
images  we  can  conceive ;  in  which  natural  unity,  order,  and 
harmony  consist,  as  regulated  by  the  strictest  and  most 
exact  rules  of  discipline,  taken  from  those  observed  in  the 
best  ordered  temporal  government.  In  the  interpretation  of 
places,  in  which  any  of  these  images  are  contained,  the 
principal  regard  is  to  be  had  to  the  figurative  or  spiritual,  and 
not  to  the  literal  sense  of  the  words.  From  not  attending  to 
which,  have  arisen  absurd  doctrines  and  inferences,  which 
weak  men  have  endeavoured  to  establish  as  Scripture  truths ; 
whereas,  in  the  other  method  of  explication,  the  tilings  are 
plain  and  easy  to  every  one's  capacity,  make  the  deepest  and 
most  lasting  impressions  upon  their  minds,  and  have  the 
greatest  influence  upon  their  practice.  Of  this  nature  are  all 
the  rites  and  ceremonies  prescribed  to  the  Jews,  with  relation 
to  the  external  form  of  religious  worship ;  every  one  of  which 
was  intended  to  show  the  obligation  or  recommend  the  prac- 
tice of  some  moral  duty,  and  was  esteemed  of  no  further  use 

1  The  present  chanter  is  abridged  from  Rambach's  Institutiones  Herme- 
neuticte  Sacrae,  pp.  67— 82.  compared  with  his  "Commentatio  Hermeneu- 
Kca  de  Sensus  Mystici  Criteriis  ex  genuinis  principiis  deducta,  necessa- 
'iisquc  iautclis  circumscripta."  6vo.  Jena?,  1728. 


than  as  it  produced  that  effect.  And  the  same  may  b« 
applied  to  the  rewards  and  punishments  peculiar  to  the 
Christian  dispensation,  which  regard  a  future  state.  The 
rewards  are  set  forth  by  those  things,  in  which  the  generality 
of  men  take  their  greatest  delight,  and  place  their  highest 
satisfaction  in  this  life ;  and  the  punishments  are  such  as  are 
inflicted  by  human  laws  upon  the  worst  of  malefactors ;  but 
they  can  neither  of  them  be  understood  in  the  strictly  literal 
sense,  but  only  by  way  of  analogy,  and  corresponding  in  the 
general  nature  and  intention  ol  the  thing,  though  very  dif- 
ferent in  kind."2 

But  independently  of  the  able  argument  a  priori,  here  cited, 
in  favour  of  the  mediate,  mystical,  or  spiritual  interpretation 
of  the  Scriptures,  unless  such  interpretation  be  admitted,  we 
cannot  avoid  one  of  two  great  difficulties :  for,  either  we  must 
assert  that  the  multitude  of  applications,  made  by  Christ  and 
his  apostles,  are  fanciful  and  unauthorized,  and  wholly  inade- 
quate to  prove  the  points  for  which  they  are  quoted ;  or,  on 
the  other  hand,  we  must  believe  that  the  obvious  and  natural 
sense  of  such  passages  was  never  intended,  and  that  it  was  a 
mere  illusion.  The  Christian  will  not  assent  to  the  former 
of  these  positions  ;  the  philosopher  and  the  critic  will  not 
readily  assent  to  the  latter.3  It  has  been  erroneously  sup- 
posed that  this  mediate,  or  mystical  interpretation  of  Scrip- 
ture is  confined  to  the  New  Testament  exclusively;  we  have, 
however,  clear  evidence  of  its  adoption  by  some  of  the  sacred 
writers  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  a  few  instances  will  suf- 
fice to  prove  its  existence. 

1.  In  Exod.  xxviii.  38.  Moses  says,  that  the  diadem  or  plate 
of  gold,  worn  upon  certain  solemn  festivals  upon  the  high  priest'a 
forehead,  signified  that  he  bore  in  a  vicarious  and  typical  manner 
the  sin  of  the  holy  things,  and  made  an  atonement  for  the  imper- 
fection of  ihe  Hebrew  offerings  and  sacrifices. 

2.  In  Lev.  xxvi.  41.  and  Deut.  x.  16.  and  xxx.  6.,  he  men- 
tions the  circumcision  of  the  heart,  which  was  signified  by  the 
circumcision  of  the  flesh.  (Compare  Jer.  iv.  4.  vi.  10.  and  ix. 
25,  26.  with  Exod.  vi.  12.  30.) 

3.  Further,  the  great  lawgiver  of  the  Jews  explains  the  histori- 
cal and  typical  import  of  all  their  great  festivals. 

Thus,  in  Exod.  xiii.  13.  and  Num.  iii.  12,  13.  44—51.  and  xviii.  14—16.,  he 
shows  the  twofold  meaning  of  the  redemption  of  their  first-born  sons,  viz. 
that  the  first-born  of  the  Hebrews  were  preserved  while  Egypt  groaned 
beneath  the  plague  inflicted  by  divine  vengeance,  and  thai  the  first-born 
sons  were  formerly  consecrated  to  the  priesthood ;  which  being  afterwards 
transferred  to  the  tribe  of  Levi,  the  first-born  sons  were  exchanged  for 
the  Levites,  and  were  thenceforth  to  be  redeemed.  The  whole  of  the 
sacrificial  law  showed  that  the  bloody  sacrifices  morally  signified  the  pu- 
nishment  of  the  person  for  or  by  whom  they  were  offered  ;  and  that  the 
other  sacred  rites  of  the  Hebrews  should  have  a  symbolical  or  spiritual 
import  will  be  obvious  to  every  one,  who  recollects  the  frequent  use  of 
symbols  which  obtained  in  Egypt,  from  which  country  Moses  brought  out 
the  Hebrews 

The  precepts  delivered  in  the  New  Testament  concerning 
the  sacraments  plainly  intimate  that  those  very  sacred  rites 
were  then  about  to  receive  their  real  accomplishment,  anc 
their  symbolical  or  spiritual  meaning  is  explained. 

»  Dr.  John  Clarke's  Enquiry  into  the  Origin  of  Evil,  in  the  folio  colUv- 
tion  of  lloyle's  Lectures,  vol.  iii.  p.  229. 
»  See  Bishop  Middleton  on  the  Greek  Article,  p.  580.  first  edition. 


Chap.  III.   Sect.  II.] 


SI'IKITI  AI.  INTERPRETATION  OF  SCRIP TUKE. 


383 


1.  Sec,  for  instance,  Rom.  vi. :) — 1 1.  Col,  ii.  12.  1  Cor.  vi.  1 1. 
u.  S3 — 27.  Eph.  v,  20.  ami  Tit.  iii.  5.  In  which  last  pa 
baptism  (by  immersion  in  water  probably)  is  said  to  signify  not 
only  the  moral  ablution  of  sin,  but  also  the  death  and  burial  of 
guilty  man,  and  (by  his  emersion  from  the  water)  his  resurrec- 
tion to  a  pious  and  virtuous  life  :  in  other  words,  our  death  unto 
■in,  and  our  obligation  to  walk  in  newness  of  life.  The  spiritual 
import  of  the  Lord's  supper  is  self-evident. 

2.  Lastly,  since  we  learn  from  the  New  Testament  that  some 
histories,  which  in  themselves  convey  no  peculiar  meaning,  must 
!»•  interpreted  allegoricallj  ot  mystically  (as  Gal.  iv.  22 — 24.), 
and  that  persons  and  things  are  there  evidently  types  and  em- 
blems of  the  Christian  dispensation,  and  its  divine  founder,  as  in 
Matt  xii.  40.  John  iii.  14,  15.  1  Cor.  x.  4.  and  Heb.  vii.  2,  3. 
it  is  plain  thai  the  mystical  sense  ought  to  be  followed  in  the 
histories  and  prophecies'  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  especially  in 
mcb  passages  as  an'  referred  to  by  the  inspired  writers  of  the 
New  Testamenl  ;  who  having  nivcn  us  the  key  by  which  to 
unlock  the  mystical  sense  of  Scripture,  we  not  only  may  but 
ought  cautiously  and  diligently  to  make  use  of  it. 

Where  the  inspired  writere  themselves  direct  us  to  such  an 
interpretation,  when  otherwise  we  might  not  perceive  its 
necessity,  thru  we  have  an  absolute  authority  for  the  exposi- 
tion, which  supersedes  our  own  conjectures,  and  we  are  not 
only  sale  in  abiding  by  that  authority,  but  should  be  unwar- 
ranted in  rejecting  it. 


SECTION  II. 

a  SONS    FOR  THE    SPIRITUAL    INTERPRETATION    OF  SCRIPTURE. 

The  Spiritual  Interpretation  of  the  Bible,  "  like  all  other 
rrood  things,  is  liable  to  abuse ;  and  that  it  hath  been  actually 
abused,  both  in  ancient  and  modem  days,  cannot  be  denied. 
He,  who  shall  go  about  to  apply,  in  this  way,  any  passage, 
before  he  hath  attained  its  literal  meaning,  may  say  in  itself 
what  is  pious  and  true,  but  foreign  to  the  text  from  which  he 
endeavoureth  to  deduce  it.  St.  Jerome,  it  is  well  known, 
when  grown  older  and  wiser,  lamented  that,  in  the  fervours 
r»f  a  youthful  fancy,  he  had  spiritualized  the  prophecy  of  Oba- 
diah,  before  he  understood  it.  And  it  must,  he  allowed  that 
a  due  attention  to  the  occasion  and  scope  of  the  Psalms  would 
pared  off  many  unseemly  excrescences,  which  now 
deform  the  commentaries  of  St.  Augustine  and  other  fathers 
upon  them.  But  these  and  other  concessions  of  the  same 
kind  being  made,  as  they  are  made  very  freely,  men  of  sense 
will  consider,  that  a  principle  i3  not  therefore  to  be  rejected, 
•'cause  it  has  been  abused;  since  human  errors  can  never 
invalidate  the  truths  of  God.''- 

The  literal  sense,  it  has  been  well  observed,  is,  undoubt- 
edly, first  in  point  of  nature  as  well  as  in  order  of  significa- 
tion ;  and  consequently,  when  investigating  the  meaning  of 
any  passage,  this  must  be  ascertained  before  we  proceed  to 
search  out  its  mystical  import :  but  the  true  and  genuine 
mystical  or  spiritual  sense  excels  the  literal  in  dignity,  the 
hitter  being  only  the  medium  of  conveying  the  former,  which 
is  more  evidently  designed  by  the  Holy  Spirit.  For  instance, 
in  Num.  xxi.  8,  9.  compared  with  John  iii.  11.  the  brazen 
serpent  is  said  to  have  been  lifted  up,  in  order  to  signify  the 
lifting  up  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  Saviour  of  the  world;  and, 
lequently,  that  the  type  might  serve  to  designate  the 
antitype.3 

Though  the  true  spiritual  sense  of  a  text  is  undoubtedly  to 
be  most  highly  esteemed,  it  by  no  means  follows  that  we  are 
>k  for  it  in  every  passage  of  Scripture;  it  is  not,  how- 
eve.,  to  be  inferred  that  spiritual  interpretations  are  to  be 
rejected,  although  they  should  not  be  clearly  expressed.  It 
may  be  considered  as  an  axiom  in  sacred  henueueuties,  that 

SPIRITUAL    MEANING    OF    A    PASSAGE     IS    thtTt    unit/    TO    BE 

1  On  the  Double  Sense  of  Prophecy,  sec  pp.  .T90,  391.  infra. 

*  Hishii))  Home's  Commentary  on  tlie  Psalms,  vol  i  Preface.  (Works, 
ii.  p.  x.)  "The  importance,  then,  of  figurative  and  mystical  interpretation 
can  hardly  be  called  in  question.  The  entire  neglect  of  ii  must,  in  many 
cases,  greatly  vitiate  expositions,  however  otherwise  valuable  for  their  eru- 
dition and  judgment  In  explaining  the  prophetical  writings  and  the  Mosaic 
ordinances,  this  defect  will  be  most  striking  ;  since,  in  consequence  "I  it. 
not  only  the  spirit  and  force  of  many  passages  will  almost  wholly  evaporate, 
but  erroneous  conceptions  may  he  formed  of  their  real  purport  and  inten- 
tion." Up.  Vanmildert's  Hampton  Lectures,  p.  SflO.  Ram  bach  has  adduced 
several  instances,  which  str-ngly  confirm  these  solid  observations,  Institut. 
Uerm.  Sacr.  p.  81. 

•  Rauibach,  Institutiunes  ilermcneuticffi  Sacra?,  p.  72. 
Vol.  L  3  E 


SOUOHV,  WHERE    IT    IS    EVIDENT,  FROM  Certain  CRITERIA,  THAT 

seen  meaning  was  designed  by  the  Holy  Spirit. 

The  criteria,  by  which  to  ascertain  whether  there  is  a 
latent  spiritual  meaning  in  any  passage  of  Scripture,  are  two 
fold  :  either  they  are  suited  in  the  text  itself,  or  they  are  to  be 
fun  ml  in  some  other  passages. 

I.  IV here  the  criteria  are  sealed  in  the  text,  vestiges  of  a  spi- 
ritual mewtittg  are  discernible,  when  things,  which  ure  affirmed 
concerning  the  person  or  thing  immediately  treated  of,  are  so 
august  and  illustrious  that  Hoy  rim  not  in  any  way  be  applied 
to  it,  in  the  fullest  sense  of  the  words. 

The  word  of  God  is  the  word  of  truth :  there  is  nothing  super- 
fluous, nothing  deficient  in  it.  The  writings  of  the  prophets, 
especially  those  of  Isaiah,  abound  with  instances  of  this  kind. 
Thus,  in  the  14th,  40th,  41st,  and  4!)lh  chapters  of  that  evangeli- 
cal prophet,  the  return  of  the  .lews  from  the  Babylonish  captivity 
is  announced  in  the  most  lofty  and  magnificent  terms.  Hi 
describes  their  way  as  levelled  before  them,  valleys  filled  op, 
mountains  reduced  to  plains,  cedars  and  other  shady  trees,  and 
fragrant  herbs,  as  springing  up  to  refresh  them  on  their  journey . 
and  declares  that  they  shall  suffer  neither  hunger  nor  thirst 
during  their  return.  The  Jews,  thus  restored  to  their  native 
land,  he  represents  as  a  holy  people,  chosen  by  Jehovah,  cleansed 
from  all  iniquity,  and  taught  by  God  himself,  &c.&c.  Now,  when 
we  compare  this  description  with  the  accounts  actually  given  of 
their  return  to  Palestine,  by  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  we  do  not  find 
any  thing  corresponding  with  the  events  predicted  by  Isaiah : 
neither  do  they  represent  the  manners  of  the  people  as  reformed, 
agreeably  to  the  prophet's  statement.  On  the  contrary,  their 
profligacy  is  frequently  reproved  by  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  in  the 
most  pointed  terms,  as  well  as  by  the  prophet  Haggai.  In  this 
description,  therefore,  of  their  deliverance  from  captivity,  wc  must 
look  beyond  it  to  that  infinitely  higher  deliverance,  which  in  the 
fulness  of  time  was  accomplished  by  Jesus  Christ :  "  who  by 
himself  once  offered,  hath  thereby  made  a  full,  perfect,  and  suffi- 
cient sacrifice,  oblation,  and  atonement  for  the  sins  of  the  whole 
world,"  and  thus  "hath  opened  the  kingdom  of  heaven  to  all 
believers." 

We  proceed  to  show  in  what  cases  it -will  be  proper  to  have 
recourse  to  other  passages  of  Scripture. 

II.  Where  the  spiritual  meaning  of  a  text  is  latent,  the  Holy 
Spirit  (under  whose  direction  the  sacred  penmen  wrote)  some- 
times clearly  and  expressly  asserts  that  one  thing  or  person  was 
divinely  constituted  or  appointed  lo  be  a  figure  or  symbol  of 
another  thing  or  person  :  in  which  case  the  indisputable  tes- 
timony of  eternal  truth  removes  and  cuts  off  every  ground 
of  doubt  and  uncertainty. 

For  instance,  if  we  compare  Psalm  ex.  4.  with  Heb.  vii.  1.  we 
shall  find  that  JWelchisedec  was  a  type  of  Messiah,  the  great  high- 
priest  and  king.  So  Hagar  and  Sarah  wen  types  of  the  Jewish 
and  Christian  churches.  (Gal.  iv.  22 — 24.)  Jonah  was  a  type 
of  Christ's  resurrection  (Matt.  xii.  40.) :  the  manna,  of  Christ 
himself,  and  of  his  heavenly  doctrine.  (John  vi.  32.)  The  rock 
in  the  wilderness,  whence  water  issued,  on  being  struck  by  Moses, 
represented  Christ  to  the  Israelites  (1  Cor.  x.  4.)  ;  and  the  en- 
trance of  the  high-priest  into  the  holy  of  holies,  on  the  day  of 
expiation,  with  the  blood  of  the  victim,  is  expressly  stated  by 
Saint  Paul  to  have  prefigured  the  entrance  of  Jesus  Christ  into 
the  presence  of  God,  with  his  own  blood.  (Heb.  ix.  7 — 20.) 

III.  Sometimes,  however,  the  mystical  sense  is  intimated  by  tin 
Holy  Spirit  in  a  more  obscure  manner,-  and  witluml  excludh ■■_- 
the  practice  of  sober  and  pious  meditation,  we  are  led  by  various 
intimations  {which  require  very  diligent  observation  and  study) 
to  the  knowledge  of  the  spiritual  or  mystical  meaning.  This 
chiefly  occurs  in  the  following  cases. 

1.  When  the  antitype  is  proposed  under  figurative  namei 
taken  from  the  Old  Testament. 

Thus,  in  1  Cor.  v.  7.  Christ  is  called  the  Paschal  Lamb :— in  1  Cor  I 
he  is  called  the  last  Adam  ;  the  first  Adam,  therefore,  was  in  some  n 
a  type  or  figure  of  Christ,  who  in  Ezekie]  xxxiv.  23.  is  further  called  David 
In  like  manner,  the  kingdom  of  Antichrist  is  mentioned  under  the  appella- 
tions of  Sodom,  Egypt,  and  Babylon,  in  Rev.  xi.  8.  and  xvi.  19. 

2.  When,  by  a  manifest  allusion  of  words  and  phrases,  the 
Scripture  refers  one  thing  to  another  ,■  or,  when  the  arguments 
of  the  inspired  writers  either  plainly  intimate  it  to  have  a  spi- 
ritual meaning,  or  when  such  meaning  is  tacitly  implied. 

(1.)  Thus,  from  Isa.  ix.  4.,  which  alludes  to  the  victory  obtained  by  Gideon 
(Judges  vii.  22.),  we  learn  that  this  represents  the  victory  which  Chnsl 
should  obtain  by  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  as  Vitringa  has  largery  shown 
on  this  passage.  -_     „ 

(2.)  So,  when  St.  Paul  is  arguing  against  the  Jews  from  the  types  of  sarah, 
Hagar,  Melchisedec,  Sec.  he  supposes  ttut  in  these  memorable  Old  Te«rt» 


384 


SPIRITUAL  INTERPRETATION  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


[Paiit  II.  Book  II 


ment  personages  there  were  some  flunks  in  which  Christ  and  his  mystical 
body  the  church  were  delineated,  and  that  these  things  were  admitted  by 
his  opponents:  otherwise  his  argument  would  be  inconclusive.  Hence  it 
follows,  that  Isaac,  and  other  persons  mentioned  in  the  Old  Testament,  of 
whom  there  is  no  typical  or  spiritual  signification  given  in  the  Scriptures, 
in  express  terms,  were  types  of  Christ  in  many  things  that  happened  to 
them,  or  were  performed  by  them.  In  like  manner,  St.  Paul  shows  (1  Cor. 
ft.  9. 10.)  that  the  precept  iii  Dent.  xxv.  4.  relative  to  the  muzzling  of  oxen, 
has  a  higher  spiritual  meaning  than  is  suggested  by  the  mere  letter  of  the 
command. 

Such  are  the  most  important  criteria,  by  which  to  ascertain 
whether  a  passage  may  require  a  spiritual  interpretation,  or 
not.  But  although  these  rules  will  afford  essential  assistance 
in  enabling  us  to  determine  this  point,  it  is  another  and  equally 
important  question,  in  what  manner  that  interpretation  is  to 
be  regulated. 

In  the  consideration  of  this  topic,  it  will  be  sufficient  to 
remark,  that  the  general  principles  already  laid  down,1  with 
respect  to  the  figurative  and  allegorical  interpretation  of  the 
Scriptures,  are  applicable  to  the  spiritual  exposition  of  the 
Sacred  Writings.  It  only  remains  to  add,  that  all  mystical 
or  spiritual  interpretations  must  be  such  as  really  illustrate, 
not  obscure  or  perplex  the  subject.  Agreeably  to  the  sound 
maxim  adopted  by  divines,  they  must  not  be  made  the  foun- 
dation of  articles  of  faith,  but  must  be  offered  only  to  explain 
or  confirm  what  is  elsewhere  more  clearly  revealed  ;'  and 
above  all,  they  must  on  no  account  or  pretext  whatever  be 
sought  after  in  matters  of  little  moment. 

In  the  spiritual  interpretation  of  Scripture,  there  are  two 
extremes  to  be  avoided,  viz.  on  the  one  hand,  that  we  do  not 
restrict  such  interpretation  within  too  narrow  limits;  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  that  we  do  not  seek  for  mystical  meanings  in 
every  passage,  to  the  exclusion  of  its  literal  and  common 
sense,  when  that  sense  is  sufficiently  clear  and  intelligible. 
The  latter  of  these  two  extremes  is  that  to  which  men  have 
in  every  age  been  most  liable.  Hence  it  is  that  we  find 
instances  of  it  in  the  more  ancient  Jewish  doctors,  especially 
in  Philo,  and  a,mong  many  of  the  fathers,  as  Cyprian,  Jerome, 
Augustine,  and  others,  and  particularly  in  Origen,  who  ap- 
pears to  have  derived  his  system  of  allegorizing  the  Sacred 
Writings  from  the  school  of  Plato.  Nor  are  modern  expo- 
sitors altogether  free  from  these  extravagancies.3 

•  See  Chapter  I.  Sections  I.  III.  and  IV.  pp.  355—358.  and  361—366.  supra. 

a  "Est  regula  theologorum,  sensum  mygticum  non  esse  argumentati- 
vum,  hoc  est,  non  suppeditare  firma  ac  solida  arguinenta,  quibus  dogmata 
fidei  inaedificentui."     Rambach,  Inst.  Herm.  Sacr.  pp.  72,  73. 

»  Thus,  Cocceius  represented  the  entire  history  of  the  Old  Testament 
as  a  mirror,  which  held  forth  an  accurate  view  of  the  transactions  and 
events  that  were  to  happen  in  the  church  under  the  New  Testament  dis- 
pensation, to  the  end  of  the  world.  He  further  affirmed,  that  by  far  the 
greatest  part  of  the  ancient  prophecies  foretold  Christ's  ministry  and  medi- 
ation, together  with  the  rise,  progress,  and  revolutions  of  the  church,  not 
only  under  the  figure  of  persons  and  transactions,  but  in  a  literal  manner, 
and  by  the  sense  of  the  words  used  in  these  predictions.  And  he  laid  it 
down  a3  a  fundamental  rule  of  interpretation  that  the  icords  and  phrases 
of  Scripture  are  to  be  understood  in  every  sense  of  which  they  are  suscepti- 
ble: or,  in  other  words,  that  they  signify  in  effect  every  thing  which  they 
can  signify.  (Mosheim's  Ecclesiastical  History,  vol.  v.  p.  360.  et  seq.  edit. 
180S.)  These  opinions  have  not  been  without  their  advocates  in  this  coun- 
try ;  and  if  our  limits  permitted,  we  could  adduce  numerous  instances  of 
evident  misinterpretations  of  the  Scriptures  which  have  been  occasioned 
by  the  adoption  of  them  :  one  or  two,  however,  must  suffice.  Thus,  the 
Ten  Commandments,  or  Moral  Law,  as  they  are  usually  termed,  which 
the  most  pious  and  learned  men.  in  every  age  of  the  Christian  church  have 
considered  to  be  rules  or  precepts  for  regulating  the  manners  or  conduct 
of  men,  both  towards  God  and  towards  one  another,  have  been  referred  to 
Jesus  Christ,  under  the  mistaken  idea  that  they  may  be  read  with  a  new 
interest  by  believers !  (See  an  exposition  of  the  Ten  Commandments  on 
the  above  principle,  if  such  a  perversion  of  sense  and  reason  may  be  so 
called,  in  the  Bible  Magazine,  vol.  iv.  pp.  13,  14.)  In  like  manner  the  first 
psalm,  which,  it  is  generally  admitted,  describes  the  respective  happiness 
and  misery  of  the  pious  and  the  wicked,  according  to  the  Cocceian  hypo- 
thesis, has  been  applied  to  the  Saviour  of  the  world,  in  whom  alone  all  the 
characters  of  goodness  are  made  to  centre,  without  any  reference  to  its 
moral  import !  An  ordinary  reader,  who  peruses  Isa:  iv.  1.,  would  natu- 
rally suppose  that  the  prophet  was  predicting  tlV9  calamities  that  should 
Detail  the  impemtently  wicked  Jews,  previously  to  the  Babylonish  capti- 
vity ;  which  calamities  he  represents  to  be  so  great  that  seven  women  shall 
u  v.  °!t  °r?nP  man: that  is'  use  importunity  to  be  married,  and  that  upon 
the  hard  and  unusual  conditions  of  maintaining  themselves.  But  this  sim- 
ple and  literal  meaning  of  the  passage,  agreeably  to  the  rule  that  the  words 
of  Scripture  signify  every  thing  which  they  can  signify,  has  been  distorted 
beyond  measure;  and,  because  in  the  subsequent  verses  of  this  chapter 
the  prophet  makes  a  transition  to  evangelical  times,  this  first  verse  has  been 
made  to  mean  the  rapid  conversion  of  mankind  to  the  Christian  faith  ;  the 
seven  women  are  the  converted  persons,  and  the  one  man  is  Jesus  Christ ' 
A  simple  reference  to  the  context  and  subject-matter  of  the  prophecy  would 
have  shown  that  this  verse  properly  beloneed  to  the  third  chapter,  and  had 
no  reference  whatever  to  Gospel  times.  On  the  absurdity  of  the  exnosi 
tion  just  noticed,  it  is  needless  to  make  any  comment.  It  is  surpassed  onlv 
by  the  reveries  of  a  modern  writer  on  the  Continent,  who  has  pushed  the 
Cocceian  hypothesis  to  the  utmost  bounds.  According  to  his  scheme  the 
incest  of  Lot  and  his  daughters  was  permitted,  only  to  be  a  sign  of  the 
salvation  which  the  world  was  afterwards  to  receive  from  Jesus  Christ  ■  and 
Joshua  the  son  of  Nun  signifies  the  same  thing  as  Jesus  the  son  of  Man ' ' ' 
Kanne's  Christus  im  AHen  Testament, .that  is,  Christ  in  the  Old  Testament 
or  Inquiries  concerning  the  Adumbrations  and  Delineations  of  the  Messiah' 
NUrnberg,  1818,  2  vols.  8vo.  (Melanges  de  Religion,  dc  Morale,  et  de  Cri- 
tique Sacree,  published  at  Nismes,  tome  i.  pp.  159,  160.) 


In  these  strictures,  the  author  trusts  he  shall  not  be 
charged  with  improperly  censuring  "that  fair  and  sober 
accommodation  of  the  historical  and  parabolical  parts  to 
present  times  and  circumstances,  or  to  the  elucidation  of 
either  the  doctrines  or  precepts  of  Christianity,  which  is 
sanctioned  by  the  word  of  God  ;"  and  which  he  has  attempt- 
ed to  illustrate  in  the  preceding  criteria  for  ascertaining  the 
mystical  or  spiritual  meaning  of  the  Scriptures.  Such  an 
accommodation,  it  is  justly  remarked,  is  perfectly  allowable, 
and  may  be  highly  useful ;  and  in  some  cases  it  is  absolutely 
necossary.  "Let  every  truly  pious  man,  however,  be  aware 
of  the  danger  of  extending  this  principle  beyond  its  natural 
and  obvious  application ;  lest  he  should  wander  himself,  and 
lead  others  also  astray  from  that  clearly  traced  and  well 
beaten  path  in  which  we  are  assured  that  even  '  a  wayfaring 
man  though  a  fool  should  not  err.'  Let  no  temptations, 
which  vanity,  a  desire  of  popularity,  or  the  more  specious, 
but  equally  fallacious,  plea  of  usefulness  may  present,  seduce 
him  from  his  tried  way.  On  the  contrary,  let  him  adhere  with 
jealous  care  to  the  plain  and  unforced  dictates  of  the  word  of 
God ,-  lest,  by  departing  from  the  simplicity  of  the  Gospel, 
he  should  inadvertently  contribute  to  the  adulteration  of 
Christianity,  and  to  the  consequent  injury  which  must  thence 
arise  to  the  spiritual  interest  of  his  fellow-creatures."4 

IV.  Application  of  the  preceding  principles  to  the  spi- 
ritual interpretation  of  the  Miracles  recorded  in  the  New 
Testament. 

Although  (as  we  have  already  observed)  the  design  of  mi- 
racles5 is  to  mark  the  divine  interposition,  yet,  when  perusing 
the  miracles  recorded  in  the  Sacred  Writings,  we  are  not  to 
lose  sight  of  the  moral  and  religious  instruction  concealed 
under  them,  and  especially  under  the  miracles  performed  by 
our  Saviour.  "  All  his  miracles,"  indeed,  "  were  undoubtedly 
so  many  testimonies  that  he  was  sent  from  God :  but  they 
were  much  more  than  this,  for  they  were  all  of  such  a 
kind,  and  attended  with  such  circumstances,  as  give  us  an 
insight  into  the  spiritual  state  of  man,  and  the  great  work 
of  his  salvation."  They  were  significant  emblems  of  his 
designs,  and  figures  aptly  representing  the  benefits  to  be 
conferred  by  him  upon  mankind,  and  had  in  them  a  spiritual 
sense. 

Thus,  he  cast  out  evil  spirits,  who,  by  the  Divine  Provi- 
dence, were  permitted  to  exert  themselves  at  that  time,  and  to 
possess  many  persons.  By  this  act  he  showed  that  he  came  to 
destroy  the  empire  of  Satan,  and  seemed  to  foretell  that,  where- 
soever his  doctrine  should  prevail,  idolatry  and  vice  should  be 
put  to  flight. — He  gave  sight  to  the  blind,  a  miracle  well  suiting 
him  who  brought  immortality  to  light,  and  taught  truth  to  an 
ignorant  world.  Lucem  caliganti  reddidit  mundo,  applied  by 
Quintus  Ourtius  to  a  Roman  emperor,  can  be  strictly  applied  to 
Christ,  and  to  him  alone.  No  prophet  ever  did  this  miracle  before 
him,  as  none  ever  made  the  religious  discoveries  which  he  made. 
Our  Saviour  himself  leads  us  to  this  observation,  and  sets  his 
miracle  in  the  same  view,  saying,  upon  that  occasion,  I  am  the 
light  of  the  world;  I  am  come  into  this  -world,  that  they  which 
see  not  might  see.  He  cured  the  deaf,  and  the  dumb,  and  the 
lame,  and  the  infirm,  and  cleansed  the  lepers,  and  healed  all 
manner  of  sicknesses,  to  show  at  the  same  time  that  he  was  the 
physician  of  souls,  which  have  their  diseases  corresponding  in 
some  manner  to  those  of  the  body,  and  are  deaf,  and  dumb,  and 
impotent,  and  paralytic,  and  leprous  in  the  spiritual  sense. — He 
fed  the  hungry  multitudes  by  a  miracle,  which  aptly  represented 
his  heavenly  doctrine,  and  the  Gospel  preached  to  the  poor,  and 
which  he  himself  so  explains,  saying, — J  am  the  living  breaa 
which  came  down  from  heaven;  if  any  man  eat  of  this  bread, 
he  shall  live  for  ever. — He  raised  the  dead,  a  miracle  peculiatly 
suiting  him,  who  at  the  last  day  should  call  forth  all  mankind  to 
appear  before  him ;  and,  therefore,  when  he  raised  Lazarus  he 
uttered  those  majestic  words:  I  am  the  resurrection  and  the 
life ;  he  that  believeth  in  me,  though  he  were  dead,  yet  shall  he 
live. — He  performed  some  miracles  upon  persons  who  were  not 
of  his  own  nation,  and  it  was  ordered  by   Divine  Providence, 

«  Christian  Observer  for  1805,  vol.  iv.  p.  133.  The  two  preceding  pages 
of  this  journal  contain  some  admirable  remarks  on  the  evils  of  spirituali- 
zing the  Sacred  Writings  too  much.  The  same  topic  is  also  further  noticed 
in  volume  xvi.  for  1817,  p.  319.  et  seq.  Many  important  observations  on  the 
history  and  abuses  of  spiritual  interpretation  will  be  found  in  the  late  Rev. 
J.  J.  Conybeare'sBampton  Lectures  for  1824.  The  whole  of  Bishop  Horne'n 
Preface  to  his  Commentary  on  the  Psalm*  is  equally  worthy  of  perusal  for 
its  excellent  observations  on  the  same  question.  The  misapplication  and 
abuse  of  spiritual  interpretation  are  also  pointed  out  by  Bishop  Vanmil- 
dert,  Bampton  Lectures,  p.  241.  et  seq- 

•  The  nature  and  evidence  of  miracles  are  discussed  in  this  volume, 
pp.  93— 119. 


Una*.  111.  Sect.  III.] 


ON  THE    INTERPRETATION  OF  TYPES. 


385 


ihat  these  persons,  as  the  centurion,  the  Syrophcenician  woman, 
the  Samaritan  leper,  should  show  a  greater  degree  of  faith  and 
of  gratitude  than  the  Jews  to  whom  the  same  favours  were 
granted.  This  was  an  indication  that  the  Gomel  would  be 
more  readily  received  hy  the  Gentiles  than  by  the  Jews,  and  this 
our  Saviour  intimates,  saying  when  he  had  commended  the 
centurion's  faith,  Many  shall  come  from  the  east  and  from  the 
west,  from  the  north  and  from  the  south,  and  shall  sit  down  with 
Abraham  and  Isaac  ami  .Jacob  in  the  kingdom  of  heaven ;  but 
the  children  of  the  kingdom  shall  be  cast  out  into  utter  darknett. 
It  were  easy  to  adduce  other  instances,  hut  the  preceding 
will   suffice;  to  establish   tin'  rule,  especially  as    the  spiritual 

Import  of  the  Christian  miracles  is  particularly  considered  by 

every  writer  that  has  expressly  illustrated  them,  but  by  no 
one  with  more  sobriety  than  by  Dr.  Jortin,  to  whom  we  are 
indebted  for  most  of  the  preceding  illustrations.1 


SECTION  111. 

ON    THE    INTERPRETATION    OF    TVPKS. 

I.  Nature  of  a  type. — II.  Different  species  of  types. — I.  Legal 
types. — 2.  Prophetical  types. — 3.  Historical  types. — III.  Rules 
for  the  interpretation  of  types. — IV.  Remarks  on  the  inter- 
pretation of  symbols. 

I.  A  Type,  in  its  primary  and  literal  meaning,  simply 
tenotes  a  rough  draught,-  or  less  accurate  model,  from  which 
i  more  perfect  image  is  made  ;  but,  in  the  sacred  or  theolo- 
gical sense  of  the  term,  a  type  may  be  defined  to  be  a  symbol 
of  something  future  and  distant,  or  an  example  prepared  and 
evidently  designed  by  God  to  prefigure  that  future  thing. 
What  is  thus  prefigured  is  callecf  the  antitype.3 

1.  The  first  characteristic  of  a  type  is  its  adumbratjon  of 

THE  THING  TYPIFIED. 

One  thing  may  adumbrate  another, — cither  in  something  which 
it  has  in  common  with  the  other ;  as  the  Jewish  victims  by  their 
leath  represented  Christ,  who  in  the  fulness  of  time  was  to  die 
k>r  mankind, — or  in  a  symbol  of  some  property  possessed  by  the 
other  ;  as  the  images  of  the  cherubim,  placed  in  the  inner  sanc- 
tuary of  the  temple,  beautifully  represented  the  celerity  of  the 
angels  of  heaven,  not  indeed  by  any  celerity  of  their  own,  but  by 
win?*  of  curious  contrivance,  which  exhibited  an  appropriate 
symbol  of  swiftness, — or  in  any  other  way,  in  which  the  thing 
representing  can  be  compared  with  the  thing  represented  ;  as 
Mclchisedec  the  priest  of  the  Most  High  God  represented  Jesus 
Christ  our  priest.  For  though  Melchiscdec  was  not  an  eternal 
priest,  yet  the  sacred  writers  have  attributed  to  him  a  slender  and 
shadowy  appearance  of  eternity,  by  not  mentioning  the  genea- 
logy of  the  parents,  the  birth  or  death  of  so  illustrious  a  man.  as 
they  commonly  do  in  the  case  of  other  eminent  persons,  but 
under  the  divine  direction  concealing  all  these  particulars. 

'2.  The  next  requisite  to  constitute  a  type  is,  that  it  be 

PREPARED  AND  DESIGNED  BY  GoD  TO  REPRESENT  ITS  ANTITYPE.3 

This  forms  the  distinction  between  a  type  and  a  simile  ;  for 
many  things  are  compared  to  others,  which  they  were  not  made 
to  resemble,  for  the  purpose  of  representing  them.  For,  though 
it  is  said  that  "  all  flesh  is  grass,  and  all  the  glory  of  man  as  the 
(lower  of  grass"  (1  Pet.  i.  24.),  no  one  can  consider  the  tenuity 
of  grass  as  a  type  of  human  weakness,  or  the  flower  of  cr 
a  type  of  human  glory.  The  same  remark  must  be  applied  abo 
to  a  metaphor,  or  that  species  of  simile  in  which  one  thins;  is 
called  by  the  name  of  another  ;  for,  though  Herod  from  his  cun- 
ning is  called  a  fox  (Luke  xiii.  32.),  and  Judah  for  his  courage 
a  lion's  whelp  (Gen.  xlix.  9.),  yet  no  one  supposes  foxes  to  be 
types  of  Herod,  or  young  lions  types  of  Judah. 

3.  Our  definition  of  a'type  includes  also,  that  the  object 

REPRESENTED  BY  IT  IS  SOMETHING  FUTURE. 

•  Sec  Dr.  Jorlin's  Remarks  on  Ecclesiastical  History,  vol  i.  pp  967 

>'2d  edit.)    See  also  Dr.  Dodd's  Discourses  on  the  Miracles  of  llie  New 
Testament,  and  Dr.  Collyer's  Lectures  on  Scripture  Miracles. 

»  Out  ram  de  Sacrificiis,  lib.  i.  c.  18.  or  p.  215.  of  Mr.  Allen's  accurate 
translation.  This  work  is  of  singular  value  to  the  divinity  student ;  as  af- 
fording, in  a  comparatively  small  compass,  one  of  the  most  masterly  vin- 
dications of  the  vicarious  atonement  of  Christ  that  ever  was  published. 

•  "It  is  essential,"  observes  Bp.  Vanmildert,  "  to  a  type,  in  the  scriptural 
acceptation  of  the  terra,  that  there  should  be  a  competent  evidence  of  the 
divine  intention  in  the  correspondence  between  it  and  the  antitype,— a 
matter  not  left  to  the  imagination  of  the  expositor  to  discover,  but  resting 
on  some  solid  proof  from  Scripture  itself;  that  this  was  really  the  case." 
Bampton  Lectures,  p.  239. 


Those  institutions  of  Moses,  which  partook  of  the  nature  of 
types,  are  called  "a  shallow  of  things  to  come"  (Col.  ii.  17.)  ; 
and  those  things  which  happened  unto  the  fathers  for  types  are 
said  to  have  been  written  for  our  admonition,  "upon  whom  the 
ends  of  the  world  arc  come."  (1  Cor.  x.  1.  11.)  In  the  same 
MUM  the  Mosaic  law,  which  abounded  with  numerous  types,  is 
declan  d  to  have  had  "  a  shadow  of  good  things  to  come."  (Heb. 
x.  1.)  And  those  things  which  by  the  command  of  God  were 
formerly  transacted  in  the  tabernacle,  arc  described  as  prefiguring 
what  was  afterwards  to  be  done  in  the  heavenly  sanctuary.  (Heb. 
ix.  11,  12.  23,  24.)  Hence  it  appears,  that  a  type  and  a  symbol 
differ  from  each  other  as  a  genus  and  species.  The  term  symbol 
is  equally  applicable  to  that  which  represents  a  thing,  past,  pre- 
sent, or  future  ;  whereas  the  object  represented  by  a  type  iainva- 
riably  future.  So  that  all  the  rites  which  signified  to  the  Jews 
any  virtues  that  they  were  to  practise,  ought  to  be  called  symbols 
Tather  than  types  ;  and  those  rites,  if  there  were  any,  which 
were  divinely  appointed  to  represent  things  both  present  and 
future,  may  be  regarded  as  both  symbols  and  types  ; — symbols, 
as  denoting  things  present ;  and  types,  as  indicating  things 
future. 

4.  We  may  further  remark,  that  a  type  differs  from  a  para- 
ble, in  being  grounded  on  a  matter  of  fact,  not  on  a  fictitious 
narrative,  but  is  much  of  the  same  nature  in  actions,  or  things 
and  persons,  as  an  allegory  is  in  words;  though  allegories 
are  frequently  so  plain,  that  it  is  scarcely  possible  for  any 
man  to  mistake  them;  and  thus  it  is,  in  many  cases,  with 
respect  to  types. 

Where,  indeed,  there  is  only  one  type  or  Tesemblance,  it  is  in 
some  instances  not  so  easily  discernible  ;  but  where  several  cir- 
cumstances concur,  it  is  scarcely  possible  not  to  perceive  the  agree- 
ment subsisting  between  the  type  and  the  antitype.  Thus,  the 
ark  was  a  type  of  baptism  ;  the  land  of  Canaan,  of  heaven  ;  the 
elevation  of  the  brazen  serpent,  and  the  prophet  Jonah,  of  oui 
Saviour's  crucifixion  and  resurrection. 

II.  In  the  examination  of  the  Sacred  Writings,  three  Spi  - 
cies  of  types  present  themselves  to  our  consideration;  viz. 
Legal  Types,  or  those  contained  in  the  Mosaic  law  ;  Proph't- 
icat  Types,  and  Hit itorical , Types. 

1.  Lkgal  Typks. — It  evidently  appears,  from  comparing  the 
history  and  economy  of  Moses  with  the  whole  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament, that  the  ritual  law  was  typical  of  the  Messiah  and  of 
Gospel  blessings  ;  and  this  point  has  been  so  clearly  established 
by  the  great  apostle  of  the  Gentiles  in  his  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
that  it  will  suffice  to  adduce  a  very  few  examples,  to  show  the 
nature  of  Legal  Types. 

Thus,  the  entire  constitution,  and  offerings  of  the  Levitical  priesthood, 
typically  prefigured  Christ  the  great  high-priest  (Heb.  v.  vie  viii.);  and 
especially  the  ceremonies  observed  on  the  great  day  of  atonement.  (Lev. 
xvi.  with  Hi  b.  i\  throughout,  and  x.  1—22.)  So,  the  passover  and  the 
;  lamb  typified  the  sacrifice  of  Jesus  Christ  (Exod.  xii.  3.  et  seq. 
with  John  six  30.  and  1  Cor.  v.  7):  so,  the  feast  of  Pentecost,  which  com- 
memorated (lie  giving  of  the  law  on  Mount  Sinai  (Exod.  xix.  xx.),  pre- 
figured tlr  effusion  of  the  Holy  Spirit  on  the  apostles,  who  were  thus 
enabled  to  promulgate  the  Gospel  throughout  the  then  known  world.  (Acts 
ii.  1-11.)  And  it  lias  been  conjectured*  that  the  feast  of  tabernacles  typi- 
fies 'he  final  restoration  of  the  Jews.  In  like  manner,  the  privileges  of 
the  Jews  w<  re  types  of  those  enjoyed  by  all  true  Christians;  "for  their 
relation  to  God  as  his  people,  signified  by  the  name  Israelite  (Rom.  ix.  4.), 
prefigured  the  more  honourable  relation,  in  which  believers,  the  true 
o  God. — Their  adoption  as  the  sons  of  God,  and  the  privileges 
they  wei  entitled  to  by  that  adoption,  were  types  of  believers  being  made 
partaker-  of  the  dirinr  nature  by  the  renewing  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  of 
their  title  to  the  inheritance  of  heaven. — The  residence  of  the  glory,  first 
in  the  tabernacle  and  then  in  the  temple,  was  a  figure  of  the  residence  of 
God  I'v  his  Spirit  in  the  Christian  ehoxch,  His  temple  on  earth,  and  of  His 
eternal  residence  in  that  church  broug)  tfcm  in  heaven.—  Tie 

covenant  tri:'.    I  IS  the  new  or  Gospel  covenant,  the  blessings  of 

which  were  tj  pifieri  by  the  temporal  blessings  promised  to  him  and  to  his 
natural  seed;  and  the  roxenant  at  Sinai,  whereby  the  Israelites,  as  the  u  .. 
shippers  ol  the  true  God,  were  separated  from  the  idolatrous  nations,  wa> 
an  emblem  of  the  final  separation  of  the  righteous  from  the  wicked.— In  the 
giving  of  the  law,  and  the  formation  of  the  Israelites  into  a  nation  or  com- 
mdnity,  was  represented  the  formation  of  a  city  of  the  living  God,  and  of 
the  general  assembly  of  the  church  of  the  first-born.— Lastly,  the  heavenly 
country,  the  habitation  of  the  righteous,  was  typified  by  Canaan,  a  country 
given  to  the  Israelites  by  God's  promise."* 

2.  PnopiiKTicAi.  Types  are  those,  by  which  the  divinely  in- 
spired prophets  prefigured  or  signified  things  either  present  or 
future,  by  means  of  external  symbols. 

Of  this  description  is  the  prophet  Isaiah's  going  naked  (that  is,  without 
his  prophetic  garment)  and  barefoot  (Isa.  xx.  2),  to  prefizure  the  fatal  de- 
struction of  the  E»vptians  and  Ethiopians.— The  hiding  of  a  girdle  in  a  rock 
on  the  banks  of  "the  Euphrates,  which,  on  being  subsequently  taken 
thence,   proved  to   be  rotten,   to  denote  the  destruction  which  would 

«  By  Bp.  Elrinaton  (formerly  Provost  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin).  See 
the  grounds  of  this  conjecture  ably  supported  in  Dr.  Graves  s  Lecture" 
on  the  Pentateuch,  vol.  ii.  pp.  393— 095.  n 

»  Dr.  Macknight  on  Rom.  ix.  4.  note  1. 


386 


ON  THE  INTERPRETATION  OT  TYPES. 


f  Paht  II.  Book  II. 


lily  befall  the  abandoned  and  ungrateful  Jewish  people  (.ler.  xiii.  1—7. 
ired  With  the  following  verses):— the  abstaining  from  marriage  (Jer. 
<vi.  2.1,  mourning  (ver.  5.),  and  feasting  (ver.  8.),  to  indicate  the  woful  ca- 
lamities denounced  by  Jehovah  against  his  people  for  their  sins.  Similar 
litiee  are  prefigured  by  breaking  a  potter's  vessel.  (Jer.  xviii.  2—10.) 
Hy  making  bonds  and  yokes  (Jer.  xxvii.  1—8.)  is  prefigured  the  subjugation 
of  the  kings  of  Edom,  Moab,  the  Ammonites,  Tyre,  and  Sidon,  by  Nebu- 
nczzar;  and  in  like  manner,  Agabus's  binding  his  own  hands  with 
Paul's  girdle  intimated  the  apostle's  captivity  at  Jerusalem.  (Actsxxi.10, 11.)' 
To  this  class  of  types  may  be  referred  prophetical  and  typical  visions 
■if  future  events:  some  of  these  have  their  interpretation  annexed:  as 
Ferecainh's  vision  of  the  almond  tree  and  a  seething  pot  (Jer.  i.  11— 16.), 
Ezekiel's  vision  of  the  resurrection  of  dry  bone3  (Ezek.  xxxvii.),  with 
many  similar  instances  recorded  in  the  Saered  Writings.  Other  typical 
visions,  however,  will  in  all  probability  be  explained  only  by  their  actual 
accomplishment;  as  Ezekiel's  vision  of  the  temple  and  holy  city  (ch.  xl. 
to  the  end),  and  especially  the  Revelation  of  Saint  John  :  which  will  then 
be  most  clear  and  intelligible  when  the  whole  is  fulfilled  ;  as  we  can  now 
plainly  read  the  calling  of  the  Gentiles  in  many  parts  of  Ihe  Old  Testament, 
which  seemed  so  strange  a  thing,  before  it  was  accomplished,  even  to 
those  who  were  well  acquainted  with  the  writings  of  the  prophets.  See 
in  instance  of  this  in  Acts  xi.  1 — 18. 

3.  Historical  Types  are  the  characters,  actions,  and  fortunes 
of  some  eminent  persons  recorded  in  the  Old  Testament,  so 
ordered  by  Divine  Providence  as  to  be  exact  prefigurations  of 
the  characters,  actions,  and  fortunes,  of  future  persons  who 
should  arise  under  the  Gospel  dispensation. 

In  some  instances,  the  persons  whose  characters  and  actions  prefigured 
future  events,  were  declared  by  Jehovah  himself  to  be  typical,  long  be- 
fore the  events  which  they  prefigured  came  to  pass:  these  have  been 
termed  innate,  or  natural  historical  types;  and  these  maybe  safely  ad- 
mitted.  But  inferred  types,  or  those  in  which  typical  persons  were  not 
known  to  be  such,  until  after  the  things  which  they  typified  had  actually 
happened  (and  which  can  only  be  consequentially  ascertained  to  be  such 
by  probabilities  supposed  to  be  agreeable  to  the  analogy  of  faith),  cannot 
be  too  carefully  avoided,  notwithstanding  they  have  the  sanction  of  some 
eminent  expositors,  because  they  are  not  supported  by  the  authority  of 
the  inspired  writers  of  the  New  Testament.* 

III.  From  the  preceding  remarks  and  statements  it  will  be 
obvious,  that  gTeat  caution  is  necessary  in  the  Interpreta- 
tion of  Types  ;  for  unless  we  have  the  authority  of  the 
sacred  writers  themselves  for  it,  we  cannot  conclude  with 
certainty  that  this  or  that  person  or  thing,  which  is  mentioned 
in  the  Old  Testament,  is  a  type  of  Christ  on  account  of  the 
resemblance  which  we  may  perceive  between  them  :  but  we 
may  admit  it  as  probable.  "  Whatever  persons  or  things 
recorded  in  the  Old  Testament  were  expressly  declared  by 
Christ,  or  by  his  apostles,  to  have'been  designed  as  prefigu- 
rations  of  persons  or  things  relating  to  the  lS7ew  Testament, 
such  persons  or  things  so  recorded  in  the  former  zre  types  of 
the  persons  or  things  with  which  they  are  compared  in  the 
latter.  But  if  we  assert,  that  a  person  or  thing  was  designed 
to  prefigure  another  person  or  thing,  where  no  such  prefigura- 
tion  has  been  declared  by  divine  authority,  we  make  an  asser- 
tion for  which  we  neither  have,  nor  can  have,  the  slightest 
foundation.  And  even  when  comparisons  are  instituted  in  the 
New  Testament  between  antecedent  and  subsequent  persons 
or  things,  we  must  be  careful  to  distinguish  the  examples, 
where  a  comparison  is  instituted  merely  for  the  sake  of  illus- 
tration, from  the  examples  where  such  a  connection  is  declared, 
as  exists  in  the  relation  of  a  type  to  its  antitype."3  In  the 
.nterpretation  of  types,  therefore, 

I.  There  must  be  a  Jit  application  of  the  Type  to  the  Antitype. 

''To  constitute  one  thing  the  type  of  another,  as  the  term  is  generally 
understood  in  reference  to  Scripture,  something  more  is  wanted  than  mere 
resemblance.  The  former  must,  not  only  resemble  the  latter,  but  must 
have  been  designed  to  resemble  the  latter.  It  must  have  been  so  designed 
in  its  original  institution.  It  must  have  been  designed  as  something  pre- 
paratory to  the  latter.  The  type,  as  well  as  the  antitype,  must  have  been 
(reordained;  and  they  must  have  been  preordained  as  constituent  parts 
of  the  same  general  scheme  of  Divine  Providence.  It  is  this  previous  de- 
*ign  and  this  preordained  connection,  which  constitute  the  relation  of  type 
a  id  antitype.  Where  these  qualities  fail,  where  the  previous  design  and 
t  e  preordained  connection  are  wanting,  the  relation  between  any  two 
i.  nigs,  however  similar  in  themselves,  is  not  the  relation  of  type  to  anti- 
t  rpe.  «  In  further  explanation  of  this  canon,  it  may  be  remarked,  that  in 
a  type  every  circumstance  is  far  from  being  typical,  as  in  a  parable  there 
are  several  incidents,  which  are  not  to  be  considered  as  parts  of  the  para- 
ble, nor  to  be  insisted  upon  as  such.  From  not  considering  the  evident 
relation  which  ought  to  subsist  between  the  type  and  the  antitvpe,  some 
fanciful  expositors  under  pretence  that  the  tabernacle  of  Moses  was  a 
figure  of  the  church  or  of  heaven,  have  converted  even  the  very  boards 
and  nails  of  it  into  types.  Thus  Cardinal  Bellarmine"  found  the  mass  to 
be  typified  by  Melchisedec's  bringing  forth  bread  and  wine,  he  bom"  a 


'  °!ne,r  examples  or;  and  observations  on,  prophetical  types,  may  be 
Beenin  Dr. .Nares^sWarburtonian  Lectures  on  the  Prophecies  concerning 

the  Messiah,  pp.  70— 86.  1 1/  — 125.  ° 

'The  subject  of  historical  types  is  copiously  (but  in  some  respects  fan- 
cifully) elucidated  by  Huet  in  his  Demonstrate  Evanzelica  can  170  vr,l  ii 
pp.  1056-1074.  Amst.  1G80;  and  hy  Or.  Macknight  in  his  Essay  on  the 
right  Interpretation  of  the  Language  of  Scripture,  in  vol.  iv.  or  vi  (4to  or 
3vo.)  of  his  translation  of  the  Apostolical  Epistles,  Essay  viii.  sect.  1—5 
The  interpretation  of  types,  generally,  is  vindicated  by  Alber,  agairist  the 
•nodern  neologian  divines  on  the  Continent,  in  his  Institutiones  Herme- 
neuticse  Nov.  Test.  vol.  i.  pp.  63 — 85. 
•  Bishop  Marsh's  Lectures,  part  iii.  p-  !  15  •»  Ibid,  part  iii.  p.  113 

»  De  Missa,  lib.  i.  c.  9 


priest  of  the  Most  High  God.  The  same  great  adversary  of  the  Protestants 
(in  his  Treatise  de  Laicis)  in  like  manner  discovered  that  their  secession 
under  Luther  "  was  typified  by  the  secession  of  the  ten  tribes  under  Jero- 
boam; while  the  Lutherans,  with  equal  reason,  retorted  that  Jeroboam 
was  a  type  of  the  Pope,  and  that  the  secession  of  Israel  from  Judah  typi- 
fied, not  the  secession  of  the  Protestants  under  Luther,  but  the  secession 
of  the  church  of  Rome  from  primitive  Christianity.  But,  to  whichever  of 
the  two  events  the  secession  under  Jeroboam  may  be  supposed  the  most 
similar  (if  similarity  exist  there  at  all  beyond  the  mere  act  of  secession), 
we  have  no  authority  for  pronouncing  it  a  type  of  either.  We  have  no 
proof  of  previous  design  and  of  preordained  connection  between  the 
subjects  of  comparison  ;  we  have  no  proof  that  the  secession  of  the  Israel- 
ites under  Jeroboam  was  designed  to  prefigure  any  other  secession  what- 
ever."* From  the  same  inattention  to  considering  the  necessarily  evident 
relation  between  the  type  and  the  antitype,  the  Hebrew  monarch  Saul, 
whose  name  is  by  interpretation  Death,  has  been  made  a  type  of  the  moral 
law,  which  Saint  Paul  terms  the  "  ministration  of  death."  (2  Cor.  iii.  7.)  In 
like  manner,  the  period,  which  elapsed  between  the  anointii.g  of  David 
and  the  death  of  Saul,  has  been  made  to  typify  the  time  of  Christ's  minis- 
try upon  earth  ! !  And  the  long  war  between  the  house  of  Saul  and  the 
house  of  David  (2  Sam.  iii.  1.),  in  which  David  waxed  stronger  and 
stronger,  and  the  house  of  Saul  weaker  and  weaker,  has  been  represent- 
ed as  strikingly  portrayed  in  the  lengthened  contests  between  the  right- 
eousness of  faith  and  that  of  works  so  often  alluded  to  in  the  epistles, 
especially  in  those  addressed  to  the  Romans  and  Galatians  !  ! !' 

It  were  no  difficult  task  to  adduce  numerous  similar  examples 
of  abuse  in  the  interpretation  of  types ;  but  the  preceding  will 
suffice  to  show  the  danger  of  falling  into  it,  and  the  necessity  of 
confining  our  attention  to  the  strict  relation  between  the  type  and 
the  antitype.  In  further  illustration  of  this  canon  it  may  be 
remarked,  that  in  expounding  typical  passages  two  points  should 
be  always  kept  in  mind,  viz. 

(1.)  The  Type  must  in  the  first  instance  he  explained 
according  to  its  literal  sense  ;  and  if  any  part  of  it  appear  to 
be  obscure,  such  obscurity  must  be  removed :  as  in  the  history 
of  Jonah,  ivho  was  swallowed  by  a  great  fish,  and  cast  ashore 
on  the  third  day. 

(2.)  The  Analogy  between  the  thing  prefiguring  and  th* 
thing  prefigured  ?nust  be  soberly  shown  in  all  its  parts. 

The  criteria  for  ascertaining  this  analogy  are  to  be  found  solely  in  the 
Sacred  Writings  themselves  ;  for  whenever  the  Holy  Spirit  refers  any 
thing  to  analogy,  either  expressly  or  by  implication,  there  we  may  rest 
assured  that  such  analogy  was  designed  by  God.  But  further  than  this  wc 
cannot  safely  go. 

2.  There  is  often  more  in  the  Type  than  in  the  Antitype. 

God  designed  one  person  or  thing  in  the  Old  Testament  to  be  a  type  o: 
shadow  of  things  to  come,  not  in  all  things,  but  only  in  respect  to  some  par 
ticular  thing  or  things:  hence  we  find  many  things  in  the  type  that  art 
inapplicable  to  the  antitype.  The  use  of  this  canon  is  shown  in  the  Epistle 
to  the  Hebrews,  in  which  the  ritual  and  sacrifices  of  the  Old  Testament 
are  fairly  accommodated  to  Jesus  Christ  the  antitype,  although  there  are. 
many  things  in  that  priesthood  which  do  not  accord.  Thus  the  priest  was 
to  offer  sacrifice  for  his  own  sins  (Heb.  v.  3),  which  is  in  no  respect  appli- 
cable to  Christ,  (Heb.  vii.  27.)  Again,  the  Mosaic  priesthood  is  (vii.  18.) 
weak  and  unprofitable,  neither  of  which  characters  can  be  applied  to  the 
Redeemer,  who  continueth  ever,  and  hath  an  unchangeable  priesthood. 
(vii.  24,  20.) 

3.  Frequently  there  is  more  in  the  Antitype  than  ir.  the 
Type. 

The  reason  of  this  canon  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  preceding  rale  :  for, 
as  no  single  type  can  express  the  life  and  particular  actions  of  Christ 
there  is  necessarily  more  in  the  antitype  than  can  be  found  in  the  type 
itself;  so  that  one  type  must  signify  one  thing,  and  another  type  another 
thing.  Thus,  one  goat  could  not  typify  Christ  both  in  his  death  and  resur 
rection:  therefore  two  were  appointed  (Lev.  xvi.  7.),  one  of  which  was 
offered,  and  prefigured  his  "full,  perfect,  and  sufficient  atonement;"  while 
the  other,  which  was  dismissed,  typified  his  triumph  over  death  and  the 
grave.  In  like  manner,  Moses  was  a  type  of  Christ  as  a  Deliverer,  or 
Saviour,  in  bringing  the  children  of  Israel  out  of  Egypt,  and  Joshua,  in 
bringing  them  into  Canaan,  which  was  a  type  of  heaven, — the  true  country 
of  all  sincere  Christians. 

4.  The  wicked,  as  such,  are  not  to  be  made  Types  of 
Christ. 

For  how  can  a  thing,  which  is  bad  in  itself,  prefigure  or  typify  a  thing 
that  is  good  1  Yet,  for  want  of  attending  to  this  obvious  and  almost  self 
evident  proposition,  some'  expositors  have  interpreted  the  adultery  of 
David,  and  the  incest  of  Amnon,  as  typical  of  the  Messiah  !  and  the  oak  on 
which  Absalom  was  suspended  by  the  hair  of  the  head  has  been  made  » 
type  of  the  cross  of  Christ !»  It  is  not,  however,  to  be  denied,  that  the 
punishments  of  some  malefactors  are  accommodated  to  Christ  as  an  anti 
type.  Thus,  Deut.  xxi.  23.  is  by  Saint  Paul  accommodated  typically  tc 
him,  Gal.  iii.  13.  Jonah,  we  have  already  observed,  was  a  type  of  Christ, 
by  his  continuance  three  days  and  three  nights  in  the  belly  of  a  great  fish  : 
but  the  point  of  resemblance  is  to  be  sought,  not  in  his  being  there  as  the 
punishment  of  his  disobedience  to  the  divine  command,  but  in  his  coming 
forth,  at  the  expiration  of  that  time,  alive,  and  in  perfect  vigour  ;  which 
coming  forth  prefigured  the  resurrection  of  Christ. 

5.  In  Types  and  Antitypes,  an  enallage  or  change  sometimes 
takes  place  ;  as  when  the  thing  prefigured  assumes  the  name 
of  the  Type  or  figure  ;  and,  on  the  contrary, when  the  Type  of 
the  thing  represented  assumes  the  name  of  the  Antitype. 


*'  Bp.  Marsh's  Lectures,  part  iii.  117. 

'  The  reader  who  may  be  desirous  of  seeing  the  above  extravagant  typi 
fications  treated  at  length,  will  find  them  minutely  stated,  with  other  similar 
particulars  equally  extravagant,  in  the  "  Bible  Magazine,"  vol.  iv.  pp.  22—29. 

«  Azorius,  the  Spanish  Jesuit,  in  his  Institutiones  Morales,  lib.  viii.  c.  2. 
and  Cornelius  a  Lapide  in  Proefat.  ad  Pentateuch,  canon  40. 

•  By  Gretzer,  De  Cruce,  lib.  i.  c.  6. 


I 


.-HAP.  III.    SiiCT.   III.] 


ON  THE  INTERPRETATION  OF  TYPES. 


387 


Of  the  first  kind  of  ensilage  we  have  example!  in  Ezck.  xxxiv.  '.is.  xxxvii 
YA,  'St.  and  Hos  Hi.  B.  j  In  which  d  il  Me    dab's  kingdom  be  is 

■lylfii  David  '  became  as  he  was  prefigured  by  David  in  many  n 
■a  Qe  was  to  descend  from  him.    In  like  mannei  Cbrlal  li  called  >  tamo 
(John  I.  29.  •'*>.  and  Rev.  \i.v.  7.  '.i.):  becai  m  emi- 

neat  type  of  him.    So,  the  Christian  church  is  sometimes  called  Mount 
Sion  and  Jerusalem  (Gal,  iv.  26.  Heb.  xii  32.  Hcv.  xxL  -' ).  b 
places  were  types  of  her. 

Of  die  second  kiin!  of  enallage  we  have  Instances:-  l.  in  prophetical 
types,  in  which  the  name  "i  a  person  or  thing,  properly  agreeing  with  the 
antitype,  and  for  which  the  typo  was  proposed,  is  given  i<>  any  one  ..  In 
Isa.  vfl.  3.  and  viii.  1    3.    So,  tno  winrof  the  prophet  Hosi  II    ilegitl- 

mate  children,  are  by  the  command  of  Jehovah  termed  atri/i  of  whore- 
damn,  an. I  children  of  whoredoms  a  acconnl  "i  the  uraeliti   . 

who  were  the  antitype,  and  were  guilty  of  spiritual  whoredom  ox  adultery. 
See  tins,  i   i.  6,  '.'      '.  In  historical  types,  as  when  hanging  was  called  In 
the  Old  Testament  the  curse  ol  the  Lord,  because  It  was  made  a  I 
Christ,  who  was  made  a  cut       for  our  sin  ,  as  the  apostle  Paul  argues  in 
Gal.  in.  13. 

G.  That  we  may  not  fall  into  extremes,  in  the  interpretation 
of  Tybea,  we  must,  in  every  instance,  proceed  cautiously, 
"  -with  fear  and  trembling*'  lest  we  imagine  mysteries  to  exist 
where  none  were  ever  intended, 

.No  mystical  or  typical  sense,  therefore,  ought  in  be  put  upon  a  plain 
passage  ol  Sci  Ipture,  the  meaning  of  which  is  obvious  anil  natural ;  unless 
ii  In'  evident  from  some  other  pari  of  8cripture  that  the  place  is  to  !"■ 
understood  in  a  double  sense.  When  Paul  says  (Gal.  ill.  24.  Col.  ii.  17.) 
that  tin-  lute  was  a  schoolmaster  t"  bring  men  t»  Christ,  ami  a  shadow  of 
things  to  come,  we  must  instantly  acknowledge  thai  the  ceremonial  law  in 
general  was  a  type  of  the  mysteries  of  the  Gospel.  Nothing  can  be  more 
contrary  to  that  sober  judgment  which  la  mi  strenuously  urged  by  the 
apostle  (R xii.  3  >,  than  to  seek  for  types  where  there  are  not  the  small- 
est marks  or  traces  of  any  ;  ami  thai,  too,  by  contradicting  the  plain  and 
literal  meaning  of  Scripture,  an. I  nol  unfrequently  in  direct  opposition  to 

e mon  sense.    "Should  not  the  prudence  and  deration  of  Christ  ami 

his  apostles  in  this  respect  be  Imitated  1  is  it  nol  pretending  to  be  wiser 
than  they  won  .  to  look  for  mysteries  where  they  designed  none  I  Bow 
unreasonable  is  i'  to  lay  an  useless  weight  on  the  consciences  of  Christians, 
and  to  bear  down  the  true  and  revealed,  under  the  unwiekfly  burden  of 
traditional  mysteries !"' 

IV.  Closely  connected  with  the  interpretation  of  types  is 
the  expoundino;  of  Symbols  :  which,  though  often  confounded 
with  them,  are  nevertheless  widely  different  in  their  nature. 
Uy  symbol .■-'  we  mean  "certain  representative  marks,  rather 
than  express  pictures;  or,  if  pictures,  such  as  were  at  the 
time  characters,  and,  besides  presenting  to  the  eye  the  resem- 
blance of  a  particular  object,  suggested  a  general  idea  to  the 
mind  As  when  a  horn  was  made  to  denote  strength,  an  eye 
and  sceptre,  majesty,  and  in  numberless  such  instances ;  where 

«  Bcausobre's  Introduction  to  t!.e  New  Testament.  (Bishop  Watson's 
Tracts,  vol.  Hi.  p.  1 10.)  In  the  preceding  observations  on  the  interpretation 
of  types,  the  author  has  chiefly  been  indebted  to  Glassii  Philologia  Sacra, 
lib.  ii.  part  i.  tract  ii  sect.  iv.  col.  442 — 472.,  which  has  been  unaccountably 
omitted  by  Prof  Dathe  in  his  otherwise  truly  valuable  edition  of  that  work  ; 
Langii  Hermeneutica  Sacra,  pp.  97—119.;  J.  K.  1'feiffer,  Inst.  Menu.  Saer. 
PP  ?7."i    795.;  Viser,  Hermeneutica  Sacra  Novi  Testamenti,  part  ii.  pp.  l-l 

188,  The  subject  of  types  is  particularly  considered  and  ably  illustrated 
in  Dr.  Outram  de  Sacrificiis,  particularly  lib.  i-  cap.  18.  and  lib.  ii.  c.  7.  (pp. 
217—228.  361—384.  of  Mr  Allen's  translation  already  noticed);  Mr.  Faber's 
Urn  a1  Mosaicsa  voL  ii.  pp  10 — 173.;  Bishop  Chandler's  Defence  of  Christi- 
anity from  the  Prophecies  of  the  Old  Testament,  &c.  chap.  iii. ;  and  Mr. 
Wilson's  popular  Inquiry  into  the  Doctrine  of  Scripture  Types.  Edin- 
burgh. 1823.  Bvo.  But  the  fullest  view  of  this  subject  is  stated  by  Dr.  Graves 
to  be  found  in  the  Rev.  Samuel  Mather's  work  on  the  Figures  and  Types  of 
the  Old  Testament    Dublin,  1683, 4to. 

»  Before  an  alphabet  was  invented,  an  I  what  we  call  literary  writing  was 
formed  into  an  art,  men  had  no  way  to  record  their  conceptions,  or  to 
convey  them  to  others  at  a  distance,  but  by  Betting  down  the  figures  and 
tropes  of  BUch  things  as  were  the  objects  of  their  contemplation.  Hence, 
the  way  of  writing  in  picture  was  as  universal,  ami  almost  as  early,  as  the 
way  of  speaking  in  metaphor  ;  ami  from  the  same  reason,  the  necessity 
of  the  thing.  In  process  of  time,  and  through  many  successive  improve- 
ments this  rude  and  simple  mode  of  picture-writing  was  succeeded  by 
tiuXot  symbols,  or  was  enlarged  at  least  and  enriched  by  il.  Bishop  Hurd's 
Introdn  tion  to  the  Study  of  the  Prophecies,  serm.  ix.    (Works,  vol.  v. 

p.  -za. 


the  picture  was  not  drawn  to  express  merely  the  thing  itself, 
1 1 nt  something  else,  which  was,  or  was  conceived  to  be, 
analogous  to  it.  This  more  complex  and  ingenious  form  of 
picture-writing  was  much  practised  by  die  Egyptians,  and  is 
that  which  we  know  by  the  name  oflBUroglyphics."* 

It  has  been  doubted  whether  symbolical  language  should 
In  referred  to  figurative  or  spiritual  interpretation:  in  the 
former  case,  it  would  have  occupied  a  place  in  the  discussior 
respecting  the  figurative  language  of  Scripture;  hut,  on  con 
sideration,  it  will  appear  that  it  is  most  nearly  allied  to  spi- 
ritual interpretation.  V<>r  a  symbol  differs  from  a  type  in 
tliis,  respect, that  the  former  represents  Bomethingparf  orpre- 
sent,  while  a  type  represents  something  future.  The  images 
of  the  cherubim  over  the  propitiatory  were  symbols;  the 
bread  and  wine,  iii  the  last  Bupper  also  were  symbols.  The 
commanded  sacrifice  of  Isaac  was  given  for  a  type;  the  sa- 
crifices of  the  law  were  types.  So  far,  Bishop  Warburton 
has  remarked,  symbols  and  types  agree  in  their genus9 thai 
they  are  equally  representations,  but  in  their  species  they  dif- 
fer widely.  It  is  not  required,  he  further  observes,  that  the 
symbol  ahould  partake  of  the  nature  of  the  thing  represented  : 
the  cherubim  shadowed  out  the  celerity  of  angels,  but  not  by 
any  physical  celt  rity  of  their  own;  the  breau  and  wine  sha- 
dowed out  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ,  but  not  by  any 
change  in  the  elements.  Bui  types  being,  on  the  contrary, 
representations  of  things  future,  and  so  partaking  of  the  na- 
ture of  prophecy,  were  to  convey  information  concerning  the 
nature  of  the  antitypes,  or  of  the  things  represented;  wnit  h 
they  could  not  do  but  by  the  exhibition  of  their  own  nature. 
And  hence  we  recollect,  that  the  command  to  offer  Isaac, 
being  the  command  to  offer  a  real  sacrifice,  the  death  and 
sufferings  of  Christ,  thereby  represented,  were  a  real 
fice.  '■ 

As  the  same  rules,  which  regulate  the  general  interpreta- 
tion of  the  tropes  and  figures  occurring  in  the  Scriptures,  un- 
equally applicable  to  the  interpretation  of  symbols,  it  will  be 
sufficient  to  refer  to  a  former  part  of  this  volume,5  in  which 
that  topic  is  particularly  discussed.  Much  light  will  also  be 
thrown  upon  the  symbolical  language  of  Scripture,  by  a 
ful  collation  of  the  writings  of  the  prophets  with  each  other ; 
for  "the  symbolical  language  of  the  prophets  is  almost  a 
science  in  itself.  None  can  fully  comprehend  the  depth, 
sublimity,  and  force  of  their  writings,  who  are  not  tin  roughly 
acquainted  with  the  peculiar  and  appropriate  imagery  they 
were  accustomed  to  use.  This  is  the  main  key  to  many  of 
the  prophecies;  and,  without  knowing  how  to  apply  it,  the 
interpreter  will  often  in  vain  essay  to  discover  their  hiddi  n 
treasures.""  Lastly,  the  diligent  comparison  of  the  New 
Testament  with  the  Old  will  essentially  contribute  to  illustrate 
the  symbolical  phraseology  of  the  prophets.  For  instance, 
we  learn  what  is  intended  by  the  water  promised  to  the  Isra- 
elites in  Isa.  xliv.  3.,  and  to  which  the  thirsty  are  invited  in 
ch.  Iv.  1.,  from  John  iv.  10.  and  vii.  37 — 39.;  where  it  is 
explained  of  the  Holy  Spirit  and  his  gifts  which  were  after- 
wards to  be  dispensed.7 

•  Itishop  Hurd's  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  the  Prophecies,  serai,  ix. 
(Works,  vol.  v.  p.  239.) 

•  Divine  Legation  of  Moses,  book  ix  ch.  ii.    (Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  289.  8vo. 
edit.) 

»  See  pp.  355 — 358.  supra. 

•  Bp.  v'anmildert's  Lectures,  p.  240. 

'  See  a  Concise  Dictionary  of  the  Symbolical  Language  of  Prophecy 
infra,  Vol.  II.  Index  II.  pp.  457.  et  seq. 


388 


GENERAL  RULES  FOR  ASCERTAINING  THE 


[Pabt  II.  Book  II 


CHAPTER  IV. 

JN     THE      INTERPRETATION    #OF     THE      SCRIPTURE     PROPHECIES. 

SECTION    I. 


GENERAL    RULES    FOR    ASCERTAINING   THE    SENSE    OF   THE    PROPHETIC    WRITINGS. 


Prophecy,  or  the  prediction  of  future  events,  is  justly  con- 
sidered as  the  highest  evidence  that  can  be  given,  of  super- 
natural communion  with  the  Deity.  The  force  of  the  argu- 
ment from  prophecy,  for  proving  the  divine  inspiration  of  the 
sacred  records,  has  already  been  exhibited  ;  ana  the  cavils  of 
objectors,  from  its  alleged  obscurity,  has  been  obviated.1 
Difficulties,  it  is  readily  admitted,  do  exist  in  understanding 
the  prophetic  writings :  but  these  are  either  owing  to  our 
ignorance  of  history  and  of  the  Scriptures,  or  because  the 
prophecies  themselves  are  yet  unfulfilled.  The  latter  can 
only  be  understood  when  the  events  foretold  have  actually 
been  accomplished  :  but  the  former  class  of  difficulties  may 
be  removed  in  many,  if  not  in  all  cases ;  and  the  knowledge, 
sense,  and  meaning  of  the  prophets  may,  in  a  considerable 
degree,  be  attained  by  prayer,  reading,  and  meditation,  and 
by  comparing  Scripture  with  Scripture,  especially  with  the 
writings  of  the  New  Testament,  and  particularly  with  the 
book  of  the  Revelation.2  With  this  view,  the  following 
general  rules  will  be  found  useful  in  investigating  the  sense 
and  meaning  of  the  prophecies,  as  well  as  their  accomplish- 
ment. 

I.  As  not  any  prophecy  of  Scripture  is  »f  self-interpretation, 
(2  Pet.  i.  20.),  or  is  its  own  interpreter,  "the  sense  of  the  pro- 
phecy is  to  be  sought  in  the  events  of  the  -world,  and  in  the 
harmony  of  the  prophetic  -writings,  rather  than  in  the  bare 
terms  of  any  single  pre  diction?'3 

In  the  consideration  of  this  canon,  the  following  circumstances 
should  be  carefully  attended  to: — 

(1.)  Consider  well  the  times  when  the  several  prophets 
fourished,  in  what  place  and  under  what  kings  they  uttered 
their  predictions,  the  duration  of  their  prophetic  ministry,  and 
their  personal  rank  and  condition,  and,  lastly,  whatever  can 
be  known  respecting  their  life  a?id  transactions. 

These  particulars,  indeed,  cannot  in  every  instance  be  ascertained,  the 
circumstances  relating  to  many  ot"  the  prophets  being  very  obscure  :  but, 
where  they  can  be  known,  it  is  necessary  to  attend  to  them,  as  this  will 
materially  contribute  to  the  right  understanding  of  the  prophetic  writings.* 
Thus,  in  order  to  understand  correctly  the  prophecy  of  Isaiah,  we  should 
make  ourselves  acquainted  with  the  state  and  condition  of  the  people  of 
Israel  under  the  kings  Amaziah,  Uzziah,  Jotham,  Ahaz,  and  Hezekiah. 
With  this  view,  the  books  of  Kings  (2.  xiv. — xxi.)  and  2Chron.  (xvi.— xxii.) 
oi;.^ht  to  be  repeatedly  perused  and  studied;  because  they  contain  an 
accurate  view  of  the  state  of  those  times. 

(2.)  The  situation  of  the  particular  places,  of  which  the 
tirophels  speak,  must  also  be  kept  in  mind,  as  well  as  that  of 
the  neighbouring  places  :  there  being  in  the  prophetic  writings 
frequent  allusions  to  the  situation  and  ancient  names  of 
ttlac.es. 

'  f»e  V?'  *'  p,)'  119— H2-  For  an  account  of  the  Prophets,  see  VoL  II. 
pp.  2o3— 259.  and  for  an  analysis  of  their  writings,  with  critical  remarks 
thereon,  see  also  Vol.  II.  pp.  259—289.  .      • 

•  There  is  scarcely  an  expression  in  this  book  which  is  not  taken  out 
of  Daniel  or  some  other  prophet.  .Sir  Isaac  Newton  has  observed,  that  it 
is  written  m  the  same  style  and  language  with  the  prophecies  of  Daniel, 
and  has  the  same  relation  to  thein  which  they  have  to  one  another,  so  that 
all  of  them  together  make  but  one  complete  prophecy;  and  in  like'manner 
it  consists  of  two  parts,  an  introductory  prophecy,  and  an  interpretation 
thereof.     (Observations  on  the  Apocalypse,  chap.  ii.  p.  254.)    The  style 

01  the  Revelations,  ?;iys  the  profoundly  learned  Dr.  Lightfoot,  "is  very 
prophetical  as  to  the  things  spoken,  and  very  hebraizing  as  to  the  speaking 
of  (hem.  Exceeding  much  of  the  old  prophet's  language  and  manner  [is] 
adduced  to  intimate  New  Stories;  and  exceeding  much  of  the  Jews' lan- 
guage and  allusion  to  their  customs  and  opinions,  thereby  to  speak  the 
things  more  familiarly  to  be  understood."  Harmony  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, p.  154.  <Xond.  1655.)  See  also  Langii  Hermeneutica  Sacra,  pp. 
148—150.  '  ' ' 

»  Bishop  Horsley.    This  learned  prelate  has  shown  in  his  sermon  on 

2  Pet.  i.  20.  that  the  clause— No  prophecy  of  the  Scripture  is  of  any  private 
interpretation — may  be  more  precisely  thus  expressed  : "  Not  any  pro- 
phecy of  Scripture  is  of  self-interpretation,  or  is  its  own  interpreter: 
because  the  Scripture  prophecies  arc  not  detached  predictions  of  separate 
independent  events,  but  are  united  in  a  regular  and  entire  system  all 
terminating  in  one  great  object, — the  promulgation  of  the  Oospei,  and  the 
complete  establishment  oi"  the  Messiah's  kingdom."  Sermons,  vol.  ii 
pp.  13-16. 

*  On  the  throroIog'.-A  order,  &c.  of  the  prophets,  see  Vol.  II.  pp. 
JK-253.  yF 


When  places  are  mentioned  as  lying  north,  south,  east,  or  west,  it  is 
generally  to  be  understood  of  their  situation  with  respect  to  Judaea  oi 
Jerusalem ;  when  the  context  does  not  plainly  restrict  the  scene  to  soma 
other  place.  For  instance,  Egypt  and  Arabia  are  every  where  called  the 
land  of  the  south,  because  they  are  situated  to  the  south  of  Jerusalem  : 
thus  in  Daniel  (ch.  xi. )  the  king  of  the  south  signifies  the  king  of  Egypt, 
and  the  king  of  the  north,  the  monarch  of  Syria.  The  sea  is  often  put  lot 
the  west,  the  Mediterranean  Sea  being  to  the  west  of  Judaea :  by  the  earth, 
the  prophets  often  mean  the  land  of  Judcea,  and  sometimes  the  great  con- 
tinent of  all  Asia  and  Africa,  to  whtch  they  had  access  by  land ;  and  by 
the  isles  of  the  sea,  they  understood  the  places  to  which  they  sailed,  par- 
ticularly all  Europe,  and  probably  the  islands  and  sea-coasts  of  the  Medi- 
terranean. The  appellation  of  sea  is  also  given  to  the  great  rivers  Nile 
and  Euphrates,  which,  overflowing  their  banks,  appear  like  small  seas  or 
great  lakes.  The  Egyptian  Sea,  with  its  seven  streams,  mentioned  in 
Isa.  xi.  15.  is  the  Nile  with  its  seven  mouths:  the  sea,  mentioned  in  Isa. 
xxvii.  1.  and  Jer.  Ii.  36.  is  the  Euphrates ;  and  the  desert  of  the  sea,  in 
Isa.  xxi.  1.  is  the  country  of  Babylon,  watered  by  that  river.  In  like  man- 
ner, the  Jewish  people  are  described  by  several  particular  appellations, 
after  the  division  of  the  kingdom  in  the  reign  of  Jeroboam :  thus,  the  ten 
tribes,  being  distinct  from  the  other  two,  and  subject  to  a  different  king, 
until  the  time  of  the  Assyrian  captivity,  are  respectively  called  Samaria, 
Ephraim,  and  Joseph ;  because  the  city  of  Samaria,  which  was  situated 
in  the  allotment  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim,  who  was  the  son  of  Joseph,  was 
the  metropolis  of  the  kings  of  Israel.  Compare  Isa.  vii.  2.  5.  8,  9.  Psal. 
lxxxi.  5.  Hos.  vii.  11.  Amos  v.  15.  and  vi.  6.  They  were  also  called  Israel 
and  Jacob,  because  they  formed  the  greater  part  of  Israel's  or  Jacob's 
posterity.  The  other  two  tribes  of  Judah  and  Benjamin  are  called  tlu 
kingdom  of  Judah,  the  house  of  David,  Jerusalem,  or  Sion  (Isa.  vii.  13. 
and  xl.  2.  Psal.  exxvi.  1.  and  Isa.  lii.  8.),  because  those  two  tribes  adhered 
to  the  family  of  David,  from  whose  posterity  their  kings  sprung,  and  the 
capital  of  their  dominions  was  Jerusalem,  within  whose  precincts  was 
Mount  Sion.  After  their  return,  however,  from  the  Babylonish  captivity, 
the  names  of  Israel  and  Judah  are  promiscuously  applied  to  all  the  descend- 
ants of  the  twelve  tribes  who  were  thus  restored  to  their  native  country. 
This  is  the  case  in  the  writings  of  the  prophets  Haggai,  Zechariah,  and 
Malachi,  who  all  flourished  after  that  event.  In  addition  to  the  situations 
and  names  of  places,  whatever  relates  to  the  history  of  those  times  must 
be  ascertained,  as  far  as  is  practicable,  by  consulting  not  only  the  histori- 
cal books  of  Scripture,  and  the  writings  of  Josephus  (whose  statements 
must  sometimes  be  taken  with  great  caution,  as  he  has  not  always  related 
the  sacred  history  with  fidelity),  but  also  by  comparing  the  narratives  of 
Herodotus.  Diodorus  Siculus,  and  other  profane  historians,  who  have 
written  on  the  affairs  of  the  Chaldaeans,  Babylonians,  Egyptians,  Tyrians, 
Medes  and  Persians,  and  other  Oriental  nations,  with  whom  the  posterity 
of  Jacob  had  any  intercourse.  Quotations  from  these  writers  may  be  seen 
in  all  the  larger  commentaries  on  the  Bible.  Dr.  Prideaux's  Connection 
of  Sacred  and  Profane  History,  and  Bishop  Newton's  Dissertations  on  the 
Prophecies,  are  both  particularly  valuable  for  the  illustrations  of  the  sacred 
predictions  which  they  have  respectively  drawn  from  profane  authors. 
In  the  Historical  and  Geographical  Index,  at  the  end  of  the  second  volume 
of  this  work,  under  the  articles  Assyria,  Babylon,  Egypt,  Media,  and 
Persia,  we  have  given  an  Abstract  of  the  Profane  History  of  the  Ea3t,  from 
the  time  of  Solomon  until  the  Babylonish  Captivity,  to  facilitate  the  better 
understanding  of  the  history  of  the  Hebrews,  described  in  the  writings  of 
the  prophets. 

(3.)  As  the  prophets  treat  not  only  of  past  transactions  and 
present  occurrences,  but  also  foretell  future  events,  hi  order 
to  understand  them,  we  must  diligently  consult  the  histories  of 
the  following  ages,  both  sacred  and  profane,  and  carefully 
see  whether  -we  can  trace  in  them  the  fulfilment  of  any  pro- 
phecy. 

The  event  is  the  best  interpreter  of  a  prediction:  this  inquiry  into  his- 
tory, however,  demands  not  only  great  labour,  but  also  great  industry  and 
equal  judgment,  in  order  that  the  events  may  be  referred  to  those  pro- 
phecies with  which  they  harmonize.  These  events  must  not  be  far-fetched ; 
nor  can  they  always  be  ascertained,  because  the  circumstances  alluded 
to  by  the  prophets  are  often  unknown  to  us,  being  yet  future.  Hence  a 
considerable  portion  of  the  prophets,  especially  of  the  book  of  Revelation, 
is  not  only  not  understood,  but  cannot  at  present  be  comprehended.  Some 
conjectures,  perhaps,  may  be  offered :  but  these  should  be  advanced  with 
caution  as  far  as  they  throw  light  upon  prophecy ;  and  where  this  is  want 
ing,  we  must  withhold  our  assent  from  such  conjectures. 

(4.)  The  words  and  phrases  of  a  prophecy  must  be  ex- 
plained, where  they  are  obscure :  if  they  be  very  intricate, 
every  single  word  should  be  expounded  ;  and,  if  the  sense  ie 
involved  in  metaphorical  and  emblematical  expressions  (a* 
very  frequently  is  the  case),  these  must  be  explained  according 
to  the  principles  already  laid  down. 

No  strained  or  far-fetched  interpretation,  therefore,  should  be  admitted  ; 
and  that  sense  of  any  word  or  phrase  is  always  to  be  preferred,  which  is 
the  clearest  and  most  precise. 

(5.)  Similar  prophecies  of  the  same  event  must  be  carefully 
compared,  in  order  to  elucidate  more  clearly  the  sense  of  th« 
sacred  predictions. 


Zhjlv.  IV    Sxct.  I.] 


SENSE  OF  THE  PROPHETIC   WRITINGS. 


389 


For  instance,  after  having  ascertained  the  subject  of  the  prapbet'l  dl 
course  and  the  g  mse  of  the  winds,  In,  liii.  5.  (He  was  wounded,  literally 
pierced  through,  for  our  tranigressions),  may  be  compared  with  Peal 
xxii.  \b.(They  pierced  my  hands  and  my  feel),  and  with  Zech  xu.  10,  (They 
shall  look  on  me  whom  they  have  pierced).  In  thus  paralleling  the  prophe- 
cies,  regard  must  be  had  to  the  predictions  of  former  prophets,  winch  are 
sometimes  repealed  with  abridgment!  or  more-  distinctly  explained  by 
others;  and  also  to  the  predictions  of  subsequent  propbeta,  who  aometimei 
repeat,  with  greater  clearness  and  preclalon,  former  prophecies,  which 
had  been  more  obscurely  announced. 

II.  In  order  to  understand  the  prophets,  great  attention 
should  be  paid  to  the  prophetic  style,  -which  is  highly  figurative, 
and  particularly  abounds  in  metaphorical  and  hyperbolical 
expressions. 

ny  images  borrowed  from  the  natural  world,  the  prophet!  often  under- 
omething  in  the  world  politic.     Thus,  us  the  sun,  moon,  Mars,  and 
heavenly  bodies,  denote  kings,  qui  utd  persons  in  great  | 

and  the  Increase  of  splendour  in  those  luminaries  denotes  increase  of  pros- 
parity,  as  In  I  ■••■  ixx.  20.  and  lx.  19,  On  the  other  hand,  their  darkening, 
setting,  or  falling,  signifies  a  reverse  of  fortune,  or  the  traction 

of  th<-  potentate  or  kingdom  to  which  they  refer.  In  this  manner  the  pro- 
phet  Isaiah  denounced  the  divine  judgments  on  Habyloti  (l.sa.  xiii.  10.  13), 
ami  on  Iduiuaa  (x.xxiv.  4 — 6.);  and  Jeremiah,  on  the  Jews  and  Jerusalem. 
(Jer.  Iv.  23,  24.)  The  destruction  of  Egypt  la  predicted  In  similar  terms 
by  Ezekiel  (xxxli.  7,  8 );  and  also  the  terrible  judgments  that  would  befall 
the  unbelieving  Jews,  by  Jorj.  (ii.  as — 31.)  And  Jesus  Christ  bimseli  em- 
ployed the  same  phraseology  in  foretelling  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem 
by  the  Komans   (Malt.  xxiv.  29.) 

In  further  illustration  of  Ibis  rule  it  may  be  observed,  that  the  propheti- 
cal writing!  contain  numerous  figures  ami  simiUtudei  that  appear  strange 
to  our  halms  and  modes  of  thinking ;  but  which  in  their  times  were  per- 
fectly familiar.  These  figures  and  similitudes,  therefore,  must  not  be 
Interpreted  according  to  our  notions  of  things,  but  agreeably  to  the  genius 
of  Oriental  wining  :  for  instance,  very  numerous  metaphors  are  taken  from 
agriculture  and  the  pastoral  life,  which  were  common  pursuits  anion;  the 
Jews,  some  of  the  prophet!  themselves  having  been  herdsmen  or  shep- 
herds. However  bumble  such  employments  may  appear  to  us,  they  were 
not  accounted  servile  at  the  time  the  prophets  nourished.  Other  repre- 
sentations of  events,  which  were  to  come  to  pass  under tbe  New  Testament 
dispensation,  are  drawn  from  the  sacred  rites  of  the  lews.  Thus,  the 
conversion  of  Egypt  to  the  Gospel  is  foretold  (Isa.  xix.  19.  21  )  by  setting 
up  an  altar,  and  offering  sacrifice  to  the  Lord;  and  the  conversion  of  the 
Gentiles  in  general  (Mai.  i.  11.)  by  the  offering  up  of  incense.  The  service 
of  God  under  the  Gospel  is  set  forth  (Zech.  xiv.  16.)  by  going  up  to  Jeru- 
salem, and  keeping the  feast  of  tabernacles  there ;  and  the  abundant  effu- 
sion of  the  Holy  Spirit,  in  the  miraculous  gifts  which  attended  the  preach- 
ing of  the  Gospel,  is  represented  (Joel  ii.  23.)  by  prophesying,  and  dream- 
ing dreams,  andsecing  visions.  In  this  passage  the  prophet  did  not  intend 
to  say,  that  these  things  should  literally  and  actually  take  place  under  the 
Christian  dispensation  :  but,  in  order  that  his  meaning  might  be  the  better 
understood  by  those  whom  he  addressed,  he  expressed  the  abundant 
measure  of  gifts  and  Gospel  light  by  images  drawn  from  those  privileges 
which  were  at  that  time  most  highly  valued  by  the  Jews. 

Although  the  prophets  thus  frequently  employ  words  in  a  figurative  or 
metaphorical  meaning,  yet  we  ought  not,  without  necessity,  to  depart  from 
the  primitive  sense  of  their  expressions;  and  that  necessity  exists,  only 
when  the  plain  and  original  sense  is  less  proper,  as  well  as  less  suitable  to 
the  subject  and  context,  or  contrary  to  other  passages  of  Scripture.  But, 
even  in  this  case,  we  must  carefully  assign  to  each  prophetical  symbol  its 
proper  and  definite  meaning,  and  never  vary  from  (bat  meaning. 

III.  As  the  greater  part  of  the  prophetic  writings  was  first 
composed  in  verse,  and  still  retains  much  of  the  air  and  cast 
tf  the  original,  an  attention,  to  the  division  of  the  lines,  and  to 
that  peculiarity  of  Hebrew  poetry  by  -which  the  sense  of  one 
line  or  couplet  so  frequently  corresponds  -with  another,  -will  fre- 
quently lead  to  the  meaning  of  many  passages  ;  one  line  of  a 
couplet,  or  member  of  a  sentence,  being  generally  a  commentary 
on  the  other. 

Of  ihis  rule  we  have  an  example  in  Isa.  xxxiv.  6. 

The  Lord  hath  a  sacrifice  in  Bozrah, 

And  a  great  slaughter  in  the  land  of  Idumaja. 

Here  the  metaphor  in  the  first  verse  is  expressed  in  the  same  terms  in 
the  next  :  the  sacrifice  in  Bozrah  means  the  great  slaughter  in  the  land  of 
Iduu.a'a,  of  which  Bozrah  was  the  capital.  Similar  instances  occur  in  Isa. 
xliv.  3.  and  lxi.  10.  and  in  Micah  vi.  6.  in  which  the  parallelism  is  more  ex- 
tended. Concerning  the  nature  of  Prophetic  Poesy,  see  P.  380.  of  the  pre- 
sent volume. 

IV.  Particular  names  are  often  put  by  the  prophets  for  more 
general  ones,  in  order  that  they  may  place  the  thing  represented, 
as  it  were,  before  the  eyes  of  their  hearers :  but  in  such  pos- 
tages they  are  not  to  be  understood  literally. 

Thus,  in  Joel  iii  g,  Tyre  and  Siihn.  and  all  the  coast  of  Palestine,  are 
put,  by  way  of  poetical  description,  for  all  the  enemies  of  the  Jews  ;  and 
the  Greeks  and  Skbasans  for  distant  nations.  In  like  manner  the  prophet 
Amos  (ch.  lx.  12),  when  speaking  of -'-e  enemies  of  the  .lews,  mentions  Me 
mnnant  of  Edam,  or  lite  tdumaans 

V.  It  is  usual  -with  the  prophets  to  express  the  same  thing  in 
a  great  variety  of  expressions  ,-  -whence  they  abound  in  ampli- 
fications, each  rising  above  the  other  in  strength  and  beauty. 

For  instance,  when  describing  drought  or  famine,  they  accumulate 
together  numerous  epithets,  to  represent  the  sorrow  that  would  accompany 
those  calamities:  on  the  other  hand  when  delineating  plenty,  they  portray, 
in  a  great  variety  of  expressions,  the  joy  of  the  p.'.  .pie  possessed  of  abun- 
dance of  grain  ;  and  in  like  manner  the  horrors  of  war  and  the  blessings  of 
peac"»,  the  misery  of  the  wicked  and  the  blessedness  of  the  righteous,  are 
contrasted  with  numerous  illustrations.  It  were  unnecessary  to  cite  exam- 
ples, as  we  can  scarcely  open  a  single  page  of  the  prophetic  writings  with- 
out seeing  instances ;  but  in  reading  such  passages  it  is  not  to  be  supposed 
.hat  each  individual  phrase  possesses  a  distinct  and  peculiar  sense. 


VI.  The  order  of  time  is  not  always  to  be  looked  for  in  the 
prophetic  writings  ;  for  they  frequently  resume  topics  of  which 
they  have  formerly  treated,  after  other  subjects  have  intervened, 
and  again  discuss  them. 

JeremU  and  Bseklel  may,  in  particular,  be  cited  as  instances  of  this 
abruptness  Ol  Style*  who  spoke  01  various  things  as  they  were  moved  by 
the  Iloly  Spirit, and  a-  occasion  required  ;  and  whose  discourses,  being  firs/ 
'  wards  collected  together  without  regard  to  the  oruei 
ol  time.  In  lbs  midst  of  the  mention  of  particular  mercies  promised  to,  or 
of  judgments  denounced  against,  the  people  of  God,  the  prophets  some 
tunes  break  forth  Into  sublime  predictions  concerning  the  Messiah  :  these 
digressions  appear  extremely  abrupt  and  incoherent  to  those  who  do  not 
consider  how  seasonable  the  mention  Ol  Christ  may  be,  in  conjunction 
witbthat  of  the  mercies  of  God  (of  which  he  is  the  foundation  and  pinnacle, 
the  ground  and  consummation),  and  with  the  threats  of  the  judgments  of 
God,  in  which  he  was  his  people's  grand  consolation.'  A  careful  examina- 
wever,  of  the  plan  and  distribution  of  the  different  prophetical  books 
will  always  enable  ins  diligent  reader  to  trace  the  arrangement  and  scope 
of  the  respective  prophecies.  Where,  indeed,  a  new  prediction  or  dis- 
nguished  from  a  former  OM  by  I  new  title,  as  in  Ilaggai  i.  1. 
and  ii.  10.  M ,  it  is  an  easy  task  to  trace  such  an  arrangement  and  scope: 
but  where  the  prophets  do  not  introduce  any  new  title!  (Hoses  for  instance) 
it  becomes  very  difficult.  Vitringa  has  laid  it  down  as  a  canon,'  that  in  con- 
tinued predictions,  which  are  not  distinguished  one  from  another  by  titles 
or  inscriptions,  we  should  carefully  attend  both  to  the  beginning  and  ena 
of  the  prophetic  sermon,  as  well  as  to  the  period  of  time  in  which  the 
scene  of  the  prophetic  vision  is  fixed,  and  to  the  period  in  which  it  ends 
This  will  tend  to  illustrate  the  sermons  or  discourses  of  Isaiah,  in  the  forty- 
first  and  following  chapters  of  his  prophecy. 

It  is,  however,  probable  that  those  prophecies — whose  terminus  a  qtu 
demonstrates  the  beginning  of  the  time  of  Christ'!  kingdom,  and  the  t>  <  mi 
nus  ad  quern  the  end  of  that  time— give  a  narration  of  the  principal  event! 
that  shall  befall  the  church  in  a  continued  series,  unless  any  thing  intervene 
which  may  require  us  to  go  back  to  former  times.  Upon  this  foundation 
depends  the  interpretation  of  Isa.  liv.  1.  to  lx.  si.  The  commencement  of 
this  prophecy  unquestionably  belongs  to  the  beginning  of  Messiah's  king 
dom  :  the  term  or  end  falls  upon  the  most  nourishing  state  of  that  kingdom 
which  is  to  follow  the  conversion  of  the  Jewish  nation,  and  the  vindication  ol 
the  afflicted  church;  which  deliverance,  as  well  as  the  flourishing  atah 
of  Christ's  kingdom,  are  described  in  Isa.  lix.  19 — 21.  and  lx.  throughout. 

VII.  The  prophets  often  change  both  persons  and  tenses, 
sometimes  speaking  in  their  own  persons,  at  other  times  repre- 
senting God,  his  people,  or  their  enemies,  as  respectively  speak- 
ing, and  without  noticing  the  change  of  person  ;  sometimes 
taking  things  past  or  present  for  things  future,  to  denote  the 
certainly  of  the  events. 

Of  this  observation  we  have  a  signal  instance  in  that  very  obscure  pre 
diction  contained  in  Isa.  xxi.  11,  12.  which,  according  to  Bishop  Lowth': 
translation,  is  as  follows : — 

THE  ORACLE  CONCERNING  Dl'.MAlI 

A  voice  crieth  unto  me  from  Seir: 

Watchman,  what  from  the  night? 

Watchman,  what  from  the  night  1 

The  watchman  replieth  : 

The  morning  cometh,  and  also  the  night. 

If  ye  will  inquire,  inquire  ye  :  come  again. 
This  prophecy,  from  the  uncertainty  of  the  occasion  on  which  it  was 
uttered,  as  well  as  from  the  brevity  of  the  expression,  is  very  obscure  : 
but  if  we  observe  the  transitions,  and  carefully  distinguish  between  the 
person  speaking  and  the  person  spoken  to,  we  6hall  be  able  to  apprehend 
its  general  import.  It  expresses  the  inquiries,  made  of  a  prophet  of  Jeho- 
vah by  a  people  who  were  in  a  very  distressed  and  hazardous  condition, 
concerning  the  fates  which  awaited  them.  The  Edomitee  as  well  as  the 
Jews  were  subdued  by  the  Babylonians.  They  anxiously  inquire  of  the 
prophet,  how  long  their  subjection  is  to  last.  He  intimates  that  the  Jews 
should  be  delivered  from  captivity,  but  not  the  Edoraites.  The  transition 
being  thus  observed,  the  obscurity  disappears. 

Isa.  ix.  6.,  liii.  throughout,  Ixiii.  throughout,  Zech.  ix.  9.  and  Rev.  xviii.  2 
(to  mention  no  other  instances),  may  be  adduced  as  examples  of  the  sub 
slilution  of  the  past  or  present,  in  order  to  denote  the  certainty  of  things 
yet  future :  attention  to  the  scope  and  context  of  the  prophetic  discourse 
will  here  also,  as  in  the  preceding  rule,  enable  the  reader  to  distinguish  the 
various  transitions  with  sufficient  accuracy.1 

It  may  here  be  further  observed,  that,  in  the  computation  of  time,  a  day 
is  used  by  the  prophet  to  denote  a  year :  a  week,  seven  years  ;  and  that 
when  they  speak  ol  the  latter,  or  last  days,  they  invariably  mean  the  dayp 
Of  the  Messiah,  or  the  time  of  the  Gospel  dispensation.  The  expression 
that  day,  often  means  the  same  time,  and  always  some  period  at  a  distance 

VIII.  When  the  prophets  received  a  commission  to  declare 
any  thing,  the  message  is  sometimes  expressed  as  if  they  had 
been  appointed  to  do  it  themselves. 

This  remark  has,  in  substance,  been  already  made.     If  is  in 
troxluced  again,  in  order  to  illustrate  the  phraseology  of  the  pro 
photic  writings.     One  or  two  additional  examples  will  show  the 
necessity  of  attending  to  it  in  interpreting  the  predictions  of  the 
Sacred  Writings. 

>  Boyle  on  the  Style  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  Works,  vol.  ii.  p. 271. 
»  Tyjpus  Doctrinal  Proprieties?,' p.  179. 

>  This  change  of  tense,  however,  is  not  exclusively  confined  to  predic- 
tions of  future  events  :  it  is  sometimes  used  by  the  prophets  to  represent 
duties  as  performed  which  ought  to  be  done:  Thus,  in  Mai.  i.  6.  A  son 
honours  (ought  to  honour)  his  father.  But  it  is  more  frequently  employed 
by  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament  to  express  both  our  Christian  privi 
leges,  and  the  duties  to  which  thev  oblige  us  Thus,  Matt.  v.  J.3^:—  >e  are 
(ought  to  be)  the  salt  of  the  earth.'  Rom.  ii.  4.  The  goodness  of  God  leadeth 
(ought  to  lead)  thee  to  repentance.  2  Cor.  iii.  18  He  all  with  open  face  be 
holding  (enjoying  the  means  of  beholding)  as  in  a  glass  the  glory  of  tht 
Lord,  art  (ought  to  be)  changed  into  the  same  image  from  glory  to  gwry 
Similar  instances  may  be  seen  in  1  Cor.  v.  7.  Col.  in.  3.  Heb.  xm.  !4.  1  Pel 
i.  6.  1  John  ii.  15.  iii.  9.  and  v.  4.  18.  Dr.  Taylor's  Key  to  the  Apostolu  Writ 
ings,  5  274.    (Bishop  Watson's  Tracts,  vol.  iii.  p.  241.) 


390 


OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE  ACCOMPLISHMENT. 


rpAnr  IT.  Book  IL 


Thus,  when  Isaimi  was  sent  to  tell  the  Jews,  that  their  heart  would  be- 
come fat,  and  their  ears  heavy,  and  that  i'>ey  would  be  guilty  of  shutting 
iheireves,  so  as  not  to  understand  and  believe  the  truth,  the  message  is 
thus  expressed  :— Go  and  tell  this  people,  hear  ye  indeed,  but  understand 
not,  mid  see  ye  indeed,  but  pi  rci  ive  not.  This  implies,  that  they  would  not 
employ  the  faculties  which  they  possessed,  so  as  to  understand  and  believe 
the  Gospel.  The  re.ismi  of  this  is  assigned  : — Make  the  heart  of  this  peo- 
7  III  fat,  and  make  their  ears  heavy,  and  shut  their  eyes,  lest  they  see  with 
their  eyes,  and  hear  with  their  ears,  and  understand  with  their  heart,  and 
convert,  and  be  healed.  (Isa.  vi.  9,  10.)  This  is  merely  a  prediction  of  what 
fhey  would  do;  for  when  this  prophetic  declaration  was  accomplished,  the 
Saviour  quoted  the  passage,  and  expressed  its  genuine  sense: — In  them  is 
fulfilled  the  prophecy  of  Esaias,  which  saith:  For  this  people's  heart  is 
waxed  gross,  and  their  ears  are  dull  of  hearing,  and  their  eyes  they  have 
closed;  lest  at  any  time  they  should  see  with  th.°ir  eyes,  and  hear  ivilh  their 
ears,  and  should  understand  with  their  heart,  and  should  be  converted,  and 
[should  heal  them.  (Matt.  xiii.  15.)  This  condition  is  still  more  explicitly 
stated  in  John  iii.  ]9. : — This  is  the  condemnation,  that  light  is  come  into  the 
world,  and  men  loved  darkness  rather  than  Ugh',  because  their  deeds  were 
evil.  For  every  one  that  doeth  evil,  hateth  the  light,  neither  Cometh  to  the 
light,  lest  his  deeds  should  he  reproved  The  Lord  said  to  Jeremiah,  I  have 
put  viy  word's  in  thy  mouth  ;  see,  I  ha  re  this  day  set  thee  over  the  nations, 
to  root  out  and  to  pull  down,  and  to  destroy,  and  to  throw  down,  and  to  build, 
and  to  plant.  (Jer.  i.  10.)  The  meaning  of  this  message  is,  that  the  pro- 
phet was  appointed  to  declare  to  the  nations,  that  they  should  be  rooted 
»ut,  pulled  down,  and  destroyed,  and  that  others  would  be  planted  in  their 
place,  and  built  up.  When  Ezekiel  beheld  the  glory  of  the  God  of  Israel, 
lie  observes,  that  it  was  according  to  the  appearance  of  the  vision  which 
I  saw  when  Icame  to  destrov  the  city.  (Ezetc.  xliii.  3.)  That  is,  when  he 
came  to  prophesy  that  the  city  should  be  destroyed. 

IX.  „4s  symbolic  actions  and  prophetic  visions  greatly  resem- 
ble parables,  and  -were  employed  for  the  same  purpose,  viz. 
more  powerfully  to  instruct  arid  engage  the  attention  of  the 
people,  they  must  be  interpreted  in  the  same  manner  as  pa- 
<*ables.x 

We  must  therefore  chiefly  consider  the  scope  and  design  of  such  sym- 
bolic actions  and  prophetic  visions,  without  attempting  too  minute  an  expla- 
nation of  all  the  poetical  images  and  figures  with  which  the  sacred  writers 
adorned  their  style.  For  instance,  in  Zech.  i.  7 — 11.,  it  is  not  necessary  to 
inquire  what  is  meant  by  the  man  riding  upon  a  red  horse,  and  standing 
amor.g  the  myrtle  trees:  this  vision  represents  so  many  angels  returning 
probably  from  the  kingdoms  over  which  they  presided,  to  give  to  Jehovah 
an  account  of  their  expedition  and  ministry.  The  horse,  it  has  been  con- 
jectured, denote  their  power  and  celerity ;  and  the  different  colours  the 
difference  of  their  ministries.  The  scope  of  the  vision,  however,  is  suffi- 
ciently plain  :  the  angels  tell  that  all  the  earth  was  sitting  still  a7id  at  rest ; 
the  Persian  empire  and  other  nations  connected  with  Judasa  enjoying 
peace  at  that  time,  though  the  Jews  continued  in  an  unsettled  state.' 


SECTION  II. 

OBSERVATIONS    ON   THE    ACCOMPLISHMENT    OF    PROPHECY    IN 
GENERAL. 

A  prophecy  is  demonstrated  to  be, fulfilled  when  we  can 
prove  that  the  event  has  actually  taken  place,  precisely 
according  to  the  manner  in  which  it  was  foretold,  either  from 
sacred  history,  where  that  is  practicable,  or  from  profane 
authors  of  unimpeachable  veracity ;  whose  characters  stand 
so  high,  that  they  cannot  possibly  be  suspected  of  having 
forged  any  thing  to  favour  the  idea  of  its  accomplishment. 
In  order  to  ascertain  whether  a  prediction  has  been  fulfilled, 
we  must  first  endeavour  to  find  out  the  general  scheme  of  the 
prophecy  in  question,  by  a  careful  comparison  of  the  parts 
with  the  whole,  and  with  corresponding  prophecies,  both 
earlier  and  later;  and  to  classify  the  various  things  spoken 
of,  lest  the  judgment  be  perplexed  with  a  multitude  of 
references.  And,  secondly,  in  our  deductions  from  the  pro- 
phecies thus  arranged,  those  predictions,  and  their  respective 
accomplishments,  are  principally  to  be  selected  and  urged, 
which  chiefly  tend  to  remove  all  suspicion  of  their  taking 
place  by  accident,  or  being  foretold  by  some  happy  conjec- 
ture. Now  this  may  be  done,  by  showing  the  vast  distance 
of  time  between  the  prophecy  and  the  event  foretold ;  the 
agreement  of  very  many,  even  of  the  minutest  circumstances, 
so  that,  when  completed,  the  description  determinately  applies 
to  the  subject;  and,  lastly,  the  dependence  of  actions  upon  the 
uncertain  will  of  man,  or  ucon  opportunity  presenting  itself: 
for  all  these  things  are  of  such  a  nature,  that  no  unassisted 
human  intellect  cither  can  or  could  possibly  foresee  them. 
These  two  general  observations  being  premised,  we  now  pro- 
ceed to  offer  a  few  canons  by  which  to  ascertain  the  accom- 
plishment of  prophecy. 

I.  The  same  prophecies  frequently  have  a  double  meaning, 
and  refer  to  different  events,  the  one  near,  the  other  remote  • 
the  one  temporal,  the  other  spiritual  or  perhaps  eternal.  The 
prophets  thus  having  several  events  in  view,  their  expressions 

'  On  the  construction  of  parabolic  language,  see  pp.  366 — 368  of  this 
Volume. 
•  Archbishop  Newcome  on  Zech.  i.  7 — 11. 


may  be  partly  applicable  to  one,  and  partly  to  another,  and  it 
is  not  always  easy  to  mark  the  transitions.  What  has  not  been 
fulfilled  in  the  first,  we  must  apply  to  the  second;  and  what 
has  already  been  fulfilled,  may  often  be  considered  as  typical  of 
what  remains  to  be  accomplished. 

The  double  sense  of  prophecy  has  been  opposed  with  much  ingenuity 
by  Mr.  Whiston,  Dr.  Sykes,  and  Dr.  Benson,  in  this  country,  and  by  father 
Bahhus  in  France,  as  well  as  by  most  of  the  German  theologians,  who 
severally  contend  that  the  ancient  prophecies  contain  only  one  sense  :  but, 
that  the  rule  above  stated  is  correct,  we  apprehend  will  appear  from  trie 
following  remarks  and  illustrations  : — 

1.  "Throughout  the  whole  of  prophetical  Scripture,  a  time  of  retribution 
and  of  vengeance  on  God's  enemies  is  announced.  It  is  called  'the  day 
of  the  Lord,'  '  the  day  of  wrath  and  slaughter  ;  of  the  Lord's  anger,  visi- 
tation, and  judgment ;'  '  the  great  day,'  and  '  the  last  day.'  At  the  same 
time  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  this  kind  of  description,  and  the  same  ex- 
pressions, which  are  used  to  represent  this  great  day  are  also  employed 
by  the  prophets  to  describe  the  fall  and  punishment  of  particular  states  and 
empires  ;  of  Babylon,  by  Isaiah  (ch.  xiu.)  ;  of  Egypt,  by  Ezekiel  (ch.  xxx. 
2 — I.  and  xxxii.  7,  8.) ;  of  Jerusalem,  by  Jeremiah,  Joel,  and  by  our  Lord 
(Matt,  xxiv.):  and  in  many  of  these  prophecies,  the  description  of  die  ca- 
lamity, which  is  to  fall  on  any  particular  state  or  nation,  is  so  blended  and 
intermixed  with  that  general  destruction,  which,  in  the  final  days  of  ven- 
geance, will  invade  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth,  that  the  industry  and 
skill  of  our  ablest  interpreters  have  been  scarcely  equal  to  separate  and 
assort  them.  Hence  it  has  been  concluded,  by  judicious  divines,  that  these 
partial  prophecies  and  particular  instances  of  the  divine  vengeance,  whose 
accomplishment  we  know  to  have  taken  place,  are  presented  to  us  as  types, 
certain  tokens,  and  forerunners  of  some  greater  events  which  are  also 
disclosed  in  them.  To  the  dreadful  time  of  universal  vengeance,  they  all 
appear  to  look  forward,  beyond  their  first  and  more  immediate  object. 
Little,  indeed,  can  we  doubt  that  such  is  to  be  considered  the  use  and  ap- 
plication of  these  prophecies,  since  we  see  them  thus  applied  by  our  Lord 
and  his  apostles."' 

2.  The  second  psalm  is  primarily  an  inauguration  hymn,  composed  by 
David,  the  anointed  of  Jehovah,  when  crowned  with  victory,  and  placed 
triumphant  on  the  sacred  hill  of  Sion.  But  in  Acts  iv.  25.  the  inspired 
apostles  with  one  voice  declare  it  to  be  descriptive  of  the  exaltation  of  the 
Messiah,  and  of  the  opposition  raised  against  the  Gospel,  both  by  Jews  and 
Gentiles. — The  latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  psalm  is  spoken  of  David's  per- 
son, and  is,  unquestionably,  in  its  first  and  immediate  sense,  to  be  under- 
stood of  him,  and  of  his  hope  of  rising  after  death  to  an  endless  life  :  but 
it  is  equally  clear  from  Acts  ii.  25 — 31.  that  it  was  spoken  of  Christ,  the  son 
of  David,  who  was  typified  by  that  king  and  prophet.  The  twenty-second 
psalm,4  though  primarily  intended  of  David  when  he  was  in  great  distress 
and  forsaken  by  God,  is  yet,  secondarily  and  mystically,  to  be  understood 
of  our  blessed  Saviour  during  his  passion  upon  the  cross  ;  and  so  it  is 
applied  by  himself.  (Matt,  xxvii.  46.)  And  it  is  further  observable,  that 
other  passages  of  this  psalm  (v.  8.  16.  18),  are  noticed  by  the  evangelist, 
as  being  fulfilled  at  that  time  (Matt,  xxvii.  35.  43);  now  it  is  certain  that 
they  could  not  be  fulfilled  unless  they  had  been  intended  in  this  mysterious 
sense  of  Jesus  Christ.  The  forty-fifth  psalm  is,  in  the  original,  a  song  of 
loves,  an  epithalamium  on  the  nuptials  of  king  Solomon  and  the  king  of 
Egypt's  daughter :  but  from  Heb.  i.  8.  we  are  assured  that  it  is  addressed  to 
Christ;  and,  therefore,  in  a  remote  and  spiritual  sense,  it  celebrates  the 
majesty  and  glory  of  his  kingdom,  his  mystical  union  with  his  church,  and 
the  admirable  benefits  that  would  be  conferred  upon  her  in  the  times  of 
the  Gospel. 

It  would  be  no  difficult  task  to  adduce  many  other  psalms  in 
which  the  double  sense  is  most  clearly  to  be  discerned  :5  but  we 
shall  proceed  to  cite  a  few  instances  from  the  writings  of  the 
prophets. 

(1.)  Isa.  vii.  14. — In  the  primary  but  lower  sense  of  this  prophecy,  the 
sign  given  was  to  assure  Ahaz  that  the  land  of  Judtea  would  speedily  be 
delivered  from  the  kings  of  Samaria  and  Damascus,  by  whom  it  was 
invaded.  But  the  introduction  of  the  prophecy,  the  singular  stress  laid 
upon  it,  and  the  exact  sense  of  the  terms  in  which  it  was  expressed,  make 
it  in  a  high  degree  probable  that  it  had  another  and  more  important  pur- 
pose ;  and  the  event  has  clearly  proved  that  the  sign  given  had,  second- 

»  Dr.  Woodhouse  on  the  Apocalypse,  pp.  172,  173.  One  of  the  most 
remarkable  of  these  prophecies,  he  observes,  is  that  splendid  one  of  Isaiah, 
ch.  xxxiv. ;  the  importance  and  universality  of  which  is  to  be  collected 
from  the  manner  in  which  it  is  introduced  :  "  All  nations  and  people,  the 
world  and  all  things  in  it,"  are  summoned  to  the  audience.  It  represents 
"  the  day  of  the  Lord's  vengeance,"  and  the  year  of  the  recompenses  for 
the  controversy  of  Sion  (ver.  8.) ;  it  descends  on  all  nations  and  their 
armies,  (ver.  2.)  The  images  of  wrathful  vengeance  and  utter  dissolution 
are  the  same  which  are  presented  under  the  sixth  seal  in  the  Revelation  of 
St.  John.  (vi.  12 — 17.)  The  hosts  of  heaven  are  dissolved;  the  heavens  are 
rolled  together  as  a  scroll  of  parchment ;  the  stars  fall  like  a  leaf  from  a 
vine,  or  a  fig  from  its  tree.  And  yet  Idumaa  is  mentioned  by  the  prophet 
as  the  particular  object  of  vengeance  :  such  seems  to  be  the  typical  com- 
pletion and  primary  application  of  this  prophecy  ;  but  it  has  evidently  R 
more  sublime  and  future  prospect,  and  in  this  sense  the  whole  world  is  its 
object;  and  using  the  same  symbols  and  figurative  expressions  with  the 
prophecy  of  the  sixth  seal,  with  those  of  the  fourteenth,  fifteenth,  and. 
above  all,  the  sixteenth  chapters  of  the  Apocalypse,  and  with  others  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments,  it  must,  with  them,  be  finally  referred  to  the 
great  day  of  the  Lord's  vengeance  for  its  perfect  completion."    Ibid. 

*  Dr.  Randolph  has  a  beautiful  exposition  of  this  psalm  at  the  end  of  vol 
i.  of  his  View  of  Christ's  Ministry,  pp.  503-  -515. 

»  Bishop  Horne,  in  the  preface  tb  his  admirable  commentary  on  the 
Psalms,  has  noticed  a  considerable  number  of  those  divine  odes,  which 
bear  a  double  meaning,  the  propriety  of  which  he  has  fully  vindicated. 
Works,  vol.  ii.  pp.  x.— xx.  See  also  Dr.  Apthorpe's  Warburtonian  "Dis- 
courses on  Prophecy,"  vol.  i.  pp.  77—89.  ;  and  Dr.  Nares's  Warburtonian 
Lectures,  entitled  "A  Connected  and  Chronological  View  of  the  Prophe- 
cies relating  to  the  Christian  Church,"  pp.  lr>5— 162.  176,  177.  Almost  the 
whole  of  the  Psalms  are  applied  by  Bishop  Horsley  to  the  Messiah,  in  his 
"  Book  of  Psalms  translated  from  the  Hebrew,"  2  vols.  8vo.  But  Bishop 
Marsh  has  endeavoured  to  show  that  there  are  no  double  meanings,  or,  as 
he  terms  them,  secondary  senses,  in  prophecy.  Lectures  on  Divinity 
part  iv.  lect.  22. 


CHiP.IV.  Sect.  II.] 


ON  PROPHECIES  CONCERNING  THE  MESSIAH. 


391 


arily  and  mystically,  a  respect  lo  the  miraculous  birth  of  Chrll  i.  and  to  B 
deliverance  much  more  momentous  tliari  that  of  Ahaz  from  liiu  then 
present  distressful  situation.' 

(2.)  Isa.  xi.  6.— What  ia  here  aald  of  the  wolf  dwelling  with  the  lamb,  Ac 
is  understood  as  having  lis  flrsl  completion  In  the  rein  "i  HeeekJah.  when 
profound  pea'  d  after  the  troublea  caused  by  Sennacherib:  but 

its  second  ami  full  completion  is  under  tli<-  Qospel,  whose  power  in  chang- 
ing .ne  hearts,  tempi  ol  the  worst  ol  nan,  i  i  bei  e  foi  etold  and 
described  by  a  Bingul  rly  n  0 
power  there  has,  in  every  age  ol  Christianity,  been  a  cloud  ol  witm 
alinough  ita  mo                                        I  in  this  passage,  may  not  yet  be 
wrivea    The  lattei  part  of  thi     une  chapter,  in  which  there  are  many 
beautiful  allu                                        I  jypt,  seems  to  refei  principally  to 
the  futui                   in  of  the  Jew  and  to 
that  happy  period  when  they  and  the  J3ei                                       i  under 
the  banui'r  of  Jesus,  and  unite  their  zeal  in  extending  the  limits  ol  hi 
(I* mi.    This  |a a  favourite  theme  with  Isaiah,  whoia  usually  and  justlj 
nated  the  Evangelical  Prophet  and  who  (ch.  .\l  )  predicted  tbe  delivi 
of  the  Jews  from  the  Babylonish  captivity,  and  their  restoration  to  tl"'  land 
of  Can.'                   v,  inch  were  primarily  arid  literally  accomplished,  but 
which,  by  the  evangi  list  Matthew  (ill.  3  >  and  by  our  Lord  blmsell  (Man 
xi.  10.)  are  sai.i  to  have  been  fulfilled  hy  John  i1                      eaching  in  Ihe 
wildera                      .  and  which,  secondarily  and  spiritually,  foretold  the 
ince  hi  mankind  from  the  infinitely  ^n  ater  bondage  of  sin. 

(3.)  Once  u  I  i    Out  qf  Egypt  have  Icalud  my  son.    This 

passage,  in  its  literal  sense,  was  meant  ol  God's  delivering  the  children  of 

ul  of  Egypt ;  bul  In  Ita  secondary  and  w  \  there  can  be 

on  doubi  thai  an  allusion  was  Intended  by  the  Holy  Spirit  to  the  call  of  the 

ii'Cuii  Christ  uui  of  the  same  country,  (matt,  ii.  Lo.) 

Thus  it  is  evident  that  many  prophecies  must  or  taken  tn  u 
double  sense,  in  order,  to  understand  their  full  import;  and  this 
two-fold  application  of  them,  by  our  Lord  and  his  apostles, 
is  a  full  authority  for  us  to  consider  and  apply  them  in  a 
similar  way.  In  order  to  ascertain  whether  a  prophecy  is  to 
be  taken  in  a  double  sense,  the  following  rules  have  been 
laid  down  by  the  celebrated  Vltringa  :-' — 

(1.)  That  we  may  attain  an  accurate  and  distinct  knowledge 
of  the  subject  of  a  prediction,  we  must  carefully  attend  to  all  the 
attributes  and  characters  which  are  applied  to  the  subject  of  the 
prophecy  :  if  the  subject  be  not  specifically  mentioned  by  name, 
it  must  be  discovered  by  its  characteristics ;  of  this  description  are 
many  of  the  prophecies  concerning  Christ,  particularly  Psalms  ii. 
xxii.  xlv.  lx.  Isa.  liii.  Zech.  iii.  8.  If  the  subject  be  named,  we 
must  inquire  whether  it  is  to  be  taken  properly  or  mystically  or 
partly  properly  and  partly  mystically  ;  as  in  Psalm  lxxii. 

(2.)  We  must  not,  however,  depart  from  the  literal  sense  of 
the  subject,  when  called  by  its  own  proper  name,  if  all  the  attri- 
butes, or  the  principal  and  more  remarkable  ones,  agree  to  the 
subject  of  the  prophecy.  This  rule  will  be  found  of  considerable 
use  in  interpreting  the  prophecies  concerning  Israel,  Judah,  Tyre, 
Babylon,  Egypt,  and  other  countries  and  places. 

(3.)  If  the  attributes  by  no  means  agree  with  the  subject 
expressed  in  a  prophecy  by  its  own  name,  we  must  direct  our 
thoughts  to  another  subject  which  corresponds  to  it,  and  which 
assumes  a  mystic  name,  on  account  of  the  agreement  between 
the  type  and  antitype.  Examples  of  this  occur  in  the  prophecies 
concerning  Edom  (Isa.  lxiii.  1 — 6.),  David  (Ezek.  xxxiv.  24 — 
SI.),  and  Elijah.  (Mai.  iv.  5.) 

(4.)  If,  in  prophecies,  the  subject  be  expressed  by  name, 
which  may  bear  both  a  proper  and  a  mystical  interpretation,  and 
the  attributes  of  the  prophetic  discourse  be  of  a  mixed  kind,  so 
that  some  of  them  agree  more  strictly  with  the  subject  mystically 
taken,  while  others  arc  more  correctly  predicated  of  it  in  a  literal 
and  grammatical  sense ; — in  such  cases,  we  must  take  the  sub- 
ject of  the  prophecy  to  be,  not  simple,  but  complex  ;  and  the 
prophet,  actuated  by  divine  illumination,  expresses  himself  in 
such  a  manner  as  designedly  to  be  understood  of  both  senses, 
and  to  intimate  to  tbe  reader  that  the  mystical  or  allegorical 
sense  is  enveloped  in  the  literal  sense. 

Thus,  many  of  the  prophecies  concerning  Babylon,  Edom.  Egypt,  and 
Tvre,  contain  such  august  and  magnificent  expressions,  as.  if  taken  pro- 
perly,  will  admit  of  a  very  poor  ami  barren  exposition  :  and,  therefore,  it 
must  be  presumed  that  the  Holy  Spirit  designed  something  more,  and  to 
lead  our  minds  to  the  mystical  Babylon,  .Vc  In  like  manner,  such  grand 
things  are  sometimes  spoken  concerning  the  return  of  the  .lews  from  the 
Babylonian  captivity,  and  mention  is  made  of  such  distinguished  bleselngs 
being  bestowed  upon  tbem,  as  necessarily  lead  us  to  look  for  a  further  and 
moro  complete  fulfilment  in  the  redemption  by  .bsiis  f'hrist,  and  the 
spiritual  blessings  of  grace  bestowed  upon  the  people  of  God,  under  the 
Qospel  dispensation.  Isa.  Iii.  1—3.  and  .lor.  jjl  is— i-;,  t„  cite  n 
examples,  present  very  striking  illustrations  of  this  remark.  II 
follows,  that, 

»  There  is  a  good  philological  illustration  of  this  prediction  in  Pr.  Ran- 
dolph's Pralectiones  Theological,  in  vol.  ii.  (pp.  440.  etsrq)  of  his  Vien  of 
Christ's  Ministry  ;  and  an  elaborate  vindication  and  explanation  of  it  in  the 
Abbe  Hook's  Religionis  Naturalis  et  Revelais  Principia,  torn.  ii.  pp.  494 
-498. 

•  In  his  Typus  Doctrina?  Propheticie,  cap.  ii.  Dr.  Apthorpe  has  translated 
eighteen  of  Vitringa's  canons  (which  are  admirably  illustrated  by  nume- 
rous examples  in  his  valuable  commentary  on  Isaiah)  in  his  Lectures  on 
Prophecy,  vol.  i.  pp.  90 — 106.  Jahn  has  given  several  additional  examples. 
latrod.  ad  Vet.  Foedus,  pp.  332—334. 
A'ol.  I.  3  F 


(5.)  Prophecies  of  a  general  nature  are  applicable  by  accom 
modation  to  individuals ;  most  of  the  things,  which  are  spoken 
of  the  church,  being  equally  applicable  to  her  individual  mem- 
bers. 

(fi.)  Prophecies  of  a  particular  nature,  on  the  other  hand, 
admit,  and  often  require,  an  extended  sense:  for  instance,  Edom, 
Moab,  or  any  of  the  enemies  of  God's  people,  are  often  put  for 
the  whole;  what  is  said  of  one  being  generally  applicable  to  the 
rest  And,  in  like  manner,  what  is  said  either  to  or  concerning 
God's  people,  <>n  any  particular  occasion,  is  of  general  applica- 
tion ;  as  all,  who  Rtand  in  the  same  relatiorv  to  God,  have  an 
interest  in  tbe  same  prophecies. 

(7.)  In  continued  prophecies,  which  arc  not  distinguished  one 
from  another,  we  should  carefully  attend,  Jirst,  to  the  beginning 
and  end  of  each  discourse,  and,  secondly,  to  the  epoch  of  time 
which  commences  the  scene  of  the  prophetic  vision,  and  the 
term  in  which  it  ends. 

Tbe   '  ,n  is  of  principal  use  •  „  the  discourses  of  Isaiah,  from 

the  fortieth  chapter  to  the  end  of  the  book.  This  distinction,  often  difficult 
and  somewhat  obscure,  is  of  great  moment  in  the  Interpretation  of  the 
pi opheciea,  thai  we  may  no)  consider  as  a  continued  discourse  what  ought 

to  be  divide. I  Into  several  dislinct  topics.     Tin 

usable  in  explaining  the  Psalms  and  Prophetic  Visions      See  I'sal. 
,\\iv.  ',.   Isa.  vi.  1. 

II.  Predictions,  uenouncing  judgments  to  come,  do  not  in 
themselves  speak  the  absolute  futurity  of  the  ex-ent,  but  only 
declare  ivhat  is  to  be  expected  by  the  persons  to  -whom  they  are 
made,  and  what  -will  certainly  come  to  pass,  unless  God  in  hit 
mercy  interpose  bet-ween  the  threatening  and  the  event. 

"So  that  comminutions  do  speak  only  the  debitum  poena,  and  the  neces- 
sary obligation  to  punishment :  but  therein  God  doth  not  bind  up  hi 
as  he  doth  in  absolute  promises;  the  reason  is,  because  comminationa 
confer  no  right  to  any,  which  absolute  promises  do,  and  therefore  God  is 
not  bound  to  necessary  performance  of  what  he  threatens,  lndi 
guilt  or  obligation  to  punishment  is  necessary,  where  the  offence  hath  been 
committed,  to  which  the  threatening  was  annexed:  but  the  execu 
ilia'  punishment  doth  still  depend  upon  God's  arbitrarious  will,  and  there- 
fore he  may  suspend  or  remove  it  upon  serious  addresses  made  to  i 
in  order  to  it.  For,  since  God  was  pleased  not  to  take  the  present  forfeiture 
of  the  first  grand  transgression,  but  made  such  a  relaxation  of  that  penal 
law,  that  conditions  of  pardon  were  admittable,  notwithstanding  sentence 
passed  upon  the  malefactors,  there  is  strong  ground  of  presumption  in 
human  nature,  that  God's  forbearance  of  mankind,  notwithstanding  sin, 
doth  suppose  his  readiness  to  pardon  offenders  upon  their  repentance, 
and.  therefore,  that  all  particular  threatenings  of  judgment  to  come  do 
suppose  incorrigibleness  in  those  against  whom  they  are  pronounced; 
upon  which  the  foundation  of  hope  is  built,  that  if  timely  repentance  do 
intervene,  God  will  remove  those  judgments  which  arc  threatened  against 
them  :'•'»  of  these  conditional  comuiinatory  predictions  wc  have  examples 
in  Jonah's  preaching  to  the  Ninevites  (Jonah  iii.  4 — 10),  and  in  Isaiah's 
denunciation  of  death  to  Hezekiuh.  (Isa.  xxxviii.  1.)  See  also  a  similar 
instance  in  Jer.  x.xxviii.  11 — 23. 

III.  Predictions  then  express  divine  purposes,  -when  many 
prophets  in  several  ages  concur  in  the  same  prediction. 

"  llecause  it  is  hardly  seen  but  all  those  tacit  conditions,  which  are  sup- 
posed in  general  promises  or  comniinations,  may  be  altered  in  different 
ages:  but,  when  the  conditions  alter,  and  the  predictions  continue  the 
same,  it  is  a  stronger  evidence  that  it  is  some  immutable  counsel  of  God, 
winch  is  expressed  in  those  predictions.  And  in  this  case  one  prediction 
confirms  the  foregoing,  as  the  Jews  say  of  prophets,  'one  prophet  that 
hath  the  testimony  of  another  prophet  is  supposed  to  be  true  :'  but  it  must 
be  with  this  supposition,  that  the  other  prophet  was  before  approved  to  be 
a  true  prophet.  Now,  both  these  meet  in  the  prophecies  concerning  our 
Saviour ;  lor  to  him  bear  all  the  prophets  witness,  and  in  their  several  ages 
they  had  several  things  revealed  to  them  concerning  him  :  and  the  uni- 
formity and  perfect  harmony  of  all  these  several  prophecies  by  persons  at 
so  great  distance  from  each  other,  and  being  of  several  interests  and 
employments,  and  in  several  places,  yet  all  giving  light  to  each  other,  and 
exactly  meeting  at  last  in  the  accomplishment,  do  give  us  yet  a  further  and 
clearer  evidence,  that  all  those  several  beams  came  from  the  same  sun, 
when  all  those  scattered  rays  were  at  last  gathered  into  one  body  again  at 
the  appearance  of  the  Sun  of  Righteousness  in  the  world."4 


SECTION  III. 

OBSERVATIONS  OX   THE    ACCOMPLISHMENT   OF    PROPHECIES  CON 
CER.MNG  THE  MESSIAH  IN  PARTICULAR.5 

I.  Jescs  Christ  being  the  great  subject  and  end  of  Scripture 
revelation,  we  ought  every  -where  to  search  for  Prophecies 
concerning  him. 

iredbv  Christ  himself  that  the  Scriptures  testify  of  him  (John 
v.  39.),  and  that  in  Moses,  the  Psalms,  and  Prophets,  there  are  things  con- 
cerning him  (Luke  xxiv.  25—27.  44):  further,  we  have  the  declaration  of  an 
inspired  apostle,  that  to  him  give  all  the  prophets  witness  (Acts  x.  43.),  and 

»  Stillingfleet's  Origines  Sacrae,  book  ii.  chap.  vi.  §  10-  pp.  120,  121.  8U> 
edit.    Jahn.  Enchiridion  Hermeneuticae  Sacrae,  pp.  U3:  H9- 
•  Stillingfleet's  Orig.  Sac.  p.  120.  .  , 

»  Hishop  Marsh  (Divinity  Lectures,  part  iv.  lect.  xx.  and  xxi.)  has  severa 
admirable  observations  on  the  connection  subsisting  between  the  truth  ol 
Christianity  and  the  prophecies  relating  to  the  Messiah :  near  y  the  whole 
of  Lecture  xxi.  is  occupied  with  examples  of  predictions  literally  ane" 
strictly/oretetfin^  the  coming  of  Christ. 


3iM 


ON  PROPHECIES  CONCERNING  THE  MESSIAH. 


[Pa*t  5.  Book  U 


of  an  angel  of  God,  that  "  the  testimony  of  Jesus  is  the  spirit  of  prophecy.' 
(Rev  xix.  10.)  It  may  therefore  be  remarked  generally,  that  whatsoever 
13  emphatically  and  characteristically  spoken  of  some  certain  person,  not 
called  by  his  own  name,  in  the  psalms  or  prophetical  books,  so  that  each 
predicate  can  be  fully  demonstrated  in  no  single  subject  of  that  or  any 
other  time,  must  be  taken  as  said  and  piedicted  of  the  Messiah.  The 
twenty-second  psalm,  and  the  fifty-third  chapter  of  Isaiah's  prophecy,  may 
be  adduced  as  illustrations  of  this  rule,  which  will  not  mislead  any  student 
or  reader  of  the  sacred  volume.  The  first  four  remarks  in  p.  391.  may  be 
idvantageously  employed  in  the  application  of  this  rule. 

II.  The  interpretation  of  the  word  of  prophecy,  made  by 
Jesus  Christ  himself,  and  by  his  inspired  apostles,  is  a  rule  and 
key  by  which  to  ^interpret  correctly  the  prophecies  cited  or 
alluded  to  by  them. 

The  propriety  of  this  canon  must  be  obvious:  for  as  every  one  is  the 
best  interpreter  of  his  own  words,  so  the  Holy  Spirit  (under  whose 
influence  the  ancient  prophets  wrote  and  spoke),  in  more  recent  prophe- 
cies, refers  to  former  predictions,  and  often  uses  the  same  words,  phrases, 
and  images,  thus  leading  us  to  understand  the  true  sense  of  those  oracles.' 
For  instance,  the  prophecy  (in  Isa.  viii.  14.)  that  the  Messiah  would  prove 
a  stone  of  stumbling  and  a  rock  of  offence,  is  more  plainly  repeated  by 
.Sim.'on  (Luke  ii.  34.),  and  is  shown  to  have  been  fulfilled  by  Paul  (Rom.  ix 
32,  33.),  and  by  Peter  (1  Pet.  ii.  8.) ;  and  the  sixteenth  psalm  is  expressly 
applied  to  Jesus  Christ  by  the  latter  of  these  apostles.  (Acts  ii.  25— 31. )» 

III.  Where  the  prophets  describe  a  golden  age  of  felicity, 
they  clearly  foretell  Gospel  times  :  and  particularly  in  the 
Prophecies  and  Psalms,  -whatever  is  predicated  of  a  person 
not  named,  in  terms  expressive  of  such  excellence,  glory,  and 
other  characteristics,  as  are  sttitable  in  their  just  emphases  to 
no  other  subject,  must  be  interpreted  as  spoken  and  predicted 
of  the  Messiah. 

1.  It  is  thus  that  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament  interpret  and  allege 
the  ancient  prophecies  ;  instances  may  bo  given  in  Deut.  xviii.  18.  Psalms 
viii.  xvi.  xxii.  xl.  lxix.  lxxviii.  cxviii.  22,  23.  Isa.  iv.  2.  vii.  14,  15.  xlii.  1.  liii. 
Zech.  iii.  8.  and  xii.  10.  It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  the  writers  of  the 
New  Testament  directly  apply  to  the  Son  op  God  the  most  magnificent 
descriptions  and  attributes  of  the  Father  in  the  Old  Testament ;  as  in  Psal. 
lxviii.  18.  cii.  26,  27.  Isa.  xlv.  22—24. ;  which  teach  us  to  acknowledge  the 
mystery  of  God,  even  of  the  Father,  and  of  Christ,  in  whom  are  hid  all 
the  treasures  of  wisdom  and  knowledge.  (Col.  ii.  2,  3.) 

2.  At  the  time  the  prophets  respectively  flourished  the  Israelites  and 
Jews  were,  in  general,  notoriously  wicked,  although,  even  in  the  worst  of 
times,  there  was  a  considerable  number  who  feared  Jehovah.  Hence, 
while  the  prophets  denounce  national  judgments  upon  the  wicked  (in  which 
temporal  afflictions  the  righteous  would  necessarily  be  involved),  they  at 
the  same  time  hold  out  to  the  latter,  to  strengthen  their  trust  in  God,  pre- 
dictions of  future  and  better  times ;  and,  with  promises  of  some  great  and 
temporal  deliverance,  they  invariably  connect  a  display  of  the  yet  greater 
though  future  deliverance  of  the  Messiah:  the  peace  and  happiness  which 
are  to  prevail  in  consequence  of  that  deliverance  are  portrayed  in  such  a 
beautiful  assemblage  of  images,  and  delineate  so  high  a  state  of  felicity, 
that,  as  there  is  no  period  in  the  history  of  the  world,  prior  to  the  Christian 
dispensation,  to  which  they  can  in  any  way  be  applied,  these  predictions 
of  future  happiness  and  peace  must  necessarily  be  understood  exclusively 
to  refer  to  Gospel  times.  Many  passages  might  be  adduced  from  the  pro- 
phetic writings  in  confirmation  of  this  rule.  It  will,  however,  suffice  to 
adduce  two  instances  from  Isaiah,  ch.  ix.  2 — 7.  and  xi.  1 — 9.  In  the  former 
of  these  passages,  the  peaceful  kingdom  of  the  Messiah  is  set  forth,  its 
extent  and  duration ;  and  in  the  latter,  the  singular  peace  and  happiness 
which  should  then  prevail  are  delineated  in  imagery  of  unequalled  beauty 
and  energy.3 

IV.  Things  foretold  as  universally  or  indefinitely  to  come 
to  pass  under  the  Gospel,  are  to  be  understood, — as  they  re- 
spect  the  duty, — of  all  persons ;  but, — as  they  respect  the 
event, — only  of  God's  people. 

Thus,  when  the  peace,  that  is  foretold  to  prevail  in  Gospel  times,  is  stated 
to  be  so  great  that  men  should  then  beat  their  swords  into  ploughshares, 
and  their  spears  into  pruning- hooks ;  that  nation  should  not  lift  up  sword 
against  nation,  neither  learn  war  any  more  (Isa.  ii.  4.) ;  and  that  the  wolf 
should  lie  down  with  the  lamb,  and  the  leopard  with  the  kid  (Isa.  xi.  6.  and 
Ixv.  25.  with  other  passages  that  might  be  adduced); — all  these  highly  figu- 
rative expressions  are  to  be  understood  of  the  nature,  design,  and  tendency 
of  the  Gospel,  and  what  is  the  duty  of  all  its  professors,  and  what  would 
actually  take  place  in  the  Christian  world,  if  all  who  profess  the  Christian 
doctrine  did  sincerely  and  cordially  obey  its  dictates.  And,  so  far  as  the 
Gospsl  does  prevail  upon  any,  it  reclaims  their  wild  and  unruly  natures; 
from  oeing  furious  as  wolves,  they  become  meek  as  lambs,  and  from  raging 
like  lions,  they  become  gentle  and  tender  as  kids :  so  far  are  they  from 
hurting  or  injuring  others,  that  they  dare  not  entertain  any  the  slightest 
thoughts  of  malevolence  or  revenge,  towards  their  most  inveterate  enemies. 


V.  As  the  ancient  prophecies  conce-rning  the  Messiah  are 
of  two  kinds,  some  of  them  relating  to  his  first  coming  to  suffer, 
while  the  rest  of  them  concern  his  second  coming  to  advance 
his  kingdom,  and  restore  the  Jews  ,• — in  all  these  prophecies, 
we  must  carefully  distinguish  between  his  first  coming  in 
humiliation  to  accomplish  his  mediatorial  work  on  the  cross, 
and  his  second  coming  in  glory  to  judgment. 

This  distinction  is  sufficiently  obvious  in  those  passages  which  treat  cf 
either  coming  separately,  as  in  Isa.  vii.  14.  ix.  6.  liii.  &c.  which  treat  of  hi* 
first  coining  in  the  flesh;  and  in  Isa.  ii.  10 — 21.,  which  refers  to  his  secona 
coming  to  judgment.  To  the  former  must  be  referred  all  those  passage! 
which  relate  to  his  humiliation.  But  it  is  more  difficult  to  distinguish  each 
advent  in  those  passages,  in  which  the  prophet  makes  an  immediate  tran- 
sition from  the  one  to  the  other.  For  instance,  in  Isa.  xl.  1 — 9.,  the  predic- 
tion relates  to  the  first  advent  of  Christ,  but  in  v.  10.  his  second  coming  to 
judgment  is  noticed,  express  mention  being  made  of  the  solemn  work  of 
retribution,  which  is  peculiar  to  judgment.  Again,  in  Jer.  xxiii.  5 — 7.  the 
promise  of  sending  the  Son  of  God  into  the  world  is  in  v.  8.  joined  with  a 
prophecy  concerning  the  conversion  of  the  Jews,  which  is  yet  future.  A 
similar  instance  of  uniting  the  two  advents  of  Christ  occurs  in  Mai.  iii.  1 — 5. 
By  distinguishing,  however,  between  them,  we  shall  be  better  able  to 
combat  the  objections  of  the  Jews,  who  apply  to  the  Messiah  all  those 
predictions  which  refer  to  a  state  of  exaltation,  while  they  overlook  all 
those  plain,  though  less  numerous  prophecies,  in  which  is  described 
Messiah's  first  coming  in  a  state  of  humiliation. 

Before  we  dismiss  the  important  subject  of  prophecy, 
there  zre  two  cautions,  which  must  uniformly  be  kept  iu 
view  in  studying  the  prophetic  writings. 

1.  The  first  is,  that  we  do  not  apply  passing  events  as  actually 
fulfilling  particular  prophecies. 

It  has  justly  been  remarked,  that  "a  commentator  upon  the  predictions 
of  Daniel  and  John  can  never  be  too  much  upon  his  guard  against  the  fas- 
cinating idea,  that  he  may  expect  to  find  every  passing  event  of  his  own 
day  there  predicted.  Before  he  ventures  to  introduce  any  exposition 
founded  upon  present  circumstances,  he  ought  to  make  it  clearly  appear 
that  it  both  accords  with  the  chronological  order  so  carefully  preserved  in 
those  prophecies,  that  it  strictly  harmonizes  with  the  language  of  symbols, 
and  that  it  demonstrates  every  part  of  the  prediction  to  tally  exactly  with 
its  supposed  accomplishments."* 

2.  The  other  caution  is,  that  we  do  not  curiously  pry  beyond 
what  is  expressly  written,  or  describe  as  fulfilled  prophecies 
which  are  yet  future. 

Such  secret  things,  as  unaccomplished  prophecies,  belong  unto  the  Lord 
our  God  ;  and  it  is  a  vain  waste  of  time  to  weary  ourselves  with  conjectures 
respecting  the  precise  mode  of  their  accomplishment.  Upon  these  points, 
when  we  go  beyond  what  is  written,  we  exceed  our  commission  ;  and  it 
has  almost  invariably  been  found,  that  a  commentator,  who  attempted  to 
show  how  a  prophecy  was  about  to  be  fulfilled,  was  by  the  event  convicted 
of  error.  We  may  safely  and  positively  declare  what  will  come  to  pass, 
and  we  may  even  say  how  it  will  come  to  pass,  so  long  as  we  resolutely 
confine  ourselves  to  the  explicit  declarations  of  Scripture ;  but  to  point 
out  the  manner  in  which  an  event  will  be  accomplished,  any  further  than 
the  word  of  God  has  revealed  the  manner  of  it,  is  to  pry  too  curiously  into 
what  he  has  purposely  concealed,  and  to  aim  at  becoming  prophets,  instead 
of  contenting  ourselves  with  being  humble  and  fallible  expositors  of  pro- 
phecy. What  the  Bible  has  declared,  that  we  may  without  hesitaiion 
declare:  beyond  this,  all  is  mere  vague  conjecture.' 

On  the  subject  of  apparent  contradictions  between  pro- 
phecies and  their  accomplishment,  see  Chap.  VII.  Sect.  III. 

infra.6 


«  Bishop  Lowth  has  some  fine  remarks  on  this  topic  towards  the  close 
«H  his  eleventh  Lecture. 

»  The  petty  cavils  and  evasions  of  Ruperti  and  other  modern  commenta- 
tors, who  deny  (without  being  able  to  disprove)  the  above  canon,  are  well 
exposed  by  Dr.  J.  P.  Smith,  on  the  Person  of  Christ,  vol.  1  pp.  222,  223. 

■  Rambach,  Inst.  Hertn.  pp.  175—177.  J.  P.  Carpzov,  Prims  Linese 
Berraeneutics     p.  25,  26. 


«  Faber's  Dissertation  on  the  Prophecies,  vol.  ii.  p.  277. 

»  Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  77. 

•  In  addition  to  the  writers  cited  in  the  course  of  this  chapter,  it  may  be 
stated  that  the  fulfilment  of  prophecy  is  fully  considered  by  Bishop  Newton 
in  his  "  Dissertations,"  2  vols.  8vo.  See  also  Sir  Isaac  Newton's  Observa- 
tions on  Daniel,  and  the  Apocalypse,  4to.  A.  H.  Franckii  Introductio  ad 
Lectionem  Prophetarum,  (Halae  Magdeburgicaj,  1724,  Svo.),  pp.  1--S8.  In 
pp.  91 — 247.  he  has  applied  his  general  principles  to  the  interpretation  of 
the  prophet  Jonah;  Glassii  Philologia  Sacr.  lib.  i.  tract,  iv.  col.  311—324. 
4to.  edit.  Lipsiae,  1725 ;  Rambachii  Observationes  Selects  de  Parallelismo 
Sacro,  pp.  219—235.,  and  his  Instit.  Hermeneuticse  SacriE,  pp.  741—745. 
779—791.  J.  E.  Pfeifferi.  Inst.  Herm.  Sacr.  pp.  79—81. ;  LangiiHermeneutica 
Sacra,  pp.  133—150. ;  Turretin  de  Sacrae  Scriptural  Interpretatione,  cap.  iv. 
pp.  244—255. ;  in  pp.  256—295.  he  has  given  an  admirable  illustration  of  the 
principles  laid  down  by  him  in  the  preceding  chapter  by  expounding 
chapters  i.  and  ii.  of  the  prophecy  of  Joel;  Pareau,  Instilutio  Jnterpreti* 
Veteris  Testamenti,  pp.  4b8— 519. ;  Principes  Generaux  pour  PIntelligenci 
des  Propheties  (Paris.  1763,  8vo.) ;  Bishop  Warburton's  Divine  Legatioi 
of  Moses,  book  vi.  (Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  47.  et  seq.);  Dr.  Hey's  Norri6iai 
Lectures,  vol.  i.  pp.  235—240. ;  Dr.  Smith's  View  of  the  Prophets,  12mo. 
Bishop  Kurd's  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  the  Prophets  (Works,  vol.  v.) 
Dr.  Macknisht's  Translation  and  Commentary  or.  the  Epistles,  vol.  iv.  (4to 
edit.)  or  vi.  (8vo.  edit.)  essay  viii.  sect.  v. ;  Mr  t'rere's  Combined  View  of 
the  Pr  -phecies  of  Daniel,  Esdras,  and  St.  'ohn,  8vo.  ;  and  the  Rev.  Win. 
Jones's  '.cctures  on  the  Figurative  Language  of  Scripture.  (Theol.  and 
Miscel.  Woit«.  vol.  iv.)  These  writers  have  all  been  consulted  on  tha 
present  occasion. 


r.uAP.  v.] 


ON  THE  DOCTRINAL  INTERPRETATION  OF  THE  SCRIPTURES. 


393 


CHAPTER  V. 


ON    Tin:    DOCTRINAL    INTERPRETATION    OF    THE    SCRIPTURES. 


As  the  Holy  Scriptures  contain  the  revealed  will  of  God 
to  man,  they  not  only  offer  to  our  attention  the  most  int. 
histories  and  characters  tor  our  instruction  hy  example,  and 
the  most  sublime  prophecies  for  the  confirmation  of  our  faith, 
hut  they  likewise  present  to  our  serious  study %  doctrinal  truth* 
of  the  utmost  importance.  Some  of  these  occur  in  the  his- 
totical,  poetical,  and  prophetical  parts  of  the  Bible:  hut  they 
chiefly  to  be  found  in  the  apostolic  epistles  which,  though 
originally  designed  for  the  edification d  particular  christian 
churches  01  individuals,  are  nevertheless  of  general  applica- 
tion, and  designed  for  the  guidance  of  the  universal  church  in 
every  age.  For  many  of  the  fundamental  doctrines  of  Chris- 
tianity are  more  copiously  treated  in  the  epistles,  which  are 
not  so  particularly  explained  in  the  Gospels;  and  as  the 
authors  of  the  several  epistles  wrote  under  the  same  divine 
inspiration  as  the  evangelists,  the  epistles  and  gospels  must 
l>e  taken  together,  to  complete  the  rule  of  Christian  faith. 
The  doctrinal  interpretation,  therefore,  of  the  Sacred  Writ- 
ings is  of  paramount  consequence;  as  by  this  means  we  are 
enabled  to  acquire  a  correct  and  saving  knowledge  of  the 
will  of  CJod  concerning  us.  In  the  prosecution  of  this  im- 
portant branch  of  sacred  literature,  the  following  observations 
are  offered  to  the  attention  of  the  student: — 

I.  The  meaning  of  the  Sacred  Writings  is  not  to  be  deter- 
ment d  according  to  modern  notions  and  systems  :  Intl  ire  must 
endeavour  to  carry  ourselves  back  to  the  very  times  and  places  in 
which  they  were  written,  anil  realize  the  ideas  and  modes  of 
thinking  of  the  sacred  writers. 

This  rule  is  of  the  utmost  importance  for  understanding  the 
Scriptures;  but  is  too  commonly  neglected  by  commentators  and 
expositors,  who,  when  applying  themselves  to  the  explanation  of 
the  Sacred  Writings,  have  a  preconceived  system  of  doctrine 
which  they  seek  in  the  Bible,  and  to  which  they  refer  every  pas- 
sage of  Scripture.  Thus  they  rather  draw  the  Scriptures  to  their 
system  of  doctrine,  than  bring  their  doctrines  to  the  standard  of 
Scripture ;  a  mode  of  interpretation  which  is  altogether  unjust, 
and  utterly  useless  in  the  attainment  of  truth.  The  only  way  by 
which  to  understand  the  meaning  of  the  sacred  writers,  and  to 
distinguish  between  true  and  false  doctrines,  is,  to  lay  aside  all 
preconceived  modern  notions  and  systems,  and  to  carry  ourselves 
back  to  the  very  times  and  places  in  which  the  prophets  and 
apostles  wrote.  In  perusing  the  Bible,  therefore,  this  rule  must 
be  most  carefully  attended  to  : — it  is  only  an  unbiassed  mind  that 
can  attain  the  true  and  genuine  sense  of  Scripture.1 

II.  Regard  must  also  be  had  to  the  peculiar  state  of  the 
churches,  cities,  or  persons,  to  who/it  particular  epistles,  espe- 
cially those  of  Saint  Paul,  were  addressed;  as  the  knowledge 
of  such  state  frequently  leads  to  the  particular  occasion  for  which 
tuch  epistle  was  written. 

"Although  the  general  design  of  the  whole  of  Scripture  was 
the  instruction  of  the  world,  and  the  edification  of  the  church  in 
every  age,  still  there  was  an  immediate  and  specific  design  with 
regard  to  every  book.  This  appears  particularly  obvious  in  refer- 
ence to  the  epistles.  With  the  exception  of  those  properly  called 
catholic  or  general  epistles,  and  of  a  few  written  to  individuals, 
they  were  addressed  to  particular  societies  of  Christians,  and  they 
were  adapted  to  the  exact  state  of  tbose  societies,  whether  con- 
sisting chiefly  of  Jewish  or  of  Heathen  converts:  whether  re- 
cently organized  as  churches,  or  in  a  state  of  nourishing  maturity  ; 
whether  closely  cemented  together  by  the  strength  of  brotherly 
love,  or  distracted  by  the  spirit  of  faction  ;  whether  steadfast  in 
adherence  to  the  truth,  or  inclining  to  the  admission  of  error. 
Now,  if  these  considerations  were  present  to  the  mind  of  the 
inspired  writer  of  an  epistle,  and  served  to  regulate  the  strain  and 
the  topics  of  bis  address,  it  is  evident  that  they  must  by  no  means 
be  disregarded  by  us  in  our  attempts  to  ascertain  the  genuine  and 
intended  sense."-  A  knowledge,  therefore,  of  the  state  of  the 
particular  churches,  to  which  they  addressed  their  epistles,  is  of 
the  greatest  importance,  not  only  to  enable  us  to  ascertain  the 

»  Turretin,  de  Interp.  Sacr.  Script,  pp  312.  314.  See  slsosnme  sensible 
rer-.arks,  on  these  perversions  of  the  Sacred  Writings  in  the  Christian 
Observer  for  1SI8,  vol.  xvii.  p.  317. 

*  Rev.  H.  F.  Burder's  Sermon  on  the  Duty  and  Means  of  ascertaining 
the  genuinr  Sense  of  the  Scriptures,  p.  19. 


scope  of  any  particular  epistle,  but  also  for  the  jurpose  of  recon- 
ciling doctrinal  passages,  which,  to  a  curtory  reader,  may  at  first 
siybt  appear  contradictory. 

mtance,  the  Qslatiaa  '  long  ain-r  their  members  had 

averted  t><  the  faith  ol  the  0  persuaded  by  some  Judaiz- 

ing  teachers  tbat  it  was  absolutely  necessary  they  should  be  circumcised, 
and  observe  the  entire  law  of  Muses:  hence  great  dissensions  arose  among 
the  Oaladan  Christians.    These  elrcum  Saint  Paul  to  write  hi* 

I  'ii  them  ;  the  design  of  whit  h  was,  to  prove  the  JVwi-h  ceremonial 

law  to  I"-  ii"  longer  obligatory,  to  convince  them  of  the  moral  and  spiritual 
nature  of  the  Gospel,  and  ibua  to  restore  mutual  good-will  among  them. 

l  Ram.  xiv.  5.  and  OaL  iv,  10,  II.  are  apparently  contradictory  to 
each  other.  In  the  former  passage  we  resd  "  Onematn  uteemetk  one 
day  abort  another  ;  another  esleemelh  every  day  alike.  L'l  every  man  be 
fully  persuaded  in  I  '    Tie- latter  pai  age  runs  thus,— "  Ye 

•luij.v,  and  months,  and  timet,  and  y ear t;  I  am  afraid  let!  I  hive 
•i  upon  you  labour  inrain."     Now,  it  we  attend  to  the  Situation  and 
character  of  the  persons  addressed,  we  shall  easily  be  enabled  to  solve  this 
seeming  difficulty. 

The  Roman  and  Galatian  churches  were  composed  of  both  Jews  and 
Gentiles  :  but  they  are  not  addressed  promiscuously  :  nekbei 
same  description  of  people  who  are  add  ret  ted  in  both  pai 
who  "  regarded  day  a,"  among  the  B  who, 

having  from  their  youth  observed  them  as  divine  appointments,  were  with 
difficulty  brought  to  lay  them  aside.  And  as  their  attachment  bad  its  ori- 
gin in  a  tender  regard  to  divine  authority,  they  w<  red  as  "  keep- 
lay  unto  the  Lord;"  and  great  forbearance  was  enjoined  upon  the 
Gentile  converts  towards  them  in  that  matter.  Those,  on  the  ether  hand, 
who  among  the  Galatians,  "  observed  days,  and  months,  and  times."  wer» 
converted  (Jentiles,  as  is  manifest  from  the  context,  which  describes  them 
as  having,  in  their  unconverted  stale,  "done  service  to  them  which  by 
nature  were  no  gods."  (ch.  iv.  8.)  These  being  perverted  by  certain  Ju 
daizing  leachers,  .were,  contrary  to  the  apostolic  decision  (Acts  xv.),  cir- 
cumcised, and  subjected  themselves  to  the  yoke  of  Jewish  ceremonies. 
Nor  was  this  all ;  they  were  led  to  consider  these  things  as  necessary  to 
justification  and  salvation,  which  were  subversive  of  the  doctrine  of  justifi- 
cation by  faith  in  Jesus  Christ.  (Acts  xv.  1.  Gal.  v.  1.)  These  circumstances 
red,  the  different  language  of  the  apostle  is  perfectly  in  cha- 
Circumcision,  and  conformity  to  the  law  of  Moses,  in  Jetovth  con- 
verts, was  held  to  be  lawful.  Even  the  apostle  of  the  Gentiles  himself  "tc 
the  Jews  became  a  Jew;"  frequently,  if  not  constantly,  conforming  to  the 
Jewish  laws.  And  when  writing  to  others,  he  expresses  himself  on  thil 
wise: — "Is  any  man  called,  being  circumcised!  let  him  not  become  un- 
circumcised.  Is  any  called,  in  uncircumcision  1  let  him  not  become  circum- 
cised. Circumcision  is  nothing,  and  uncircumcision  is  nothing;  but  the 
keeping  of  the  commandments  of  God."  (t  Cor.  vii.  18,  19.)  But  for  Gen- 
tiles, who  had  no  such  things  to  allege  in  their  favour,  to  go  off  from  the 
liberty  granted  to  them  (Acts  xv.),  and  entangle  themselves  under  a  yoke 
of  bondage,  and  not  only  so,  but  to  make  it  a  term  of  justification,  was  suffi- 
cient to  excite  a  fear  lest  the  labour  which  he  had  bestowed  upon  them 
was  in  vain.' 

Braunius.<  Yiirinsa,*  and  Buddeus*  have  happily  illustrated  numerous 
passages  in  St.  Paul's  Epistles  by  attending  to  the  circumstances  mention- 
ed in  the  above  canon.  The  state  of  the  Apocalyptic  churches  has  also 
been  well  described  by  our  learned  countryman  Smith,'  by  Witsius,*and 
especially  by  Ferdinand  Stosch  »  Bambach,  in  his  Introduction  to  tie 
tie  to  the  Romans,  has  elaborately  investigated  the  state  of  the  church  a. 
Rome,  and  applied  it  to  the  justification  and  scope  of  this  epistle.'* 

III.  In  order  to  understand  any  doctrinal  book  or  passage 
of  Scripture,  tee  must  attend  to  the  controversies  which  were 
agitated  at  that  time,  and  to  which  the  sacred  writers  allude  .- 
fur  a  key  to  the  apostolic  epistles  is  not  to  be  sought  in  the 
modern  controversies  that  divide  Christians,  and  which  icere  not 
only  unknown,  but  also  irere  not  in  existence  at  that  time. 

The  controversies  which  were  discussed  in  the  age  of  the 
apostles  are  to  be  ascertained,  partly  from  their  writings,  partly 
from  the  existing  monuments  of  the  primitive  Christians,  and 
likewise  from  some  passages  in  the  writings  of  the  Rabbins. 

from  these  it  appears  that  the  following  were  the  principal  questions 
then  agitated,  viz.  What  is  the  true  way  by  which  to  please  God,  and  thus 
to  obtain  eternal  life — the  observance  of  the  Mosaic  law,  or  faith  and  obe- 
dience as  held  forth  in  the  Gospel)  To  this  question  the  following  was 
closely  allied — Whether  the  observance  of  the  Mosaic  ceremonies  was  so 
absolutely  necessary,  that  they  were  to  be  imposed  on  the  converted  Gen- 
tiles? The  former  question  \s  particularly  discussed  in  St.  Paul's  Epistle 
In  the  Romans  ;  the  latter  in  the  council  held  at  Jerusalem  (Actsxv.  1—31.), 
tad  especially  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians. 

Another  question  which  was  most  warmly  agitated,  related  to  the  calling 
of  the  Gentiles,  which  the  Jews  could  by  no  means  bear,  as  appears  from 


1  Fuller's  Harmony  of  Scripture,  pp.  44.  46. 

•  Bt  seta  s.icra.  lib.  i.  •  Observationes  Sacra1,  lib.  iv.  cc.  7,  8. 

«  Jo  Francisci  Buddei  Ecclesia  Apostolica,  sive  de  Statu  Ecclesia?  Chris- 
tiana- sub  Apostolis  Commentatio  HistoricaDogmatica.     Jenst,  1729  Bvo. 

i  In  his  •  Remarks  upon  the  Manners,  Religion,  and  Government  of  the 
Turks,  with  a  Survey  of  the  Seven  Churches  of  Asia,"  Svo.  1678.  The  re- 
marks had  previously  been  printed  in  Latin  in  1672,  and  again  in  an  enlarged 
edition  in  1674. 

»  Miscellanea  Sacra,  torn.  i.  p.  669. 

»  Ferdinand!  Stosch  Syntagma  Dissertationum  Septemde  nominibus  toti- 
demUrbiutnAsia>  ad  qubs  I).  Johannes  in  Apocalypsi  Epistolas direxit,  8vo. 
Guelpherbvti.  17S7.  ,     .      .    _ 

••  Jo.  Jac.  RambachiilntroductioHistorico-TheologicamEpist.'lainPaui 
ad  Romanos.  Svo.  Hals,  1727. 


394 


ON  THE  DOCTRINAL  INTERPRETATION  OF  THE  SCRIPTURES. 


i  Pa  bt  II.  Book  II. 


numerous  passages  in  the  Gospels,  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  the  Epistles. 
The  apostles,  therefore,  found  it  necessary  to  assert  that  point,  to  confirm 
it  by  citing  numerous  prophecies  from  the  Old  Testament  relative  to  the 
conversion  of  the  Gentiles,  ami  to  vindicate  it  from  the  objections  of  the 
Jews  ;  this  has  been  done  by  Saint  Paul  in  several  chaptersof  his  Epistle  to 
the  Romans,  as  well  as  in  his  Epistles  to  the  Ephesians  and  Colossians,  in 

hich  he  proves  tli  <i  the  Jewish  ceremonies  were  superseded. 

There  were  also  9  mi''  Jewish  notions,  which  were  refuted  both  by  our 
Lord  and  by  his  aposUesj  for  instance,  that  all  Jews  would  certainly  be 
saved.  Turretin,  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  this  observation,  has  ad- 
duced a  passage  from  the  Codex  Sanhedrin,  which  affirmed  that  every  Jew 
had  a  portion  in  lhe  future  world,  and  another  from  the  Talmud,  in  which  it 
•s  said  that  Abraham  is  sitting  near  the  gates  of  hell,  and  doesnot  permit 
any  Israelite,  hotel  ver  tricked  he  may  be,  to  descend  into  hell.1  In  opposi- 
tion to  such  traditions  as  these,  Jesus  Christ  thus  solemnly  warned  them: — 
Nut  every  man  that  saith  unto  me,  "Lord,  Lord,"  shall  enter  into  the 
kingdom  of  heaven,  but  he  that  doeth  the  will  of  my  Father  which  is  in 
heaven.  (Matt.  vii.  24.)  This  notion  was  also  opposed  at  length  by  St.  Paul. 
(Rom.  ii.  16.  et  seq.)  Once  more :  it  appears  from  very  many  passages  of 
the  Jewish  writers,  that  the  Jews  divided  the  precepts  of  the  law  into  great 
and  little",  and  taught  that  if  a  man  observed  one  such  grand  precept,  that 
would  suffice  to  conciliate  the  favour  of  God,  and  would  outweigh  ail  his 
other  actions.  In  opposition  to  this  our  Lord  solemnly  declares,  that 
"  whosoever  shall  break  one  of  these  least  commandments,  and  shall  teach 
men  so,  he  shall  be  called  'shall  he)  least  in  the  kingdom  of  heaven"  (Matt. 
v.  19.) ;  and  Saint  James  also,  "whosoever  shall  keep  the  whole  law,  and 
yet  offend  in  one  point,  he  is  guilty  of  all."  (James  ii.  10.) 

Further,  many  erroneous  tenets  were  held  and  promulgated  in  the  time 
of  the  apostles,  by  persons  calling  themselves  Christians.  To  these  "oppo- 
sitions of  science  falsely  so  called"  (1  Tim.  vi.  20.)  there  are  numerous 
allusions  in  the  Epistles,  where  such  errors  are  refuted:  for  instance,  Col. 
ii.  18.  the  worshipping  of  angels  ;  Col.  ii.  20,  21.  against  the  pretensions  of 
extraordinary  mortifications  and  abstinence;  1  Cor.  viii.  and  2  Cor.  vi.  16,  &c. 
against  idols  and  eating  things  offered  to  them,  <fcc.  The  beginning  of  Saint 
John's  Gospel,  it  is  well  known,  was  written  to  refute  the  false  notions  of 
Cerinthus. 

IV.  The  doctrinal  books  of  Scripture,  for  instance,  the  Epis- 
tles, are  not  to  be  perused  in  detached  portions  or  sections  ,•  but 
they  should  be  read  through  at  once,  with  a  close  attention  to  the 
scope  and  tenor  of  the  discourse,  regardless  of  the  divisions  into 
chapters  and  verses,  precisely  in  the  same  manner  in  which  we 
would  peruse  the  letters  of  Cicero,  Pliny,  or'  other  ancient 
writers. 

This  reading  should  not  be  cursory  or  casual,  but  frequent  and 
diligent ;  and  the  Epistles  should  be  repeatedly  perused,  until  we 
become  intimately  acquainted  with  their  contents.2  Want  of  at- 
tention to  the  general  scope  and  design  of  the  doctrinal  parts  of 
Scripture,  particularly  of  the  Epistles,  has  been  the  source  of 
many  and  great  errors :  "  for,  to  pick  out  a  verse  or  two,  and 
criticise  on  a  word  or  expression,  and  ground  a  doctrine  thereon, 
without  considering  the  main  scope  of  the  epistle  and  the  occa- 
sion of  writing  it,  is  just  as  if  a  man  should  interpret  ancient 
statutes  or  records  by  two  or  three  words  or  expressions  in  them, 
without  regard  to  the  true  occasion  upon  which  they  were  made, 
and  without  any  manner  of  knowledge  and  insight  into  the  his- 
tory of  the  age  in  which  they  were  written."  The  absurdity  of 
such  a  conduct  is  too  obvious  to  need  further  exposure. 

Having  already  offered  some  hints  for  investigating  the  scope 
of  a  particular  book  or  passage,3  it  only  remains  to  notice  that 
there  is  this  general  difference  observable  between  the  scope  of  the 
Gospels  and  that  of  the  Epistles  ;  viz.  the  former  represent  the 
principles  of  Christianity  absolutely,  or  as  they  are  in  themselves  ; 
while  the  latter  represent  them  relatively,  that  is,  as  they  respect 
the  state  of  the  world  at  that  particular  time. 

1  De  Sacr.  Script.  Interp.  p.  316. 
Mr.  Locke  has  forcibly  illustrated  this  remark  bv  relating  his  own 
pi.fctice  in  studying  the^Epistles  of  Saint  Paul.  After  he  had  found  by  long 
experience  that  the  ordinary  way  of  reading  a  chapter,  and  then  consulting 
commentators  upon  difficult  passages,  failed  in  leading  him  to  the  true 
sense  of  the  Epistle,  he  says,  "I  saw  plainly,  after  I  began  once  to  reflect 
on  it,  that  if  any  one  should  now  write  me  a  letter  as  long  as  Saint  Paul's  to 
the  Romans,  concerning  such  a  matter  as  that  is,  in  a  style  as  foreign,  and  ex- 
pressions as  dubious,  as  his  seem  to  be,  if  I  should  divide  it  into  fifteen  or  six- 
teen chapters,  and  read  one  of  them  to-day  and  another  tomorrow,  &c.  it  was 
ten  to  one  that!  should  never  come  to  a  full  and  clear  comprehension  of  it. 
I  he  way  to  understand  the  mind  of  him  that  wrote  it,  every  one  would  agree, 
was  to  read  the  whole  letter  through  from  one  end  to  the  other,  all  at  once,  to 
see  what  was  the  main  subject  and  tendency  of  it ;  or,  if  it  had  several  parts 
and  purposes  in  it  not  dependent  one  of  another,  nor  in  a  subordination  to 
one  chief  aim  and  end,  to  discover  what  those  different  matters  were,  and 
where  the  author  concluded  one  and  began  another ;  and  if  there  were  any 
necessity  of  dividing  the  Epistles  into  parts,  mark  the  boundaries  of  them." 
In  the  prosecution  of  this  thought,  Mr.  Locke  concluded  it  necessary  for 
•he  understanding  of  any  one  of  Saint  Paul's  Epistles  to  read  it  all  through 
at  one  sitting^ and  to  observe  as  well  as  he  could  the  drift  and  desi»n  of 
the  writer,  buccessive  perusals  in  a  similar  way  at  length  <*ave  him  a 
good  general  view  of  the  apostle's  main  purpose  in  writin-^the  Epistle  the 
chief  branches  of  his  discourse,  the  arguments  he  used,  and  the  disposition 
of  the  whole.  This,  however,  is  not  to  be  attained  by  one  or  two  hasty 
readings.  "It  must  be  repeated  again  and  again,  with  a  clone  attention  to 
the  tenor  of  the  discourse,  and  a  perfect  neglect  of  the  divisions  into  chap- 
ters and  verses.  On  the  contrary,  the  safest  way  is,  to  suppose  that  the* 
Epistle  has  but  one  business  and  but  one  aim  ;  until,  by  a  frequent  peru- 
sal of  it,  you  are  forced  to  see  there  are  distinct  independent  matters  in  it 
which  will  forwardly  enough  show  themselves."  Locke  on  the  Epistles 
of  .Saint  Paul,  Preface.  (Works,  vol.  ii.  pp.  281,  282.  4to.) 
Bee  pp.  339,  340.  tupra. 


V.  Where  any  doctrine  is  to  be  deduced  from  the  Scriptures, 
it  will  be  collected  better,  and  with  more  precision,  from  those 
places  in  which  it  is  professedly  discussed,  than  from  those 
in  which  it  is  noticed  only  incidentally  or  by  way  if  inference. 

For  instance,  in  the  Epistles  to  the  Romans  and  Galatians,  the 
doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  is  fully  treated  ;  mid  in  those  to 
the  Ephesians  and  Colossians,  the  calling  of  the  Gentiles  and 
the  abrogation  of  the  ceremonial  law  are  particularly  illustrated. 
These  must,  therefore,  be  diligently  ciniparcd  together,  in  order 
to  deduce  those  doctrines  correctly. 

VI.  Doctrines  peculiar  to  a  certain  <:.  i  <  belter  ascertained 
from  writings  belonging  to  thai  age,  u  t 'he  times  im mediately 
following,  than  from  memorials  or  writings  of  a  later  date. 

Thus,  the  ideas  entertained  by  the  patriarchs  are  better  col- 
lected from  the  writings  immediately  concerning  them — the  book 
of  Genesis,  for  instance — than  from  hooks  written  long  after 
wards,  as  the  Apostolic  Epistles. — Not  that  these  are  unworthy 
of  credit  (of  such  an  insinuation  the  author  trusts  he  shall  be 
fully  acquitted),  but  because  the  apostles  deduce  inferences  from 
passages  of  Scripture,  according  to  the  manner  practised  in 
their  oivn  time;  which  inferences,  though  truly  correct,  and 
every  way  worthy  the  assent  of  Christians,  were  not  known  at 
the  time  when  such  passages  were  first  committed  to  writing.4 

VII.  Although  the  Scriptures  sometimes  speak  of  God  after 
the  manner  of  men,  they  are  not  to  be  understood  literally,  but 
must  be  taken  in  a  sense  worthy  of  God. 

This  rule  was  not  unknown  to  the  Jews,  with  whom  it  was 
usual  to  say  that  the  Scriptures  speak  of  God  with  the  tongue,  of 
the  sorts  of  men.  When,  therefore,  human  members,  faculties, 
senses,  and  affections,  are  attributed  to  the  Deity,  they  are  to 
be  understood  in  a  sense  worthy  of  Him;  and  the  mannerjn 
which  that  sense  is  to  be  ascertained  is  twofold  : — 1.  From  the 
light  of  nature,  which  teaches  us  that  all  ideas  of  imperfection 
are  to  be  removed  from  God,  and,  consequently,  corporeity  ;  and, 
2.  From  the  comparison  of  other  passages  of  Scripture,  in 
which  it  is  written,  that  God  is  a  spirit,  that  he  cannot  he  repre- 
sented by  any  figure,  and  that  he  is  not  a  man  that  he  should 
repent,  &c.  Numerous  illustrations  of  this  remark  might  be 
offered,  were  it  necessary ;  but  as  this  subject  has  already  been 
discussed  in  a  former  chapter,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  give  a 
reference  to  it.5 

VIII.  No  doctrine  is  admissible,  or  can  be  established  from 
the  Scriptures,  that  is  either  repugnant  to  them,  or  contrary  to 
reason  or  to  the  analogy  of  faith. 

For  instance,  if  the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation  were  to  I* 
admitted,  the  evidence  of  our  reason,  as  well  as  of  our  senses, 
could  no  longer  be  believed,  and  the  consequence  would  be,  that 
the  arguments  for  the  truth  of  the  Christian  religion,  arising  from 
the  miracles  and  resurrection  of  Jesus  Christ,  would  fall  to  the 
ground,  and  become  of  no  effect  whatever.  Articles  of  revelation, 
indeed,  may  be  above  our  reason ;  but  no  doctrine,  which  comes 
from  God,  can  be  irrational,  or  contrary  to  those  moral  truths, 
which  are  clearly  perceived  by  the  mind  of  man.  We  are  sure, 
therefore,  that  any  interpretation  of  revealed  doctrines  that  is 
inconsistent  with  common  sense,  or  with  the  established  laws  of 
morality,  must  be  erroneous.  The  several  parts  of  those  doctrines, 
which  are  dispersed  through  the  Scriptures,  ought  to  be  collected 
and  explained  so  as  to  agree  with  one  another,  and  form  an 
intelligible  and  consistent  scheme.  The  different  parts  of  a  reve- 
lation, which  comes  from  God,  must  all  be  reconcilable  with  one 
another,  and  with  sound  reason.  The  prejudices  of  different 
denominations  unfit  them  for  understanding  the  passages,  which 
are  connected  with  the  subjects  of  their  disputations ;  but  there 
are  general  principles  that  all  parties  adopt:  and  no  text  can  be 
interpreted  in  a  sense  inconsistent  with  those  articles  which  are 
universally  received.  This  conformity,  of  every  part  to  first 
principles,  is  commonly  called  the  analogy  of  faith  ;  the  nature  of 
which,  and  the  manner  in  which  it  is  to  be  applied  to  the  inter- 
pretation of  Scripture,  are  stated  and  explained  in  pp.  342 — 344. 

IX.  7/  is  of  great  importance  to  the  understanding  of  the 
doctrinal  books  of  the  New  Testament,  to  attend  to  and  distinctly 
to  note  the  transitions  of  person  which  frequently  occur,  especially 
in  Saint  Paul's  Epistles. 

The  pronouns  /,  We,  and  You,  are  used  by  the  apostles  in 
such  a  variety  of  applications,  that  the  understanding  of  their 
true  meaning  is  often  a  key  to  many  difficult  passages. 

Thus,  by  the  pronoun  /,  Saint  Paul  sometimes  means  himself;  some 
times  any'  Christian  ;   sometimes  a  Jew ;  and  sometimes  any  man,  <frr, 


♦  Turretin,  p.  324. 


«  See  p.  362.  supra 


(Jmr.  VI.  Ssct.  I.] 


INTERPRETATION  OF  THE  MORAL  PARTS  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


39& 


If  the  speaking;  of  himself  in  tho  first  person  singular  have  these  various 
meanings,  his  use  of  the  plural  We  is  with  far  greater  latitude;  for  some- 
times  we  means  himself  alone,  sometimes  those  who  were  with  him  whom 
he  makes  partners  i"  the  Epl  itles  (a  in  the  two  Epistles  to  the  I  k>i  Inthlans, 
end  in  those  to  the  Phllippiana  and  ('"i"  Ian  ),  sometimes  with  himsell 
eemprehending  t !>»•  other  apostles,  or  pre*  hi 

dens.    Nay,  he   omi  i  i  ted  Jews,  at 

others,  of  the  converted  '■  Limes  he  Introduces  the  uni 

rate  as  speaking  In  his  nun  person  j  at  other  times  be  personlfii 
teachers  or  false  Christians,  whose  name  i,  however,  be  forbears  to  men- 
tion, lest  he  should  jive  them  offence.    In  all  these  Instances,  bis  applica- 
tion of  the  above-mentioned  pronou  be  meaning  of  the  ti 
pauses  it  to  bo  differently  understood.   Examples  illustrative  of  this  remark 
may  !"•  found  In  every  page  ol  Balnl  Paul's  Epistles.    Further,  In  the  cur- 
rent ofhlsdl                     imetlmes  drops  In  the  objections  ol  others,  and 
his  answiTs  in  them,  without  any  ohange  In  the  lohemeof  his  Uu 
that  in  uu  Uf  give  notice  "i  any  other  person  speaking  besides  himself,    To 
discover  this,  requires  great  attention  to  the  apostle')  scope  and  argument ; 
u.i  j .  i,  ii  r                     i  ..r  overlooked,  it  will  cause  toe  reader  greatly 
to  mistake  and  misunderstand)  his  meaning,  and  will  also  render  the  sense 
very  perplexed.    Mr.  Locke,  and  Dr  Mai  knight,  In  their  elaborate  works 
hi  Die  Epistles,  are  particularly  useful  in  pointing  out  these  various  tran- 
sitions ni  persons  and  subjects. 

X.  In  implying  the  Scriptures  as  a  proof  of  any  doctrine,  it 

U  necessary  in  ascertain,  if  all  that  is  meant  be  expressed  ,•  or, 
if  it  In:  not  expressed,  what  is  ncccssarili/  implied,  in  order  to 
complete  the  pottage. 

Thus  it  is  common  fas  we  have  already  shown)2  for  the 
sacred  writers  to  mention  only  the  principal  part  of  any  subject, 
for  the  whole. 

In  Rom.  x.  9.  Paul  says;  If  thou  shall  confess  with  thy  mouth  the  Lord 
leans,  and  Shalt  betine  in  thine  heart  that  odd  hath  bAIBBJ)  him  from 
Tin-:  iii:ad,  thou  shall  he  saved.  The  resurrection  of  Christ  is  the  only 
article  which  is  mentioned  here,  because,  by  that  miracle,  God  established 
the  Saviour's  authority,  as  a  lawgiver,  ami  confirmed  all  the  doctrines 
which  be  taught  Hut  there  are  other  essential  articles,  which  are  neces- 
sary to  be  believed,  In  order  lo  be  saved,  though  they  are  not  stated  in  the 
text.  It  Is  added  (ver,  13.),  for  whosoever  shall  call  upon  the  name  of  the 
Lord  shall  he  saved.  No  real  Christian  can  be  so  ignorant  of  the  Gospel, 
as-to  suppose,  that  no  more  is  necessary,  in  order  to  he  saved,  than  to  call 
upon  the  name  of  the  Lord.     In  this  text,  it  is  evident  that  the  apostle 


mentions  only  a  pi Inelpal  part  of  what  is  meant.  Now,  from  the  context 
in  iy  bi  gathered  the  following  particulars,  as  implied,  though  not  expressed. 
First,  iii  the  ninth  verse  u  Is  affirmed,  that  in  order  to  be  saved,  a  man 

in  m  in  ins  heart  Secondly,  he  must  confess  with  his  mouth; 
If  thou  shall  con/sts  iriih  thy  mouth  the  Lord  Jesus,  and  shall  believe  in 
Hum-  hunt  that  Uod  hath  raited  lum  from  the  dead,  thou  shall  he  saved. 
i  imfi  i. .a  implle  >  more  than  profession.  A  true  believer  in  Jesus  Christ 
openly,  and  "I  his  own  accord,  professes  the  articles  of  his  oelief;  and 
when  h  I  d,  and  examined  concerning  bis  religion,  he  readily 

i  the  truth,  s  of  his  sincerity  and  faithfulness,    iv.cn 

hi  ,  in  order  tn  be  saved  ;  for  it  is  added  in  the 

tenth  verse,  iriV/i  the  hart  man  h'lr  rrth  DIN  WGHTEOUS.NESS,  and  uilh 
the  mouth  confession  is  made  unto  salvation,     l'aitli,  ucling  on  (lie   heart, 

is  productive  of  a  righteous  life,  and  thus  the  believer  becomes  a  sincere 
Ipper  ni  the  Coid; /br  whosoever  will  call  on  the  name  of  the  Lord 

shall  be  saved,  (ver.  13.)  Ill  these  different  passages,  it  is  evident  that  6 
pari  is  mentioned  for  the  whole  ;  ami  la  order  to  understand  all  that  is  no 

piled,  the  seven!  parts  must  be  collected  ami  pal  together, 

XI.  No  article  of  faith  can  he  established  from  metaphors. 
parabletf  or  tingle  obscure  and  figurative  texts. 

The  metaphorical  language  of  the  prophets,  and  figurative 
expressions  which  abound  in  the  Scriptures,  are  calculated  t< 
promote  the  purposes  of  godliness  by  acting  on  the  imagination, 
and  by  influencing  a  believer's  conduct;  but  they  never  were 
intended  to  be  a  revelation  of  Gospel  principles.  Instead  of  de- 
riving our  knowledge  of  Christianity  from  parables  and  figura- 
tive passages,  un  intimate  acquaintance  -with  the  doctrines  of 
the  Gospel  is  necessary,  in.  order  to  be  capable  of  interpreting 
them. 

The  beautiful  parable  of  the  man  who  fell  among  thieves  (Luke  x.  30 — 
37.)  is  evidently  Intended  to  influence  the  Jews  lo  be  benevolent  ami  kind, 
like  the  good  Samaritan.  Some  writers  have  considered  that  parable  to  be 
a  representation  of  Adam's  fall,  and  of  man's  recovery,  through  the  inter- 
position and  love  of  Jesus  Christ.  But  those,  who  embrace  this  opinion, 
ilid  not  learn  these  doctrines  from  the  passage  itself.  No  person,  who  is 
wholly  ignorant  of  Adam,  and  of  Jesus  Christ,  could  ever  learn  any  thing 
concerning  them,  from  what  is  related  in  this  parable.  The  same  obser- 
vation is  equally  applicable  to  every  other  parable,  and  typical  subject; 
in  which  the  doctrines  of  the  Gospel  cennot  be  discovered  by  any  person, 
who  has  not  first  learned  them  from  other  texts. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

ON     THE     MORAL     INTERPRETATION     OP     SCRIPTURE. 

SECTION  I. 

ON   THE    INTERPRETATION    OF   THE    MORAL    PARTS    Of    SCRIPTURE. 


Having  already  discussed  the  interpretation  of  the  figura- 
tive, spiritual,  typical,  prophetical,  and  doctrinal  parts  of  the 
Sacrea  Writings,  it  now  remains  that  we  consider  the  Moral 
Parts  of  Scripture.  These,  indeed,  are  to  be  interpreted 
precisely  in  tlfe  same  manner  as  all  Other  mora]  writings; 
regard  being  had  to  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  sacred 
writers,  viz.  the  age  in  which  they  wrote,  the  nation  to  which 
they  belonged,  their  style,  genius,  &c.  For,  being  natives 
of  the  East,  they  treat  moral  topics,  after  the  oriental  man- 
ner, in  a  highly  figurative  style,  and  with  similitudes,  and 
figures  considerably  more  far-fetched  than  is  usual  among 
Greek  and  Latin  authors,  or  even  among  the  moderns. 
Again,  being  for  the  most  part  persons  in  the  common  walks 
ot  life,  they  generally  deliver  their  precepts  in  a  popular 
manner,  adapted  to  the  capacities  of  those  to  whom  they 
were  addressed.  In  the  examination  of  the  moral  parts  of 
Scripture,  the  following  more  particular  rules  will  be  found 
useful  : — 

I.  Mural  /impositions  or  discourses  are  not  I"  be  urged  too  far, 
but  must  be  understood  with  a  certain  degree  <f  latitude,  and 
•vith  various  LIMITATIONS. 

For  want  of  attending  to  this  canon,  how  many  morjl  truths 
have  been  pushed  to  an  extent,  which  causes  them  altogether  to 
fail  of  tie  effect  they  were  designed  to  produce  !  It  is  not  to  be 
denied  that  universal  propositions  may  be  offered  :  such  arc 
frequent  in  the  Scriptures  as  well  as  in  profane  writers,  and  also 
in  common  life;  but  it  is  in  explaining  the  expressions  by  which 
they  are  conveyed,  that  just  limits  ought  to  be  applied,  to  prevent 
them  from  being  urged  too  far.  The  natute  of  the  thing,  and 
various  other  circumstances,  will  always  afford  a  criteiion  by 

1  Locke's  Preface  to  the  Epistles.  (Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  277.) 
*  See  p.  371.  supra. 


which  to  understand  moral  propositions  with  the  requisite  limita 
tions.  In  order,  however,  that  this  subject  may  be  better  under- 
stood, and  applied  to  the  Scriptures,  we  will  state  a  few  of  thess 
limitations,  and  illustrate  them  by  examples. 

1.  Universal  or  indefinite  moral  propositions  often  denote 
nothing-  more  than  the  natural  aptitude  or  tendency  of  a  thing 
to  produce  a  certain  effect,  even  although  that  effect  jshoula 
not  actually  take  place. 

Thus,  when  Solomon  says  that  a  soft  answer  turneth  away  wrath  (Prov 
xv.  1.),  the  best  method  of  mitigating  anger  is  pointed  out,  although  the  obsti- 
nacy or  wickedness  of  man  may  produce  a  different  result.  In  like  manner, 
when  St.  Peter  says,  \\7io  is  he  that  will  harm  you,  if  ye  be  followers  of 
thai  which  is  guod I  (1  Pet.  iii.  13.),  this  expression  is  not  to  be  understood 
;is  implying  that  good  men  shall  never  be  ill  treated ;  but  it  simply  denotet 
the  natural  effect  which  a  virtuous  life  will  probably  produce,  viz.  many 
occasions  of  Irritating  men  will  be  avoided,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  their 
friendship  and  favour  will  be  conciliated. 

2.  Universal  or  indefinite  propositions  denote  only  what 
generally  or  often  takes  place. 

As  in  Prov.  xxii.  6.  Train  up  a  child  in  the  way  he  should  go;  and 
when  he  is  old  he  will  not  depart  from  it.  Here  the  wise  monarch  intimates 
not  what  always  takes  place,  but  what  is  the  frequent  consequence  of  judi- 
cious education.  To  this  rule  are  to  be  referred  all  those  propositions 
which  treat  of  the  manners,  virtues,  or  vices  of  particular  n  ttions,  condi- 
tions, or  ages.  Thus  Saint  Paul  says,  that  the  Cretans  are  always  liars 
(Tit.  i  12.)  Again,  when  the  same  apostle,  portray  inn  the  strugclesofsn 
enlightened  bm  onregenerate  person,  says — J  know  that  in  m>  that  is,  in 
myjlesh)  dwcl'eth  no  good  thing  (Horn.  vii.  !&),  he  dues  imt  mean  to  say 
that  there  is  nothing  morally  good  in  man;  but  that  no  man  is  by  nature 
spiritually  good,  or  good  in  the  sight  of  God.* 


'  Similar  to  this  is  the  language  of  the  Liturgy  of  I  lie  Anglican  church:— 

"O  God because  through  the  weakness  of  our  mortal  nature,  we  can 

do  no  good  thing,  without  thou  grant  us  the  help  of  thy  grace.  (Co  lect 
for  the  first  Sunday  after  Trinity.)  On  which  Bishop  Tomlme  remarks- 
"  I  have  only  to  observe,  that  the  good  thing  here  mentioned,  must  mean 
good  in  the  sight  of  God:  such  an  action  our  weak  and  unassisted  nature 
will,  unquestionably,  not  allow  us  to  perform.  '  (Refutation  of  Calvinism, 
pp.  67, 68.  1st  edit.)   To  the  same  purpose,  in  another  place  he  observes :- 


396 


ON  THE   INTERPRETATION  OF  THE 


Taut  II.  Book  II 


3.  Universal  or  indefinite  propositions  frequently  denote 
duty,  or  -what  ought  to  be  done,  not  -what  always  does  actually 
take  place. 

"It  is  the  way  of  the  Scriptures,"  says  a  late  writ«r,  "  to  speak  to  and 
of  the  visible  members  of  the  church  of  Christ,  under  such  appellations 
and  expressions  as  may  seem,  at  first  hearing,  to  imply  that  they  are  all 
of  them  truly  righteous  and  holy  persons.  Thus  the  apostles  style  those 
to  whom  they  write,  in  general,  saints  ;  they  speak  of  them  as  "sanctified 
in  Christ  Jesus,  chosen  of  God,  buried  with  Christ  in  baptism,  risen  again 
with  him  from  the  dead,  sitting  with  him  in  heavenly  places ;"  and  par- 
ticularly Saint  Paul  (Tit.  iii.  5.)  says,  that  they  were  "  saved  by  the  washing 
of  regeneration,"  &c.  The  reason  of  which  is,  that  they  were  visibly,  by 
obligation,  and  by  profession,  all  this ;  which  was  thus  represented  to 
thein,  the  more  effectually  to  stir  them  up,  and  engage  them  to  live  accord- 
in;:  to  their  profession  and  obligation."* 

By  this  rule  also  we  may  explain  Mai.  ii.  7.  "  The  priest's  lips  should 
keep  knowledge :"  which  passage  the  advocates  of  the  church  of  Rome 
urge,  as  asserting  the  infallibility  of  the  priesthood.  A  simple  inspection, 
however,  of  the  following  verse  is  sufficient  to  refute  this  assertion,  and 
to  show  that  the  prophet's  words  denote  only  the  duty  of  the  Jewish  priest- 
hood, not  what  the  priests  really  did  perform.  The  application  of  this  rule 
will  likewise  explain  Prov.  xvi.  10.  12,  13. 

4.  Many  precepts  are  delivered  generally  arid  absolutely, 
concerning  moral  duties,  which  are  only  to  be  taken  -with  cer- 
tain limitations. 

For  instance,  when  we  are  commanded  not  to  be  angry,  we  must  under- 
stand, without  a  cause,  and  not  beyond  measure  :  when  we  are  forbidden 
to  avenge  ourselves,  it  is  to  be  understood  of  privately  taking  revenge  ;  for 
the  magistrate  beareth  not  the  sword  in  vain,  but  is  the  minister  of  God,  a 
revenger  to  execute  wrath  upon  him  that  doeth  evil.  (Rom.  xiii.  4.)  Pub- 
lic vengeance,  or  punishment,  therefore,  is  clearly  not  prohibited.  Once 
more,  though  we  are  commanded  in  the  Scriptures  to  swear  not  at  all  (as 
in  Matt.  v.  34.),  and  not  to  forswear  ourselves  (Levit.  xix.  12.),  yet  they  do 
not  forbid  the  use  of  oaths  in  cases  where  they  can  be  made  subservient 
to  the  support  of  truth  and  the  interests  of  justice.  Moses  says,  Thou 
shall  fear  the  Lord  thy  God,  and  serve  him,  and  shall  stcear  by  his  name. 
(Deut.  vi.  13.)  Thou  shalt  swear,  says  the  prophet  Jeremiah,  the  Lord 
liveth,  in  truth,  in  judgment,  and  in  righteousness.  (Jer.  iv.  2.)  Our 
Saviour  himself,  when  adjured  by  the  high-priest,  in  the  name  of  the  living 
God,  to  declare  whether  he  was  the  Christ  the  Son  of  God  (Matt.  xxvi.  63, 
64.  Mark  xiv.  61,62),  did  not  refuse  to  answer  the  question,  thus  judicially 
proposed  to  him  ;  but  he  certainly  would  have  remained  silent  if  he  had 
disapproved  of  all  asseverations  upon  oath,  or  all  such  solemn  invocations 
of,  and  appeals  to,  the  name  of  God,  in  cases  where  the  truth  is  doubtful 
or  the  testimony  is  suspected.  The  author  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews 
says,  that  an  oath  for  confirmation  is  an  end  of  all  strife.  (Heb.  vi.  16.)<» 

II.  Many  things  in  morals,  which  are  not  spoken  compara- 
tively, are  nevertheless  to  be  thus  understood. 

1.  Tn  Matt.  ix.  13.  and  xii.  7.  Jesus  Christ,  citing  Hos.  vi.  6., 
says,  that  God  desired  mercy  and  not  sacrifice.  Yet  he  had 
prescribed  that  victims  should  be  offered.  This,  therefore,  must 
be  understood  comparatively,  sacrifice  being  compared  with 
mercy,  or  with  acts  of  humanity  and  benevolence ;  which,  the 
context  shows,  are  here  intended.  The  sense  of  the  passage  in 
question  is  this  : — I  require  mercy  and  not  sacrifice  ;  in  other 
words,  I  prefer  acts  of  charity  to  matters  of  positive  institution, 
when,  in  any  instance,  they  interfere  with  each  other. 

2.  In  1  Tim.  vi.  8.  we  read — Having  food  and  raiment  let 
us  be  therewith  content.  Is  no  one  then  to  desire  a  house,  or  a 
competence  of  wealth?  These  things,  therefore,  are  compared 
with  what  are  called  the  luxuries  of  life.3 

III.  Principals  include  their  accessaries,  that  is,  whatever 
approaches  or  conies  near  to  them,  or  has  any  tendency  to  them. 

Thus,  where  any  sin  is  forbidden,  we  must  be  careful  not  only 
to  avoid  it,  but  also  every  thing  of  a  similar  nature,  and  whatever 
may  prove  an  occasion  of  it,  or  imply  our  consent  to  it  in  others ; 
and  we  must  endeavour  to  dissuade  or  restrain  others  from  it. 

Compare  Matt.  v.  21— 31.  IThess.  v.  22.  Jude  23.  Ephes.  v.  11.  1  Cor. 
viii.  13.  Lev.  xix.  17.  James  v.  19,  20.  So,  where  any  duty  is  enjoined,  all 
means  and  facilities,  enabling  either  ourselves  or  others  to  discharge  it, 
according  to  our  respective  places,  capacities,  or  opportunities,  are  like- 
wise enjoined.  See  Gen.  xviii.  19.  Deut.  vi.  7.  Heb.  x.  23—25.  Upon  this 
ground  our  Lord  makes  the  law  and  the  prophets  to  depend  upon  a  sincere 
affectionate  love  to  God  and  man  (Mark  xli.  30,  31.  Luke  x.  27.) ;  because, 
where  this  prevails,  we  shall  not  knowingly  be  deficient  in  any  duty  or 
office  which  lies  within  our  power  ;  neither  shall  we  willingly  do  any  thing 
that  may  either  directly  or  indirectly  offend,  or  tend  to  the  prejudice  of 
mankind.    See  Rom.  xii.  17,  18.    This  observation  will  leave  little  room  for 


"The  human  mind  is  so  weakened  and  vitiated  by  the  sin  of  our  first 
parents,  that  we  cannot  by  our  own  natural  strength  prepare  it,  or  put  it 
into  a  proper  state,  for  the  reception  of  a  saving  faith,  or  for  the  perform- 
ance of  the  spiritual  worship  required  in  the  Gospel :  this  mental  purifica- 
tion cannot  be  effected  without  divine  assistance."  (Ibid.  p.  54.)  Again  : 
"The  grace  of  God  prevents  us  Christians,  that  is,  it  goes  before,  it  gives 
the  first  spring  and  rise  to  our  endeavours,  that  we  may  have  a  good  will ; 
and  when  this  good  will  is  thus  excited,  the  grace  of  God  does  not  desert 

us,  but  it  works  with  us  when  we  have  that  good  will." "  It  is  acknow- 

ledsed  that,  man  has  not  the  disposition,  and,  consequently,  not  the  ability, 
to  do  what  in  the  sight  of  God  is  good,  till  he  is  influenced  by  the  Spirit  of 
God."    (Ibid.  pp.  60,  61.) 

•  Bishop  Bradford's  Discourse  concerning  Baptismal  and  Spiritual  Rege- 
neration, p.  37.  sixth  edit.  See  also  some  excellent  observations  to  the 
aarafi  effect  in  Dr.  Macknight's  Commentary  on  !  John  ii.  29. 

*  The  reader  will  find  some  additional  observations  illustrative  of  the 
ianon  above  given,  in  Archbp.  Tillotson's  Works,  vol.  ii.  pp.  62. 158.  (Lon- 
im,  1820.) 

a  Mori  Acroases  Hermeneutica?,  torn.  i.  pp.  257,  258. 


the  "  evangelical  counsels,"  or  "counselsof  perfection, M  as  thev  are  called 
by  the  Papists,  who  ground  upon  them  their  erroneous  doctrine  of  supere- 
rogation.* Again,  in  whatever  commandment  we  are  forbidden  to  do  any 
thing  in  our  persons,  as  sinful,  it  equally  restrains  us  from  being  partakers 
of  other  men's  guilt,  who  do  commit  what  we  know  is  thereby  forbidden. 
We  must  not,  therefore,  be  either  advising,  assistini,  encouraging,  or  in 
any  shape  a  party  with  them  in  it :  nay,  we  must  not  so  much  as  give  any 
countenance  to  the  evil  which  they  do,  by  excusing  or  making  light  of  the 
crime,  or  by  hiding  their  wickedness,  lest  by  so  doing  ire  incur  part  of  the 
blame  and  punishment,  and  thus  deserve  the  character  given  by  the  psalm- 
ist—  When  thou  sawest  a  thief  then  thou  consentedst  unto  him,  and  hast 
been  partaker  with  the  adulterers.  (Psal.  1.  18.) 

IV.  Negatives  include  affirnmtives,  and  affirmatives  include 
negatives : — in  other  wmds,  where  any  duty  is  enjoined,  the 
contrary  sin  is  forbidden  ,•  and  where  any  sin  is  forbidden,  the 
contrary  duty  is  enjoined. 

Thus,  in  Deut.  vi.  13.  where  we  are  commanded  to  serve  God, 
we  are  forbidden  to  serve  any  other.  Therefore,  in  Matt.  iv.  10. 
it  is  said,  Him  only  shalt  thou  serve  ;  and  as  honouring  parents 
is  required  in  the  fifth  commandment  (Exod.  xx.  12.),  so  cursi?ig 
them  is  forbidden.  (Matt.  xv.  4.)  Stealing  being  prohibited  in  the 
eighth  commandment  (Exod.  xx.  15.),  diligence  in  our  calling  is 
enjoined  in  Eph.  iv.  28. 

V.  Negatives  are  binding  at  all  times,  but  not  affirmatives  ,■ 
that  is,  we  must  never  da  that  which  is  forbidden,  though  good 
may  ultimately  come  from  it.  (Rom.  iii.  8.)  We  must  not  speak 
wickedly  for  God.  (Job  xiii.  7.) 

Such  things,  however,  as  are  required  of  us,  though  they  never 
cease  to  be  our  duty,  are  yet  not  to  be  done  at  all  times :  for 
instance,  prayer,  public  worship,  reproving  others,  visiting  the 
sick,  and  other  works  of  charity  and  mercy,  will  be  our  duty  as 
long  as  we  live ;  but,  as  we  cannot  perform  these  at-  all  times,  we 
must  do  sometimes  one  thing,  sometimes  another,  as  opportunity 
offers.  Hence  in  the  observance  of  negative  precepts,  Christian 
courage  and  Christian  prudence  are  equally  necessary;  the  for- 
mer, that  we  may  never,  upon  any  occasion  or  pretence,  do  that 
which  in  positive  precepts  is  pronounced  to  be  evil ;  the  latter, 
that  we  may  discern  the  fittest  times  and  seasons  for  doing  every 
thing. 

VI.  When  an  action  is  either  required  or  commended,  or  any 
promise  is  annexed  to  its  performance ,-  tsuch  action  is  supposed 
to  be  done  from  proper  motives  and  in  a  proper  manner. 

The  giving  of  alms  may  be  mentioned  as  an  instance ;  which, 
if  done  from  ostentatious  motives,  we  are  assured,  is  displeasing 
in  the  sight  of  God.     Compare  Matt.  vi.  1 — 4. 

VII.  When  the  favour  of  God  or  salvation  is  promised  to  any 
deed  or  duty,  all  the  other  duties  of  religion  are  supposed  to  be 
rightly  performed. 

The  giving  of  alms,  as  well  as  visiting  the  fatherless  and  widows 
in  their  affliction  (James  i.  27.),  may  be  noticed  as  examples :  such 
promise,  therefore,  is  not  to  be  so  understood,  as  if  one  single 
Christian  virtue  were  necessary  to  salvation :  but  that  the  par- 
ticular virtue  in  question  is  one  of  several  necessary  and  moment- 
ous virtues.  The  application  of  this  rule  will  illustrate  our 
Lord's  declaration  concerning  a  future  judgment  (Matt.  xxv.  34 
— 36.)  ;  where,  though  charitable  actions  only  are  mentioned, 
yet  we  know,  from  other  passages  of  Scripture,  that  every  idle 
word,  as  well  as  the  secret  thoughts  of  men,  besides  their  actions, 
will  be  brought  into  judgment. 

VIII.  Wlien  a  certain  state  or  condition  is  pronounced  blessed, 
or  any  promise  is  annexed  to  it,  a  suitable  disposition  of  mind 
is  supposed  to  prevail. 

Thus,  when  the  poor  or  afflicted  are  pronounced  to  be  blessed, 
it  is  because  such  persons,  being  poor  and  afflicted,  are  free  from 
the  sins  usually  attendant  on  unsanctified  prosperity,  and  because 
they  are,  on  the  contrary,  more  humble  and  more  obedient  to 

*  "These  'counsels  of  perfection'  are  rules  which  do  not  bind  under  the 
penalty  of  sin,  but  are  only  useful  in  carrying  men  to  a  greater  degree  of 
perfection  than  is  necessary  to  salvation.  There  is  not  the  slightest 
authority  in  Scripture  for  these  counsels  of  perfection  :  all  the  rules  there 
prescribed  for  our  conduct  are  given  in  the  form  of  positive  commands,  as 
absolutely  necessary,  wherever  they  are  applicable,  to  the  attainment  of 
eternal  life  ;  and  the  violation  of  every  one  of  these  commands  is  declarer! 
to  be  sin.  We  are  commanded  to  be  '  perfect  even  as  our  Father  which  is  in 
heaven  is  perfect'  (Matt.  v.  48.) ;  and  so  far  from  being  able  to  exceed  what  is 
required  for  our  salvation,  the  Gospel  assures  us,  that  after  our  utmos! 
care  and  endeavours  we  shall  still  fall  short  of  our  whole  duty:  and  that 
our  deficiencies  must  be  supplied  by  the  abundant  merits  of  our  blessed 
Redeemer.  We  are  directed  to  trust  to  the  mercy  of  God,  and  to  the 
mediation  of  Christ ;  and  to  '  work  out  our  salvation  with  fear  and  trem- 
bling' (Phil.  ii.  12.),  that  is,  with  anxiety,  lest  M  should  not  fulfil  the  condi- 
tions upon  which  it  is  offered.  Upon  these  grounds  we  may  pronouncn 
that  works  of  supererogation  are  inconsistent  with  the  nature  of  man, 
irreconcilable  with  the  whole  tenor  and  general  principles  of  our  religion, 
and  contrary  to  the  express  declarations  of  Scripture."  Bishop  Toirdine' 
Elements  of  Christian  Theology,  vol.  ii.  pp.  281,  282.  (8th  edit  > 


l,HXB.  VI.  Sect.  I.] 


MORAL  PARTS  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


397 


God.  If,  however,  they  be  not  the  characters  described  (as 
unquestionably  there  are  many  to  whom  the  characters  do  not 
apply),  the  promise  in  that  case  docs  not  belong  to  them.  Vice 
versa,  when  any  state  is  pronounced  to  bo  wretched,  it  is  on 
account  of  the  sins  or  vices  which  generally  attend  it. 

IX.  Some  precepts  of  mural  prudence  are  given  in  tie  8crip- 
lures,  which  nevertheless  admit  of  exceptions,  on  account  if  some 
duties  of  benevolence  or  piety  thai  ought  to  predominate. 

We  may  illustrate  this  rule  by  the  often-repeated  counsels  of 
Solomon  respecting  becoming  surety  for  another.  (See  Prov.  vi. 
1,2.  xi.  15.  xvii.  18.  and  xx.  10.)  In  these  paMBgea  he  does  not 
condemn  surctiship,  which,  in  many  cases,  is  not  only  lawful, 
Dut,  in  some  instances,  even  an  act  of  justice,  prudence,  and 
charity ;'  but  Solomon  forbids  his  disciples  to  become  surety 
rashly  without  considering  for  whom,  or  bow  far  he  binds  him- 
self, or  how  he  could  discharge  the  debt,  if  occasion  should 
require  it. 

X.  A  change  of  circumstances  changes  moral  things;  there- 
fore contrary  things  may  be  spoken  together  in  moral  things, 
on  account  of  the  difference  of  circumstana 

Thus,  in  Prov.  xxvi.  4,  5.  we  meet  with  two  precepts  that  seem 
to  be  diametrically  opposite  to  each  other:  Jlnsiver  not  a  fool  ac- 
cording to  his  folly,  lest  thou  be  like  unto  him ;  and  Answer  a  fool 
according  to  his  folly,  lest  he  be  wise  in  his  own  conceit.  But 
if  we  attend  carefully  to  the  reason  which  the  sacred  writer  sub- 
joins *o  each  precept,  we  shall  be  enabled  satisfactorily  to 
account  for  the  apparent  repugnancy  in  the  counsels  of  the 
Israclitish  monarch ;  and  it  will  be  evident  that  they  form,  not 
inconsistent,  but  distinct,  rules  of  conduct,  which  are  respec- 
tively to  be  observed  according  to  the  difference  of  circumstances. 
The  following  observations  on  the  two  verses  just  cited  will 
materially  illustrate  their  meaning. 

Afoot,  in  the  sense  of  Scripture,  means  a  wicked  man,  or  one 
who  acts  contrary  to  the  wisdom  that  is  from  above,  and  who  is 
suppose  1  to  utter  his  foolishness  in  speech  or  writing.  Doubtless 
there  are  different  descriptions  of  these  characters  ;  and  some  may 
require  to  be  answered,  while  others  are  best  treated  with  silence. 
But  the  cases  here  seem  to  be  one ;  both  have  respect  to  the  same 
character,  and  both  require  to  be  answered.  The  whole  differ- 
ence lies  in  the  manner  in  which  the  answer  should  be  given. 

"  In  the  first  instance,  the  term,  '  according  to  his  folly,'  means 
in  a  foolish  maimer,  as  is  manifest  from  the  reason  given ;  '  lest 
thou  also  be  like  unto  him.'  But  in  the  second  instance  they 
mean,  in  the  manner  in  -which  his  foolishness  requires.  This 
also  is  plain  from  the  reason  given,  '  lest  he  be  wise  in  his  own 
conceit.'  A  foolish  speech  is  not  a  rule,  for  our  imitation ;  never- 
theless our  answer  must  be  so  framed  by  it,  as  to  meet  and  repel 
it.  Both  these  proverbs  caution  us  against  evils  to  which  we  are 
not  a  little  addicted  ;  the  first,  that  of  saying  and  doing  to  others 
as  they  say  and  do  to  us,  rather  than  as  roe  ivonld  they  should 
say  and  do ;  the  last,  that  of  suffering  the  cause  of  truth  or  jus- 
tice to  be  run  down,  while  we,  from  a  love  of  ease,  stand  by  as 
unconcerned  spectators.  The  first  of  these  proverbs  is  exempli- 
fied in  the  answer  of  Moses  to  the  rebellious  Israelites  ;  the  last 
in  that  of  Job  to  his  wife. — It  was  a  foolish  speech  which  was 
addressed  to  the  former; — 'Would  to  God,  thai,  we  had  died 
when  our  brethren  died  before  the  Lord !  And  why  have  ye  brought 
up  the  congregation  of  the  Lord  into  this  wilderness,  that  we  and 
our  cattle  should  die  there?'  Unhappily,  this  provoked  Moses  to 
speak  unadvisedly  with  his  lips  ;  saying,  '  Hear  now,  ye  rebels, 
must  we  fetch  you  water  out  of  this  rock  !'  This  was  answering 
folly  in  a  foolish  manner,  which  he  should  not  have  done;  and 
by  which  the  servant  of  God  became  too  much  like  them  whom 
he  opposed. — It  was  also  a  foolish  sayinur  of  Job's  wife,  in  the 
day  of  his  distress,  'Cone  God,  and  die!'  Job  answered  this 
■peech,  not  in  the  manner  of  it,  but  in  the  manner  -which  it  re- 
quired. '  What,  shall  we  receive  good  at  the  hand  of  God;  and 
shall  we  not  receive  evil?'  In  all  the  answers  of  our  Saviour  to 
the  Scribes  and  Pharisees,  we  may  perceive  that  he  never  lost  the 
possession  of  his  soul  for  a  single  moment;  and  never  answered 
in  the  manner  of  his  opponents,  so  as  to  be  like  unto  them.  Yet 
neither  did  he  decline  to  repel  their  folly,  and  so  to  abase  their 
•elf-conceit."2 

XI.  Different  ideas  must  be  annexed  to  the  names  of  virtues  or 
vices,  according  to  different  ages  and  places. 

'  Thus  Judah  became  surety  to  his  father,  for  his  brother  Benjamin 
<Gen.  xliii.  9-  xliv.  32.) ;  and  Paul  to  Philemon  for  Onesimus.  (Philern. 
18,  19  ) 

*  Fuller's  Harmony  of  Scripture,  pp.  17,  18.  Bishop  Warburton  has 
eiven  an  excellent  illustration  of  the  passage  above  explained,  in  one  of  his 
•ormonr    Bee  his  Works,  vol.  x.  Serin.  21.  pp.  61—78. 


Thus,  holiness  and  purity  denote  widely  different  things,  in 
many  parts  of  the  Old  Testament,  from  what  they  intend  in  the 
New  ;  in  the  former,  they  are  applied  to  persons  and  things 
dedicated  to  Jehovah  ;  while  in  the  latter,  they  are  applied  to  all 
true  Christians,  who  arc  called  saints  or  holy,  being  made  60 
through  the  illumination  and  renovation  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and 
because,  being  called  with  a  high  and  holy  calling,  they  are 
bound  to  evince  the  sincerity  of  their  profession  by  a  pure  and 
holy  life. 

XII.  In  investigating  and  interpreting  those  postages  of 
Scripture,  the  argument  of  which  is  moral, — that  is,  passages 
in  which  holy  and  virtuous  actions  are  commended, — but  wickea 
and  unholy  ones  are  forbidden,  the  nature  of  the  virtue  enjoined, 
or  of  the  sin  prohibited,  should  be  explained.  We  should  also 
consider  whether  such  passages  are  positive  commands,  or  merclu 
counsels  or  opinions,  and  by  what  motives  or  arguments  the 
inspired  writer  supports  hi.s  persuasions  to  virtue,  and  his  dis- 
suasives  from  sin  or  vice. 

In  conducting  this  investigation,  the  parallel  passages  will  be 
found  of  the  greatest  service  ;  and  in  applying  the  writings  of  the 
New  Testament  as  authority  for  practical  institutions,  it  is  neces- 
sary to  distinguish  those  precepts  or  articles,  which  are  circum- 
stantial and  temporary,  from  such  as  arc  essential  to  true  religion, 
and  therefore  obligatory,  in  all  ages.  Not  only  arc  all  the  important 
laws  of  morality  permanent,  but  all  those  general  rules  of  con- 
duct, and  institutions  which  are  evidently  calculated  in  religion 
to  promote  the  good  of  mankind  and  the  glory  of  God.  The 
situation  of  the  first  Christians,  during  the  infancy  of  Chris- 
tianity, required  temporary  regulations,  which  are  not  now  bind- 
ing on  the  church.  The  controversy  concerning  holy  days,  and 
particular  kinds  of  food,  occasioned  Paul  to  enjoin  such  temporary- 
precepts  as  suited  the  situation  of  the  church  when  he  wrote. 
Abstinence  from  the  use  of  unclean  beasts,  in  compliance  with 
the  opinions  of  the  Jews,  is  not  now  necessary  ;  but  a  condescen- 
sion to  the  very  prejudices  of  weak  brethren,  in  things  indifferent, 
is  at  all  times  the  duty  of  Christians.  Those  doctrines  which 
were  evidently  adapted  to  the  situation  of  Christ's  disciples,  when 
under  persecution,  do  not  apply  to  their  conduct,  when  enjoying 
full  liberty  of  conscience.  Exhortations,  which  are  restricted  to 
particular  cases,  must  not  be  applied  as  rules  for  general  conduct. 

Those  directions,  to  be  kind  and  hospitable  to  one  another,  in 
which  the  customs  of  eastern  countries  are  mentioned,  are  not 
literally  to  be  observed,  by  those  among  whom  different  manners 
prevail.  Paul  enjoins  the  saints  to  salute  one  another  -with  a 
holy  kiss.  (Rom.  xvi.  16.)  The  Jews  saluted  one  another,  as 
an  expression  of  sincere  friendship.  When  Jesus  Christ  observed 
to  Simon  that  he  was  deficient  in  kindness  and  affection,  he  said, 
Thou  gavest  me  no  kiss,  but  this  -woman,  since  the  time  I  came 
in,  hath  not  ceased  to  kiss  my  feet.  (Luke  vii.  45.)  The  dispo- 
sition is  incumbent  on  saints,  in  all  ages  of  the  world  :  but  not 
this  mode  of  expressing  it.  In  order  to  teach  the  disciples,  how 
they  ought  to  manifest  their  affection,  for  one  another,  by  per- 
forming every  office  of  friendship  in  their  power,  their  Lord  and 
Master  took  a  towel  and  girded  himself,  and  began  to  wash  the 
disciples'  feet,  and  to  wipe  them  with  the  towel  wherewith  he 
was  girded;  and  said,  If  I  then,  your  Lord  and  Master,  have 
washed  your  feet,  ye  also  ought  to  wash  one  another's  feet. 
(John  xiii.  5.  14.)  In  those  hot  countries,  after  travelling  in 
sandals,  the  washing  of  the  feet  was  very  refreshing,  and  an 
expression  of  the  most  tender  care  and  regard:  hence  it  is  men- 
tioned as  an  amiable  part  of  the  widow's  character,  that  she  hath 
washed  the  saints'  feet  and  relieved  the  afflicted.  (1  Tim.  v.  10.) 
It  is  evident,  that  this  mode  of  expressing  our  love  to  one  another 
was  not  intended  as  a  permanent  law,  but  a  direction  adapted  to 
the  prevailing  custom  of  the  people  to  whom  it  was  originallv 
given. 


In  concluding  our  remarks  on  the  moral  interpretation  ol 
the  Sacred  Writings,  it  is  worthy  of  observation,  that  they 
contain  two  kinds  of  moral  books  and  discourses,  viz.  1.  De- 
tached sentences,  such  as  occur  in  the  book  of  Proverbs,  in  many 
of  our  Lord's  sermons,  and  in  several  of  the  moral  exhorta- 
tions at  the  close  of  the  apostolic  Epistles ;  and,  2.  Continuous 
and  connected  discourses,  such  as  are  to  be  found  in  the  book 
of  Job.  In  the  former,  we  are  not  to  look  for  any  order  or 
arrangement,  because  they  have  been  put  together  just  as 
they  presented  themselves  to  the  minds  of  their  inspired 
authors ;  but,  in  the  latter,  we  must  carefully  attend  to  the 
scope.  Thus,  the  scope  of  the  book  of  Job  is  specified  in  the 
second  and  third  verses  of  the  thirty-second  chapter ;  to  this, 


398 


INTERPRETATION  OF  PROMISES  AND  THREATENINGS. 


[Part  II.  Book  II 


therefore,  the  whole  book  must  be  referred,  without  seeking 
for  any  mysteries. 

The  style  also  of  the  moral  parts  of  Scripture  is  highly 
figurative,  abounding  not  only  with  bold  hyperboles  and  pro- 
sopopoeias, but  also  with  antitheses  and  seeming  paradoxes  : 
the  forme."  must  be  explained  agreeably  to  those  general 
rules,  for  expounding  the  figurative  language  of  Scripture, 
which  have  already  been  stated  and  illustrated  ;'  and  the 
latter  must  be  interpreted  and  limited  according  to  the  nature 
of  the  thing ;  for  instance,  the  beatitudes  as  related  by  St.  Mat- 
thew (ch.  v.)  must  be  compared  with  those  delivered  at  a 
different  time,  as  related  by  Saint  Luke  (ch.  vi.  20.  et  sea.)  ; 
and  from  this  collation  we  shall  be  enabled  to  reconcile  the 
seeming  differences,  and  fully  to  understand  the  antithetic 
sayings  of  our  Lord. 

Lastly,  as  the  moral  sentences  in  the  Scriptures  are  written 
n  the  very  concise  style  peculiar  to  the  Orientals,  many 
passages,  are,  in  consequence,  necessarily  obscure,  and  there- 
fore admit  of  various  expositions.  In  such  cases,  that  in- 
terpretation which  is  most  obvious  to  the  reader  will  in  general 
be  sufficiently  intelligible  for  all  purposes  of  practical  edifica- 
tion, and  beyond  this  we  need  not  be  anxiously  solicitous,  if 
we  should  fail  in  ascertaining  the  precise  meaning  of  every 
word  in  a  proverb  or  moral  sentence. 


SECTION  II. 


ON  THE  INTERPRETATION  OK  THE  PROMISES  AND  THREATENINGS 
OF    SCRIPTURE. 

A  promise,  in  the  scriptural  sense  of  the  term,  is  a  declara- 
tion or  assurance  of  the  divine  will,  in  which  God  signifies 
what  particular  blessings  or  good  things  he  will  freely  bestow, 
as  well  as  the  evils  which  he  will  remove.  The  promises, 
therefore,  differ  from  the  threatening*  of  God,  inasmuch  as  the 
former  are  declarations  concerning  good,  while  the  latter  are 
denunciations  of  evil  only :  at  the  same  time  it  is  to  be 
observed,  that  promises  seem  to  include  threats,  because, 
being  in  their  very  nature  conditional,  they  imply  the  bestow- 
ment  of  the  blessing  promised,  only  on  the  condition  being 
performed,  which  blessing  is  tacitly  threatened  to  be  with- 
held on  noncompliance  with  such  condition.  Further,  pro- 
mises differ  from  the  commands  of  God,  because  the  latter  are 
significations  of  the  divine  will  concerning  a  duty  enjoined  to 
be  performed,  while  promises  relate  to  mercy  to  be  received. 
As  a  considerable  portion  of  the  promises  relates  to  the  per- 
formance of  moral  and  of  pious  duties,  they  might  have  been 
discussed  under  the  preceding  chapter;  but,  from  the  variety 
of  topics  which  they  embrace,  it  has  been  deemed  preferable 
to  give  them  a  separate  consideration. 

There  are  four  classes  of  promises  mentioned  in  the  Scrip- 
tures, particularly  in  the  New  Testament ;  viz.  1.  Promises 
relating  to  the  Messiah :  2.  Promises  relating  to  the  church  : 
3.  Promises  of  blessings,  both  temporal  and  spiritual,  to  the 
pious ;  and,  4.  Promises  encouraging  to  the  exercise  of  the 
several  graces  and  duties  that  compose  the  Christian  charac- 
ter.2 The  two  first  of  these  classes,  indeed,  are  many  of 
them  predictions  as  well  as  promises ;  consequently  the  same 
observations  will  apply  to  them,  as  are  stated  for  the  in- 
terpretation of  Scripture  prophecies  ;3  but  in  regard  to  those 
promises  which  are  directed  to  particular  persons,  or  to  the 
performance  of  particular  duties,  the  following  remarks  are 
offered  to  the  attention  of  the  reader. 

I.  "  We  must  receive  God's  promises  in  such  wise  as  they  be 
generally  set  forth  in  the  Holy  Scriptures."* 

'  Bee  pp.  355—358.  supra. 

»  These  promises  are  collected  and  printed  at  length,  in  a  useful  manual, 
published  early  in  the  eighteenth  century,  and  entitled  A  Collection  of  the 
Promises  of  Scripture,  arranged  under  proper  Heads.  By  Samuel  Clarke, 
D.D.  Of  this  little  manual,  there  are  numerous  cheap  editions  extant, 
which  abound  in  errois  of  reference  to  the  texts  of  Scripture.  Of  the 
recent  editions,  that  published  by  Mr.  William  Carpenter  (London,  1825, 
ISmo.)  is  one  of  the  most  useful:  the  editor  has  verified  the  references, 
corrected  the  errors  that  had  crept  into  former  impressions,  and  has  made 
\n  addition  of  about  two  hundred  promises,  whichenhance  the  value  of  this 
publication. 

»  See  pp.  388—390.  supra. 

-  Art.  XVII.  of  the  Confession  of  the  Anglican  Church.  Similar  to  this 
s  the  declaration  of  the  Helvetic  Confession,  which  in  general  symbolizes 
with  that  of  the  British  Church.  "  In  the  temptation  concerning  predesti- 
nation, and  which,  perhaps,  is  more  dangerous  than  any  other,  we  should 
derive  comfort  from  the  consideration,  that  God's  promises  are  general  to 
•ill  that  believe — that  he  himself  says,  Ask  and  ye  shall  receive  .—Every 
one  that  asks  receives.  Chap.  x.  towards  the  end,  or  in  the  valuable  work 
entitled,  "  Primitive  Truth,  in  a  History  of  the  Reformation,  expressed  by 
the  Early  Reformers  in  their  Writings,"  p.  57. 


To  us  "  the  promises  of  God  are  general  and  conditional. 
The  Gospel  dispensation  is  described  as  a  covenant  between  God 
and  man ;  and  the  salvation  of  every  individual  is  made  to 
depend  upon  his  observance  of  the  proposed  conditions.  Men, 
as  free  agents,  have  it  in  their  p«wer  to  perform  or  not  to  perform 
these  conditions :  and  God  foresaw  from  eternity,  who  would  and 
who  would  not  perform  them,  that  is,  who  will  and  who  will  not 
be  saved  at  the  day  of  judgment." s  If,  therefore,  the  promises  of 
God  be  not  fulfilled  towards  us,  we  may  rest  assured  that  the 
fault  does  not  rest  with  Him  "  who  cannot  lie,"  but  with  our- 
selves, who  have  failed  in  complying  with  the  conditions  either 
tacitly  or  expressly  annexed  to  them.  We  may,  then,  apply 
general  promises  to  ourselves,  not  doubting  that  if  we  perform 
the  condition  expressed  or  implied,  we  shall  enjoy  the  mercy 
promised  :  for,  as  all  particulars  are  included  in  universals,  it 
follows  that  a  general  promise  is  made  a  particular  one  to  him, 
whose  character  corresponds  with  those  to  whom  such  general 
promise  is  made. 

Matt.  xi.  28.  may  be  cited  as  an  example  :  the  promise  here  made  is  the 
giving  of  rest :  the  characters  of  the  persons  to  whom  it  is  made  are  dis- 
tinctly specified ;  they  are  the  weary  and  heavy  laden,  whether  with  the 
distresses  of  life,  or  with  the  sense  of  guilt  (see  Psal.  xxxii.  4.  xxxviii.  4.), 
or  with  the  load  of  ceremonial  observances  ;  the  condition  required  is  to 
come  unto  Christ  by  faith  ;  in  other  words  to  believe  in  him  and  become 
his  disciples  ;  and  the  menace  implied  is,  that  if  they  do  not  thus  come,6  they 
will  not  find  rest.    Similar  promises  occur  in  John  iii.  16.  and  1  Tim.  ii.  4. 

II.  Such  promises  as  ivere  made  in  one  case  may  be  appliea 
in  other  cases  of  the  same  nature,  consistently  with  the  analogy 
of  faith. 

It  is  in  promises  as  in  commands :  they  do  not  exclusively 
concern  those  to  whom  they  were  first  made  ;  but,  being  inserted 
in  the  Scriptures,  they  are  made  of  public  benefit :  for  -whatsoever 
things  -were  written  aforetime,  -were  'written  for  our  use  ;  that 
•we,  through  patience  and  comfort  of  the  Scriptures,  might 
have  hope.  (Rom.  xv.  4.) 

Thus,  what  was  spoken  to  Joshua,  on  his  going  up  against 
the  Canaanites,  lest  he  should  be  discouraged  in  that  enterprise, 
is  applied  by  Saint  Paul  as  a  remedy  against  covetousness  or 
inordinate  care  concerning  the  things  of  this  life ;  it  being  a  very 
comprehensive  promise  that  God  will  never  fail  us  nor  forsake  us. 
But  if  we  were  to  apply  the  promises  contained  in  Psal.  xciv.  14. 
and  Jer.  xxxii.  40.  and  John  x.  28.  as  promises  of  absolute  and  in 
defectible  grace  to  believers,  we  should  violate  every  rule  of  sober 
interpretation,  as  well  as  the  analogy  of  faith.  A  distinction, 
however,  must  be  taken  between  such  of  the  promises  in  the  Old 
Testament,  particularly  in  the  book  of  Psalms,  as  are  of  universal 
application,  and  such  as  were  made  to  those  Israelites  and  Jews 
who  obeyed  the  law  of  God,  which  were  strictly  temporal.  Of 
this  description  are  all  those  promises  of  peace  and  prosperity  in 
this  world,  which  were  literally  suitable  to  the  Jewish  dispensa- 
tion, God  having  encouraged  them  to  obey  his  laws,  by  promise 
of  peculiar  peace  and  prosperity  in  the  land  of  Canaan.  Wherras 
now,  under  the  Gospel  dispensation,  "  godliness  hath"  indeed  the 
"  promise  of  the  life  that  now  is,  as  well  as  of  that  which  is  to 
come"  (1  Tim.  iv.  8.),  but  with  an  exception  of  the  cross,  when 
that  may  be  best  for  us,  in  order  to  our  future  happiness  in 

s  Bp.  Toniline's  Elements  of  Theology,  vol.  ii.  p.  313.  Similar  to  the 
above  sentiments  are  those  contained  in  the  "  Necessary  Erudition  of  a 
Christian  Man"  (at  the  close  of  "the  introductory  observations  on  "Faith"), 
a  Manual  of  Christian  Doctrine  published  in  the  year  1534 :  the  value  of 
which  ought  not  to  be  lessened  in  our  judgment  by  the  circumstance  of  its 
not  being  purged  of  popish  errors — "  Although  God's  promises  made  in 
Christ  be  immutable,  yet  He  maketh  them  not  to  us,  but  with  condition ; 
so  that  His  promise  standing,  we  may  yet  fail  of  the  promise  because  we 
keep  not  our  promise.  And  therefore,  if  we  assuredly  reckon  upon  the 
state  of  our  felicity,  as  grounded  upon  God's  promise,  and  do  not  therewith 
remember,  that  no  man  shall  be  crowned  unless  he  lawfully  fight ;  we 
shall  triumph  before  the  victory,  and  so  shall  look  in  vain  for  that,  which  is 
not  otherwise  promised  but  under  a  condition."  On  the  subject  of  condi- 
tional promises,  see  also  Tillotson's  Works,  vol.  v.  pp.  185—193.  205,  206. 
vol.  vi.  p.  513.  vol.  ix.  pp.  53,  54.  and  vol.  x.  p.  119. ;  and  on  the  subject  of 
conditional  threatenings,  see  vol.  vi.  pp.  510,  511.    (London,  1820.) 

«  Bp.  Horsley  has  the  following  animated  and  practical  observations  on 
this  promise  of  our  Saviour  at  the  close  of  his  24th  Sermon:— "Come, 
therefore,  unto  him,  all  ye  that  are  heavy  laden  with  your  sins.  By  his 
own  gracious  voice  he  called  you  while  on  earth.  By  the  voice  of  his 
ambassadors  he  continueth  to  call ;  he  calleth  you  now  by  mine.  Come 
unto  him,  and  he  shall  five  yon  rest — res*  from'  the  hard  servitude  of  sin 
ami  appetite,  and  guilty  fear.  That,  yoke  is  heavy— that  burden  is  intole- 
rable; His  yoke  is  easy,  and  his  burden  light.  But,  come  in  sincerity;— 
dare  not  to  come  in  hypocrisy  and  dissimulation.  Think  not  that  it  will 
avail  you  in  the  last  day  to  have  called  yourselves  Christians,  to  have  been 
born  and  educated  under  the  Gospel  light— to  have  lived  in  the  external 
communion  of  the  church  on  earth— if,  all  the  while,  your  hearts  have 
holden  no  communion  with  its  Head  in  heaven  If,  instructed  in  Christian- 
ity, and  professing  to  believe  its  doctrines,  v.-  lead  the  lives  of  unbelievers, 
it  will  avail  you  nothing  in  the  next,  to  have  enjoyed  in  this  world,  like  the 
Jews  of  old,  advantages  which  ye  despised— to  have  had  the  custody  of  a 
holy  doctrine  which  never  touched  your  hearts— of  a  pure  commandment, 
by  the  light  of  which  ye  never  walked.  To  those  who  disgrace  the  doc- 
trine of  their  Saviour  by  the  scandal  of  their  lives  it  will  be  of  no  avail  to 
have  vainly  called  him,  '  Lord,  Lord !'  "    Sermons,  p.  490.  2d  edit. 


\II.] 


OF  ALLEGED  CONTRADICTORY  PASSAGES. 


399 


heaven.  So  that  the  promises  in  the  Old  Testament,  of  a  general 
felicity  in  this  life,  are  not  so  literally  to  be  applied  to  Christians 
as  they  were  to  the  Jews.1 

III.  God  has  suited  Ins  promises  to  his  precepts. 

By  his  precepts  We  see  what  is  our  duty,  and  what  should  he 
the  scope  of  our  endeavours/  and  hy  his  promises  we  see  what 
is  our  inability,  what  should  be  the  mutter  or  object  of  our 
prayers,  and  where  we  may  be  supplied  with  that  grace  which 
will  enable  us  to  discharge  our  duty.  Compare  Deut.  x.  16.  with 
Deut.  xw.  <S.  Bccles.  xii.  L3.  with  Jer.  xxxii.  40.  Ezek.  xviii. 
31.  with  Bxek.  Lxxvi.87.ind  Kom.  vi.  12.  with  v.  14. 

IV.  Where  anything  is  promised  m  cast  of  obedience,  the 
threatening  of  the  contrary  m  implied  in  rase,  of  disobedience  ■ 
and  when  there  a  a  threatening  of  any  l/iin^  in  ease  nfdisobe- 

qf  the  contrary  is  implied  ujiini  Condi  lion  of 
obedu 

fu  illustration  of  this  remark,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  refer  to, 
and  compare,  Exod.  XX.  7.  with  Peel.  xv.  1 — 4.  and  xxiv.  3,  4. 
and  Exod.  xx.  L2.  with  1'rov.  xxx.  17. 

There  are,  however,  two  important  cautions  to  be  attended 
to  in  the  application  of  Scripture  promises;  viz.  that  we  do 
iii it  violate  that  connection  or  dependency  which  subsists 
net  ween  one  promise  and  another;  and  that  we  do  not  invert 
that  fixed  order  which  is  observable  between  them. 

1.  The  mutual  connection  or  dependency  subsisting  between 
promises,  must  not  be  broken. 

As  the  Uutiea  enjoined  by  the  moral  law  are  copulative,  and  may  not  be 
disjoined  in  the  obedience  yielded  lo  them  (James  ii.  10.)  ;  so  are  the  bless- 
ogs  of  the  promises ;  which  may  not  be  made  use  of  as  severed  from  each 


other,  like  unstringed  pearls,  but  as  collected  into  one  en  lire  chain.     For 
.  ,   throughout   the    faired  volume,  the    promises  of  pardon   and 
repentance  are  Invariably  connected  together;  so  thai  it  would  be  pre- 
sumptuous  in  any  man  10  suppose  that  God  will  ever  hearken  lo  him  who 
Implores  the  one  and  neglects  to  seek  the  other.    "He  pardoneth  and 
abaolvetb  all  them  that  truly  repent  and  unfefgnedly  believe  Ins  holy  word.' 
in  iik'-  manner,  In  Peal  IxxtJv.  ll  the  promise  of  grace  and  glory  is  so 
..lily  united,  ih.it  no  i"  rson  i  so  lay  a  ju^t  claim  lo  the  one,  who  i« 
noi  i'i'  ■•  partaker  of  the  other.    Bishop  Hone':*  commen- 

tary on  this  verse  is  not  more  beautiful  than  just.1 

2.  In  applying  the  promises,  their  order  and  method  should 
not  be  inverted,  but  be  carefully  observed. 

The  promisee  made  bj  <^"d  in  bis  word  have  not  Inaptly  been  termed  an 
ample  :  every  kind  of  blessings,  including  both  the  mercies 

of  (he  life  Dial  now  is,  and  of  that  trim  h  it  to  cur/f.     There  is,  indl 

good  that  can  pi  to  our  desires  or  thoughts,  but  the 

promises  are  a  ground  for  faith  to  believe,  and  hope  to  expect  the  enjoy- 
ment ol  ii  ;  but  then  "nr  use  and  application  of  them  a  Ian,  and 
suitable  both  to  the  pattern  and  precept  which  Christ  has  given  us. 

The  Pattern  or  example  referred  i",  »re  nave  in  thai  m<   : 

ayer,  emphatically  termed  ilf  Lard's  Prayer  (Man.  vi.  y— 13);  in 
which  be  shows  what  is  chiefly  to  be  desired  hy  us,  rl 
of  his  name  in  our  hearts,  the  coming  of  his  kingdom  Into  eur  soul  -.  aw 
the  doing  nf  his  will  in  our  lives  ;  all  which  are  lo  !"•  implori 

abov ir  daily  bread.     We  are  not  lo  be  more  anxious  for  food  than  foi 

divine  grace. 

The  Precept  alluded  to,  we  have  in  his  sermon  on  the  mount  (Malt.  vt. 
33):  Seek  ye  fir;  t  the  Kingdom  of  G  oil  and  his  righteousness,  and  all 
these  things  shall  be  added  unto  you.  The  soul  is  of  more  worth  than  lh» 
body ;  as  the  body  is  more  valuable  than  raiment ;  and  therefore  the  Drbl 
cipal  care  of  every  one  should  be,  to  secure  his  spiritual  welfare,  hy  intc 
resting  himself  in  the  promises  of  life  and  eternal  happiness.  Here,  ho* 
ever,  a  method  must  be  observed,  and  the  law  of  the  Scripture  must  lit- 
exactly  followed,  which  tells  us  (Psal.  lxxxiv.  11.)  that  God  first  gives  gran- 
and  then  glory.  "  As  it  is  a  sin  to  divide  grace  from  glory,  and  to  seek  tie- 
one  without  the  other :  so  it  is  also  a  sin  to  be  preposterous  in  our  seeking, 
to  look  first  after  happiness  and  then  after  holiness:  no  man  can  be  rightly 
solicitous  about  the  crown,  but  he  must  first  be  careful  about  the  race  ; 
nor  can  any  be  truly  thoughtful  about  his  interest  in  the  promises  of  glnrv 
that  doth  not  first  make  good  his  title  to  the  promises  of  grace."* 


CHAPTER  VII. 

ON    THE    INTERPRETATION,    AND    MEANS    OF    HARMONIZING    PASSAGES    OF    SCRIPTURE,    WHICH 

ARE    ALLEGED    TO    BE    CONTRADICTORY. 


Although  the  sacred  writers,  being  divinely  inspired,  were 
necessarily  exempted  from  error  in  the  important  truths  which 
they  were  commissioned  to  reveal  to  mankind,  yet  it  is  not 
to  be  concealed,  that,  on  comparing  Scripture  with  itself, 
some  detached  passages  are  to  be  found,  which  appear  to  be 
contradictory;  and  these  have  been  a  favourite  topic  of  cavil 
with  the  enemies  of  Christianity  from  Strinosa  down  to  Vol- 
taire, and  the  opposers  of  Divine  Revelation  in  our  days,  who 
have  copied  their  objections.  Unable  to  disprove  or  subvert 
the  indisputable  Facts  on  which  Christianity  is  founded, 
and  detesting  the  exemplary  holiness  of  heart  and  life  which 
it  enjoins,  its  modem  antagonists  insidiously  attempt  to  im- 
pugn the  credibility  of  the  sacred  writers,  by  producing  what 
they  call  contradictions,  ll  is  readily  admitted  that  real  con- 
tradictions are  a  just  and  sufficient  proof  that  a  book  is  not 
divinely  inspired,  whatever  pretences  it  may  make  to  such 
inspiration.  In  this  way  we  prove,  that  the  Koran  of  Mo- 
hammed could  not  be  inspired,  much  as  it  is  extolled  by  his 
admiring  followers.  The  whole  of  that  rhapsody  was  framed 
by  the  wily  Arab  to  answer  some  particular  exigencies.5  If 
any  new  measure  was  to  be  proposed,— "-any  objection  against 
him  or  the  religion  which  he  wished  to  propagate,  was  to  be 
answered, — any  difficulty  to  be  solved, — any  discontent  or 

i  Collyer'a  Baered  Interpreter,  nil  i.  p.  33G. 

»  Bp,  Wdkins,  in  his  admirable  Discourse  on  the  Gift  of  Preaching,  has 

rtated  this  rule  in  tin-  following  terms:— "Beery  Scripture  dues  affirm, 

id,  or  threaten,  nol  only  thai  which  is  erpt  •  -  i  a  in  it,  but  likewise 

,:   which  is  rightly  deducible   from  it,  though  by  mediate  conse- 

nuenr.es."    (Dr.  WiUhuns's  Christian  Prei 

■>  "  .l.'sus  Christ  is  »nr   '  Lord"  and  our  '  God  :'   be  is  a  '  sun'  to  enlighten 

in  I  direct  us  in  the  way,  and  a  '  shield1  to  pro)  enemies 

if  our  salvation,  lie  will  give  'grace'  to  carry  u*  on  ' from  strength  to 
Mrength,'  and  ■  ul. >r>- '  to  crown  us  when  we  'appear  before  him  In  Zion  ;' 
la  will  'withhold'  nothing  that  is  'good1  and  profitable  for  us  in  the  course 
if  our  journey,  and  will  himself  be  oar  reward,  when  we  come  to  the  end 
■  I  it.'"  '  Commentary  on  the  Psalms,  vol.  ii.  (Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  81.) 

«  Dr.  Spurstowe'a  Treatise  on  Hie  Promises,  pp.  G2.  66.  The  whole 
volume  will  abundantly  repay  the  trouble  of  perusing  it.  There  is  also  an 
admirable  discourse  an  the  Promises,  in  the  Sermon  published  by  the  Rev. 
Charles  Buck:  in  which  their  divine  origin,  their  suitability,  number, 
clearness  of  expression,  the  freeness  of  their  communication,  and  the  cer- 
'Ainty  cf  their  accomplishment,  are  stated  and  illustrated  with  equal  ability 
ind  piety.  See  also  Hoornbeck's  Theologia  Practica.  pars  i.  lib.  v.  c.  2. 
op.  468-477. 

»  Prideaui's  Life  of  Mohammed,  pp.  153,  159. 
Vol.  I.  3  G 


offence  among  his  people  to  be  removed, — or  any  other  thing 
done  that  could  promote  his  designs, — his  constant  recourse 
was  to  the  angel  Gabriel,  for  a  new  revelation  :  and  instantly 
he  produced  some  addition  to  the  Koran,  which  was  to  fur- 
ther the  objects  he  had  in  view,  so  that  by  far  the  greater  part 
of  that  book  was  composed  on  these  or  similar  occasious,  to 
influence  his  followers  to  adopt  the  measures  which  he  in- 
tended. Hence  not  a  few  real  contradictions  crept  into  the 
Koran ;  the  existence  of  which  is  not  denied  by  the  Mus- 
sulman commentators,  who  are  not  only  very  particular  in 
stating  the  several  occasions  on  which  particular  chapters 
were  produced,  but  also,  where  any  contradiction  occurs  wiiich 
they  cannot  solve,  affirm  that  one  of  the  contradictory  pas- 
sages is  revoked.  And  they  reckon  in  the  Koran  upwards 
of  one  hundred  and  fifty  passages  thus  revoked.  Now  this 
fact  is  a  full  evidence  that  the  compiler  of  that  volume  could 
not  be  inspired  ;  but  no  such  thing  can  be  alleged  against  the 
Scriptures.  They  wire  indeed  given  at  sundry  limes  and  in 
divers  manners,  and  the  authors  of  them  were  inspired  on 
particular  occasions :  but  nothing  was  ever  published  as  a 
part  of  it,  which  was  afterwards  revoked;  nor  is  there  any 
thing  in  them  which  tie  need  to  have  annulled.  Errors  in 
tin  transcription  of  copies,  as  well  as  in  printed  editions  and 
translations,  do  unquestionably  exist:  but  the  contradictions 
objected  are  only  seeming,  not  real,  nor  do  we  know  a  single 
instance  of  such  alleged  contradictions,  that  is  not  capable 
of  a  rational  solution.  A  little  skill  in  criticism  in  the  ori- 
ginal languages  of  the  Scriptures,  their  idioms  and  properties 
fof  which  trie  modern  opposers  of  revelation,  it  is  well 
known, have  for  the  most  part  been  and  are  notoriously  igno- 
rant), and  in  the  times,  occasions,  and  scopes  of  the  several 
books,  as  well  as  in  the  antiquities  and  customs  of  those 
countries,  which  were  the  scenes  of  the  transactions  recorded, 
will  clear  the  principal  difficulties. 

To  the  person  who  honestly  and  impartially  examines  the 
various  evidences  for  the  divinity  and  inspiration  of  the  Bible 
(and  it  not  only  invites  but  commands  investigation),  most 
of  the  alleged  contradictions,  which  are  discussed  in  the  fol- 
lowing pages,  will  appear  frivolous :  for  they  have  been  made 
and  refuted  nearly  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  since.     But  as 


400 

they  aie  now  reasserted,  regardless  of  the  satisfactory  an- 
swers which  have  been  given  to  them  in  various  forms, 
both  in  this  country  and  on  the  Continent,  the  author  would 
deem  his  work  imperfect  if  he  were  to  suffer  such  objections 
to  pass  unnoticed,  particularly  as  he  has  been  called  upon, 
through  the  public  press,  to  consider,  and  to  obviate  them. 
Should  the  reader  be  led  to  think,  that  an  undue  portion  of 
the  present  volume  is  appropriated  to  the  interpretation  of 
passages  alleged  to  be  contradictory,  he  is  requested  to  bear 
in  mind  that,  although  the  pretended  contradictions,  here 
considered,  have  for  the  most  part  been  clothed  in  a  few 
plausible  sentences,'  yet  their  sophistry  cannot  be  exposed 
without  a  laborious  and  minute  examination. 

Wherever,  then,  one  text  of  Scripture  seems  to  contra- 
dict another,  we  should,  by  a  serious  consideration  of  them, 
endeavour  to  discover  their  harmony;  for  the  only  way,  by 
which  to  judge  rightly  of  particular  passages  in  any  book,  is, 
lirst,  to  ascertain  whether  the  text  be  correct,  and  i'n  the  next 
place  to  consider  its  whole  design,  method,  and  style,  and  not 
to  criticise  some  particular  parts  of  it,  without  bestowing  any 
attention  upon  the  rest.  Such  is  the  method  adopted  by  all 
who  would  investigate,  with  judgment,  any  difficult  passages 
occurring  in  a  profane  author:  and  if  a  judicious  and  accurate 
writer  is  not  to  be*  lightly  accused  of  contradicting  himself 
for  any  seeming  inconsistencies,  but  is  to  be  reconciled  with 
himself  if  possible, — unquestionably  the  same  equitable  prin- 
ciple of  interpretation  ought  to  be  applied  in  the  investigation 
of  Scripture  difficulties. 

Some  passages,  indeed,  are  explained  by  the  Scriptures  them- 
selves, which  serve  as  a  key  to  assist  us  in  the  elucidation  of 
others. 

Thus,  in  one  place  it  is  said  that  Jesus  baptized,  and  in  another  it  is 
stated  that  he  baptized  not :  the  former  passige  is  explained  to  be  intended 
not  of  baptism  performed  by  himself,  but  by  his  disciples  who  baptized  in 
his  name.    Compare  John  iii.  22.  with  iv.  1,  2. 

Frequently,  also,  a  distinction  of  the  different  senses  of  words, 
as  well  as  of  the  different  subjects  and  times,  will  enable  us  to 
obviata.  the  seeming  discrepancy. 

Thus,  when  it  is  said.  It  is  appointed  unto  all  men  once  to  die  (Heb.  ix. 
27.);  and  elsewhere,  If  a.  man  keep  Christ's  saying,  he  shall  never  see 
death,  there  is  no  contradiction  ;  for,  in  the  former  place,  natural  death, 
the  death  of  the  body,  is  intended,  and  in  the  latter  passage,  spiritual  or 
eternal  death.  Again,  when  Moses  says,  God  rested  un  the  seventh  day 
from  all  his  works  (Gen.  ii.  2. ),  and  Jesus  says,  My  Father  icoi  teeth  hitherto 
(John  v.  17.),  there  is  no  opposition  or  contradiction  ;  for  Moses  is  speak- 
ing of  the  works  of  creation,  and  Jesus  of  the  works  of  providence.  So 
Samuel  tells  us  God  will  nut  repent  (ISam.  xv.  29.);  and  yet  we  read  in 
other  parts  of  the  Old  Testament  that  It  repented  the  Lord  that  he  had  made 
man  on  the  earth  (Gen.  vi.  6  ) ;  and  that  he  had  set  up  Saul  to  be  king. 
;1  Sam.  xv.  11.)  But  in  these  passages  there  is  no  real  contradiction;  repent- 
ance in  the  one  place  signifies  a  change  of  mind  and  counsel,  from  want 
of  foresight  of  what  come  to  pass,  and  thus  God  cannot  repent ;  but  then 
lie  changes  his  course  as  men  do  when  they  change  their  minds,  and  so 
he  may  be  said  to  repent.  In  these,  as  well  as  in  other  instances,  where 
personal  qualities  or  feelings  are  ascribed  to  God,  the  Scriptures  speak  in 
condescension  to  our  capacities,  after  the  manner  of  men  ;  nor  can  we 
speak  of  the  Deity  in  any  other  manner,  if  we  would  speak  intelligibly  to 
tne  ffenerality  of  mankind. 

The  contradictions  which  are  alleged  to  exist  in  the  Scrip- 
tures, may  be  referred  to  the  following  classes,  viz. — seeming 
contradictions  in  historical  passages — in  chronology — be- 
tween prophecies  and  their  fulfilment — in  points  of  doctrine 
and  morality — in  the  quotations  from  the  Old  Testament  in 
the  New — between  the  sacred  writers  themselves — between 
the  sacred  writers  and  profane  authorrj — and,  lastly,  seeming 
contradictions  to  philosophy  and  the  nature  of  things. 


ON   THE    INTERPRETATION,  &c.  OF  PASSAGES 


[Part  II.  Book  11 


SECTION  I. 

SKEMING    CONTRADICTIONS    IN    HISTORICAL    PASSAGES. 

Most  of  the  seeming  contradictions  in  Scripture  are  found 
in  the  historical  parts,  where  their  connection  with  the  great 
subject  or  scope  is  less  considerable ;  and  they  may  not  un- 
frequently  be  traced  to  the  errors  of  transcribers  or  of  the 

■  Bishop  Home,  when  speaking  of  the  dlsingenuity  of  infidels  in  bring- 
ing forward  objections  against  the  Scriptures,  has  the  following  remarks  • 
—"Many  and  painful  are  the  researches,  usually  necessarv  to  be  made 
for  settling  points  of  this  kind.  Penness  and  ignorance  may  ask  a  ques- 
tion in  three  lines,  which  it  will  cost  learning  and  ingenuity  thirty  pwes  lo 
answer.  When  this  is  done,  the  same  question  shall  be  triumphantly  asked 
again  the  next  year,  as  if  nothing  had  ever  been  written  upon  the  subject. 
And  as  people  in  general,  for  one  reasonor  other,  like  short  objections 
better  than  long  answers,  in  this  mode  of  disputation  (if  it  can  be  styled 
such)  the  odds  must  ever  be  against  us ;  and  we  must  be  content  with 
those  of  our  friends,  who  have  honesty  and  erudition,  candour  and  pa- 
ilence,  to  study  both  sides  of  the  question."  Letters  on  Infidelity,  p  82 
'WorlrR,  vol.  vi.  pp.  447,  448.  Svo.  London,  1809.) 


press.  The  apparent  contradictions,  in  the  historical  passages 
of  Scripture,  arise  from  the  different  circumstances  related, — 
from  things  being  related  in  a  different  order  by  the  sacred 
writers, — From  differences  in  numbers, — and  from  differences 
in  the  relation  of  events  in  one  place,  and  references  to  those 
events  in  another. 


§  1.   Seeming  Contradictions  in  the  different  Circumstance* 
related. 

These  arise  from  various  causes,  as  the  sources  "Whence 
the  inspired  writers  drew  their  relations,  the  different  designs 
of  the  sacred  writers,  erroneous  readings,  obscure  or  ambigu- 
ous expressions,  transpositions  in  the  order  of  narrating,  and 
sometimes  from  several  of  these  causes  combined. 

1.  Apparent  contradictions,  in  the  different  circumstances 
related,  arise  from  the  different  sources  -whence  the  inspired 
•writers  drew  their  narratives. 

For  instance,  in  the  brief  accounts  recorded  by  Matthew  and  Mark 
respecting  the  birth  and  childhood  of  Jesus  Christ,  Irom  whom  could  they 
have  derived  their  information  1  They  could  not  have  become  acquainted 
with  those  circumstances,  unless  from  the  particulars  communicated  by 
his  relatives  according  to  the  fle^h;  and,  as  it  has  been  frequently  re- 
marked, it  is  highly  probable  that  they  received  their  information  from 
Mary  and  Joseph,  or  others  of  the  family  of  Jesus.  How  easy,  then,  is  it 
for  some  trifling  variations  to  creep  into  such  accounts  of  infancy  as  are 
preserved  by  oral  relation  ;  all  of  which,  though  differing,  are  nevertheless 
perfectly  consistent  with  the  truth  !  Again,  during  our  Lord's  three  years' 
circuit  in  Palestine,  Matthew  snd  John  were  constantly  his  disciples  and 
companions :  the  source  of  their  narratives,  therefore,  was  ocular  testi- 
mony ;  while  Luke  and  Mark,  not  having  been  Christ's  disciples,  related 
things  as  ihey  were  communicated  to  them  by  the  apostles  and  others, 
who  from  the  beginning  were  eyewitnesses  and  ministers  of  the  word, 
as  Saint  Luke  expressly  states  at  the  commencement  of  his  Gospel.  Under 
such  circumstances,  how  is  it  possible  that  some  discrepancies  should  not 
appear  in  the  writings  of  such  persons'!  Yet  these  discrepancies,  as  we 
shall  presently  see,  are  so  far  from  affecting  their  credibility  as  historians, 
that,  on  the  contrary,  they  confirm  their  veracity  and  correctness.  The 
same  remark  will  apply  to  the  history  of  our  Lord'3  death  and  resurrec- 
tion, as  well  as  to  the  account  of  the  sermon  delivered  on  the  mount  and 
on  the  plain. 

2.  Seeming  contradictions,  in  the  different  circumstances  re- 
lated, may  also  arise,  from  the  different  designs  -which  the  sacred 
ivriters  had  in  the  composition  of  their  narratives ;  for  the 
difference  of  design  will  necessarily  lead  to  a  corresponding  se- 
lection of  circumstances. 

The  consideration  of  this  circumstance  will  remove  the  contradiction 
which  modern  opposers  of  the  Scriptures  have  asserted  to  exist  between 
the  first  and  second  chapters  of  the  book  of  Genesis.  The  design  ot 
Moses,  in  the  first  chapter,  was  to  give  a  short  account  of  the  orderly 
creation  of  all  things,  from  the  meanest  to  the  noblest,  in  opposition  to  the 
absurd  and  contradictory  notions  which  at  that  time  prevailed  among  the 
Egyptians  and  other  nations.  In  the  second  chapter,  the  sacred  writei 
explains  some  things  more  at  length,  which  in  the  preceding  were  nar 
rated  more  briefly,  because  he  would  not  interrupt  the  connection  of  his 
discourse  concerning  the  six  days'  work  of  creation.  He  therefore  more 
particularly  relates  the  manner  in  which  Eve  was  formed,  and  also  further 
illustrates  the  creation  of  Adam.  In  thus  recapitulating  the  history  ol 
creation,  Moses  describes  the  creation  through  its  several  stages,  as  the 
phenomena  would  have  successively  presented  themselves  to  a  spectator, 
had  a  spectator  been  in  existence.  Again,  the  design  of  the  two  books  of 
Samuel,  especially  the  second  book,  is,  to  relate  the  various  steps  which 
conduced  to  the  wonderful  elevation  of  David  from  a  low  condition  to  the 
throne  of  Judah  first,  and  after  seven  years  and  six  months  to  that  of 
Israel,  together  with  the  battles  and  occurrences  which  led  to  that  great 
event,  and  secured  to  him  the  possession  of  his  kingdom  :  ami  then  at  the 
close  (2S*ani.  xxiii.  8 — 39.)  we  have  a  catalogue  to  perpetuate  the  memory 
of  those  warriors  who  had  been  particularly  instrumental  in  promoting  the 
success  and  establishing  the  glory  of  (heir  royal  master.  But  in  the  first 
book  of  Chronicles  the  history  of  David  begins  with  him  as  kin::,  and  im- 
mediately mentions  the  heroes  of  his  armies,  and  then  proceeds  lo  an 
abridgment  of  the  events  of  his  reign.  This  difference  of  design  will 
account  for  the  variations  occurring  in  the  two  principal  chapters  con- 
taining the  history  of  those  heroes ;  for  in  1  Chron.  xi.  they  are  recorded 
in  the  beginning  of  David's  reign,  with  Joab  introduced  at  their  head,  and 
the  reason  assigned  for  his  being  so  particularly  distinguished;  but  in  the 
concluding  chapter  of  Samuel,  when  the  history  of  David's  reign  had  al 
ready  been  given,  there  the  name  of  Joab  is  omitted,  since  no  one  could 
forget  that  he  was  David's  chief  mighty  man,  when  he  had  been  mention- 
ed, in  almost  every  page,  as  captain  general  of  the  armies  of  Israel.* 

The  difference  of  design  also  will  satisfactorily  explain  the 
seeming  difference  between  the  genealogies  of  our  Saviour 
given  by  the  evangelist  Matthew  and  Luke  from  the  public 
registers,  and  which  comprise  a  period  of  four  thousand  years, 
from  Adam  to  Joseph  his  reputed  father,  or  to  Mary  his  mother. 
The  genealogy  given  by  Saint  Matthew  was  principally  designed 
for  the  Jews ;  and,  therefore,  it  traces  the  pedigree  of  Jesus 
Christ,  as  the  promised  seed,  down  from  Abraham  to  David,  and 
from  him  through  Solomon's  line  to  Jacob  the  father  of  Joseph, 
who  was  the  reputed  or  legal  father  of  Christ.  (Matt.  i.  1 — 16.) 
That  given  by  Saint  Luke  was  intended  for  the  Gentiles,  and 

»  Dr.  Kennicott's  First  Dissertation,  pp.  13 — 15.  The  subsequent  pan 
of  this  very  learned  volume  is  appropriated  to  an  elaborate  comparison  of 
the  discrepancies  between  I  Chron.  xi.  and  2Sam.  v.  and  xxiii.,  to  whic> 
the  reader  is  referred. 


Chap. VII.  Sect.].  §  I.]  OF  SCRIPTURE,  ALLEGED  TO  BE  CONTRADICTORY. 


401 


traces  the  pedigree  upwards  from  Heli,  tlie  father  of  Mary,  to 
David,  through  the  line  of  his  ion  Nathan,  and  from  Nathan  to 
Abraham,  concurring  with  the  former,  and  from  Aljrali.ua  up  to 
•  Adam,  who  was  the  immediate  "  -Sou  of  God,"  born  without 
father  or  mother.     (Luke  iii.  28 — 38.)' 

To  this  satisfactory  answer  to  the  cavils  of  modern  infidels,  the 
*ewa object — Why  ia  Mary  not  mentioned  in  this  genealogy,  and 
Joseph  said  to  be  th"  eon  of  Heli  ' 

'•A.-..  i   m -akiiiK  quite  warranted  by  the  Old 

Testament,  the  authority  ol   which  Is  acknowledged  by  the  Jews  them- 

h,  vn.  63.  And  of  the  ]>riests :  the  children  "J 

Babaiah,  the  children  of  Koa,  tiik  carutasM  of  Basbixai,  wbiob  rooa 

i i.i. Al  THS  GlLKAJUTB  TO    Willi,    and   WOS 

Hera  ll  appear*  thai  a  peraon  of  the  priestly 
irilir,  o  ri,  took  to  wife  a  daughter  of  Barzillai,  and  (Aat  At  "'"' 

d  hi  children  of  Hm  tilled,  though 

aod  though  the  mother's  name  la  nol  mentioned 

king  the  daughter  of  1 1 « - 1 •  to  wife,  ii  called  the  aon  "l  Hell."* 

That  Saint  Luke  gives  the  pedigree  of  Mary,  the  real  mother 
of  Christ,  maj   !><■  collected  from  the  following  reasons: — 

••l.  The  an       G  annunciation,  told  the  virgin,  that 'God 

would  give  hei  divine  Bon  the  throne  of  hie  father  David1  (Lake  1. 32.)  j 

and  tins  w  i  to  I"-  proved,  bj  ber  genealogy,  afterwards. 

ii.  Mary  ii  called  by  the  Jewa,  »'?p  r2,  '  the  daughter  of  Eli,'»  and  by  the 
early  Christian  writer*,  'the  daughter  of  Joakim  aod  Anna.'  But  Joakim 
andEliakim  (aa  being  derived  from  the  namea  ol  God,  mn*i  Iahoh,  and 
«Sh,  Ell)  are  sometimes  Interchanged,  (2Chron.  xxxvi.  4.)    Eli,  therefore, 

ii.  is  the  abridgment  of  Eliakim.    Nor  is  it  of  any  consequence  that 

:l,e  Rabbins  called  bim  »^»,  instead  of  ^N,  the  aspirates  Alcph  and  Ain 

being  frequently  Interchanged,  3,  a  similar  case  hi  point  occurs  elsewhere 

in  the  genealogy,    after  the  Baby lonialk  captivity,  the  two  lines  of  Solomon 

ns  of  David,  unite  ha  the  generations  ofSalathiel  and 

■  iUei,  and  thence  diverge  again  in  the  suns  of  the  latter,  Ahiud  and 
tlesa.    Ueni  I  in  Matthew,  was  the  son  of  Jechontah,  or  Je- 

hoiachhn,  who  was  carried  away  into  captivity  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  so  in 
Luke,  Salatliiel  must  have  been  t i ><•  grandson  of  Nen,  by  his  mother's  side. 
4.  The  evaugelisi  himself  has  critically  distinguished  the  real'  from  the 
legal  genealogy,  by  a  parenthetical  remark  : — 4o-ov«— m*  *,-  ^o^.c'itc,  ui'oc 
I»m:  [xkk'  o.  r*.;  u!»t\  »•«  '  H».'-"  Jesus — being  (as  was  reputed)  the  son 
of  Joseph,  (but  in  reality)  the  sun  of  Heli,"  or  bis  grandson  by  the  mother's 
side:  tor  so  should  the  ellipsis  involved  in  the  parenthesis  be  supplied."* 
This  interpretation  of  the  genealogy  in  Saint  Luke's  Gospel,  if  it  be  ad- 
mitted, removes  at  once  i  very  difficulty  ;  and  (as  Bishop  Gleig  has  truly 
remarked)  it  is  so  natural  and  consistent  with  itself,  that,  we  think,  it  can 
nardly  be  rejected,  except  by  those  who  are  determined,  that  "seeing 
tin  y  will  not  see,  and  hearing  they  will  nol  understand." 

But  the  difference  in  the  circumstances  related,  arising  from 
the  difference  in  design  of  the  sacred  writers,  is  to  be  found 
chiefly  in  those  cases,  where  the  same  event  is  narrated  very 
briefly  by  o:.e  evangelist,  and  is  described  more  copiously  by 
another. 

(ample  of  this  kind  we  have  in  the.  account  of  our  Lord's  threefold 
tation  m  the  wilderness,  which  is  related  more  at  length  by  Matthew 
and  Luke,  while  Mark  has  given  a  very  brief  epitome  of  that  occurrence. 
li  nt  these  variations,  which  arise  from  differences  of  design,  do  not  present 
a  thadou)  of  contradiction  or  discrepancy  :  for  it  is  well  known  thai  Saint 
Matthew  wrote  his  Gospel  a  lew  years  after  our  Lord's  ascension,  while 
the  church  wholly  consisted  of  converts  from  Judaism.  Saint  Mark's 
Oospel,  probably  written  at  Rome,  was  adapted  to  the  slate  of  the  chnrch 
there,  which  consisted  of  a  mixture  of  converts  who  had  been  Pagans  and 
Jews.  He  inserts  many  direct  or  oblique  explanations  of  passages  in  Saint 
Matthew's  Gospel,  in  order  to  render  them  more  intelligible  to  the  converts 
from  Paganism.  The  Gospel  of  Saint  Luke  was  written  for  the  immediate 
use  of  the  converts  from  Heathenism  ;  several  parts  of  it  appear  to  be  par- 
ticularly adapted  to  display  the  divine  [  the  (it  utiles.  Hi-nce. 
he  traces  up  Christ's  ifneage  to  Adam,  to  signify  that  he  was  the  seed  of 
the> woman  promised  to  our  firsi  parents,  and  the  Saviour  of  all  their  pos- 
terity. He  marks  the  a>ra  "I  Christ's  birth,  and  the  time  when  John  the 
Baptist  began  to  announce  the  Gospel,  by  the  reigns  of  ihe  Roman  empe- 
rors. Saint  John,  who  wrote  long  after  the  other  evangelists,  appears  to 
have  designed  ins  <;.>-;••!  to  be  partly  as  a  supplement  to  the  others,  in 
order  to  preserve  several  discourses  of  "ur  Lord,  or  tacts  relating  to  him 
which  had  been  omitted  by  the  other  evangelists;  but  chiefly  to  check 
the  heresies  which  were  beginning  to  appear  in  the  church,  and  (as  he 


:  The  view  above  given  is  confirmed  and  illustrated  by  Dr.  Benson  in 
itory  of  the  first  plantingofthe  Christian  Religion,  vol  i.  pp.  i'i9— 268 
id  edit  11  • 

•>  The  Jewish  Messenger  No.  I.  p.  2.    I  ondon,  1'513,  8vo. 
»  Lightfool  on  Luke 

«  l>r.  Ilales's  Analysis,  vol    ii    bonk  ii.  pp.  BOB,  7(N).     In  pp.  700—701    he 

nsidered  and  accounted  for  particular  Beemins  discrepant 
tween  the  evangelists  Matthew  and  Luke     But  the  fullest  discussion  of 
the  subject  is  t"  be  found  InDr  Barren's  Preliminary  Dissertation  pre- 
fixed to  his  edition  of  the  Fragments  of  Saint  Mao 


spel,  from  a 
Codex  Rescriptua  in  Trinity  College  Library  at  Dublin.  (Erangelium  se- 
eundiutn  Matthcatm  ex  Codies  Reseripto  in  liibliotheca  CoUegii  Sancta: 
Trinitatis  juxta  Dublin,  Ar  4to  Dublin,  1801  )  In  this  Dissertation  he 
examines  ami  notices  the  difficulties  ol"  the   hypothesis  proposed  by  Afri- 

emus,  a  father  of  the  third  century,  preserved  by  Ensebius  (Hist"  EccL 
lib.  i.  c.  7.),  and  translated  by  Dr.  Lardner  (Works,  vol.  ii.  pp.  436 — 138. 8vo! 
or  vol.  i.  pp.  416.  417.  4to  ),  and  which  Africanus  professed  to  have  re- 
ceived from  some  of  our  Lord's  relatives.  As  Dr.  Barrett's  book  is  scarce, 
and  comparatively  little  known,  it  may  gratify  the  reader  to  learn  that  a 
copious  and  faithful  abstract  of  it  is  given  in  the  Eclectic  Review  for  1807, 
vol.  iii  part  2.  pp.  586—594.  678—698. ;  and  also  with  some  additional  ob- 
servations by  Dr.  A.  Clarke,  at  the  end  of  his  commentary  on  Luke  iii. 
See  also  Mr.  R.  B.  Green's  "Table  for  exhibiting  to  the  View,  and  impress- 
ing clearly  on  the  Memory,  the  Genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ,  with  Notes  " 
*c.  London,  1822,  8vo. 


himself  deetari  '  •  establish  the  true  i  g  the 

divinity  and  mediatorial  ebarai  tei  ol  •  brlst  ■ 

The  differences,  however,  which  thus  subsist  in  the  respective 

narrative-,  of  the  evangelists,  do  not  in  am  degree  whatever  affccl 
their  credibility.  The  transactiona related  are  still  inn-  and  actual 
transactions,  and  capable  of  being  n  adilj  comprehended,  although 
there  may  U-  u  trifling  dieerepancj  in  some  particular*.  We 
know,  for  instance,  thai  i  delivered  by  oar  Lord, 

so  Kuldirne,  so  replete  with  momentous  instruction,  that  the  people 
were  astonished  at  his  doctrine.     Bui  whether  this  discourse 
was  delivered  on  a  mountain  or  on   I   plain,  is  a  matter  of  no 
moment  whatever.     In  like  manner,  although  there  are  circum- 
ttantial  differences  in  tin-  accounts  of  01  i   Lord's  resurrection 
from  the  dead,  the  thing  itself  may  he  know  n.  and  its  truth  . 
tained:      A  narrative  is  not  to  1h>  rejected   by   reason  of  some 
diveriity  of  circumstances  with  which    it    is   related  :    for  the 
character  of  human  testimony   is,  rubetantial  truth   under  cir- 
cumstantial variety  ;  but  a  close  agreemi  Dt  induces  suspicion  of 
confederacy  and   fraud.     Important  variations,  and  even   contra- 
dictions, are  not  always  deemed  sufficient  to  shake  the  credibility 
of  a  fact;   and  if  this  circumstance   be    allowed   to  opt  rate   in 
favour  of  profane  historians,  it  ought  at  least  to  he  admitted  with 
equal  weight  in  reference  to  the  sacred  writers     It  were  no  dif- 
ficult task  to  give  numerous  instances  of  diffi  .veen 
profane  historians.     Two  or  three  may  suffice.     It  is  well  known 
that  Julius  Cesar  wrote  histories  both  of  the  civil  war  and  of  the 
war  in  Gaul :  the  same  .vents  ar-  related  by  Dion  Cassius,  as 
well  as  by  Plutarch  in  his  lives  of  Pompey  and  Ctesar.     The 
transactions  recorded  by  Suetonius  are  also  related  by  Dion,  and 
many  of  them  by  Livy  and  Polybius.      What  discrepancies  are 
discoverable  between  these  writers  !     Yet  Livy  and  Polybius  are 
not  considered   as  liars  on   this  account,  but  we  endeavour  by 
various  ways  to  harmonize  their  discordant  narratives,  conscious 
that,  even  when  we  fail,  these  discordancies  do  m>t  affect  the 
general  credibility  of  their  histories.     Again,  the  embassy  of  the 
Jews  to  the  emperor  Claudian  is  placed  by  Philo  in  liane.it.  and 
by  Josephus  in  seed-time  ;   yet  the  existence  of  this  embassy  was 
never  called  in  question.     To  come  nearer  to  our  own  times  : 
Lord  Clarendon  states  that  the  Marquis  of  Argj  le  was  condemned 
to  be  hanged,  which  sentence  was  executed  on  the  same  day: 
four  other  historians  affirm  that  he  was  beheaded  upon  the  Mon- 
day, having  been  condemned  on  the  preceding  Saturday  ;  yet 
this  contradiction  never  led  any   person  to  doubt,  whether  the 
Marquis  was  executed  or  not. 

Much  of  the  discrepancy  in  the  Gospels  arises  from  omil 
which  is  always  an  uncertain  ground  of  objection.  Suetonius, 
Tacitus,  and  Dion  Cassius  have  all  written  an  account  of  the 
reign  of  Tiberius;  and  each  has  omitted  many  things  mentioned 
by  the  rest,  yet  their  credit  is  not  impeached.  And  these  differ- 
ences will  be  more  numerous,  when  men  do  not  write  histories, 
but  memoirs  (which  perhaps  is  the  true  name  of  the  Go-, 
that  is,  when  they  do  not  undertake  to  deliver,  in  the  order  of 
time,  a  regular  account  of  all  things  of  importance  which  the 
subject  of  the  history  said  and  did,  but  only  such  passages  aa 
were  suggested  by  their  particular  design  at  the  time  of  writing-' 
Further,  as  these  seeming  discordancies  in  the  evangelical  bisto- 
riana  prove  that  they  did  not  write  in  concert  ;  so  from  their 
agreeing  in  the  principal  and  most  material  facts,  wc  may  infet 
that  they  wrote  after  the  truth. 

In  Xiphilin  and  Theodosius,  the  two  abbreviatora of  the  histo- 
rian Dion  Cassius,  may  be  observed  the  like  agreement  and  disa- 
greement ;  the  one  taking  notice  of  many  particulars  which  the 
other  passes  in  silence,  and  both  of  them  relating  the  chief  and 
most  remnrkahle  events.  And  since,  from  their  both  frequently 
making  use  of  the  very  same  words  and  expressions,  when  they 
speak  of  the  same  thing,  it  is  apparent  that  they  both  copied  from 
the  tame  original;  so,  no  person  was  ever  absurd  enough  to 
imagine  that  the  particulars  mentioned  by  the  one  were  not  taken 
out  of  Dion  Cassius,  merely  because  they  were  omitt&l  by  the 
Other.  And  still  more  absurd  would  it  be  to  say  (as  some  modern 
opposers  of  revelation  have  said  of  the  Evangelists),  that  the 
facts  related  by  Theodosius  are  contradicted  by  Xiphilin,  because 
the  latter  says  nothing  of  them.  But  against  the  Evangelists,  it 
seems,  all  kinds  of  arguments  may  not  only  be  employed  but 
applauded.     The    case,  however,  of   the    sacred    historians    is 


«  The  topic  here  briefly  noticed  is  ablv  illustrated  by  the  late  Rev.  Dr 
Townson  in  his  Discourses  on  the  Four  Gospels,  chiefly  with  regard  to  the 
peculiar  Design  of  each,  Ac.  (Worts,  vol  i   pp.  1—27-1  ) 

•  An  abstract  of  the  evidence  for  the  fact  ol  ihe  Resurrection  of  Jesui 
Christ  is  pi ven  in  this  volume,  pp   106— 115.      .  ■..,.«« 

'  Mori  Acroases  in  Erncsti  Instil,  lnterp.  Nov.  Test.  torn.  ».  pp  26— » 
Paley's  Evidences,  vol.  ii.  pp  274—279. 


«)2 


ON  THE  INTERPRETATION,  &c.  OF  PASSAGES 


[Pm-rll.  Book  II 


!v  parallel  to  that  of  these  two  abbreviators.  The  latter 
extracted  the  particulars,  related  in  their  several  abridgments, 
from  the  history  of  Dion  Cassius,  as  the  former  drew  the  mate- 
rials of  their  Gospels  from  the  life  of  Jesus  Christ.  Xiphilin 
and  Theodosius  transcribed  their  relations  from  a  certain  collec- 
tio'n  of  facts  contained  in  one  and  the  same  history;  the  four 
evangelists,  from  a  certain  collection  of  facts  contained  in  the 
life  of  one  and  the  same  person,  laid  before  them  by  that  same 
Spirit,  which  was  to  lead  them  into  all  truth.  And  why  the 
fiiielity  of  the  four  transcribers  should  be  called  in  question  for 
reasons  which  hold  equally  strong  against  the  two  abbreviators, 
w  ■  leave  those  to  determine  who  lay  such  a  weight  upon  the 
o!>jection.' 

'■).  A  third  source  of  apparent  contradictions,  in  the  different 
circumstances  related,  arises  from  false  readings,  or  from  obscure 
<iid  ambiguous  expressions,  or  from  transpositions  in  the  order 
'if  relating,  and  sometimes  from  several  of  these  causes  com- 
bined.2 The  only  way  by  which  these  seeming  repugnancies 
may  be  reconciled,  is  to  call  in  the  aid  of  sacred  criticism  ;  which, 
when  judiciously  applied,  will,  in  most  instances,  if  not  in  every 
ease,  remove  them. 

Vim.-,  iii  Gen.  xxi.x.  1 — 8?we  have  a  dialogue  in  which  no  man  is  men. 
ti  '.'  I  r>ii,  Jacob,  the  only  living  creatures  present  being  three  flocks  of 
•-'■-  |>:  yel  these  are  represented  as  conversing,,  rolling  away  the  stone, 
unil  watering  the  3heep.  This  appearance  of  contradiction  probably  origi- 
nated, first,  in  some  transcriber  writing  O'l^Jjn  (hadorim),  flocks,  for 
O'VTJJfl  (haroim),  shepherds,  in  three  places ;  and,  secondly,  from  verse  3. 
expressing  what  customarily  happened,  not  what  then  had  actually  taken 
place  ;»  and  this  mistake,  having  obtained  in  some  copy  of  high  repute, 
tins  been  transcribed  into  all  the  later  manuscripts.  That  the  above  mis- 
take has  actually  been  made  appears  from  the  Samaritan  text  of  the  Pen- 
lateuch,  from  the  Arabic  version  in  Bishop  Walton's  Polyglot!  (which  has 
preserved  the  true  reading  in  verses  3  and  8.),  and  from  the  Greek  version. 
The  true  reading,  therefore,  as  Houbigant  and  Dr.  Kennicott  contend,  is 
shepherds,  not  flocks,  and  the  third  verse  should  be  read  parenthetically.4 

Having  thus  stated  the  various  causes  of  apparent  contradic- 
tions in  the  different  circumstances  related  by  the  inspired 
writers,  we  shall  proceed  to  illustrate  the  preceding  remarks. 

I.  The  names  of  persons  and  places  are  respectively  liable 
to  change. 

Thus,  the  name  of  one  person  is  sometimes  given  to  another,  either  as 
they  are  types  of  them.  — so  Christ  is  called  David  (Ezek.  xxxiv.  23,  24.) 
and  Zerubbabel  (Hag.  ii.  23.) — or,  on  account  of  some  resemblance  between 
them,  as  in  Isa.  i.  ID.  Ezek.  xvi.  3.  46.  Mai.  iv.  5.  compared  with  Matt.  xi.  14. 
and  John  i.  21.  Rev.  ii.  20.  and  xviii.  2.  So  Hell  derives  its  name,  in  many 
languages,  from  the  valley  of  the  children  of  Hinnom,  on  account  of  the 
wickedness  there  committed,  and  the  dreadful  cries  formerly  heard  in  that 
place."  In  like  manner,  the  place  of  the  great  slaughter  (Rev.  xvi.  16.)  has 
its  name  from  the  place  of  the  memorable  battle  where  Josiah  was  slain, 
2 Kings  xxiii.  29. 

II.  The  name  of  the  head  of  a  tribe  or  nation  is  sometimes 
driven  to  their  posterity. 

Thus,  Edom  or  Esau  is  put  for  the  Edomites,  who  were  the  descendants 
of  Esau,  in  Num.  xx.  18.  Gen.  xxxvi.  1.  and  Obadiah  i.  6.  Very  numerous 
.similar  examples  are  to  be  found  in  the  Sacred  Writings,  which  it  is  unne- 

<   •s.sary  to  specify. 

III.  Sometimes  names  remain  after  the  reason  for  which 
'.hey  were  given,  or  the  thing  whence  they  were  taken,  has 
ceased  to  exist. 

^  Aaron's  rod,  for  instance,  retained  its  name  when  changed  into  a  serpent, 
Exod.  vii.  12.  So  Matthew  is  called  a  publican,  because  he  had  formerly 
I  'Howeil  that  calling.  Simon  the  leper  is  so  termed  because  he  had  for- 
merly been  afflicted  Willi  the  leprosy,  Matt.  xxvi.  6.  So  it  is  said  in  Matt. 
xi- 5.  that  the  blind  see.  ami  the  deaf  hear,  that  is,  (hose  who  had  been 
I  'aid  and  deaf.  A  simi!ar  instance  occurs  in  Matt.  xxi.  31.  The  publicans 
and,  harlots  cuter  into  the  kingdom,  of  heaven,  that  is,  those  who  had  been 
such,  nut  those  who  continue  so.  (Compare  1  Cor.  vi.  9.) 

IV.  The  same  persons  or  places  sometimes  have  several 
names. 

Thus.  Esau's  wife  is  called  Bashemalh  in  Gen.  xxvi.  34.  and  Adah  in 
(■'en.  xxxvi.  2.  Gideon  is  called  Jerubbaal  in  Judges  vi.  32.  and  vii.  1. 
Zerubbabel  ami  Sheshbazzar  are  the  same  person,  Ezra  i.  8.  and  v.  14. 
compared  wiih  Hag.  i.  14.  and  it.  2.  21.  Almost  numberless  similar  in- 
B  mces  might  be  adduced  from  the  Old  Testament :  nor  are  examples 

v M"K  ln  t,lp  New.     '  hus,  he  who  was  nominated  for  the  apostleship,  is 

railed  Joseph,  Bursabas,  ami  Justus.  (Acts  i.  23.)    Joses  and  Barnabas  are 


■  West's  Observations  on  the  History  of  the  Resurrection,  pp.  279. 

■•Gerard's  Institutes,  p.  426.  5  11-17.  Jahnii  Enchiridion  Henn.  Gen. 
cap.  vi.    De  Compositione  E»«nit»x«ov1  p.  1 37. 

'  The  Vulgate  version  so  renders  verse  3.  Morisque  erat.  ut  cunctis 
ovibus  (lesie  pastoribus)  eongregatis  devolverent  lapidem,  <fec. 

«  Houbigant  in  lor.  Dr.  Kennicott's  First  Dissertation  on  the  Hebrew 
text,  pp.  360—365.  The  proper  version  of  the  passage  above  referred  to 
will  be  thus  : —  "Then  Jacob  went  on  his  journey,  and  came  into  the  land 
of  the  people  of  the  east  2.  And  he  looked,  and  behold  a  well  in  a  field  ; 
and,  lo,  three  shepherds  were  lying  by  it,  for  out  of  that  well  they  watered' 
their  flocks;  and  a  great  utone  was  upon  the  well's  mouth.  (And  there 
all  the  shepherds  usually  met  together,  and  rolled  the  stone  from  the  weil's 
mouth,  and  watered  the  sheep;  and  put  the  stone  again  upon  the  well's 
mouth,  in  its  place.)  4—7.  And  Jacob  said,  &c.  tec.  8.  And  they  said,  We 
eannot  until  all  the  shepherds  shall  be  gathered  together,  and  roll  the  stone 
from  the  well's  mouth";  then  we  water  the  sheep." 


the  names  of  the  same  apostle.  Simon,  it  is  well  known,  was  galled  Peter 
and  all  the  other  apostles,  except  Saint  John,  had  more  nam.  s  than  one 
In  like  manner,  the  same  places  are  distinguished  by  Beveral  names:  at 
Emishphat  and  Kadesh,  Gen.  xiv.  7.  Hermbn,  siriun,  Sbenir,  Deut.  iii. 9. 
Magdala  in  Matt.  xv.  39.  is  termed  Dalmanutha  in  Mark  vni.  10.,  and  the 
country  of  the  Gergesenes,  in  Malt.  viii.  28.,  in  Mark  v.  1.  called  that  of  the 
Gadarenes. 

V.  Jtfany  persons  and  places  also  have  the  same  name. 

There  was  one  Bethlehem  in  the  tribe  of  ZebMlun,  Josh.  xix.  15  and 
another  in  the  tribe  of  Judah,  Matt.  ii.  6.  Luke  ii.4.  There  were  two  town! 
called  Cana,  Josh.  xix.  28.  John  ii.  1.  Several  Ca-sareas,  Matt.  xvi.  13 
Acts  ix.  30.  and  xviii.  22.  Several  Zechariahs,  as  in  1  Chron.  v.  7.  xv.  21) 
xxiv.  25,  &c.  2  Chron.  xvii.  7.  xx.  14.  Zech.  i.  1.  Luke  i.  5.  Malt,  xxiii.  35. 
The  Zechariah  in  this  last  cited  passage  was  probably  the  person  men 
tioned  in  2  Chron.  xx.  14.  and  the  name  of  the  father  has  been  added  since, 
by  some  transcriber,  who  took  it  from  the  title  of  the  prophecy.  Several 
Herods,  as,  1.  Herod  the  Great,  in  whose  reign  our  Redeemer  was  incar- 
nate, Matt.  ii.  1.  and  by  whom  the  infants  at  Bethlehem  were  masr-acred, 
Matt.  ii.  16.  2.  Herod  Anlipas,  surnamed  the  Tetrarch,  Matt.  xiv.  1.  by 
whom  John  the  Baptist  was  murdered  (verse  10.),  and  our  Saviour  was 
mocked  and  set  at  nought,  Luke  xxiii.  11.  3.  Herod  Agrippa,  who  slew 
the  apostle  James,  Actsxii.  2  and  miserably  perished,  verse  23.  So,  there 
are  some  names  which  appear  to  have  been  common  to  several,  if  not  to 
all,  the  successive  kings  of  a  country.  Thus,  Pharaoh  was  the  general 
name  of  the  kings  of  Egypt,  Gen.  xii.  15.  xxxix.  1.  Exodus  i. — xv.  pnssim 
I  Kings  iii.  1.  2  Kings  xxiii.  29.  Isa.  xix.  11.  Jer.  xxv.  19.  xliv.  30.  and  xlvi. 
17.,  and  very  frequently  in  the  prophecy  of  Ezekiel;  and  that  this  was  the 
constant  title  of  the  Egyptian  kings,  is  further  attested  by  Josephus'  and 
Suldas.'  Artaxerxes  was  the  common  name  of  the  whole  race  of  Persian 
kings  ;  as  Abimelech  was  of  the  Philistines,  Gen.  xx.  2.  xxvi.  8.  compared 
with  the  title  to  Psal.  xxxiv. ;  and  Agagof  the  Amalekites,  as  may  be  interred 
from  Num.  xxiv.  7.  compared  with  1  Sam.  xv.  8. 

VI.  The  differences  in  names  occurring  in  the  Scriptures 
are  sometimes  occasioned  by  false  readings,  and  can  only  be 
reconciled  by  correcting  these ;  but  the  true  name  may  in  such 
cases  be  distinguished  from  the  erroneous  one,  by  the  usage  of 
Scripture  in  other  places,  as  well  as  from  the  Samaritan  Penta- 
teuch, the  ancient  versions,  and  Josephus.7 

The  following  instances  will  illustrate  this  remark.  Hadarezer,  1  Chron 
xviii.  3.  oughttobeHadadezer,  as  in  2  Sam.  viii.  3.  a  Resh  "1  being  mistaken 
for  a  Daleth  \*  Joshebbasscbet,  in  2  Sam.  xxii.  8.  (marg.  rend.)  should  be 
Jashobeam,  as  in  1  Chron.  xi.  11.  and  xxvii.  2.»  Bathshua,  the  daughter 
of  Ami  el,  in  1  Chron.  iii.  5.  should  be  Bathsheba  the  daughter  of  Eliam,  as 
in  2 Sam.  xi.  3.  the  two  last  letters  of  the  father's  name  being  transposed, 
and  the  two  first  put  last.'8  Azariah,  in  2  Kings  xiv.  21.  should  be  Uzziah, 
as  in  2 Chron.  xxvi.  1.  and  elsewhere;  which  reading  is  adopted,  or  nearly 
so,  by  the  Arabic  and  Syriac  versions."  Jehoahaz,  in  2Chron.  xxi.  17 
should  be  Ahazihu,  or  Ahaziah,  as  in  2  Kings  viii.  24.  and  elsewhere.'4 
The  name  of  the  great  king  Nebuchadnezzar  is  spelled  seven  different 
ways.<» 


§  2.  Apparent  Contradictions,  from  Things  being  related  in  a 
different  Order  by  the  sacred  Writers. 

I.  The  Scriptures  being  as  it  were  a  compendious  record  of 
important  events,  we  are  not  to  infer  that  these  took  place 
exactly  in  the  order  narrated ;  for  frequently  things  are  re- 
lated together,  between  which  many  tilings  intervened  while 
they  were  transacting.  JVeither  are  we  to  conclude  that  a 
thing  is  not  done,  because  it  is  not  related  in  the  history  of 
other  things  happening  in  the  same  age. 

1.  Thus,  in  Num.  xxxiii.  we  have  a  particular  account  of  the  journey  ings 
of  the  Israelites,  which  are  not  noticed  in  their  proper  place  in  the  book 
of  Exodus.  In  the  four  Gospels  especially,  we  find  that  each  of  the  evan 
pelists  did  not  relate  every  word  and  thing;  but  one  frequently  omits  what 
has  been  related  by  the  rest,  while  that  which  has  been  briefly  noticed  by 
one  is  recorded  at  length  by  the  others  ;  and  two  evangelists,  when  relating 
the  same  fact,  do  not  always  observe  the  order  of  time. 

2.  So,  in  John  xii.  1—3.  Jesus  Christ  is  said  to  have  been  anointed  at 
Bethany  si x  days  before  the  passover ;  yet  Saint  Matthew  (xxvi.  2.  6,  7.) 
takes  no  notice  of  this  remarkable  circumstance  till  within  two  days  of  the 
feast.  "The  reason  is  manifest.  It  was  at  this  time  that  Judas  offered  to 
the  chief  priests  and  elders  to  betray  him  ;  and  the  evangelist,  intending  to 
relate  his  treachery,  returns  to  give  an  accountof  the  event  which  prompt- 
ed him  to  it.  The  rebuke  which  he  received  in  the  house  of  Simon,  when 
he  complained  of  the  waste  of  ointment,  had  irritated  his  proud  disaffected 
heart,  and  inspired  him  with  sentiments  of  revenue.  The  mention  of  the 
unction  of  our  Saviour,  which  was  preparatory  to  his  burial,  reminds  us  of 
another  observation,  which  is  of  use  in  removing  difficulties,  namely,  that 
two  facts  may  much  resemble  each  other  and  yet  not  be  Ihe  same.  All  hough 
they  differ,  therefore,  in  some  circumstances,  while  they  agree  in  others, 
it  is  through  haste  and  inattention  that,  on  this  account,  we  charge  the 
Scriptures  with  contradiction.  The  anoinlingof  Christ,  sixdaysbefore  the 
passover,  is  evidently  different  from  the  anointing  recorded  in  the  seventh 
chapter  of  Luke.  The  two  incidents  agree,  as  both  happened  at  table,  and 
in  the  house  of  a  person  named  Simon  ;  but  on  considering  the  passages, 
they  appear  to  have  taken  place  at  different  times."'*  Apparent  contra- 
dictions of  this  kind  are  so  numerous  in  the  Gospels,  that  it  would  almost 
require  a  harmony  of  them  to  be  constructed,  were  we  here  to  specify 
thein ;  and  from  these  discrepancies  have  originated  harmonies,  or  con- 
nected histories,  compiled  from  the  writings  of  the  evangelisfs,  in  the 


*  Antiq.  1.  viii.  c.  6.  §  2.  6  Snidas,  in  voce. 

1  Gerard's  Institutes,  p.  427. 

»  Kennicott,  Dissert,  i.  pp.  89,  90.  9  Ibid.  pp.  70—78. 

■  o  Ibid.  p.  463.  >'  Ibid.  pp.  478-480.  '»  Ibid.  pp.  4.89,  490. 

"  Ibid.  Dissert,  ii.  pp.  503—505.    Concerning  the  variation  of  names,  see 
further  Kennicott's  Remarks  on  Select  Passages  of  the  Old  Testament, 
pp.  23—26. 
«*  Dick's  Essay  on  the  Inspiration  of  the  Scriptures,  pr   300,  301. 


1 


Chap.  VII.  Sect.  I.  §  3] 


OF  SCRIPTURE,  ALLEGED *TO  BE  CONTRADICTORY. 


403 


structure  of  which  differ*  til  theoi  emenl  have  ."  i  o  adopted  in 

order  10  >  econi 

.;  Other  additional  in  itarn  e  "i  thing  thai  are  mi  n  loni  d  M  having  hap- 
pened, but  of  winch  no  notice  i    taken  in  th 

Gen,  xxxi.  7,  3.,  ih>'  changing  "i  Jacob's  wages  '<  u  tum s,  thai  is,  fi  i  quently  ; 
in  Psalm  ev.  18.  Joseph's  reel  being  bun  with  feti 
facob'a  weeping  i  in  Arts  vii.  23—  30.  several  things  concerning  Mo 
Acts  xx  .!.">.  a  saying  of  our  Lord;  in  l  ''or  xv  7  mi  appearance  "i  Christ  to 
A  James:  In  2Tiin.  ill.  9  Jannea  and  Jainbri 

Heb.  i\  19.  Moses  sprinkling  the  book  as  well  as  the  people  with  blood; 
.mini  Heb   til.  21.  a  aaring  ol  Mo  Jude  9    Mi  h  'nig  lor 

Iho  body  of  Mo         and    eree  14   Bnbch's  prophecy;  and  In  l< 
Balaam  teaching  Balak  to  put  a  stumbling-Blocs  before  the  children  ol 
Israel    all  which  things  might  be  known  Ijy  revelation,  or  bj  | 
municatlon,  as  in  th  ippearance  to  James,  who  s 

icniiv  living  «  hen  P  ml  mentlom  d  it,  or  by  tradition,  or  by  the  history  oi 
..i  1 1  ii-  circumstances  above  adverted  to  are  mentioned 
phua 

II.  Things  are  not  always  recorded  in  the  Scripture!  ex- 
actly in  the  same  method  and  order  in  which  they  were  dune  ; 
whence  apparent  contradictions  arise,  event:;  being  sometimes 
introduced  by  anticipation  and  sometimes  by  uTXifiari;,  in  which 
the  natural  order  is  inverted,  and  things  arc  related  Jirst 
which  ought  to  appear  last. 

1.    Event*  introduced  by  anticipation. 

The  creation  of  man  in  <■'•  n.  i.  27. ;  which,  after  teveral  other  things  in- 
serted, is  related  moreal  large,  particularly  thi 

ii.  r.  .ui.i  of  Eve,  in  verses  21    23.    Thi  n  xxxv.  29.)  is 

anticipated,  at  several  transactions,  es]  xxxvii. 

»nd  xxxvm.  in  ipened  during  his  lire  :  il  was  probably  thus  anti- 

cipated, that  the  history  of  Joseph  might  not  In-  disturbed.    Isaac  is  snp- 
fl  twelve  years  after  Joseph  was  sold  into  Egypt. 
nExod.  Kvi.  I  the  keeping  of  the  pot  ol  manna,  which  was  nol 

done  nil  man)  years  after,  David's  adventure  with  Goliath,  plated  in 
1  Sam  xvii.,  was  prior  to  his  solacing  Saul  with  bismuaic;  and  the  latter 
story  is  recorded  in  1  Sam.  xvi.,  the  blstorian  bi 

Saul's  rejection,  and  the  endowment  of  David  graces,  among 

which  was,  his  pre-eminent  skill  on  the  harp.    "  li  ap  ted,  from 

many  circums  rtory,  that  David's  combat  with. Goliath  was  many 

rlor  m  tun-'  to  Saul's  ma.lm-ss,  ami  to  David's  introduction  to  him  as 
a  musician.    In  the firsi  place   l>  outhwhenhe  engaged 

Goliath  \  I  s  mi,  w  |i.  33  ;  j  ) ;  w  hen  he  wa  -  introdnced  to  Saul 

be  was  of  full  Secondly,  bis  c bat  with  Goliath  was  his  lirsi 

appearance  in  public  life  (xvii.  56.);  when  he  was  introduced  asamuacian  he 
was  a  man  of  established  character,  (xvi.  19  )  Thirdly,  his  combat  with  Go- 
liath was  his  first  military  exploit,  (xviii.  38,  39.)  He  was  a  man  of  war  when 
he  was  introduced  as  a  musician,  (xvi.  18.)  He  was  unknown  both  to 
Saul  and  Abner  when  he  fought  Goliath.  He  had  not,  therefore,  y- 
in  tfte office  of  Saul's  armour-bearer,  or  resident  in  any  capacity  at  tin- 
court.  Now.  the  just  conclusion  is,  nol  that  these  twenty  verses  are  an 
'interpolation,  (as  some  critics  have  imagined),4 1  nit  thai  the  lasi  ten  \  eraes 
of  1  Sam.  xvi.,  which  relate  Saul's  madness  and  David's  introduction  to  the 
court  upon  that  occasion,  are  misplace. t.  The  line  place  for  these  ten 
verses  seems  to  be  between  the  ninth  and  tenth  of  the  eighteenth  chapter. 
Lei  these  ten  verses  be  removed  to  that  place,  and  this  seventeenth  chap- 
ter he  c  nun.  scled  immediately  with  1 1  le  t  h  i  it  I'dii  h  verse  of  chapter  xvi.,  and 
(tie  whole  disorder  and  inconsistency  thai  appears  in  the  present  narrative 
will  he  removed."'  In  Matt.  xxvi.  21.  ami  Mark  xiv.  1.9.  our  Saviour  is  re- 
corded  in  h  i\  e  intimated  by  whom  he  was  to  he  betrayed,  white  eating  the 

•r  :  which  Saint  I.uk'e  (xxli.  21  )  shows  to  have  been  after  the  insti- 
tution oi' tin-  Lord's  Supper:  the  order  ot"  Luke  therefore  is  the  trui 
The  imprisonment  of  John  is  >i>t  down  in  Luke  iii.  19.  before  the  baptism 
nfdiri                     ■  happened  after  he  had  enteredon  his  public  ministry, 
urrence  is  n  -    nl  Matthew  anoftl ther  evange- 

lists, pei  a  of  li. -coil's  consternation. 

2.  Events  related  Jirst  which  ought  to  have  been  placed 
last. 

The  calling  of  Abraham  to  depart  from  Ur  in  Chaldea,  in  Gen.  xii.  l.,  for  it 
departure  which  Is  related  Inch- xi.  31.  Compare  Gen.  xv.  7. 
wilh  Acts  vii.  3.  Tin-  history  of  Judah,  in  Qen.  XXXviiL  lor  most  of  the 
particulars  related  happened  In-fore  the  sale  of  Joseph.  In  Luke  Iv.  9.  itie 
carrying  and  placing  of  Christ  on  one  of  the  battlements  of  the  temple  is 
related  q/if  i  his  being  transported  to  an  exceeding  high  mountain  ;  whereas 
it  certainly  preceded  it,  as  appears  from  Matt.iv.  5. 8.  who  has  distinctly 
noted  lie  ordei  of  the  temptations.* 

III.  .1  thing  it  sometimes  attributed  to  one  who  was  formerly 
an  example  of  any  action.  See  an  instance  of  this  in  Jude, 
verse  1 1 . 

IV.  Action*  or  things  are  sometimes  said  to  be  done,  when 
they  are  not  already  done,  but  upon  the  point  of  being  accom- 
plished, or  (as  we  usually  say)  "  as  good  as  done." 

And  ill  this  language  Chris!  ordinarily  spoke  a  little  before  his  death,  as 
in  Mall    xxvi.  Jl.   the  sou  of  man  goeth,   &c.   verse -I...   the  sou  of  man  ie 

betrayi  .  xiv.  41.  Luke  xxii.  19,20.  which  is  given,  which  is 

shed,  and  verse  37,  the  things  concerning  me  A«r?  an  en. I.  a  similar  ex- 
pression occurs  in  Isa.  iv  li  lo  us  a  child  is  born  ;  to  us  a  son  is  given,  fcc 
and  in  Rev.  xviii  -'.  Babylon  is  fallen,  is  fallen. 

V.  So  actions  or  things  are  said  tn  be  done,  which  are  only 
declared  to  be  done. 

■  See  in  account  ofthe  principal  Harmonies  of  the  Gospels,  pp.  319,  320. 
ami  for  editions  of  Harmonies,  see  the  Biblogr&pricai.  Appsndix 
in  iii.-  second  Volurm    Parti  Chap  II.  s.-,-t  li.  ami  Ml 
•  Particularly  Mr.  Pilklngton  (Remarks  on  Scripture,  pp.  62— S8.),  and 

Dr.  Kennicott  (Diss   ii.  on  the  Hebrew  Text.  pp.  419- 

J  lip.  Horsley's  Biblical  Criticisms,  vol  i.  p  33L  Mr.  Townsend  in  his 
Harmony  oi  the  Old  Testament,  has  judiciously  arranged  the  above  chap- 
ters agreeably  to  Bp.  H.'s  suggestion,  and  has  th  mgcon- 
Iradiction,  which  has  long  since  called  for«h  the  sarcasms  of  infidels." 

«  Glassii  Philologia  Sacra,  lorn.  i.  pp.  668 — 671.  edit  Dathii. 


Thus,  in  Gen.  xxvii.  37.  we  real    /  have  mad'  him  thy  Lord,  tnat  is    I 
hat  he  shall  !■'■  so.    Gen.  xxxv.  12.  The  land  which  I gu'ct 
•-,   that  is,   promised  or  foretold   should   be  tin-i™ 
uces  in  Nuin  xvi.  J  r.  i.  iu.  xv  i  andxxv.  15, 

VI.    So,  actions  or  things   are  said  to   be  done,  which  only 
seem  or  are  reputed  to  be  done. 

Thus,  in  Josh.  ii.  7.  it  is  said,  the  men  pursued  after  the  spies  ;  that  is, 
they  believed  tbey  were  doing  ao,  ai  the  very  time  v.  eswera 

ded. 

\  II.   So,  a  thing  ii  said  to  be  done  by  him   who  only  desire* 
or  endeavours  to  accomplish  it,  or  uses  proper  means  for  that 

purpose. 

Bee  example,  of  this  In  G  a   uuvil    21    Bather  trill.  5.  Ezek.  xxiv.  13. 
.vx. 


§  3.  Apparent  Contradictions,  arising  from  Difference*  in 
Numbers. 
Apparent  contradictions  in  the  Sacred  Writings,  arising 
from  the  difference  of  numbers,  proceed  from  the  Scriptures 
Bpeaking  in  whole  or  round  numbers, — from  numbers  being 
taken  sometimes  exclusively  and  sometimes  inclusively,— 
from  various  readings, — and  from  the  writers  of  the  .New 
Testament  sometimes  quoting  numbers  from  the  Alexandrian 
version,  not  from  the  Hebrew  text. 

I.  The  Scriptures  sometimes  speak- in  whole,  or,  as  we  U*u 
ally  term  them,  round  numbers  ;  though  an  odd  or  imperfect 
number  would  be  more  exact. 

Thus,  in  Gen.  xv.  13   it  is  foretold  that  his  posterity  should  be  en 
in  Egypt  four  hundred  years.    Moses  (Exod.  xii.  40.)  stales  their  sojourn- 
ing In  be   four  hundred  anil  thirty  years,  as  also  does  Paul,  Gal.  in. 

Joaephus  »    In  Acts  vii.  6.  Stephen  says  that  the  children  of  Israel  . 
ed  in    Kjrypt  four  hundred  years,  leaving  out  the  odd  tens.    Though  the 
Israelites  themselves  resided  in  Egypt  only  two  hundred  ai 
years,  yet  the  full  time  of  their  peregrination  was  four  bundrei  ami  thirty 
1 1  we  reckon  from  the  calling  of  Abraham  and  his  departure  from 
Ur,  until  the  Israelites  quitted  Egypt:  and  that  Ibis  is  the  prop 
appears  from  the  Samaritan  copy  ofthe  Pentateuch  ;  which  in  all  its  prim,  d 
editions  ami  manuscripts,  as  well  as  the  Septuaginl  version  - 
leuch,  reails  the  passage  in  Exod.  xii.  40.  thus  :  .Voir  the  sojourning  of  the 
children  of  Israel,  ami  Of  their  fathers,  which  they  sojourn-  a1 

ami  in  thf.  land  oj'  Egypt,  was  /our  hundred  and  thirty  years  * 

In  Num.  xiv.  33.  it  is  denounced  to  the  murmuring  Israelites  thai 

wander  forty  years  iii  the  wilderness  ;  but  if  we  COI 
XXXiii.  with  Josh.  iv.  19.  we  shall  find  that  some  days,  if  nbt  we.  k  j 

:  lo  complete  tin?  number  :  but,  forty  years  being  a  roun 
number,  and  because  in  so  many  years  a  few  days  were  inconsiderable, 
therefore  Moses  delivers  it  in  this  manner,     rhe  same  remark  app 
•iin^es  xi.  26  relative  to  the  sojourning  of  the  Israelites  in  the  land  of  the 
A.moritea    The  twelve  apostles  are  ai.-o  mentioned  in  1  Cor.  xv   .">  i 
Judas  was  no  more  ;  and  Ahum-lech  is  said  to  have  slain  seventy  p. 
though  Jotham  escaped.     Compare  Judges  ix.  Is  56.  with  verse  "'. 

II.  Sometimes  numbers  are  to  be  taken  exclusively,  and 
sometimes  inclusively. 

Matt.  xvii.  1.  Mark  ix.  2.  Luke  ix.  28.  and  John  xx.  26.  may 
he  mentioned  as  examples  of  this  remark.  See  them  further  ex- 
plained in  p.  405.  Olis.  V.  infra. 

III.  Differences  in  numbers  nvt  infrequently  arise  from  false 
readings. 

As  the  Hebrews  anciently  used  the  letters  of  their  alphabet  to  denote 
numbers,  many  of  those  numbers  which  to  us  appear  almost  incc  , 
some  places,  ami  contradictory  in  Others,  are  owing  to  mistakes  in  some 
ofthe  similar  letters.  Thus,  in  2  Kings  viii.  26.  we  read  lhal  Ahaziah  was 
twenty-two  years  old  when  he  began  to  reign  ;  but  in  2Chron.  xxii.  2.  he  is 
said  to  have  been/or/yrtru  yeurs  old,  which  i.~  impossible,  as  he  could  not 
be  born  two  years  before  Jehoram  his  father,  who  was  only  forty  years 
old.  Tircntytwo  years,  Ihercfore,  is  the  proper  reading,  a  Kaph  3,  whose 
numeral  power  is  twenty,  being  put  for  a  Mem  r,  whose  numeral  power  is 
forty.  In  like  manner,  in  28am  viil.  4.  and  x.  18.  we  read  seven  hundred, 
which  in  I  Chron.  xviii  4  and  xix.  18.  is  Seven  thousand,  theproper  number.' 

As  the  Jews  anciently  appear  lo  have  expressed  numbers  by  marks  ana- 
logous lo  our  common  figures,  the  corruption  (and  consequently  the  seem- 
ing contradiction)  may  tie  accounted  lor,  from  the  transcribers  having 
nutted  a  single  cipher.  In  1  Kings  iv.  26.  we  are  told 
thai  Salomon  bad  forty  thousand  stalls  for  horses,  which  number,  in2Chron. 
ix.  25.  is  only  four  thousand,  and  is  most  probably  correct,  a  cipher  having 

1 '"  added  •     In  2 Chron.  xiii.  3   17.  we  meet  wilh  the  following  numbers, 

lour  hundred  thousand,  eight  hundred  thousand,  and  five  hundred  thou- 
sand, which  in  several  of  the  old  editions  of  the  Vulgate  Latin  Bible  are 
forty  thousand  eighty  thousand,  and  fifty  thousand  ;  the  latter  are  probably 
the  true  numbers » 

Hy  the  application  of  this  rule,  some  critics  have  endeavoured  lo  recon- 
cile the  difference  relative  lo  ihe  hour  of  Christ's  crucifixion.  wLich  "»■ 
Mark  (xv.  25.)  is  stated  lo  be  the  third,  and  by  St.  John  (xix.  14.)  the  sit  •'* 
hour;  for.  as  in  ancient  times  all  numbers  were  written  in  manuscripts 
ngth.  but  with  numeral  letters,  it  was  easy  for  r,  three,  to  be  take* 
Of  this  opinion  are  Griesbach,  in  his  elaborate  edition  of  tne 
New  Testament,  Sender,  RoeenmBiler,  Doddridge,  W'hiiby,  Bengel,  Coc- 
ceius,  Bexa.  Erasmus,  and  by  far  the  greater  part  ofthe  most  eminent 
What  further  renders  this  correction  probable  is,  that  besides  the 


»  Antiq.  I.  iii.  c.  1.  §  9.     De  Bell.  Jud.  I,  v.  c.  9.  5  4. 

•  Kennicott.  Diss.  ii.  pp.  396-3P~ 

«  Ibid.  Diss.  i.  pp.  96— 99.  4  Dies.  209.    Other  similar  remarks 

are  interspersed  in  the  -  de  volumci 

•  Ibid.  Diss.  i.  p.  632.  Diss,  ii   i 

»  Ibid.  Diss.  i.  pp.  532— ">3!.  Diss.  ii.  pp   196—218.  Other  examples  occtu 
in  Diss.  ii.  p.  219.  et  seo- 


404 

Codex  Bei*,  and  tin- Codex  Stephani  (of  the  eighth  century),  there  are 
four  other  manuscripts  which  read  rp.r^,  the  third,  in  John  xix.  1 1.  as  well 
as  the  Alexandrian  Chronicle,  which  professes  to  cite  accurate  manu- 
scripts—even  the  autograph  copy  of  St.  John  himself.  Such  also  is  the 
opinion  of  Beverus  a.niiochenus,  Ammonius,  ami  some  others  cited  by 
Theoohylact  on  the  passage;  to  whom  must  he  added  Nonnus,  a  Greek 
poet  of  Panopolis  in  Egypt,  who  nourished  m  the  fifth  century,  and  wrote 
a  poetical  paraphrase  ofthe  Gospel  of  St.  John,  and  who  also  found  rp..  >-  in 
the  manuscript  used  hy  him.1 

IV.  Apparent  contradictions  in  the  numbers  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament arise  from  the  sacred  writers  sometimes  quoting-  the 
numbers  of  the  Septuagint  or  Alexandrian  version,  not  those 
of  the  Hebrew  text. 

This  is  evidently  the  case  in  Acts  vii.  14.  where  Jacob's  family  is  stated, 
at  the  time  of  his  going  into  Egypt,  to  have  consisted  of  threescore  and  fif- 
teen souls ;  whereas  Moses,  in  Gen.  xlvi.  27.  fixes  it  at  threescore  and  ten 
souls.  What  further  confirms  this  remark  is,  that  the  Septuagint  version 
of  Gen.  xlvi.  20.  enumerates  five  persons  more  than  the  Hebrew,  which, 
being  added  to  the  threescore  and  ten  mentioned  by  Moses,  exhibits  the 
exact  number,  seventy-five.'  To  this  we  may  add  (although  it  does  not 
strictly  belong  to  numbers)  the  well-known  passage,  I.uke  iii.  36.  where,  in 
giving  the  genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  evangelist  notices  a  Cainan,  whose 
name  does  not  occur  in  the  pedigree  recorded  by  Moses,  but  which  appears 
in  the  Septuagint  version  of  Gen.  x.  21.'  On  the  subject  of  quotations  from 
the  Old  Testament  in  the  New,  see  pp.  293—319.  supra. 


§  4.  Apparent    Contradictions  in   the  Relation  of  Events  in 
one  Passage,  and  References  to  them  in  another. 

These  contradictions  are  of  two  kinds. 

1.  Sometimes  events  are  referred  to  as  having  taken  place, 
vhich  are  not  noticed  by  the  inspired  historians ;  these  appa- 
rent contradictions  have  already  been  considered  in  §  2.  Obs.  I. 
pp.  402,  403. 

2.  Sometimes  the  reference  appears  contradictory  to  circum- 
stances actually  noticed  in  the  history. 

Thus,  in  Num.  adv.  30.  it  is  said  that  none  of  the  Israelites  should  come 
Into  the  land  of  Canaan,  saw  Caleb  and  Joshua ;  and  yet,  in  Josh.  xiv.  1. 
ail  xxii.  13.  we  read.,  that  Eleazar  and  others  entered  into  that  land.  But 
tin  ;  seeming  repugnance  will  disappear  when  it  is  recollected  that  nothing 
in  more  common  in  the  most  serious  and  considerate  writers,  than  to 
speak  of  things  by  way  of  restriction  and  limitation,  and  yet  to  leave  them 


OS  THE  INTERPRETATION,  <&c.  OF    PASSAGES 


[Part  II.  Book  a 


'  See   Griesbach,   Rosenmiiller,   Kuinb'el,   Doddridge,   Whitby,   Dr.  A. 
Clarke,  and  other  commentators  on  the  passage  in  question. 

»  Various  other  solutions  have  been  given,  in  order  to  reconcile  this 
seeming  difference  between  the  numbers  of  Jacob's  family,  as  related  in 
the  Old  and  New  Testaments:  the  most  satisfactory  of  all  is  the  following 
one  of  Dr.  Hales;  which  by  a  critical  comparison  of  Gen.  xlvi.  27.  with  Acts 
vii.  14.  completely  reconciles  the  apparent  discrepancy. 

"  Moses,"  he  remarks,  "  states  that  '  all  the  souls  that  came  with  Jacob 
into  Egypt,  which  issued  from  his  loins  (except  his  sons'  wives),  were  sixty- 
six  souls,' "  Gen.  xlvi.  26.,  and  this  number  is  thus  collected  : — 
Jacob's  children,  eleven  sons  and  one  daughter    -  -  -        12 

Reuben's  sons  .......         4 

Simeon's  sons  .......         6 

Levi's  sons  .......         3 

Judah's  three  sons  and  two  grandsons         ....         5 

Issachar's  sons  ....  ...         4 

Zebulun's  sons  ....  ...         3 

Gad's  sons       -  .....  7 

Asher's  four  sons  and  one  daughter  and  two  grandsons    -  -  7 

Dan's  son         ....  -  ...         1 

Naphthali's  sons         •  -  ...  4 

Benjamin's  sons  ....  ...        10 

66 

"If  to  these  sixty-six  children,  grandchildren,  and  great-grandchildren, 
we  add  Jacob  himself,  Joseph  and  his  two  sons  born  in  Egypt,  or  four  more, 
the  amount  is  seventy,  the  whole  number  of  Jacob's  family  which  settled 
in  Egypt.  In  this  statement  tin;  icives  of  Jacob's  sons,  who  formed  part 
')•  the  household,  are  omitted,  but  they  amounted  to  nine  :  for  of  the  twelve 
wives  of  the  twelve  sons,  .Judah's  wife  was  dead  (Gen.  xxxviii.  12.),  and 
Simeon's  also,  as  we  may  collect  from  his  youngest  son,  Shaul,  by  a  Ca- 
ll tanitess  (xlvi.  1<» ),  ami  Joseph's  wife  was  already  in  Egypt.  These  nine 
wives,  therefore,  added  to  the.  sixty-six,  gave  seventy-five  souls,  the  whole 
amount  of  Jacob's  household,  that  went  down  with  him  to  Egypt;  critically 
corresponding  with  the  statement  in  the  New  Testament,  that  'Joseph 
...mi  for  his  father  Jacob,  and  all  his  kindred,  amounting  to  seventy-five 
Kitills:' — tlir  expression,  all  his  kindred,  including  the  wives  who  were 
Joseph's  kindred  nut  only  by  affinity,  but  also  by  consanguinity;  being 
probably  of  the  families  of  !3sau,  Ishmael,  or  Keturah.  Thus  does  the 
N   w  Testament  furnish  an  admirable  commentary  on  the  Old." 

Prom  the  preceding  list,  compared  with  that  of  the  births  of  Jacob's  sons, 
it  ippears  that  some  of  them  married  remarkably  early.  Thus  Judah,  Er, 
w  !  Pharez  respectively  married  at  the  age  of  about  fourteen  years: 
■\  ,,t.  ami  his  fourth  or  youngest  son  (Beriah),  under  twenty ;  Benjamin 
about  fifteen  ;  and  Joseph's  sons  and  grandsons  could  not  have  been  much 
above  twenty  years  old  when  they  married,  in  order  that  he  should  have 
great-grandchildren  in  the  course  of  seventy-three  years.  What  further 
confirms  this  statement  is,  itiat  they  must  imrr_  necessarily  married  at  a 
very  early  age  (as  we  know  is  practised  to  (his  day  in  the  Easl),  to  have 
produced,  in  the  course  i>f  two  hundred  and  fifteen  years,  at  the  time  of 
th  sir  departure,  no  less  than  six  hundred  thousand  men',  above  twenty 
vears  of  age,  exclusive  of  women  and  children  ;  so  that  the  whole  popula- 
tion of  the  Israelites,  who  went  out  of  Egypt,  must  have  exceeded  two 
tiillions.  Dr.  Ilales's  New  Analysis  of  Chronology,  vol.  ii.  putt  i.  pp. 
159 JS2. 

»  Dr.  Hales  lias  proved  this  second  Cainan  to  be  an  interpolation  in  the 
Septuagint,  New  Analysis,  vol.  i.  pp.  90—94. 


to  be  understood  with  some  latitude,  which  shall  afterwards  be  expressed 
and  explained  when  they  treat  of  the  same  matter.  So,  here  we  read  lh.V. 
none  but  Caleb  and  Joshua  entered  into  th«  land  of  promise,  this  being 
spoken  of  the  chief  leaders,  who  had  that  privilege  and  honour;  but  if  we 
consult  other  passages  where  this  subject  is  more  particularly  related,  we 
shall  find  that  a  more  comprehensive  meaning  was  not  excluded.  It  is  not 
to  be  supposed  that  the  tribe  of  Levi  were  denied  entrance  mto  Canaan: 
because  it  is  evident  from  the  history  that  they  did  not  murmur;  and  it  i» 
equally  evident  that  against  the  niurniurers  only  was  the  denunciation 
made,  that  they  should  not  see  the  land  which  God  aware  unto  their  fathers 
(Num.  xiv.  22,  23.):  therefore,  Eleazar  and  Phineas,  being  priests,  are  ex- 
cepted. Again,  the  threatening  cannot  be  intended  to  include  those  who 
went  as  spies  into  the  land  of  Canaan,  for  they  were  not  among  the  niur- 
niurers; and,  consequently,  the  denunciation  above  mentioned  could  not 
apply  to  them.  Thus,  the  statement  in  the  book  of  Numbers  is  perfectly 
consistent  with  the  facts  recorded  in  the  book  of  Joshua. 


SECTION  II. 


APPARENT    CONTRADICTIONS    IN    CHRONOLOGY. 

Chronology  is  a  branch  of  learning  which  is  most  difficuit 
to  be  exactly  adjusted;  because  it  depends  upon  so  many 
circumstances,  and  comprehends  so  great  a  variety  of  events 
in  all  ages  and  nations,  that  with  whatever  punctuality  the 
accounts  of  time  might  have  been  set  down  in  the  original 
manuscripts,  yet  the  slightest  change  in  one  word  or  letter 
may  cause  a  material  variation  in  copies.  Besides,  the  dif- 
ference of  the  seras  adopted  in  the  computations  of  different 
countries,  especially  at  greit  distances  of  time  and  place,  is 
such,  that  the  most  exact  chronology  may  easily  be  mistaken, 
and  may  be  perplexed  by  those  who  endeavour  to  rectify  what 
they  conceive  to  be  erroneous  ;  for  that  which  was  exact  at 
first  is  often  made  incorrect  by  him  who  thought  it  false 
before.4  Chronological  differences  do  undoubtedly  exist  in 
the  Scriptures,  as  well  as  in  profane  historians ;  but  these 
differences  infer  no  uncertainty  in  the  mutters  of  fact  them- 
selves. It  is  a  question  yet  undetermined,  whether  Rome 
was  founded  by  Romulus  or  not,  and  it  is  a  point  equally 
litigated,  in  what  year  the  building  of  that  city  commenced  ; 
yet,  if  the  uncertainty  of  the  time  when  any  fact  was  done 
imply  the  uncertainty  of  the  fact  itself,  the  necessary  in- 
ference must  be,  that  it  is  uncertain  whether  Rome  was  built 
at  all,  or  whether  such  a  person  as  Romulus  was  ever  in 
existence.  Further,  differences  in  chronology  do  not  imply 
that  the  sacred  historians  were  mistaken,  but  they  arise  from 
the  mistakes  of  transcribers  or  expositors,  which  may  be 
obviated  by  applying  the  various  existing  aids  to  the  ex- 
amination and  reconciliation  of  the  apparent  contradictions  in 
scriptural  chronology. 

I.  Seeming  contradictions  in  Chronology  arise  from  not  ob- 
serving, that  what  had  before  been  said  in  the  gene-al,is  after- 
wards resumed  in  the  particulars  comprised  under  it. 

For  the  total  sum  of  any  term  of  years  being  set  down  first,  before  the 

Particulars  have  been  insisted  on  and  explained,  has  led  some  into  mistake, 
y  supposing  that  the  particulars  subsequently  mentioned  were  not  to  be 
comprehended  in  it,  but  were  to  be  reckoned  distinctly  as  if  they  had  hap- 
pened afterwards  in  order  of  time,  because  they  are  last  related  in  the 
course  of  the  history.  Thus,  in  Gen.  xi.  26.  it  is  said,  that  Terah  lived  seven- 
ty years  and  begat  Abram  :  and  in  verse  32.  that  the  days  of  Terah  were 
two  hundred  and  five  years ;  and  Terah  died  in  Haran.  But  in  Gen.  xii. 
4.  it  is  related  that  Abram  was  seventy  and  five  years  old  when  he  de- 
parted out  of  Haran;  which  is  inconsistent,  if  we  suppose  Abram  to 
have  resided  in  Haran  till  the  death  of  his  father  Terah.  But,  if  we  con- 
sider that  the  whole  number  of  years,  during  which  Terah  lived,  is  set 
down  in  Gen.  xi.  32.  and  that  Abram's  departure  from  Haran,  which  is 
related  in  Gen.  xii.  4.  happened  before  his  father's  death,  there  will  be  no 
inconsistency  ;  on  the  contrary,  if  Terah  were  only  seventy  years  old  when 
Abram  was  begotten,  and  if  Abram  were  only  seventy-five  years  old  when 
he  departed  for  Haran,  it  will  be  evident  that  Abram  left  his  father  Terali 
in  Haran.  where  the  latter  lived  after  his  son's  departure,  to  the  age  of  two 
hundred  and  five  years;  although  during  Terah's  life  Abram  occasionally 
returned  to  Haran,  for  his  final  removal  did  not  take  place  until  the  death 
of  his  father,  as  we  learn  from  Acts  vii.  4.  Now,  if  this  way  of  relating  the 
general  first,  which  is  afterwards  particularly  set  forth,  be  attended  to  in 
the  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures,  it  will  afford  a  natural  and  easy  solu- 
tion of  many  otherwise  inexplicable  difficulties.  Another  explanation 
has  been  offered  for  the  above  apparent  chronological  difference,  viz.  that 
Abram  was  Terah's  youngest  son  though  first  mentioned.  What  rendei  a 
this  solution  probable  is,  that  it  is  no  unfrequent  thing  in  Scripture,  when 
any  case  of  dignity  or  pre-eminence  is  to  be  distinguished,  to  place  tin: 
youngest  son  before  the  eldest,  though  contrary  to  the  usage  of  the  Scrip- 
tures in  other  cases.  Thus,  Shem,  the  second  son  of  Noah,  is  always 
placed  first;  Abram  is  placed  before  his  two  elder  brothers  Haran  and 
Nahor;  Isaac  is  placed  before  Ishmael ;  Jacob  the  youngest  son  of  Isaac 
lias  the  pre-eminence  over  Esau ;  and  Moses  is  mentioned  before  his  elder 
brother  Aaron.     Whatever  chronological  difficulties,  therefore,  arise  upon 

«  Jenkin  on  the  Reasonableness  and  Certain!}  >f  the  Christian  Religion, 
vol.  ii.  p.  151.  It  would  require  too  extensive  an  inquiry  for  the  limits  of 
this  work,  to  enter  into  a  detail  of  the  various  systems  of  chronology  ex 
tant :  the  most  recent  is  the  elaborate  Analysis  of  Dr.  Hales,  in  3  vols.  4to 
or  4  vols.  8vo.,  to  which  we  can  confidently  refer  the  reader 


Ume.  VII.  .SjiCT.  II.] 


OF  SCRIPTURE,  ALLEGED  TO  DE    CONTRADICTORY. 


406 


:  position,  Hi  it  the  ion  first  named  must  necetuarity  be  tfae  first  born, 
usequenUy  proceed  from  ml  ■ 

II.  Sometimes  the  principal  number  is  set  duivn,  and  the  odd 
vr  smaller  number  is  omitted}  which  being-  added  to  tin-  prin- 
cipal  number  in  some  other  place,  causes  a  difference  net  to  be 
sconciled  but  by  considering  that  it  it  customary  in  the  best 
authors  not  always  to  mention  the  smaller  numbers,  where  the 
matter  does  not  require  it. 

Of  this  we  have  evident  proof  In  tbe  Scriptures.  Tbua  the  Benjamltee 
that  were  Blain,  are  said  in  Judgi  16.  they 

ickoned  only  at  26,000.    Bo  the  evangelist  Mark  say  ,  JtvL  11.,  that 
ippeared  to  tl  ling  •"  meat,  though 

Thorn  is  wan  absent     The  obsei  ration  already  made,  on  the  u  e  ol 
numbers  in  computational*  will  apply  In  the  present  instance;  to  which 
are  might  add  numerou  i  similar  exampl  Pwo  or 

three,  however,  will  suffice.    One  hundred  acre   ol  I  ind  m  re  by  tbe  Bo- 

ia ,  bal  in  progress  ol  time  the  ss  u 
double  iii. ii  number  of  acres.*    The  <rt'6e«,  into  whli  I    lonol 

lenomln  iti  they  were  originally 

three  in  number;  but  the  same  appellation  waa  retained  though  the) 

afterwards  augmented  to  thirty-five  ;  and  in  like  manner  the  judges,   tj  led 

iri.  wi  re  al  Br  si  live  more  than  one  hundred,  and  afterwards  were 

uearly  double  thai  number,*  yet  still  they  n  talned  the  .sunn:  name.  Since, 

ihen,  ii  is  evident  that  smaller  numbers  are   ometimes  omitted  both  In  the 

:  in  the  New  Testament,  as  well  as  in  profane  writings,  and  the 

principal  or  great  numbers  only,  whether  more  or  U'ss  than  the  precise 

down,  and  at  other  times  the  smaller  nutnl 

ometimes  the  original  number  multiplied  retains  the 

same  denomination ;  therefore  il  I  ' ate  abatements,  and 

rigorously  on  precise  numbers,  In  adjusting  the  ac- 
counts of  scriptural  chronology.' 

III.  As  sons  frequently  reigned  with  their  fathers,  during 
the  Hebrew  monarchy,  the  reigns  of  the  former  are  not  unfre- 
ruently  made,  in  some  instances,  to  commence  from  their  part' 
lership  with  their  fathers  in  the  throne,  and  in  others  from  the 
commencement  of  their  sole  government  after  their  father's 
decease  ;  consequently  the  time  of  the  reign  is  sometimes  no- 
ticed  as  it  respects  the  father,  sometimes  as  it  respects  the  son, 
and  sometimes  as  it  includes  both. 

Tims,  Jotham  ia  said  (2  Kings  xv.  33.)  to  have  reigned  sixteen  years,  yet 
in  the  preceding  verse  30.  mention  is  made  of  his  twentieth  year.  This 
repugnance  is  reconcilable  In  the  following  manner;  Jotham  reigned 

alone  sixteen  years  only,  but  with  his  lather  Uzziall  (who,  being  a  leper, 
was, therefore,  unfit  tor  the  sole  government)  four  years  before,  which 
makes  twenty  in  the  whole.  In  like  manner  we  read  (2 Kings  xiii.  I.)  that 
"  In  the  three-and-twentieth  year  of  Joash  the  son  of  Ahaziah  king  of  Judah, 
'Jehoahaz  the  son  of  Jehu  began  to  rei^n  over  Israel  in  Samaria,  and 
reigned  seventeen  years:"  but  in  verse  10.  of  the  same  chapter  it  is  related 
that  "  in  the  thirty-seventh  year  of  the  same  Joash  began  Jehoash  the  son 
of  Jehoahaz  to  reign  over  Israel  in  Samaria."  Now,  if  to  the  three-and- 
twenty  years  of  Joash,  mentioned  in  the  first  passage,  we  add  the  seventeen 
vcars  of  Jehoahaz,  we  come  down  to  the  thirty-ninth  or  fortieth  year  of 
Joash  ;  when  on  tbe  death  of  Jehoahaz,  the  reign  of  Jehoash  may  be  sup- 
posed tu  have  begun.  Yet  it  is  easy  to  assign  the  reason  why  the  com- 
mencement of  this  reign  is  fixed  two  or  three  years  earlier,  in  the  thirty- 
seventh  year  of  Joash,  when  bis  father  must  have  been  alive,  by  supposing 
that  his  father  had  admitted  bim  as  an  associate  in  the  government,  two 
or  three  years  before  his  death.  This  solution  is  the  more  probable,  as 
we  find  from  the  case  of  Jehoshaphat  and  his  son  (2 Kings  viii.  10.)  that  in 
those  days  such  a  practice  was  not  uncommon.*  The  application  of  the 
rule  above  stated  will  also  remove  the  apparent  contradiction  between 
2  Kings  xxiv.  8.  and  '.M'hinn.  xxxvi.  9.  Jehoischiin  being  eight  years  old 
when  he  was  associated  in  tile  government  with  Ins  father,  and  eighteen 
years  old  when  he  began  to  reign  alone.  The  application  of  this  rule  will 
reconcile  ninny  other  seeming  contradictions  in  the  books  of  Kings  and 
Chronicles;  and  will  also  clear  up  the  difficulty  respecting  the  fifteenth 
yearof  the  emperor  Tiberius  mentioned  in  Lnke  iii.  1.  which  lias  exercised 
the  ingenuity  of  many  eminent  philolugers  who  have  endeavoured  to  settle 
the  chronology  of  the  New  Testament.  Now,  we  learn  from  tin'  Soman 
historians  that  the  reign  of  Tiberius  had  two  commencements :  in  tae  first. 
when  he  waa  admitted  to  a  share  in  tbe  empire  (but  without  the  title  oi 
emperor),  in  August  of  the  year  "t;l  from  the  foundation  of  the  city  of 
Rome,  three  years  before  the  death  of  Augustus  ;  and  the  ■ 
began  to  reign  alone,  after  that  emperor  [I  is  from  the  first  of 

these  commencements  that  [bet  fifteenth  year  mentioned  by  Saini  Luke  is 
to  be  computed  ;  who,  as  Tiberius  did  not' assume  the  imperial  title  during 
the  life  of  Augustus,  makes  use  of  a  word,  which  precisely  marks  the 
nature  of  the  power  exercised  by  Tiberius,  viz.  in  the  fifl 


1  although  the  observations  above  given  are  sufficient  to  lot' ' 
d  difficulty,  it  is  proper  to  notice,  that,  instead  of  two  hundt 
are,  in  Qen.  xi.  32.,  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  rends  tmeh 
and  forty-five  years,  the  adoption  of  which  wil 

traduction.    According  to  the  text  (G  i  when 

he  was  seventy  years  old,  and  died  in  Eiaranl  12.)  when  he  ws 
departed  from  Haran  in  his  seventy-fifth  year  (Qen.  xii   I.),  and  in  Acts  vii. 
4.  it  is  said  that  Terah  died  before  Abram  had  depart  •  The 

age  of  Terah,  when  Abram  was  born,  added  I"  his  :>U''  when  he  h't!  II  iran. 
makes  only  one  hundred  and  forty-five  y  ars.  Hence  ii  Is  concluded  that 
an  error  has  crept  into  the  text ;  and  therefore  De  Dieu,  and  Drs.  Kenni- 
oott,  Beddes,  and  Boothroyd.  and  Prof  Stuart,  adopt  the  reading  of  the 
Samaritan  text  in  preference  to  that  of  the  Hebrew. 

»  See  §3.  Remark  I.  p.  [I 

*  Centurittm  nunc  dicimtis  (tit  idem  Varro  aiO  ducentorum  jugerum 
inodum  :  olim  antem  ab  centum  jugeribus  vocabatnr  centuria ;  sea  mox 
duplicate  nomen  retinuit:  sicuti  tnbus  dicta-  primum  a  partibus  populi 
tripartite  divisi,  qua;  tamen  nunc  inultiplicarre  pristmum  nomen  possident 
Columella  de  Ke  Rust.  lib.  v.  c.  1.  torn.  ii.  p  199.  ed  BiDODt.  I'rnesti,  in  his 
Index  Latiniiatis  Ciceroniana,  article  Tribus,  has  adduced  several  simi- 
lar instances. 

*  In  Pliny's  lime  they  were  one  hundred  and  eighty  in  number.  Ep.  lib. 
vi.  ep.  33. 

*  .Tonkin's  Reasonableness  of  Christianity,  vol.  ii.  p.  157. 

«  Dick's  Essay  on  the  Inspiration  of  the  Scriptures,  p.  299. 


iyi/ttutt  of  the  administration  qf  Tiberius.  Casar.    Consequently,  this 

fifteenth  year  began  In  August  778.    And  if  John  the  Baptist  entered  on 

.  i  ing  following,  in  the  year  id"  Rome  779,  in  Ihe  same 

'  after  he  had  ureached  about  twelve  months,  baptized 

then  Jesus  (who  Was   most    probably  born   in 

ei  IV.i)  would  at  hi*  baptism  be  thirty-three  years  cf 
Id  months,  which  purfectly  agrees  with  what  St.  Luke  says 
o|  bis  being  BI  Ihul  tune  ubuul  tluily  years  old.'* 

IV.  Seeming  chronological  contradictions  arise  from  the 
sacred  historians  adopting  different  methods  of  computation, 
anil  assigning  differing  dates  to  the  same  period. 

Thus,  m  Qen.  XT.  13.  it  il  announced  to  Abraham  that  his  "seed  should 
Ins  land  that  was  not  ibein  rve  them, and  that 

they  should  afflict  them  four  hundred  years."  Hut  in  Exod.  xii.  40,  41. 
that  "the  sojourning  of  the  children  of  Israel 
who  dwelt  in  Egypt  was/bui  hundred  and  thirty  jeue.  And  it  came  tc 
pass  at  the  end  of  the  four  hundred  and  thirty  y<  irs,  even  the  self-same 
duy  it  cam.'  |C  pat  S,  that  all  the;  hosts  of  the  Lord  went  out  from  the  land 

there  Is  an  apparent  contradic 

iion  :  the  truth  Is,  that  both  are  perfectly  consistent,  the  computation  being 

om  two  different  dates    mQen.xi   13.  thi  nine  is  calculated  from 

uise  made  to  Abraham  ol  ■  son,  oi  from  tin  birth  ol  Isaac  ;  and  in 

Exod.  xii.  40,  il.  it  is  reckoned  from  bis  departure  from  "Ui  of  the  Chal- 

dees,"  Ins  native  country,  in  obedience  to  the  command  of  Jehovah.' 

Uy  the  application  of  tins  rule  many  commentators  reconcile  the  differ 
enci  between  Mark  XV.26.,  who  says  the  hourof  Christ's  crucifixion  WSS 
the  third,  and  John  x\\.  1 1,  who  says  il  was  about  the  sixth  hour,  that  be 
was  brought  forth.     Notwithstanding  the  authorities  above  adduced,'  they 

observe  mat  none  of  the  ancient  transistors  cad  the  third  hour  in  John 
they  therefore  solve  the  difflc  uy  (Imperfectly  it  musl  be  confessed),  by 
considering  the  day  as  divided  into  four  parts  answering  to  the  four  watches 

of  the  night.  These  coincided  with  the  hours  of  three,  six,  nine,  and 
twelve,  or,  in  our  way  of  reckoning,  nine,  twelve,  three,  and  six,  which 
also  suited  the  solemn  times  of  sacrifice  and  prayer  in  the  temple:  in 
cases,  they  argue,  in  which  the  Jews  did  not  think  it  of  COOSequi 

in  the  time  with  great  accuracy,  they  did  not  regard  the  intermediate 
hours,  but  only  those  more  noted  divisions  which  happened  to  com 
nearest  the  time  of  the  event  speken  of.  Adopting  this  method  of  I 
cilialion,  Dr.  Campbell  remarks,  that  Mark  says  it  was  the  third  hour,  from 
which  we  have  reason  to  conclude  that  the  third  hour  was  past.  John 
says  it  was  about  the  sixth  hour,  from  which  he  thinks  it  probable  that  tin 
Sixth  hour  wns  not  yet  come.  "On  this  supposition,  though  tl 
may  by  a  fastidious  reader  be  accused  of  want  of  precision  in  regard  to 
dates,  they  will  not  by  any  judicious  and  candid  critic  be  charged  with 
falsehood  or  misrepresentation.   Who  would  accuse  two  modern  hist 

ontradicting  each  other,  because  in  relating  an  event  which  had 
happened  between  ten  and  eleven  in  the  forenoon,  one  had  said 
past  nine  o'clock  J  the  other  that  it  was  drawing  towards  noon?"10  From 
the  evidence  before  him,  we  leave  the  reader  to  draw  his  own  conclu.-iun. 
as  to  the  reading  which  is  preferably  to  be  adopted.  We  apprehend  that 
the  weight  of  evidence  will  be  found  to  preponderate  in  favour  of  the  solu 
tion  given  in  pp.  403,  401.  supra. 

V.  T/ie  terms  of  time  in  computation  are  sometimes  taken 
inclusively,  and  at  other  times  exclusively. 

Thus  in  Matt.  xvii.  1.  and  Mark  ix.  2.  we  read  that  after  six  days  Jesus 
tnieth  Peter,  James,  and  John  his  brother,  and  bringe/h  them  up  into  an 
high  mountain  apart.  Hut  In  Luke  ix.  28.  this  is  said  to  come  to  pats  about 
an  eight  days  ajtcr  ;  which  is  perfectly  consistent  with  what  the  Other 
evangelists  write.  For  Matthew  and  Mark  speak  exclusively,  reckoning 
the  six  days  between  the  time  of  our  Saviour's  discourse  (which  they  are 
relating)  and  his  transfiguration  ;  but  Luke  includes  the  day  on  which  he 
bad  that  discourse,  and  the  day  of  his  transfiguration,  and  reckons  then 
with  the  six  intermediate  days.  So  in  John  xx.  26.  eight  days  after  sore 
probably  to  be  understood  inclusively;  it  being  most  likely  on  thai  day 
sennight  on  which  Jesus  Christ  had  before  appeared  to  his  disciples.  It 
were  unnecessary  to  subjoin  additional  examples  of  a  mode  of  reckoning 
which  obtains  to  this  day  in  common  speech,  and  in  almost  every  writer. 
except  those  who  professedly  treat  on  chronol. 

This  mode  of  computation  is  not  confined  to  the  evangelical  historians 
The  rabbins  also  observe,  that  the  very  first  day  of  a  year  may  stand  in 
computation  for  that  year  ;"  and  this  way  of  reckoning  mistakes  of  years 
current  for  years  complete,  or  vice  versa,  in  the  successions  of  so  many 
kings,  and  In  the  transactions  of  affairs  for  so  long  a  lime,  as  is  narrated  in 
the  Scriptures,  may  amount  to  a  considerable  number  of  years.  For  this 
reason  Thuoydldes  says,"  that  he  computes  the  years  of  the  Pelopponesian 
war.  not  by  the  magistrates  who  were  annually  chosen  during  that  time, 
but  by  so  many  summers  and  winters;  whereas  Polybius,  Josephus,  and 
Plutarch,  have  been  supposed  to  contradict  themselves  because  they 
ometimes  by  current  and  sometimes  by  complete  years. 

Tin1  preceding,  and  various  other  ways  by  which  disputes 
in  chronology  may  be  occasioned,  are  a  sufficient  argument  to 
us.  that  they  do  not  imply  that  there  were,  originally,  chro- 
nological mistakes  in  the  books  themselves.  And  if  mistakes 
might  arise  in  so  many  and  such  various  ways,  without  any 
error  in  the  original  writings; — if  the  same  difficulties  occur 
upon  so  very  nice  and  intricate  a  subject  in  any  or  all  the 
which  are  extant  in  the  world; — and  if  it  could  by  nr 

Credibility,  part  i.   book  ii.   chap.  iii.     (Works,  vol.  i.   pp 

.'    8vo.)   Doddridge's  Family  Expositor,  vol.  i    sect.   15.  note  (6) 

Macknight'a  Harmony,  vol.  i.   Chronological  Dissertations,   No.  iii.     Tha: 

tbe  solution  above  given  is  correct,  see  Dr.  A.  Clarke's  Chronological 

Tal  !•■  annexed  to  his  Commentary  on  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  p  ii. 

p.  887.  supra,  where  it  is  shown  that  the  proper  reading  of  Erod 
xii.  40.  is,  Now  the  sojourning  of  the  children  of  Israel  and  of  their  fathers, 
which  they  sojourned  in  the  land  of  Canaan  and  in  the  land  of  Egypt,  was 
fuur  hundred  and  thirty  years.  The  reader  who  is  desirous  of  seeing  this, 
subject  rally  discussed  is  referred  to  Knppc's  Dissertation,  in  Pott's  an 
Ruperti's  Sylloge  Commentation um  Theologicarum,  vol.  ii.  pp.  255—274. 
•  8      pp.  403,'  404.  supra.  _  M     _     ,„, 

>»  Campbell  on  John  xix.  II.  vol.  ii.  pp.  572,  573.  3d  edit.  1807. 

'i  Lightfoot's  Harmony  of  the  New  Testament,  5  ix. 

>»  Thucvdidis  Historia  Belli  Pelcponnesiaci,  lib.  vi.  c  20.  torn.  iii.  pp.  23T 
238.  edit.  Bipont. 


40G 


ON  THE  INTERPRETATION,  <fcc.  OF  PASSAGES 


[Part  II.  Book  11 


means  be  necessary,  that  books  of  divine  authority  should  be 
either  at  first  so  penned  as  to  be  liable  to  no  wrong  inter- 
pretations, or  be  ever  after  preserved  by  miracle  from  all  cor- 
ruption, it  is  great  rashness  to  deny  the  divine  authority  of 
the  Scriptures,  on  account  of  any  difficulties  that  may  occur 
in  chronology. 


SECTION  III. 

APPARENT    CONTRADICTIONS    BETWEEN    PROPHECIES    AND  THEIR 
FULFILMENT. 

I.  "  When  both  a  prediction  and  the  event  foretold  in  it  are 
recorded  in  Scripture,  there  is  sometimes  an  appearance  of 
disagreement  and  inconsistency  between  them. 

"This  appearance  generally  arises  from  some  difficulty  in  understand- 
ing the  true  meaning  of  the  prediction :  it  may  be  occasioned  by  any  of 
those  causes  which  produce  the  peculiar  difficulties  of  the  prophetic 
writings;  and  it  is  to  be  removed  by  the  same  means  which  serve  for 
clearing  these  difficulties.  It  may  proceed  from  any  sort  of  obscurity  or 
ambiguity  in  the  expression,  or  from  any  uncertainty  in  the  structure  of  a 
sentence."1 

Thus,  there  is  a  seeming  difference  in  Matt.  xii.  40.»  between  our  Lord's 
prediction  of  the  time  he  was  to  be  in  the  grave,  and  the  time  during  which 
his  body  was  actually  interred.  Now  this  difference  is  naturally  and  easily 
obviated  by  considering,  that  it  was  the  custom  of  the  Orientals  to  reckon 
any  part  of  a  day  of  twenty-four  hours  for  a  whole  day,  and  to  say  it  was 
done  after  three  or  seven  days,  &c.  if  it  were  done  on  the  third  or  seventh 
day  from  that  last  mentioned.  Compare  1  Kings  xx.  29.  and  Luke  ii.  21. 
And,  as  the  Hebrews  had  no  word  exactly  answering  to  the  Greek  nx^i- 
uipav  to  signify  a  natural  day  of  twenty-four  hours,  they  used  night  and 
day,  or  day  and  night,  for  it;  so  that  to  say  a  thing  happened  after  three 
days  and  three,  nights,  was  the  same  as  to>sey  that  it  happened  after  three 
days,  or  on  the  third  day.  Compare  Esther  iv.  16.  with  v.  1.  Gen.  vii.  4. 
12.  17.  Exod.  xxiv.  28.  and  Dan.  viii.  14. 

II.  Apparent  contradictions  between  prophecies  and  their 
accomplishment  sometimes  proceedfrom  the  figurative  language 
of  the  prophets ;  which  is  taken,  partly  from  the  analogy 
between  the  world  natural  and  an  empire  or  kingdom  consi- 
dered as  a  world  politic,  and  partly  from  sacred  topics.3 

Hence  it  is  that  the  prophets  so  frequently  express  what  relates  to  the 
Christian  dispensation  and  worship  in  terms  borrowed  from  the  Mosaic 
religion  ;  of  which  instances  may  be  seen  in  Isa.  ii.  2,  3.  xix.  19.  and  lvi.  7. 
Jer.  iii.  17.  ^ech.  viii.  22.  and  Mai.  i.  11.  For  the  religion  of  Moses  being 
introductory  to  that  of  Jesus,  and  there  being,  consequently,  a.  mutual 
dependency  between  the  two  religions,  "it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that, 
previous  to  such  an  important  change  of  the  economy,  some  intimations 
would  be  given  of  its  approach.  And  yet,  to  have  done  this  in  a  way,  that 
would  have  led  the  Jews  to  look  with  irreverence  on  a  system  under 
which  not  only  themselves  but  their  posterity  were  to  live,  would  not  have 
harmonized  with  our  notions  of  the  divine  wisdom.  A  method  was  there- 
fore to  be  invented ;  which,  while  it  kept,  the  people  sincerely  attached  to 
the  law,  would  dispose  them,  when  the  time  was  come,  for  the  reception 
of  a  better  covenant  that  was  to  be  established  on  better  promises.  Now 
the  spirit  of  prophecy,  together  with  the  language  in  which  that  prophecy 
was  conveyed,  fully  accomplished  both  these  purposes.  By  a  contrivance 
only  to  be  suggested  by  divine  prescience,  the  same  expressions,  which 
in  their  primary  and  literal  meaning  were  used  to  denote  the  fortunes  and 
deliverances  of  the  Jews,  for  the  present  consolation  of  that  people,  were 
so  ordered,  as  in  a  secondary  and  figurative  sense  to  adumbrate  the  suffer- 
ings and  victories  of  the  Messiah,  for  the  future  instruction  of  the  church 
of  Christ.  Had  no  expedient  of  this  sort  been  employed,  we  should  have 
wanted  one  proof  of  the  connection  between  the  Mosaic  and  Christian  reli- 
gions ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  had  the  nature  of  the  Messiah's  kingdom 
been  plainly  described,  the  design  of  the  national  separation  would  have 
been  defeated.  But,  when  spiritual  blessings  were  promised  under  the 
veil  of  temporal  blessings,  and  in  terms  familiar  to  the  carnal  expectations 
of  the  Jews,  a  proper  degree  of  respect  for  the  old  system  was  preserved, 
at  the  same  time  that  matters  were  gradually  ripening  for  the  introduction 
of  the  new  ;  and  the  shadow  of  good  things  held  forth  obscurely  in  the  law 
prepared  them  to  look  forward  to  that  happier  day,  when  the  very  image 
itself  should  be  presented  in  full  splendour,  and  distinctly  defined  by  the 
Gospel."* 

III.  Apparent  contradictions  between  the  prophecies  and 
their  accomplishment  "  may  be  occasioned  by  a  prediction  re- 
writing only  to  one  part  of  a  complex  character  or  event,  and 
on  that  account  seeming  to  be  inconsiste?it  with  other  parts  of 
it ;  and  the  appearance  will  be  removed  by  taking  in  such 
predictions  as  relate  to  these  other  parts,  and  considering 
them  all  in  connection."* 

Such  seeming  differences  occur  in  the  predictions  relative  to  the  exalta- 
tion and  glory  of  the  Messiah,  compared  with  the  prophecies  concerning 
his  previous  sufferings.  On  this  subject  the  reader  may  compare  pp. 
393—392.  of  the  present  volume,  in  pp.  451—456.  infra,  we  have  given  a 
fable  of  the  chief  predictions  relative  to  the  Messiah. 

IV.  Seeming  differences  in  the  interpretation  of  prophecies 
also  proceed  partly  from  the  difficulty  of  fixing  the  precise 
time  of  their  fulfilment,  and  partly  from  the  variety  of  opinions 
adopted  by  expositors  ;   who,  being  dissatisfied  with  the  views 

»  Gerard's  Institutes  of  Biblical  Criticism,  p.  434. 

»  Doddridge,  Macknight,  &c.  on  Matt.  xii.  40. 

»  Newton  on  Daniel,  p.  16.  edit.  1733. 

«  Bishop  Halifax's  Sermons  on  the  Prophecies,  Serm.  1 

•  Gerard's  Institutes,  p.  433. 


taken  by  their  predecessors,  are  each  solicitous  to  bring  for 
ward  some  new  interpretation  of  his  own. 

These  differences,  however,  are  no  more  an  objection  against  prophecy, 
than  they  are  against  the  truth  of  all  history  ;  and  we  may  with  equal  pro- 
priety conclude  that  things  never  came  to  pass,  because  historians  differ 
about  the  time  when  they  were  done,  as  that  they  were  never  predicted, 
because  learned  men  vary  in  their  modes  of  explaining  the  accomplishment 
of  such  predictions.  Expositors  may  differ  in  the  niceties  of  the  chrono- 
logical part,  but  in  general  circumstances  they  are  agreed  ;  hence,  whoever 
will  consult  them  may  be  greatly  confirmed  in  the  truth  of  the  prophecies, 
upon  this  very  consideration — that  there  is  less  difference  in  the  explana- 
tion of  the  principal  prophecies  than  there  is  in  the  comments  upon  most 
ancient  profane  histories  :  and  that  those  who  differ  in  other  matters  must 
have  the  greater  evidence  for  that  in  which  they  agree.  Although  there 
may  be  a  difficulty  in  calculating  the  precise  time  when  some  predictions 
were  fulfilled,  because  it  is  disputed  when  the  computation  is  to  begin,  or 
how  some  other  circumstance  is  to  be  understood,  yet  all  interpreters  and 
expositors  are  agreed,  concerning  these  very  prophecies,  that  they  are 
fulfilled.  For  instance,  in  Gen.  xlix.  10.  it  is  certain  that  the  sceptre  has 
departed  from  Judah,  whether  that  prophecy  is  to  be  understood  of  the 
tribe  of  Judah,  or  of  the  Jewish  nation  who  were  denominated  from  that 
tribe.  Although  the  later  Jewish  writers  deny  its  application  to  the  times 
of  the  Messiah,  yet  the  elder  writers  invariably  refer  it  to  him  ;  and  it  is 
certain  that  the  city  and  sanctuary  are  destroyed,  and  that  the  sacrifice 
and  oblation  are  entirely  done  away,  though  interpreters  do  not  agree 
about  the  precise  time  and  manner  of  the  accomplishment  of  every  par- 
ticular. In  a  similar  manner  the  prophecy  of  Daniel  respecting  the  seventy 
weeks  is  equally  plain,  and  its  accomplishment  in  the  destruction  of  Jeru- 
salem is  certain ;  notwithstanding  the  differences  of  opinion  in  assigning 
the  precise  cpocha  of  time.  Plain  matter  of  fact  shows  that  these  memo- 
rable predictions  are  fulfilled;  and  the  only  difference  is  concerning  a 
single  circumstance.  To  doubt,  therefore  (as  some  of  our  modern  self- 
styled  philosophers  do),  of  the  fulfilment  of  prophecies,  merely  because 
we  do  not  certainly  know  the  exact  time  when  each  particular  was  ac- 
complished, though  we  certainly  know  that  they  must  have  long  since 
been  fulfilled,  is  as  unreasonable,  as  if  a  man  should  question  the  truth  of 
history  on  account  of  the  uncertainties  which  are  to  be  found  in  chronology. 
The  existence  of  Homer  is  not  denied  because  it  is  uncertain  when  he 
lived;  nor  is  the  reality  of  the  Trojan  war  the  less  certain  because  the 
time  of  the  capture  of  Troy  has  been  variously  determined.  History,  it 
has  been  well  remarked,  relates  what  has  happened,  and  prophecy  fore- 
tells what  shall  come  to  pass ;  and  an  uncertainty  in  point  of  time  no  more 
affects  the  one  than  the  other.  We  may  be  uncertain  of  the  time  foretold 
by  the  prophet,  and  as  uncertain  of  the  time  mentioned  by  the  historian  ; 
but  when  all  other  circumstances  agree,  there  is  no  reason  why  our  un- 
certainty, as  to  the  single  circumstance  of  time,  should  be  alleged  ayainst 
the  credibility  of  either  of  them.8 

V.  Some  of  the  prophetic  declarations  are  not  predictions 
concerning  things  future,  but  simply  commands  relative  to 
things  which  were  to  be  performed,  or  they  are  conditional 
promises  and  threatenings,  not  absolute  predictions  ;  so  that, 
if  it  subsequently  appear  that  these  were  not  executed,  such 
non-performance  cannot  create  any  difficulty  or  repugnancy 
between  the  supposed  prophecy  and  its  fulfilment. 

We  may  illustrate  this  remark  by  reference  to  the  fast  observed  by  the 
Jews  on  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Nebuchadnezzar;  these  fasts 
the  prophet  Zechariah  (viii.  19.)  in  the  name  of  Jehovah  declares,  are  to 
be  abolished,  and  converted  into  a  joyous  festival ;  but  notwithstanding 
this  declaration,  we  know  that  they  continued  afterwards  to  be  observed. 
Another  instance  may  be  seen  in  2  Kings  viii.  10.  Elisha's  answer  to  Ha- 
zael ;  to  which  we  may  add  the  seeming  assertion,  that  the  last  day  was 
near,  in  Rom.  xiii.  11, 12.  1  Cor.  x.  11.  l'Thess.  iv.  15.  Heb.  ix.  26.  James 
v.  7,  3.  2 Pet.  iii.  12,  13.  and  1  John  ii.  18. 

VI.  Some  of  the  prophetic  promises  appear  to  have  been 
made  to  individuals,  which,  however,  were  not  fulfilled  in  them. 

But  between  such  prophecies  and  their  fulfilment  there  is  no  real  dis- 
cordance ;  because  they  were  accomplished  in  the  posterity  of  the  person 
to  whom  the  promise  was  made.  Thus,  in  Isaac's  prophetic  blessing  of 
Jacob,  it  was  announced  (Gen.  xxvii.  29.)  that  he  should  be  lord  over  his 
brethren.  Now  we  know  from  the  Sacred  Writings  that  this  never  took 
effect  in  the  person  of  Jacob  ;  but  it  was  fully  verified  in  his  posterity. 


SECTION  IV. 

APPARENT  CONTRADICTIONS  IN  DOCTRINE 

These  arise  from  various  causes ;  as  contradictions  trom 
a  mode  of  speaking  which,  to  our  apprehensions,  is  not  suf- 
ficiently clear, — from  the  same  term  being  used  in  different 
senses  in  different  texts, — from  the  same  word  being  used  in 
apparently  contradictory  senses, — from  the  different  designs 
of  the  sacred  writers, — from  the  different  ages  in  which  the 
various  sacred  writers  lived,  and  from  the  different  degrees 
of  their  knowledge  respecting  the  coming  of  the  Messiah, 
and  the  religion  to  be  instituted  by  him. 


§  1.  Seeming  Contradictions  from  a  Mode  of  Speaking,  wfucn, 
to  our  Apprehensions,  is  not  sufficiently  clear. 
It  has  been  the  practice  of  some  writers  to  assert  that  the 
apostles,  Saint  Paul  in  particular,  have  argued  both  illogically 
and  inconclusively;  this  assertion,  however,  falls  to  the 
ground  of  itself,  when  we  consider  the  violent  dislocations 

•  Jenkin  on  the  Reasonableness  of  the  Christian  Religion,  vol.  ii.  pu. 
178,  179. 


Chap.  VII.  Sect.  IV.  $  2.]         OF  SCRIPTURE,  ALLEGED  TO  BE  CONTRADICTORY 


407 


to  which  writers  of  tho  school  alluded  to  have  resorted,  in 
order  to  disprove  what  i>  self-evideni  from  tin-  l!tbh' — the 
divinity  and  atonement  of  the  Messiah.  At  the  same  time  it 
is  not  to  be  concealed,  that  apparenl  contradictiona  do  some- 
times arise  from  a  mode  of  speaking  which,  to  our  apprehen- 
sums,  rims  not  seem  sufficiently  clear.  For  instance,  salvation 
is  in  one  i  ace  through  faith,  which  we 

are  assured  is  not  of  ourselves,  hut  is  tiu  gft  of  God; — not  of 
works  lest  any  man  slwuld  boast  (Eph.  ii.  8 — 10.);  and  in 
another  Abraham  is  said  to  be  justified  by  faith  without  works 
fRom.  iv.  2 — i').};  while  in  a  third  passage  In- is  said  to  have 
been  justified  by  works.  (James  ii.  SI.)  The  apparent  dif- 
ference in  these  points  of  ihictrinr  is  oceasinlied  by  the  fruits 

and  effects  being  put  for  the  cause.  A  little  attention  to  the 
argument  of  the  apostle  removes  all  difficulty.  Saint  Paul's 
object  in  the  Epi  tie  to  the  Remans  was,  to  show,  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  objections  of  the  Jews,  thai  how  much  Boevei 

Abraham    excelled   ether    nun    in    i  mhteeiisni  ss   during  the 

course  nt'  his  life,  he  had  no  cause  for  glorying  before  God; 
who  justified,  accepted,  and  covenanted  with  him,  not  for 

obedience,  but    for    faith    in    the    divine    jiroiuise.      Abraham 

believed  God's  word,  and  God  adapted  his  faith,  dealt  with 
him  as  righteous,  and  became  Ins  God  ;  in  like  manner  as  he 
now  conducts  himself  towards  all  who  truly  repent,  and 
unfeignedly  believe  his  Gospel.  Saint  James,  on  the  con- 
trary, having  encouraged  the  Christian  converts  to  bear  with 
patli  nee  the  trials  they  should  meet  with,  and  improve  them 
to  the  purposes  of  religion,  presses  upon  them  meekness  and 
gentleness  towards  each  other,  as  iaetatof  their sina  riti/,-  and 
shows  thvtfaith  without  love  is  of  no  avail.  Thus  the  doctrine 
asserted  by  each  apostle  is  proved  to  be  consistent,  and  the 
seeminir  repugnancy  disappears.  For  the  removal  of  dif- 
ficulties arising  from  expressions  not  appearing  sufficiently 
clear,  the  following  observations  will  be  found  useful. 

I.  A  passage  which  is  ambiguous,  or  which  contains  any 
unusual  expression,  must  be  interpreted  agreeably  to  what  is 
revealed  more  clearly  and  accurately  in  other  parts  of  the 
Scriptures. 

Numerous  instances  might  lie  adduced  in  illustration  of  this  remark,  in 
which  bodily  parts  ami  passions  are  ascribed  10  God  .  which  unusual  I 
of  expression  are  to  be  explained  in  conformity  with  such  other  passages 
as  remove  the  appearance  of  contradiction.  Another  example  we  have  in 
Luke  xiv.  13,  U.  Whe7i  thou  makes t  a/east,  call  the  poor,  the  maimed,  the 
lame,  the  blind,  and  thou  shall  he  blessed ;  for  iIipij  cannot  recompense 
for  lliuu  shall  be  recompensed  at  the  resurrection  of  the  just.  From 
this  passage,  some  have  inferred  that  the  resurrection  of  the  just  only  is 
intended,  and,  consequently,  that  the  wicked  shall  certainly  perish.  There 
is,  it  is  true,  something  unusual  in  this  expression  :  but  the  doctrine  of  the 
resurrection  of  all  mankind  from  the  dead,  which  is  so  explicitly  revealed 
in  other  pails  of  Scripture,  being  laid  down  and  acknowledged,  we  rea- 
dily perceive  that  our  Saviour  was  speaking,  in  the  passage  under  conside- 
ration, of  acts  of  kindness  done  purely  lor  the  love  or  Cod,  and  on  the 
recompense  which  He  would  bestow  on  them.  Hut  of  the  universal  resur- 
rection DO  notice  is  taken,  nor  is  it  denied  that  the  wicked  will  receive  their 
reward. 

II.  A  passage,  in  which  a  doctrine  is  slightly  treated,  must 
be  explained  by  one  where  the  subject  is  more  largely  discuss- 
ed :  undone  single  passage  is  not  to  be  explained  in  contra- 
diction to  many  others,  but  consistently  with  them. 

For  instance,  Jesus  Chris)  in  one  place  Bays,  thai  ho  judges  no  man;  in 
another,  thai  he  iriii  judge  nil  an  ii  ■  iti  one  passage  I  i  ome  to 

judge  the  v  orld :  in  another,  that  be  is  come  tor  judgment.  These  seem- 
ing inconsistencies  occur  in  the  Gospel  oi  Salnl  John;  it  becomes  necea- 
sary,  therefore,  to  find  oat  some  [e  thai  will  reconcile  them. 

Thus,  in  John  xii.  47.  he  says,  I  came  not  to  judge  the  world}  and  in  ch,  ix. 
39.  he  says.  For  judgment  I  am  come  into  t/us  world  In  the  latter  passage 
he  adda  the  cause  of  bis  thus  coming, — namely,  thai  they  whose  blindness 

proceeded  from  mere  ignorance  should  be  taught  tC  Bee  i  while  they  who 
Mm  only  through  pride  and  prejudice  should  be  left  in  their  wilful  blind- 
ness Hence  it  appears,  thai  our  Lord  was  noi  f  the  last  judg- 
ment, from  whirh  we  call  Cod  the  judge  of  the  living  and  of  the  dead;  bul 

that  the  tenor  of  his  discourse  WOO,  to  enable  bis  hearers  themselves  to 
determine  whether  they  were  ignorant   or  not  :   tor  in   the  same  chapter 

(Terse  16  )  it  is  said  that  Jesus  spoke  these  words  to  the  Pharisees,  who 

would  not  perceive  their  own  ignorance,  nor  judge  themselves.  In  the 
other  passages  (John  xii.  17  )  we  read,  reams  w><  to  judge  (rather  | 

drinn)  the  world,  hut  to  save  the  world, — no'  to  make  its  Inhabitants  wretch- 
ed, but  to  make  them  happy  for  time  and  eternity,  If  they  will  be  so  w  :s.-  ;i^ 
in  io  the  proposals  which  I  offer.    Here  the  word  save  LS  plainly 

opposed  to  condemn  :  and  that  this  is  the  proper  meaning  of  the  j 
is  evideni  from  comparing chaptei  i  i.  verses  lr, — 19. 

The  latter  part  of  this  rule  the  following  passage  will  exemplify.  In 
Gen  xvii  lit  — 14.  the  observance  of  circumcision  is  commanded;  in  Acts 
xv.  tin-  observance  of  that  rite  is  affirmed  not  to  be  necessary 
propositions  are  apparently  contradictory  :  Jesus  Christ  himse'lf  has  de- 
termined them.  Malt.  xi.  13.  All  the  prophets,  and  Hie  lair,  until  John, 
prophesied :  intimating,  as  the  context  implies,  that  the  observances  of  the 
law  would  thereafter  I 

ill.  Between  a  general  assertion  in  one  text,  and  a  restric- 
tion oj  it,  or  an  exception  to  it,  in  another  text,  there  it  an 
appearance  of  contradiction  which  is  sometimes  removed  by 
captaining  the  former  with  the  proper  limitations.* 


Voi.  L 


«  Gerani's  Institutes,  p.  435. 

3H 


i  tl  general  expressions,  in  all  languages,  nol  only  admit  of|  but  also 
require  a  flinllalion  j  without  which  the  true  sense  and  meaning  of  many 

•  i  will  noi  be  understood.    And.  as  the  eastern  nations  indulged 

...  .  most  freely  In  the  use  of  strong  and  figurative  expressions,  the 

Scriptori  ■  require  more  limitations,  perhaps,  than  any  other  book  ;  as  n 

:  nt,  Saint  Paul  mentions  principles  on  which  we 

may  build  our  limitations  :  t  speak  after  the  ti/anner  of  men.  (Rom.  vi.  19.) 

//  u  manifest  that  he  is  excepted.  (1  Cor.  xv.  27.) 

Thus  ui  Muk  x  1 1,  il'.  and  in  I. uke  xvi.  i~  divorce  la  absolutely  forbid- 
den :  bill  in  Milt  v  38  and  xix  9  it  Is  allowed  for  adultery  only.  Yet  in 
I  Cor,  vn.  15.  it  seems  to  he  allowed,  though  the  apostle  does  not  authorize 
i  marriage. 
The  pie,  .  pi  /.'x'<;//  we  become  wi  little  children,  we  shallnot  enter  into 
thr  kingdom  of  heaven  (Man  xvill.  3.),  cannol  mean  that  we  are  not  to 
speak  distinctly,  or  to  walk  steadily:  but  obvioo  i  the  docility, 

and  freedom  from  ambition  and  worldly  thoughts,  which  characterize 

children. 

The  observations  offered  in  pp.  371,  372.  supra,  on  the  figures  of  speech, 
termed  synecdoche,  and  hyperbole,  may  be  applied  in  illustration  of  the 
piece. img  remark. 


§  2.  Apparent  Contradictions  from  the  same  Terms  being  met. 
in  (liferent  and  even  contradictory  Senses. 

I.  Sometimes  an  apparent  contradiction,  in  point  of  doctrine, 
arises  from  the  same  words  being  used  in  different  senses  in 
different  texts. 

In  this  case  the  seeming  repugnancy  is  to  be  removed  by  re- 
stricting the  term  properly  in  each  text. 

Thus,  in  son  lament,  we  read  that  the  kit 

of  Christ  is  eternal:  bul  in  1  Or.  xv.  21.  it  is  said  to  have  an  end:  in  the 
latter  passage  the  kingdom  of  Christ  means  his  mediatorial  kingdom,  which 
includes  all  the  displays  of  bis  grace  in  saving  sinners,  and  all  his  spiritual 
influence  in  governing  the  church  visible  on  earth.  Ily  the  eternal  king- 
dom of  Christ  is  intended  the  future  state  of  eternal  blessedness,  which  it 
so  beautifully  described  as  an  inheritance,  incorruptible,  undejiled,  ana 
thatfarleth  not  away,  reserved  in  heaven,  &c.  (1  Pet.  i.  4,  5.) 

In  like  manner.  It  is  appointed  unto  men  once,  to  die  (neb.  ix.  27.),  that 
is,  a  temporal  death  :  yet  If  any  man  keep  Christ's  sayings  he  shall  never 
see  death  (John  viii.  51).  that  is,  eternal  death.  Hatred  of  others  is  very 
sinful  and  odious  (Tit.  iii.  3).  and  yet  to  hate  our  nearest  relations,  thai  is. 
to  love  them  less  than  we  love  Christ,  is  a  duty.  (I.uke  xiv.  26.  compared 
with  Matt.  x.  37.)  John  the  Baptist  was  not  F.lias  (John  i.  21.),  that  is,  no 
the  prophet  who  lived  under  Ahnb  ;  but  he  was  the  Elias  predicted  by 
Malachi  (Mai.  iv.  6,  C.),  that  is,  one  in  the  spirit  and  power  of  the  ancient 
Elijah.  (Matt.  xi.  11,  12.  14.  Mark  ix.  11—13.  Luke  i.  17.) 

So  we  cannot  stand  before  God  in  the  righteousness  of  our  own  persons 
(Psal.  cxliii.  2.),  but  we  may  appeal  to  him  for  the  righteousness  of  our 
cause,  in  matters  of  difference  between  ourselves  and  others.  (Psal.  xviii 
20.  xxxv.  27.) 

II.  Apparent  contradictions,  in  points  of  doctrine,  sometima 
arise  from  the  same  word  being  used  not  only  in  different  but 
also  in  contradictory  senses. 

Thus  in  Joshua,  xxiii.  3.  the  same  Hebrew  verb  w<  (vanasB),  whlcl 
usually  signifies  to  inherit  or  possess,  also  moans  to  i  r  disin- 
herit. He  shall  erpel  them  (from  their  Inheritance)  from  before  y 
ye  shall  possess  their  land,  succeed  to  their  inheritance.  In  like  manner, 
the  word  sin  also  denotes  a  sin-offering  in  Gen.  iv.  i  2  Cor.  v.  21.  and  in 
many  other  passages  of  Scripture.  The  Hebrew  verb  VO  (mkok),  tc 
bless,  has  been  supposed  also  to  mean  curse  ;  and,  contrary  to  the  au- 
thority of  ancient  versions,  the  lexicons  (as  the  late  eminently  learned  Mr. 
Parkhurst  has  proved)  have  given  it  the  sense  of  cursing  in  the  six  follow- 
ing   passages:    1  Kings   XXi.    10.  13.   Job  1,5.  11.  and   es| ially    Job  ii-  5.  9. 

The  rendering  of  which  last  passage,  he  observes,  should  be  thus: — 

Then  said  his  wife  unto  him, 

Dost  thou  yet  retain  thine  integrity, 

Blessing  the  Aleim  (God)  and  dying,  or  even  unto  death?* 

The  Greek  language  presents  numerous  similar  examples  of  the  same 
words  having  different  senses.  Thus  E.J^xov,  in  its  primitive  acceptation, 
bears  a  good  sense,  and  simply  means  any  representation  or  likeness  of  a 
thing  ;  but  it  also  most  frequently  denotes,  in  the  New  Testament,  an 
image  to  which  religious  worship  is  given,  whether  it  be  intended  of  the 
/rue  God,  as  in  Acts  fit.  41.,  or  of  a  false  deity,  as  in  Acts  xv.  20.  1  Cor.  xii. 
2  and  Rev.  ix.  20.  So  Ilip<«p>-o<,  which  simply  means  curious,  and  its  de- 
rivative -np'if,  i'z^xi.  are  used  in  a  worse  sense,  and  denote  impertinent 
curiosity  in  other  persons'  affairs,  as  in  1  Tim.  v.  13.  and  2Thess.  iii.  11 

ix  no,  which  primarily  signifies  to  have  more  than  another,  also 
means  to  have  more  than  one  oughfTo  possess,  to  defraud  and  circumvent 

r.  vn.  2.  xii.  17,  1^  and  I  These,  iv.  6.  (which  last  text  denotes  to 
defraud  and  injure  by  adultery,  as  numerous  commentators,  ancient  and 
modem,  have  already  observed).  And  M'$<"",  which  (like  the  Hebrew 
verb  "V3<>,  Gen.  xliii.  34  )»  in  its  good  sense  denotes  merely  to  drink  freely 
and  to  cheerfulness,  but  not  to  intoxication  (as  in  John  ii  10.),  is  often 
taken  in  an  ill  sense,  and  means  to  be  drunken.  Compare  Matt.  xxiv.  49. 
Acts  ii.  15.  and  1  Thess.  v.  7.  with  Rev.  xvii.  2.  6.« 

»  Parkhurst's  Hebrew  Lexicon,  p.  8i.  5th  edition.  Dr.  Mason  Good,  in 
his  version  of  the  book  of  Job,  has  adopted  Mr.  P.'s  rendering,  and  con- 
firmed its  propriety  by  various  examples;  see  particularly  bis  notes, 
pp  "i — 0. 

»  Thev  drank  and  were  merry  (literally  drank  largely)  with  him. 

«  The' Latin  language  presents  us  with  many  examples  of  the  same 
words  which  have  different  im  anings.  It  will  suffice  to  specify  two  or 
three.  Sacer.  it  is  well  known,  signifies  not  only  that  which  is  holy,  bul 
also  that  which  is  most  cursed  and  detestable.  Thus,  we  have  in  v  irgil 
(JEn.  iii.  57  )  the  well  known  words  auri  sacra  fames.  In  our  old  English 
common  law  writers,  villanus  (villain)  denotes  a  rustic  of  servile  condition, 
but  the  English  word  is  now  exel  jsively  a  term  of  infamy.  So,  missa.  the 
mass,  was  at  first  an  innocent  word,  signifying  merely  the  service  of  the 
church  ;  but  h  has  long  since  degenerated  into  a  widely  different  meaning, 
and  is  given  jxclusively  to  the  worship  ot  the  church  of  Rome. 


4  OS 


ON  THE  INTERPRETATION,   &c.  OF  PASSAGES 


[Part  II.  Book  U. 


§  3.  apparent  contradictions,  in  points  of  doctrine,  arising 
from  the  different  designs  of  the  sacred  writers. 
Ji  kind  of  repugnancy  sometimes  arises  from  the  different 
designs  -which  the  sacred  writers  had  in  view  /  and  this  can 
only  be  removed  by  interpreting  each  passage  agreeably  to  the 
writer's  design. 

It  is  obvious  that  the  same  person  may  express  himself  in  various  ways 
concerning  one  an')  the  same  thing,  and  in  this  case  regard  must  be  had 
to  his  intention.  In  Saint  Paul's  Epistles,  for  instance,  we  find  the  apostle 
frequently  arguing,  but  more  or  less  severely,  with  those  who  rigorously 
urged  a  compliance  with  the  Mosaic  rites  and  ceremonies;  in  some  pas- 
sages he  expresses  himself  more  gently  towards  his  opponents  ;  in  others, 
with  greater  severity,  calling  the  opinions  thus  asserted  doctrines  of  devils, 
and  profane  and  old  wives'  fables.  (1  Tim.  iv.  1.  7.)  To  understand  these 
passages  aright,  then,  it  is  necessary  that  we  distinguish  the  threefold  de- 
sign of  the  apostle,  according  to  the  three  different  classes  of  advocates 
for  the  observance  of  the  Mosaic  ritual.  1.  Against  those  who  maintained 
the  rites  prescribed  by  Moses  from  weakness  of  mind,  and  could  not  per- 
suade themselves  that  these  ought  to  be  abandoned,  the  apostle  argues 
with  great  lenity  ;  compare  Roin.  xiv.  throughout.  2.  There  were  others, 
however,  who,  while  they  contended  for  and  urged  the  external  obser- 
vance of  the  Mosaic  law,  expressed  the  utmost  contempt  for  the  Christian 
religion,  which  they  either  affirmed  not  to  be  true,  or  to  be  insufficient 
unless  the  observance  of  the  law  of  Moses  were  superadded.  Against  this 
class  of  opponents,  Saint  Paul  arguei  with  much  more  severity,  denying 
altogether  the  necessity  of  such  observance  ;  compare  the  Epistle  to  the 
Galatians.  3.  There  was  another  class  of  persons,  who,  to  the  external 
observance  of  the  Mosaic  ritual,  joined  certain  philosophical  notions  bor- 
rowed from  the  Alexandrian  school  of  philosophers,  and  which  were  re- 
ceived among  the  TherapeutK.  According  to  these,  the  highest  wisdom 
consisted  in  a  state  of  celibacy,  mortification,  and  abstinence  from  animal 
food  ;  against  these  crude  opinions  the  apostle  argue3  vehemently,  term- 
ing them  profane  and  old  wives'  fables,  and  diabolical,  that  is,  the  most 
pestilent  doctrines.  The  perusal  of  Philo's  treatise  on  the  Therapeutae 
will  show  what  pretensions  that  sect  made  to  wisdom  and  piety,  which 
consisted  in  mortification  and  abstinence,  and  with  what  sovereign  con- 
tempt they  regarded  all  other  persons.  To  this  class  of  Saint  Paul's 
antagonists  are  to  be  referred  I  Tim.  iv.  throughout,  and  also  Col.  ii. 
verse  8.  to  the  end. 

On  the  best  mode  of  ascertaining  the  design  of  any  book  or 
passage  in  the  Sacred  Writings,  see  pp.  339,  340.  supra. 


§  4.  apparent  contradictions,  arising  from  the  different  ages 
in  which  the  Sacred  Writers  lived,  and  the  different  degrees 
of  knowledge  which  they  possessed. 

I.  There  is  another  class  of  doctrinal  points,  in  which  a  spe- 
cies of  repugnancy  is  produced  by  the  different  ages  in  which 
the  sacred  writers  lived. 

All  expositors  of  the  Scriptures  are  agreed  in  the  summary  of  religious 
truths  revealed  in  them,  and  that,  from  the  book  of  Genesis  to  the  Revela- 
tion of  Saint  John,  this  doctrine  is  constantly  and  unanimously  delivered, 
viz.  that  there  is  one  infinitely  wise,  gracious,  just,  and  eternal  .God;  and 
that  our  salvation  is  of  God  through  the  atonement  of  the  Messiah,  &c.  <fec. 
But  this  doctrine  is  variously  expressed,  according  as  the  ages,  in  which 
the  writers  lived,  were  more  or  less  remote  from  the  time  when  the  Son 
of  God  was  manifested  in  the  flesh.  Further,  in  the  Old  Testament,  there 
are  many  very  severe  precepts  relative  to  revenging  of  injuries  on  enemies, 
as  well  as  many  imprecations  against  the  foes  of  David :  no  such  precepts 
are  to  be  found  in  the  New  Testament.  Again,  the  law  of  revenge  and 
retaliation,  in  the  Mosaic  system,  is  extremely  severe,  requiring  eye  for 
eye,  hand  for  hand,  tooth  for  tooth,  &c.  Widely  different  from  this  is  the 
spirit  of  the  Christian  doctrine. 

II.  An  apparent  contradiction  likewise  is  caused  by  the  dif 
ferent  degrees  of  knowledge  possessed  by  the  sacred  writers 
relative  to  the  happiness  to  be  procured  for  man  by  Jesus  Christ. 

In  the  Old  Testament  this  happiness  is  almost  constantly  described  as 
being  external;  but  in  the  New  Testament  all  external  considerations  are 
dismissed,  and  it  is  affirmed  to  be  spii  itual  or  internal.  Hence  also  it  hap- 
pens, that  although  the  same  worship  of  the  same  Jehovah  is  treated  of  in 
the  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  external  worship  is  chiefly, 
though  not  exclusively,  insisted  upon  in  the  former,  but  internal  in  the  lat- 
ter; in  the  Old  Testament  it  is  the  spirit  of  bondage,  but  in  the  New  it  is  the 
spirit  oj  adoption.  In  this  gradual  revelation  of  the  divine  will  we  see  the 
wisdom  and  goodness  of  God ;  who  graciously  proportioned  it  to  the  capa- 
cities of  men,  and  the  disposition  of  their  minds,  to  receive  those  intima- 
tions which  he  was  pleased  to  communicate.  And,  as  the  sacred  writers 
accommodated  themselves  to  the  imperfect  or  more  improved  degrees  of 
knowledge  which  existed  at  the  times  they  wrote,  so  it  appears  that  they 
adapted  their  precepts  to  the  religious,  civil,  and  domestic  or  private  cus- 
toms of  their  countrymen.  Hence  it  happens,  that  though  religion  in  itself 
was  always  one  and  the  same  thing,  yet  the  manner  in  which  it  was  made 
known  acquired  some  tinge, — 

1.  From  religious  customs:  for  as  all  the  more  ancient  peopie  were 
accustomed  to  worship  their  own  gods,  agreeably  to  their  own  peculiar 
rites,  so  the  Jews  after  their  manner  worshipped  the  only  true  God. 

2.  Civil  customs  also  imparted  some  degree  of  peculiarity  to  religion. 
For  while  one  nation  was  separated  from  intercourse  with  others  by  its  own 
customs,  many  things  were  spoken  of  God,  as  a  national  deity,  more  pecu- 
liarly appropriated  to  that  nation  :  but  if  that  separation  be  removed,  Jeho- 
vah is  described  as  the  common  parent  of  all  mankind. 

3.  Lastly,  in  the  domettic  or  private  institutes  contained  in  the  Mosaic 
law,  there  are  many  things  derived  from  the  manners  and  customs  of  their 
forefathers ;  this  fact  has  been  shown  by  Professor  Michaelis,  in  his  elabo- 
rate "Commentaries  on  the  Law  of  Moses."  In  like  manner  the  apostles 
adapted  their  instructions  to  the  peculiar  customs  that  obtained  in  different 
countries  in  their  own  age.  How  differently  do  they  express  themselves 
towards  Jews  and  Heathens!  Not  only  do  they  attend  to  religious,  civil, 
and  domestic  or  private  manners  and  customs,  but,  in  proportion  as  these 
underwent  gradual  changes,  they  explain  many  things  more  copiously,  as 
well  as  more  clearly,  rejecting  the  veil  of  types,  and  despising  those  cere- 


monies in  which  the  Jewish  nation  formerly  deighted.  An  attentive  con 
sideration  of  Ihese  circumstances  will  contribute  to  clear  up  many  appa 
rent  contradictions,  as  well  as  to  solve  very  many  of  the  objections  brought 
by  infidels  against  the  Sacred  Writings.  Let  times  and  seasons  bt  accu- 
rately distinguished,  and  perfect  harmony  will  be  found  to  subsist  in  the 
different  books  of  Scripture. 


SECTION  V. 


SEEMING    CONTRADICTIONS    TO   MORALITY. 

Notwithstanding  it  is  generally  admitted  that  the  Holy 
Scriptures  breathe  a  spirit  of  the  purest  and  most  diffusively 
benevolent  morality  ;  yet  there  are  some  passages  which  have 
been  represented  as  giving  countenance  to  immorality  and 
cruelty.  But  these,  when  duly  examined,  will  be  found  per- 
fectly in  unison  with  the  purest  principles  of  morality.  The 
wide  difference  which  subsists  between  ancient  and  modern 
manners,  if  fairly  considered,  would  alone  be  a  sufficient  reply 
to  the  indecencies  v/hich  are  asserted  to  exist  in  the  Bible. 

Further,  the  characters  and  conduct  of  men,  whom  we  find 
in  all  other  respects  commended  in  the  Scriptures,  are  in  some 
respects  faulty  ;  but  these  are,  in  such  instances,  by  no  means 
proposed  for  our  imitation,  and,  consequently,  give  no  sanc- 
tion whatever  to  immorality :  for  several  of  these  faults  are 
either  expressly  condemned,  or  are  briefly  related  or  mentioned 
as  matter  of  fact,  without  any  intimation  that  they  are  either 
to  be  commended  or  imitated.  The  sacred  writers,  however, 
are  only  answerable  for  facts,  not  for  the  morality  of  actions. 
It  is  true  that  the  Jewish  history  is  stained  with  blood  and 
cruelty;  but  so  is  the  history  of  all  other  nations  (whose 
chroniclers,  annalists,  or  other  historians  are  not  censured  for 
their  bare  narration  of  the  crimes  of  the  individuals  or  na- 
tions), and  without  the  additional  circumstance  of  being 
relieved  by  such  histories  of  true  piety  and  virtue  as  abound 
in  the  Scriptures.  But  it  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  the  moral 
character  of  the  Jewish  nation  was  by  no  means  so  uniformly 
bad  as  the  modem  antagonists  of  divine  revelation  pretended. 
In  some  ages,  their  morals  were  much  purer,  and  their  piety 
more  fervent,  than  at  others.  Such  was  the  generation  which 
first  entered  Canaan  with  Joshua,  and  such  also  the  genera- 
tions that  li  ved  during  the  reigns  of  their  most  pious  monarchs. 
It  is,  moreover,  to  be  considered,  that  the  mere  narration  of 
any  action,  such  as  we  find  in  the  Old  and  New  Testaments, 
implies  neither  the  approbation  nor  the  censure  of  it,  but  only 
declares  that  such  a  thing  was  done,  and  in  such  a  manner; 
and  the  not  concealing  of  these  shows  the  simplicity  and 
impartiality  of  the  sacred  writers,  who  spare  no  person  whom- 
soever, not  even  when  they  themselves  are  concerned, — 
though  the  thing  related  should  redound  to  their  disgrace ; — 
as  in  the  case  of  Noah's  drunkenness  (Gen.  ix.  21.),  Jacob  s 
deceiving  of  Isaac  (Gen.  xxvii.),1  Peter's  denial  of  Christ 
(Matt.  xxvi.  69 — 75.  and  the  parallel  passages  of  the  other 
evangelists):  Paul's  dispute  with  Peter  (Gal.  ii.  11 — 14.); 
and  Paul's  excuse  of  himself.  (Acts  xxiii.  5.) 

»  From  this  circumstance  God  has  been  represented  by  infidels,  as  dis- 
tinguishing his  favourite  Jacob,  by  a  system  of  fraud  and  lies:  but  the 
following  considerations,  by  the  late  Bishop  Home,  may  assist  us  to  form  a 
right  judgment  of  this  matter. 

"  1st.  The  proposition  of  deceiving  Isaac  originated  not  with  Jacob,  but 
with  Rebecca.  Jacob  remonstrated  against  it,  as  likely  to  bring  a  curse 
upon  him,  rather  than  a  blessing;  nor  would  consent  to  perform  his  part, 
till  she  engaged  to  take  all  the  blame  on  herself—'  On  me  be  thy  curse,  my 
son ;  only  obey  my  voice.' 

2dly.  From  this  speech,and  from  the  earnestness  and  solicitude  discovered 
by  Rebecca,  it  may  not  unfairly  be  presumed,  that  she  had  some  special 
reason  for  what  she  did :  that  Isaac  was  about  to  take  a  wrong  step  in  a 
concern  of  great  moment,  which  ought  to  be  prevented,  and  could  be  pre- 
vented by  no  other  means. 

3dly.  The  rectitude  of  Rebecca's  judgment  seems  evidently  to  have  been 
recognised  and  allowed  by  Isaac,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  matter.  For 
though  he  had  blessed  Jacob,  intending  to  bless  Esau,  yet,  as  if  recollect- 
ing himself,  he  confirmed  and  ratified  that  blessing  in  the  strongest  terms: 
'Yea,  and  he  shall  be  blessed.'  Still  farther — at  sending  him  away,  he 
again  repeated  the  benediction,  in  the  most  solemn  and  affecting  manner; 
'  God  give  thee  the  blessing  of  Abraham  !'  It  is  hard  to  assign  any  other  rea- 
son why,  if  so  disposed,  upon  discovering  the  fraud,  he  might  not  have  re 
versed  the  proceeding  Nay,  by  the  kind  meeting  of  the  brothers  after 
wards,  one  should  be  inclined  to" suppose,  that  Esau  himself  acquiesced  a: 
length  in  the  propriety  of  what  had  been  done 

4thly .  If  suet)  were  the  case,  Isaac  was  only  deceived  into  what  was  rijl.t, 
and  what  himself  acknowledged  to  be  so  in  the  conclusion.  The  deception 
was  like  those  often  practised  by  physicians  for  the  benefit  of  their 
patients ;  and  casuists  must  decide  upon  it  in  the  same  manner.  The  offence 
of  Jacob  is  certainly  alleviated,  if  not  entirely  taken  off,  by  the  circum- 
stance  of  Rebecca  pledging  herself  to  bear  i!  •  Maine  ;  as  the  conduct  of 
Rebecca  seems  justified  by  that  of  Isaac  ratifying  and  confirming  to  Jacob 
the  blessing  originally  intended  for  Esau.  Upon  the  whole,  if  there  were 
any  offence,  il  was  one  that  might  be  forgiven  ;  and  if  God,  notwithstanding, 
continued  to  bless  Jacob,  he  did  forgive  it,  and  had  reasons  for  so  doing." 
Bp.  Home's  Works,  vol.  vi.  pp.  477,  478. 


Jhap.  VII.  Skc-t.  v.] 


OF  SCRIPTURE,  ALLEGED  TO  BE  CONTRADICTORY. 


409 


The   following   are   the  principal   passage!  which   thn  recent 

advocates  of  infidelity  have  charged  with  being  contradictions  tu 

morality;  with  how  little  pretext,  the  reader  will  be  enabled  to 
judge,  by  the  candid  examination  and  consideration  of  the  re- 
mainder of  this  section. 

1.  God's  command  to  Abraham,  to  sacrifice  Isaac  (Gen. 
xxii.),  has  been  represented  at  a  command  to  commit  murder  in 
its  most  horrid  form,  and  consequently,  at  inconsistent  with  the 
'loliuess  of  God  to  give. 

Uui  this  command  ma)  b  ilj  vindicated,  either  by  regarding 

tioa,1  or  (without  this  consideration)  by  resolving  it 
nto  the  diviue  sovereignly  ovei  the  llvi  i  "i  bis  creatures.  Por,  the 
Supreme  Lord  an  i  0'ivc  r  oi  Life  ll  away,  and  t"  com- 

in. mi  I  ii  iii  be  lalu  ,i  ..v. i.   whenever  and  in  whatsoever  manner  be  p 
To  offer  a  human  victim  to  him,  without  his  express  warrant,  would  be  to 
comiuil  murder:  but  to  do  so  by  bis  command  would  bean  aotoi  obedi- 
As  the  Almighty  has  a  righl  to  command,  so  hi  lead  us 

to  infer  thai  be  will  command  nothing  but  what  is  wo Any  of  himself  The 
design  of  God,  howevei  was  to  proas  Abraham,  In  order  that  bis  faith,  love, 
and  obedience  might  be  manifest,  and  not,  in  bet,  that  he  should  offer  up 

S.  Jacob1 1  vovt  (Gem.  xxviii.  20 — 22.)  it  as  terted  to  be  quite 
conditional,  and  as  implying  that  if  his  God  would  <:lothe  and 
feed  him,  he  would  serve  him. 

This  representation  is  nol  more  unjust,  than  the  manner  in  winch  it  13 

hi,    in  order  thai  this  matter  may  be  regarded  in  its  pro- 

oonsidered,  that,  Immediately  before  the  account 

which  Is  jiven  us  0  .   we  are  Informed  of  a  vision  which  be 

had  when  setting  out  on  his  journey  to  Padan-Aram,  when  God  renewed 

e  to  Abraham  concerning  tlm  giving  of  the  land 

m  In  his  posterity,  and  that   in   his  seed   all    uali.ins  of  the   earth 

should  he  blessed:  si  the  same  ii assuring  him,  that  be  wonbl  be  with 

him  In  all  places  whither  he  should  go,  ami  would  bring  him  again  into  that 
land.  (12  -16.)  In  consequence  of  this  vision,  Jacob  made  his  vow  the 
next  morning;  the  design  of  which  was,  to  express  the  sense  he  had  of 

the  divine  g Iness,  and  his  confidence  In  God's  gracious  protection,  and 

to  declare  ins  solemn  resolution,  that  If  God  would  be  with  him  and  keep 

him  in  his  way,  and  would  give   him  bread  to  eat  and   raiment  to  put  on 

(which  shows  the  moderation  of  his  desires),  so  that  he  should  come  again  to 
ler's  house  in  peace,  be  would  after  his  return  make  an  openandpub- 
he  acknowledgment  of  his  gratitude  and  devotion  to  the  Lord  as  his  God  ; 
would  set  apart  thai  pi  ice,  where  God  bad  appeared  to  him,  10  his  worship : 
and  would  devote  to  His  service  the  tenth  ol  all  the  substance  which  God 
should  give  him.  Now  such  a  conduct  as  Ibis,  instead  of  being  impiously 
interested  and  craving  (as  sum r  oppoaersof  revelation  have  asserted),  will 
ippear  to  every  one,  who  judges  candidly  and  impartially,  a  great  argument 
of  the  simplicity  and  goodness  of  Jacob's  heart,  and  of  a  pious  and  well- 
d  mind  :  though  undoubtedly  it  appears  absurd  to  those  who  affirm 
—what  however  Ihey  cannot  prove — that  the  Almighty  does  not  concern 
bimaelf  with  Individuals  of  the  human  race. 

3.  The  objection,  that  God's  commanding  of  the  Israelites 
(Exod.  iii.  22.  xii.  35.)  to  borrow  from  the  Egyptians  what 
they  never  intended  to  restore,  is  not  only  an  act  of  injustice, 
but  favours  thej't,  is  obviated  by  rendering  the  Hebrew  verb  ljtu> 
(sHAOL),  askeil  or  demanded,  agreeably  to  its  proper  and  literal 
meaning,2  which  is  given  to  it  in  all  the  ancient  versions,  as  well 
99  in  every  modern  translation,  onr  own  excepted. 

4.  The  hardening  of  Pharaoh's  heart  (Exod.  iv.  21.  ix.  16.) 
has  been  a  fruitful  source  of  malignant  cavil  with  tlie  adver- 
saries of  the  Bible  ;  some  of  whom  have  not  hesitated  to  affirm 
that  this  single  chapter  is  sufficient  to  destroy  the  authenticity 
of  the  entire  Scriptures,  while  others,  more  decently  and  spe- 
ciously, assert  that  a  just  God  could  not  punish  the  Egyptian 
monarch  for  a  hardness  of  heart  of  which  he  himself  was  evi- 
dently the  cause.  This  is  the  objection  in  all  its  force.  Let  us 
now  see  how  little  foundation  there  is  for  it. 

"When  we  meet  with  an  assertion  apparently  contrary  to  all  the  truth 
and  equity  in  the  work),  it  Is  but  common  justice  t"  any  writer,  human  or 
divine,  to  suppose,  that  we  mistake  his  meaning,  and  that  tl 
employed  to  convey  it  is  capable  ol  an  interpretation  different  from  that 
which  may  at  first  present  itself  We  cannot,  for  a  moment,  imagine  thai 
Qod  Becretly  influences  a  man's  will,  0  tubborn 

resolution  10  Ins  mind,  and  then  punishes  him  for  it.     We  are,  therefore, 

1:  other  means,  nol  incompatible  with  bis  nature  ami 
attributes,  be  may  be  said,  in  a  certain  sense,  and  without  impropriety,  to 
harden  a  man's  heart.  There  are  many  ways  by  which  we  may  conceive 
this  effect  to  be  wrought,  without  running  into  the  absurdity  and  impiety 
above  mentioned.  The  heart  may  be  hardened  by  those  very  respites, 
miracles,  and  mercies,  intended  to  Boften  it;  for  if  they  do  not  soften  it 

they  will  harden  It— -God  is  a etlmea  said  to  do  that  winch  he  permits  to 

oe  done  bv  Others,  in  the  way  of  judgment  and  punishment:  as  when  bis 
people  rejected  bis  own  righteous  laws,  he  Is  said  to  have  'given  them' 
.he  idolatrous  ones  of  their  heathen  neighbours,  'statutes  that  were  not 
good.' — The  heart  may  be  hardened  by  his  withdrawing  that  grace  it  has  long 
:  men  any  be  given  up  to  a  reprobate  mind:  as  they  mould  not 
see  when  they  possessed  the  faculty  of  sight,  the  use  of  that  faculty  may 
bt  taken  from  them,  and  they  may  be  abandoned  to  blindness.  Kill  all  this 
is  judicial,  and  sic  ■  wickedness,  which  it  is  de- 

signed to  punish."1 

Further,  no  person  who  candidly  peruses  the  history  of  the  transactions 
with  Pharaoh,  can  deny  that  what  the  Almighty  did  to  Pharaoh  and  the 
Egyptians  had  a  tendency  to  soften  rather  than  to  harden  his  heart  :  eepe- 

»  This  is  Bp.  Warburton's  mode  of  solving  the  difficulty. 

»  It  is  the  very  word  used  in  Psal.  ii.  8,  "7NJT  (sHAni).  Ask  of  me,  and  I 
will  give  thee  the  heathen  for  thine  inneritanee,  and  the  uttermost  parts 
sf  the  earth  for  thy  possession. 

•  Bp.  Home's  Letters  on  Infidelity  Lett.  xiv.  (Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  481  ) 


cially  as  it  was  not  until  after  he  had  seei.  tne  miracles,  ind  after  tin 
had  ceased,  lhal   he   hardened   him.-.  If  and  would   not  suffer  the 
Israelites  (0  depart.     The  I hr.it.  ned  plagues  were   suspended  on 

lion  with  which  he  refused  to  comply,  and  the ily  W(  r<   they  inflicted, 

li  1  ,  moreover,  well  known  thai  Hebrew  verbs  in  the  Biphil  conjugation 
signify  to  permit  or  to  suffer  to  be  done,  as  well  as  to  cause  to  be  done  ; 

hi  1 nothing   more    is    meant,    than    tO    leave    a   man    tO   the    bent   and 

tendency  of  ol  ttlon.     Thus  Pharaoh  was  left,  and  be  is  said 

to  liave  made   his  own  lnart  stubborn  Sgalnsl  God.      He  sinned  yet  mere 

anl  hardened  ma  heart.    The  proper  rendering,  therefore,  of  Exod.  iv. 

/  will  pi :  uui  hi*  In  in  1  in  Ii*-  .tn  hardened  lhal  he  will  not  let  the 
in  EjuxL  i.v.  12  11  oughi  lated,    Yet  the  Loud 

I  the  hrint  of  Pharaoh  1  •  'd,  that  he  hearkened  not 

Co  them.  And  a  more  literal  rendering  ol  Exod.  ix.  16,  16.  would  remove 
the  discrepancy  whli  on  ver 

sion,  which  runs  'bus:— For  now  I  will  stretch  out  my  hand  and  smite 
thee  with  pestilence :  and  thou  shall  he  cut  off  from  the  earth.  And  in  very 
if'  td  fbt  tl"  1  1  aised  thee  up,  for  to  show  in  thee  my  power  : 

and  that  my  name  tuny  he  declared  throughout  a  V  A-  ( <n  Hi.  In  the  origi- 
nal Hebrew,  the  verbs  are  in  the  ;  I   not  in  the  future. 

authorize,  1  version  improperly  expresses  iie  in,  by  whlcl ans  an  appa- 
rent contradiction  is  produced  1  lor  neither  Pharaoh  imr  bis  people  were 
smitten  ir,th  pestilence,  imr  was  he  by  any  kind  ol  mortality  cut  off  from 

'.     The  first  born,  it  is  true,  were  slain  by  ad  El  I.  and 

1  himself  was  drowned  In  the  Red  Sea:  buttl 

:  Igments  in  the  two  verses  In  qnet  tion.    11  the  words 

oughi  m  the  inbjuni 

of  the^ufure,  this  seeming  contradiction  ;  ill  ambiguity, 

will  be  avoided :  Por  if  new  I  had  stretched  out  'PTfW  (sBaxaoBTt  had 

:  ih)  my  hand,  and  had  siniiien  thee  and  thy  people  with  the  pesti- 

thou  SHOULDBB1  have   BXBM   cut  off  from  the  earth      Hut  truly  on 
this  .''  ry  account  bat      :  •  hsist.  that  J  might  cause  thee  Is 

see  my  power :  and  that  my  name  might  be  declared  throughout  alt  the 
em  1I1.  or  ill  nil  this  land.''* 
Thus  God  gave  this  impious  king  to  know  that  it  was  in  conseqm 

Cial  providence,  that  both  he  aiei  ad  nol  been  already 

destroyed  by  means  of  the  past  plagues  :  bnl  thai  God  bad  preserved  him 

for  this  very  purpose,  ilia!  he  might  have  a  further  Opportunity  of  Showing 

Pharaoh  His  power  in  the  remaining  plagues,  and  01  manifesting  that  He, 
Jehovah,  was  the  only  true  God,  for  the  full  conviction  of  the  Hebrews  and 
Egyptians.' 

Lastly,  our  authorized  translation  of  Exod.  vii.  13.  (and  he.  [that  is,  God) 
Inn;!,  n-'l  I'luiraoh's  heart)  is  incorrect.  It  ought  to  have  been,  and  thb 
heart  of  Pharaoh  was  hardened,  as  the  original  is  rendered  by  all  the 
ancient  versions,  without  exception,  and  by  the  most  judicious  modern 
translations.  The  same  phrase  is  correctly  translated  in  our  authorized 
version,  in  Exod.  vii.  22.  viii.  19.  and  ix.  7. 

The  objections,  therefore,  which  the  opponents  of  the  Bible 
have  raised  against  it  from  the  passages  we  have  been  consider- 
ing, are  thus  proved  to  be  utterly  destitute  of  foundation. 

5.  Jlgain,  visiting  the  sins  of  the  fathers  upon  their  children 
(Exod.  xx.  5.)  has  been  charged  us  injustice. 

But  this  objection  disappears,  the  moment  we  are  convinced  that  the 
reward  and  punishment  here  intended,  are  confined  to  the  outward  cir- 
cumstances of  prosperity  and  distress  in  the  present  life;  because  if  (as 
was  the  case)  such  a  sanction  were  necessary  in  the  particular  system  by 
which  God  thought  fit  to  govern  the  Jewish  people,  it  is  evident,  lhal  any 
inequality  as  to  individuals,  would  be  certainly  and  easily  remedied  in  s 
future  life  (as  in  the  particular  instances  recorded  in  Num.  xvi.  27—33. 
and  Josh.  vii.  24,  25.) ;  so  thai  each  should  receive  his  final  reward  exactly 
according  to  his  true  appearance  in  the  sight  of  God,  and  "  thus  the  Judge 
of  all  the  earth  do  right."  It  is  only  when  children  copy  and  improve  on 
the  crimes  of  their  wicked  parents,  that  they  draw  down  upon  their  beads 
redoubled  vengeance:  so  that  the  innocent  never  sutler  for  the  guilty, 
except  in  such  temporal  calamities  as  necessarily  result  from  their  parent'! 
crimes.  As,  when  the  profligacy  of  one  generation  involves  the  next  in 
poverty,  or  the  like.  On  the  contrary,  so  benevolent  Is  the  God  of  Israel, 
that  the  eminent  piety  of  one  man  is  sometimes  rewarded  with  blessingi 
on  thousands  of  his  descendants.  This  was  the  case  with  Abraham  and 
his  descendants.     Vet  this  is  the  God  whom  dl  I  '  SS  rritel  and 

vindictive.* 

6.  The  extirpation  of  the  Canaanites  by  the  Jews,  according 
to  the  divine  command,  is  urcred  as  an  act  of  the  greatest  cruelty 
and  injustice;  but  this  objection  falls  to  the  ground  when  it  ii 
considered — 

FtnsT.  That  the  Canaanites  were  unquestionably  s  most  depraved  and 
idolatrous  race;  and  to  have  suffered  them  to  remain  and  coalesce  with 
the  Israelites,  would  have  been  to  sanction  idolatry  by  encouraging  their 
union  with  Idolatrous  nations.  It  must  be  admitted  that  God  has  a  right  to 
punish  wicked  nations  by  the  infliction  of  judgments,  such  as  pestilence 
or  famine,  or  by  employing  the  sword  of  pnemies;  because  we  see  that 
he  actually  doe*  so  in  the  course  of  his  Providence  ;  and  we  cannot  see 
what  essential  difference  there  is  between  this  and  his  giving  a  command 
to  the  Israelites  to  destroy  the  wicked  Canaanites;  for  it  is  a  notorious 
fart,  that  these  latter  were  an  abominably  wicked  people.  "  It  is  needless 
to  enter  into  any  proof  of  the  depraved  state  of  their  morals  ;  they  were  a 
wicked  people  in  the  lime  of  Abraham;  and  even  then  were  devoted  to 

•  Ainsworth,  Hoobigant,  Dathe,  Scbott  andWinzeron  E.xod  ix.  15,  16. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  the  Septuagint  Creek  version  of  the  Pentateuch 

(which  confessedly  is  the  best  executed  part  of  all  that  version),  renders 

tWO    verses   suhainclively.  and  is   followed   in   this   respee!   by  Dr. 

Boothroyd,  Who  thus  translates  them  :  —  Yen  note  COULD  /  stretch  out  my 

hand  and  smite  thee  and  thy  people  with  .  '""t thou  shocldebt 

*  from  the  earth.     And  in  r,  ry  deed  for  this  purpose  hare  I  pre- 

serredih'e.  (Sept.  i,i>n  raoroii  'a-.*.  ':*:.  On  this  account  thou  hast  been 

01  d)    that  I  may  show  to  thee  my  power,  and  that  my  name  may  he 

declared  through  all  ''he  earth.     Tiie  case  of  Pharaoh  is  fullv  considered 

bv  Mr.  Twopenny  in  his  "  Dissertations  en  some  parts  of  the  Old  and  New 

Testaments."  ,Vc.     Dies.  iv.  pp  3&—S4  :  and  in  Dr.  Graves's  Discourses 

nation,  pp.  295 

»  Dr.  A.  Clarke  on  Exod.  ix   15.  ,   ..  ,_    ._ 

«  TV  on  the  Pentateuch,  vol.  n.  pp.  1/2— 1S.J.     See 

also  Michaelis'fi  Commentaries  on  the   laws  of  Moses,  vol.  i.   pp.  45-47 

Age  of  Infidelity,  in  answer  to  the  Age  of  Reason,  p.  62. 


410 

destruction  by  God  ;  but  their  iniquity  was  not  then  full,  that  is,  they  were 
not  yet  arrive.!  to  such  a  height-of profligacy  and  impiety  as  required  their 
destruction.    In  the  time  of  Moses,  they  were  Idolaters;  sBCrtficers  of  their 

own  crying  and  smiling  infants;  devourers  of  human  flesh;  addicted  to 
unnatural  fusts;  immersed  in  the  filthinessof all  manner  ol  vice.  Now,  it 
will  „e  imp-  <•.  >hal  "  W,IS  a  proceeding  contrary  to  God's 

moral  lustice  to  e.vterminate  so  wicked  a  people.  He  made  the  Israelites 
the  ,.  v  ,'engeance  :  and,  in  doing  this,  he  gave  sucli  an  evident 

and  terrible  prool  of  his  abomination  of  vice,  as  could  not  fail  to  strike  the 
sarroundin"  nations  with  astonishment  and  terror,  and  to  impress  on  the 
minds  ul"  th°e  Israelites  what  they  were  to  expect,  if  they  followed  the  ex- 
ample ofthe  nations  whom  he  commanded  them  to  cut  off.  '  Ye  shall  not 
commit  any  of  these  abominations,  that  the  land  spue  not  you  out  also,  as 
it  spued  out  the  nations  which  were  before  you.'  (Lev.  xviii.  28.)  How 
Btrong  and  descriptive  this  language  !  the  vices  of  the  inhabitants  were  so 
abominable,  that  the  very  land  was  sick  of  them,  and  forced  to  vomit  tliern 
forth,  as  the  stomach  disgorges  a  deadly  poison."' 

Secondly,  After  Ihe  time  of  God's  forbearance  was  expired,  they  had 
still  the  alternative  either  to  flee  elsewhere,  as,  in  fact,  many  of  thein  did, 
or  to  surrender  themselves,  renounce  their  idolatries,  and  serve  the  God 
of  Israel :  in  which  case  it  appears  that  there  was  mercy  for  them.  Com- 
pare  Deut.  xx.  1U— 17.  That  the  utter  destruction  here  mentioned  was  to 
take  place  only  in  cases  of  obstinacy  and  resistance,  may  be  inferred  both 
from  the  reason  of  the  denunciation,  and  also  from  the  several  facts  attend- 
ing its  execution. 

(1.)  The  reason  why  they  were  to  be  cut  off,  is  stated  (Deut.  xx.  18.)  to 
be  that  they  teach  you  not  to  do  after  all  their  abominations ;  which  reason 
would  not  hold  good  in  case  of  their  repentance,  and  turning  from  their 
idols  to  worship  the  God  of  Israel. 

(2.)  The  facts,  from  which  we  argue,  are  the  following.  After  the  con- 
quest of  the  country,  we  are  told  (Josh.  xi.  19,  20.)  that  There  was  not  a 
city  that  made  peace  with  the  children  of  Israel,  save  the  Hiviles  the  in- 
habitants of  Gibeon  ;  all  other  they  took  in  battle.  For  it  was  of  the  Lord 
to  harden  their  hearts,  that  they  should  meet  Israel  in  battle,  that  he  (i.  e. 
Israel)  might  destroy  them  utterly,  and  that  they  might  have  no  favour, 
but  that  he  (Israel  or  the  Israelites)  might  destroy  them?  Now  this  pas- 
sage certainly  implies  that  the  Canaamtes  might  have  had  peace,  if  they 
had  thought  proper  to  accept  the  proposed  terms.  They  rejected  the  first 
offers  of  peace,  and  were  punished  by  Jehovah  refusing  them  any  further 
oppori  unities.  The  case  of  the  Gibeonites  seems  to  confirm  this,*  in  as 
much  as  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  that  the  oath  and  covenant,  made  to  them 
under  the  circumstances  of  deception,  should  have  been  so  valid  and 
sacred,  if  the  order  for  their  extinction  admitted  of  no  limitation.  The  pre- 
servation of  Rahab  also  (Josh.  ii.  12—14.  vi.  22,  23.),  and  a  family  of  Bethel 
(Jndg.  i.  25.),  with  some  other  instances  (1  Kings  ix.  20,  21,  &c),  incline 
strongly  to  this  exposilion;  nor  does  it  want  the  sanction  ol  very  respect- 
able names  among  the  critics  and  commentators,  Jewish  and  Christian.* 

In  the  third  place,  The  destruclion  is  not  to  be  attributed  to  Israel 
wholly,  even  as  instruments.  The  Lord  himself,  partly  by  storms  and 
tempests,  partly  bv  noxious  insects,  and  partly  by  injecting  terror  into  the 
minds  of  the  inhabitants,  perhaps  expelled  and  destroved  hiore  than  the 
Israelites  themselves;  the  wonderful,  and  we  may  add  the  miraculous 
power  of  God,  co-operating  with  them.  (Compare  Exod.  xxiii.  27,  28. 
Josh.  x.  11,  ifcc.)  Doubtless  God  might  have  destroyed  these  nations  by 
earthquake,  fire,  storm,  or  plague,  and  no  man  surely  would  have  dis- 
puted his  justice  or  authority.  Then  why  should  men  dispute  his  equity 
in  destroying  them  by  the  sword  of  war?  Or,  if  we  admit  for  a  moment 
the  existence  of  invisible  spirits,  he  might  have  sent  an  angel  to  destroy 
them ;  and  would  it  be  unworthy  of  an  angel  to  be  the  minister  of  his  dis- 
pleasure 1  Why,  then,  are  Joshua  and  the  Israelites  to  be  abused  on  the 
same  ground? 

Lastly,  The  Almighty  has,  in  fact,  executed  judgments  on  mankind  far 
more  severe  than  this.  Though  the  inhabitants  of  Canaan  are  reckoned 
seven  or  eight  nations,  their  whole  country  was  much  less  than  England, 
and  what  is  this  to  the  drowning  of  the  world  ?  a  fact,  atiested  by  all  ancient 
histories,  divine  and  human,  and  confirmed  by  innumerable  monuments. 

These  considerations  will  sufficiently  justify  Joshua  and  the  other  He- 
brew worthies,  who  engaged  in  this  war  in  obedience  to  the  divine  com- 
mand :  and  unless  we  admit  them  in  a  great  degree,  we  know  not  how  any 
war  at  all  can  be  justified,  however  necessary.  Ii"  many  of  the  people 
engaged  in  it  from  baser  motives,  we  are  not  required  to  answer  for  their 
conduct.  There  will  always  be  bad  characters  in  an  army,  and  we  do  not 
reckon  the  Jews  to  be  a  nation  of  pure  saints.*  But  the  fact  is,  that  it 
nowhere  appears  (nor  can  it  be  proved)  that  the  Israelites  in  general 
contracted  ferocious  habits  by  this  exterminating  war.  Few  nations,  if 
any,  ever  engaged  less  frequently,  or  in  fewer  offensive  wars  than  Israel ; 
and  their  agricultural  habits,  together  with  other  circumstances,  operated 
against  such  wars  of  ambition  and  conquest.  If  any  individuals,  or  even 
the  nation  in  some  instances,  did  gratify  a  ferocious  spirit,  they  propor- 
tionally violated  their  own  laws,  "which  enjoined  love  to  neighbours, 
strangers,  and  enemies.  The  most  remote  shadow  of  proof  cannot  be 
adduced  that  Moses  carried  on  war,  under  the  pretext  of  religion.  He  made 
no  proselyies  by  the  sword;  and  neither  he  nor  any  other  person  men- 
tioned with  approbation  in  Scripture,  made  war  on  any  nation  beyond  the 
borders  ofthe  promised  land  because  they  were  idolaters. 

7.   The  narrative  of  the  death  of  the  rebels,  Korah,  Dathan, 
and  Abiram,   and  their   associates,   contained  in  Num.   xvi. 


ON  THE  INTERPRETATION,  &c.  OF  PASSAGES 


[Paut  II.  Book  II. 


«  Bp.  Watson's  Apology  for  the  Bible,  in  reply  to  the  A?e  of  Reason, 
Letter  I.  p.  9.  (London  edit.  1S20,  12mo.)  The  late  Dr.  Paley  has  some 
admirahle  observations  on  the  same  topic,  in  his  Sermons  on  several  sub- 
jects. Serm.  xxix.  pp.  429-443.  And  Dr.  Graves  has  treated  it  at  great 
ength,  and  with  his  wonted  accuracy.  Lect.  on  Pentateuch,  vol.  ii. 
pp.  4—64. 

»  The  twentieth  verse  may,  more  literally,  be  rendered  -.—For  it  was  of 
Jehovah  (or  the  will  of  Jehovah)  that  tliey  should  be  so  courageous  as  to  meH 
Israel  in  battle :  that  they  might  utterly  destroy  them  ;  that  thei/  might  show 
to  them  no  favour,  but  destroy  them  as  Jehovah  commanded  Moses. 

»  It  maybe  objected,  if  the  Israelites  were  lo  proclaim  peace,  whence 
the  need  of  such  policy  in  the  Gibeonites?  The  answer  is  easv  :  though 
they  were  to  spare  their  lives,  they  were  not  to  enter  into  any  ireaty  of 
alliance  with  them.  Here  was  their  object,— to  preserve  their  liberties 
and  their  city,  which  was  not  permitted  ;  hence  they  were  made  slaves, 
i.  e.  domestics,  to  attend  the  menial  offices  ofthe  tabernacle. 

*  Maimonides,  Samson  Micosi,  Moses  de  Ko'zri,  and  Ben  Nnchman, 
among  the  Jews;  among  the  Christians,  Junius,  Cunaeus,  Grotius,  Placette, 
Belden  and  Le  Clerc.  See  Findlay's  Vindication  of  the  Sacred  Books 
against  Voltaire,  pp.  131—136.,  and  Twopenny's  Dissertations,  pp.  103—113. 

•  Ago  of  Infidelity,  pp.  26—31. 


23 — 35.  has  met  -with  peculiar  treatrne.it  from  the  critics  of  the 
new  school  in  Germany. 

One  class  have  suggested  that  Moses  probably  caused  the  tents  of  tnr 
rebels  to  be  undermined ;  and  as  he  knew  at  whal  day  the 

mine  would  be  sprung,  so  he  could  predict  when  the  n  bels  would  be 
swallowed  up  in  the  earth  !    Eichhorn  is  somewhal  un  a  his  ex- 

planation. He  attempts  to  show,  that  Moses  ordered  the  rebels  to  b<" 
buried  alive,  with  all  that  appertained  to  them.  As  to  the  two  hundred  and 
fifty  men  consumed  by  fire,  he  thinks  that  they  were  first  slain,  and  then 
their  bodies  consumed  by  fire  ;  and  this  by  the  orders  ol  Mogi 

To  argue  against  conjectures  of  such  a  nature  would,  indei  d,  he  laboui 
in  vain.    It  is  not  possible  for  any  one,  who  n  ads  [he  narration  of  Moses, 

really  to  suppose  that  the  writer  did  nol   regai  evenl    -      lion  a* 

miraculous.  Now  the  object  of  an  interprett  i  : -.  lo  explain  the  meaning 
ofthe  author  whom  he  interprets.  The  quesu.ai  whether  such  an  event 
as  is  related  in  Num.  xvi.  23 — 35.  is  possible  in  c  i  edible  1 — may  be  raised 
by  critics  or  sceptics,  and  may  be  answered  liy  litem  in  t lit-  negative  ;  but 
those  who  believe  that  the  Creator  of  the  world  lias  i  under 

his  control,  and  that  the  authors  of  the  sacred  volume  are  worthy  of  full 
credit,  will  not  be  anxious  to  explain  away  the  obvious  meaning  of  the 
Scriptures,  nor  to  free  themselves  from  the  obligation  to  believe  in  occui 
rences  of  a  supernatural  kind.  To  wonder  or  to  scoff  at  ihis  (so  named] 
ciedulity,  is  not  difficult;  but  to  argue  it  down,  will)  grounds  of  reasoning 
that  will  abide  the  test  of  careful,  extensive,  and  sober  investigation,  ii 
quite  a  different  task.0 

8.  The  severity  of  JWoses  in  ordering  the  extermination  of 
the  Jifidiatiites  (Num.  xxxi.)  can  only  be  justified  by  the 
command.  This  the  history  asserts:  but  that  assertion  (it  ha» 
been  insisted)  is  contradicted  by  the  nature  of  the  case,  be- 
cause it  is  abhorrent  from  the  Deity  to  require  the  destruction 
of  Us  creatures,  and  more  especially  to  require  them  to  destroy 
one  another* 

This  is  the  objection  in  all  its  strength ;  only  in  this  instance  there  is 
supposed  to  be  equal  cruelty  in  sparing  as  in  destroying,  because,  while 
all  the  males  were  destroyed  (children  as  well  as  adults),  the  female  chil- 
dren and  virgins  were  all  to  be  spared,  as  it  has  been  said,  for  prostitution. 
For  the  latter  assertion,  however,  there  is  no  foundation  either  in  fact  or 
in  probability.  It  only  proves  that  the  objectors  find  it  necessary  to  exag- 
gerate, in  order  to  produce  the  desired  effect  upon  their  readers  ;  for  the 
books  qf  Moses  nowhere  allow  the  Israelites  to  debauch  their  female 
slaves.  His  law  prohibited  an  Israelite  even  from  marrying  a  captive,  with- 
out delays  and  previous  formalities  ;  and  if  he  afterwards  divorced  her,  he 
was  bound  to  set  her  at  liberty  "  because  he  had  humbled  her."  (Deui. 
xxi.  10 — 14.)  They  were,  then,  simply  allowed  to  retain  these  captives  as 
slaves,  educating  them  in  their  families,  and  employing  them  as  domestics. 
The  destruction  ofthe  other  Midianitish  women,  who  were  eilbei  married 
or  debauched,  is  accounted  for,  by  recollecting  that  they  had  entir 
Israelites  to  sin.  It  is  a  fact  too  well  known  to  require  additional  proof  in 
this  place,  that  in  the  early  heathen  nations,  numbers  of  lewd  women  were 
consecrated  to  fornication  and  idolatry,  vestiges  of  which  are  still  to  be 
found  among  the  dancing  girls  of  Egypt  and  of  India.  Such,  probably,  were 
many  of  these  women,  and  such,  therefore,  was  their  punishment.  As  to 
the  males,  they  were  appointed  to  destruction,  that  the  nation  might  be 
extirpated,  which  was  impossible  while  any  of  the  male  issue  were  pre- 
served. 

9.  It  is  asserted  that  some  of  the  Levitical  laws  have  a 
manifest  tendency  to  corrupt  and  defile  the  imagination ;  and 
the  regulations  in  Deut.  xxii.  13 — 21.  have  been  particularly 
urged  as  an  instance  of  this  sort. 

With  regard  to  these  regulations,  and  others  of  a  similar  kind,  we  may 
remark  that  what  they  require  might  be  needful  in  the  then  situation  of 
the  Israelites,  and  yet  it  is  not  necessary  that  we  should  now  curiously  Ol 
impertinently  scrutinize  them.  The  people  of  Israel  were  naturally  dis- 
posed to  be  jealous  of  their  wives,  and  to  defame  tliern  without  any  just 
cause,  that  they  might  have  an  excuse  for  putting  them  away,  which  wov.  .d 
tend  to  produce  many  public  mischiefs  and  disorders.  In  this  case,  there- 
fore, it  was  a  wise  and  merciful  institution,  to  provide  a  remedy  by  such 
sortof  injunctions  by  which  the  innocent  might  be  vindicated.  Such  signs 
of  trial  might  never  fail  in  that  climate,  though  ihey  might  in  some  others. 
So  far  indeed  was  it  from  being  unworthy  of  God  to  leave  such  things  upon 
record,  that  it  may  heighten  our  admiration  both  of  his  great  wisdom  and 
benignity  in  his  management  of  that  people,  who  were  so  extremely  per- 
verse, and  so  addicted  to  the  extremes  of  lust  and  jealousy.  If,  therefore, 
the  perusal  ofthe  passage  in  question  excite  improper  thoughts  in  any  one, 
the  fault  is  in  them,  and  not  in  the  Scripture.  Scarcely  any  thing  can  be 
mentioned,  of  which  a  bad  use  may  not  be  made  :  things  the  most  sacred 
and  divine  may  in  this  respect  be  strangely  abused.  Nor  is  it  a  better  ar- 
gument that  the  Scriptures  were  not  written  by  inspiration  of  God,  that 
there  are  some  parts  and  passages  of  it,  which  may  be  abused  by  persona 
who  are  lasciviously  disposed,  than  it  is  that  the  sun  was  not  created  by 
the  Almighty,  because  its  light  may  be  used  by  wicked  men  as  an  auxiliary 
in  perpetrating  the  crimes  which  they  have  meditated. 

10.  The  Jrlosaic  law  (Deut.  xiii.)  which  punished  idolatry 
with  death,  has  been  represented  as  cruel  and  unjust,  and 
giving  countenance  to  persecution  for  religious  opinions. 

But  it  is  manifest  to  any  one,  who  will  peruse  the  chapter  in  question 
with  attention,  that  this  law  commanded  only  such  Israelites  to  be  put  to 
death,  as  apostatized  to  idolatry  and  still  continued  members  of  their  owr. 
community.  And  as  their  government  was  a  theocracy  (in  other  word.'. 
God  was  the  temporal  king  of  Israel,  and  their  kings  were  only  his  vV 
roys),  idolatry  was,  strictly,  the  political  crime  of  high-treason,  whioi  in 
every  state  is  justly  punishable  with  death.  It  is  further  lo  be  observed, 
that  the  Israelites  were  never  commissioned  lo  make  war  upon  then 
neighbours,  or  exercise  any  violence  towards  .my  of  them,  in  order  to 
compel  them  to  worship  the  God  of  Israel,  nor  to  force  them  to  it  even 
after  they  were  conquered  (Deut.  xx.  10);  nor  were  they  empowered 
thus  forcibly  to  attempt  to  recover  any  native  Israelite.,  who  should  revolt 
to  idolatry,  and  go  to  settle  in  a  heathen  country. 


»  Stuart's  Hebrew  Chrestomathy,  pp.  182,  183. 


Ciiap.  VII    Sect.  V.] 


OF  SCRIPTURE,  ALLEGED  TO  BE  CONTRADICTORY 


41J 


11.  The  lain  in  Deut.  xxi.  18 — 21.  has  been  stigmatized  as 
being  both  inhuman  and  brutal,  but  with  as  little  justice  as 
any  other  part  of  the  Mosaic  institutes. 

The  parage  In  question  Isaafollowi  "  V  "  >:>"n  hati  a  stubborn  and 
rtbellicui  son  which  will  not  obey  the  voice  <;/  hi*  /other,  nor  tin  voice  of 
his  mother,  and  thai  when  they  have  chastened  him,  will  not  hearken  unto 
them;  then  ska  and  hie  mother  lay  hold  on  him,  and  bring  him 

out  untu  the  elders  of  hie  city  and  unto  the  goto  iff  hi*  place;  and  they 
shall  say  unto  the  elders  of  his  city,  'J 'his  our  son  \»  stubborn  and  rebellious  ; 

he  will  not  obey  our  voice  ;  he  is  a  glutton  unit  a  di  unkard.  And  alt  the 
men  of  the  lit ij  shall  stone  him  with  stums,  that  he  die.  On  thil  I 
ere  are  to  lake  notice,  in  the  first  place,  of  the  character  ol  the  culprit,  it 
is  u  sun,  —  not  a  daughter ;— a  stubborn  and  rebolliou*  eon,  I  glutton  and 
a  drunkard;  In  a  word,  a  moat  profligate  and  abandoni 
Secondly,  his  parent*  must  reprove  and  correct  nun,  repeatedly,  ami  until 
there  la  no  hope  of  amendment-  Thirdly,  1 1 »* -  parents  were  the  inly  at- 
lowed  prottcutore;  and  h  mi  required  thai  they  should  both  concur  in 
bringing  him  to  the  magistrate,  the  power  "i  Ufa  and  death  not  being  in- 
trusted to  the  parents,  aa  ii  afti  rwaitn  was  among  the  Oreeka  and  Romans. 
ites  were  to  Investigate  the  case,  which  must  be  fully 
to  influce  them  to  condemn  the  criminal,  and  order  him  to 
be  put  i"  death  Natural  affection  would  almost  always  prevent  the  prose- 
.  ni ii-n :  the  required  prool  would  secure  all,  but  the  most  atrociously 
criminal,  from  the  hasty  rage,  or  the  deliberate  malice  of  those  few  pa- 

who  were  capable  ol  such  desperate  wii  t  tombining  to 

murder  their  own  children.   We  d i  read  ol  any  Inatance,  in  the  whole 

Jewish  history,  ol  this  law  having  been  carried  into  execution.    If,  how- 

uch  an  extraordinary  event  at  any  tune  occurred,  it  could  not  fail 
to  excite  general  notice,  and  to  produce  a  deep  and  lasting  impression  on 

the  minds  .it  both  parents  and  children.  So  thai  the  Solemn  execution  of 
one  incorrigible  criminal  would  be  a  most  salutary  warning  to  tens  of 
thousands.  The  very  existence  of  such  a  law  would  confirm  greatly  the 
authority  ol  parents,  and  give  energy  to  their  admonitions ;  as  well  as  for- 
tii'v  the  minds  of  young  persons  agalnsl  various  temptations,  and  so  pre- 
vent crimes.  And  it  would  constantly  excite  all  parents,  who  attended  to 
the  law  of  Moses,  to  restrain,  correct,  and  watch  over  their  children,  when 
young  :  to  give  them  good  instruction,  set  them  a  good  example,  and  pray 
for  them  without  ceasing;  ami  to  keep  them  an  much  as  possible  out  of 

had  company,  and  from  contracting  bad  habits. 
This  law,  therefore,  BO  harmless  and  be  mi  Tidal  in  its  operations,   yet  so 
in  to  human  policy,  proves,  instead  of  invalidating,  the  divine  origi- 
nal of  that  code,  in  which  alone  it  is  found  ■ 

12.  From  the  conduct  of  Ehud  (Judges  iii.  15 — 26.),  of  Jael 
(iv.  17 — 20.),  and  from  David's  advice  to  Solomon  concerning 
Joab  and  Shimei  (1  Kings  ii.  5,  6.  8.),  it  has  been  asserted 
that  the  Scriptures  inculcate  assassination. 

Nothing  can  be  more  false  than  this  assertion.  For,  in  the  first  place, 
the  cases  of  Ehud  and  Jael  arc  simply  recorded  as  matters  of  fact,  without 
any  comment  or  observation  whatever;  and,  therefore,  they  neither  can 
nor  ought  to  be  represented  as  encouraging  assassination*  With  regard  to 
the  conduct  of  Jael  in  particular,  we  must  judge  of  it  by  the  feelings  of 
those,  among  whom  the  right  of  avenging  the  blood  of  a  relative  was  so 
strongly  rooted,  that  even  Moses  could  not  take  it  away.  Jael  was  an  ally, 
by  blood,  of  the  Israelilish  nation  ;  their  chief  oppressor,  who  had  mightily 
oppressed  them  for  the  space  of  twenty  years,  now  lay  defenceless  before 
her  ;  and  he  was  moreover  one  of  those  whom  Israel  was  bound  by  divine 
eommand  to  extirpate.  Perhaps,  too,  she  felt  herself  called  to  be  the  in- 
strument of  God  m  working  out  for  that  nation  a  great  deliverance,  by  thus 
exterminating  their  heathen  oppressor.  At  least,  Israel  viewed  it  in  this 
light  :  and  m  Ibis  view  we  cannot  reproach  the  heroine  with  that  asa  crime. 
wmcli  both  she  and  Israel  felt  to  be  a  deed  performed  in  accordance  with 
r?je  mandate  of  heaven.1 
The  adi  Ice  Ol  David  to  Solomon  when  on  his  death-bed,  demands  a  more 

Hstincl  consideration.  And,  in  the  first  place,  with  regard  to  Joab,  we 
remark  that  no  attentive  reader  of  the  history  of  David,  alter  his  accession 
to  the  throne  of  Israel,  can  help  observing  how  often  it  is  noticed  that  the 
sons  of  Ze,  ui. ill  were  too  strong  for  David  ;  in  other  words,  that  they  had 
too  much  power  with  the  army  for  him  to  venture  to  punish  their  atrocious 
deeds :  reasons  of  state  deferred  the  punishment,  and  when  those  reasons 
were  removed,  it  was  proper  to  punish  a  deliberate  murderer  according  to 
an  express  law.  David  also  knew  that  a  man  like  Joab,  who  could  brook 
no  superior,  might  end  mger  the  peace  of  the  kingdom.  He  was  now  en 
gaged  to  support  Vdonijah,  and  so  far  in  actual  rebellion.  But  it  is  to  be 
observed  that  the  Hebrew  monarch  does  not  advise  Solomon  to  put  Joab 
absolute/:/  and  unconditionally  to  death  :  he  charges  him  to  do  according 

to  his  wisdom,  and  the  - n  his  advice  is  in  effect  this : — "Though  you 

have  now  pardoned  Joab  through  policy,  as  I  was  myself  compelled  to  do 

>y  the  exigency  of  the  tunes,  and  the  predominant  Influence  of  the  sons 
ofZeruiah  ;  yet,  should  he  offend  again,  act  according  to  discretion,  and 

then  punish  him.  as  a  hoary  headed  and  confirmed  traitor,  with  death." 
Secondly,  with  respect  to  Shimei,  David  had  fulfilled  his  promise.  He 
had  only  engaged  thai  he  would  no)  put  him  to  death  on  the  day  when  Abishai 
had  requested  permission  to  do  it  (compare  98am  xix  93.  with  1  Kings  ii. 

B  1  :  and  he  lefl  it  to  Solomon  to  treat  him  as  he  thought  JUSt,  in  reference 
to  his  future  conduct  David  knew  that  be  was  Shimei  still,  and  would  so 
net  as  to  brim:  on  himself  due  punishment     Solomon  accordingly  sent  for 

Shimei,  and  commanded  him  to  reside  In  Jerusalem,  and  not  to  depart 

thence,  under  pain  of  death  on  the  day  When  he  Should  pass  over  the  brook 
Kishon.  a  condition  to  which  Shimei  thankfully  acceded.  (1  Kings  ii.  37, 
33)  Three  years  afterwards,  the  latter  transgressed  this  convention  and 
went  to  (;, iih  (verse  10.).  B  suspicious  quarter,  in  consequence  of  which 
Solomon,  after  charging  him  with  the  violation  of  his  oath,  commanded  him 
to  be  put  to  death.  (41 — 46.)* 

13.  Again,    if  has    been   asserted  by  some,  that  the  laiv  of 
Moses  (Lev.  xxvii.  28.),   concerning  devoted  things  to  be  put 


*  Age  of  Infidelity,  p  24.     Scott's  Replv  to  Paine's  Age  of  Reason,  p.  18. 
London,  1«:0.  l2mo. 

*  The  cases  of  Ehud  and  of  Jael  are  fully  considered  in  Twopenny's  Dis- 
sertations, pp.  133— no. 

*  Prof.  Robinson's  Interpretation  of  Judges,  chap,  v.,  in  the  Biblical  Re- 
pository, vol.  ii.  p.  607.  (Andover,  1831.) 

*  See  Dr.  Chandler's  Life  of  David,  vol.  ii.  pp.  444 — 481.,  where  that 
monarch's  conduct  to  Jcab  and  Shimei  is  fully  vindicated. 


to  death,  authorized  human  saenjices:  and  Jephthah's  sacn 
fcing  his  daughter  (Judg.  xi.  34,  &c),  Samuel's  hewing  Agog 
in  pieces  before  the  Lord  (1  Sam.  xv.  33.),  and  David's  deli 
Vering  seven  of  Saul's  posterity  to  the  Gibeonites  to  be  put  tc 
death  by  them  (2  -Sam.  xxi.  2,  &c),  have  been  representee/ as  in 
Itancei  of  human  sacrifices  according  to  that  law. 

But  as  there  are  express  prohibitions  of  saci dicing  their  children  in 
Deut.XJI  fi,  :il.  I'-al.  cvi.37,  38.  Jer.  vU.81.  andEzek.  xvi.  yi,  2Vj  s"tli(  re 
not  only  Is  no  direction  to  sacrifice  any  other  human  creature;  nor  ara 

I  riles  appointed  l"i  IUl  b  Sacrifice,  but  also  it  would  have  render 

rleal  unclean,  by  touching  a  dead  body  ;  and  the  sacrifice  of  a  man 

'  to  be  abominable  m  I  hn  do  devoted  thing 

could  be  sacrificed  at  all,  the  law  in  queatio  ibly  relate  to 

Ben,  and  is  capable  of  a  very  different  meaning.  Fur,  although  Joeephua, 
and  many  commentators  alter  him,  are  of  opinion  that  Jephthah  did  n  ally 
immolate  In  | daughter,  the  probability  is  that  she  was  not  sacrificed.  And 
this  will  appear  from  the  rendering  of  the  ronversive  particle  l(rau),  whicfc 
the  preceding  considerations  require  to  be  taken  disjunctively,  and  trans- 
lated on   Instead   Of  and,   both  in  Lev.  xxvii.  28.'  and  also  in  Judges  xi.  30, 

Jl.a    what  further  confirms  this  rendering,  and  consequently  reconciles 

that  Jephthah'8  rashness  bad  lime  to  cool,  as  his 
daughter  went  two  months  to  bewail  her  virginity,  thai  is  ber  coneet  ration 
to  God,  which  obliged  her  to  remain  single  without  posterity.  Il  is  further 
said  thai  she  went  to  bewail  her  virginity,  not  her  sacrifice.  Besides  the 
Israelitish  women  went  four  times  in  every  year  to  mourn  or  talk  with 
(not/c/r)  the  daughter  of  Jephthah,  to  lament  lor  seclusion  from  the  world, 
and  the  hardship  of  her  situation  as  cutoff  from  every  domestic  enjoyment. 
Now,  if  in  the  course  of  two  months  no  person  could  have  luggi  ted  to 
Jephthah  a  ransom  for  his  daughter,  yet  surely  she  must  have  been  alive, 
though  dead  to  him  and  his  family  (as  his  only  child),  and  to  the  world  by 
her  seclusion,  if  the  Israelitish  women  went  to  condole  with  her.  It  is 
further  worthy  of  remark,  that  it  is  not  afterwards  said,  that  be  actually 
sacrificed  her,  but  that  "he  did  with  her  according  to  his  rote."  The 
sacred  historian  subjoins,  she  knew  no  man  :  if  she  trere  sacrificed  this  re- 
mark is  frivolous;  but  if  she  were  devoted  to  perpetual  virginity,  this  idea 
coincides  with  the  visits  of  the  Israelitish  women.  On  the  whole,  we  may 
safely  conclude,  that  Jephthah's  daughter  was  not  sacrificed,  but  conse 
crated  to  a  state  of  celibacy.' 

With  respect  to  the  two  other  cases  above  mentioned,  viz.  the  hewing  of 
Agag  in  pieces  before  the  Lord,  and  the  delivery  of  Beven  of  Saul's  poste- 
rity to  the  Gibeonites,  they  have  no  reference  whatever  to  sacrifices.  Agag, 
in  particular,  was  put  to  death  as  a  criminal,  and  not  as  a  sacrifice.'  The 
"  sever)  descendants  of  Saul,  who  were  partly  the  children  of  a  concubine 
and  partly  of  a  daughter  of  Saul,  were  not  pretenders  to  the  crown: 
and  David  cannot  be  suspected  of  having  embraced  such  an  opportunity  to 
put  them  out  of  the  way.  Neither  is  to  be  supposed  that  David  delivered 
up  the  innocent  to  death  contrary  to  the  law.  (Deut.  xxiv.  16.)  They  were 
therefore  delivered  up  to  the  avengers  of  blood,  and  punished  with  death, 
not  on  account  of  the  crimes  of  Saul,  but  for  the  murders  which  they 
themselves,  with  the  connivance  of  Saul,  had  committed  on  the  Oibe- 
onites,  and  for  which  they  had  hitherto  remained  unpunished  They 
themselves  constituted  the  bloody  house,  which  was  generally  notorious 
as  such.  Saul  is  mentioned  with  them,  merely  because  hegtook  under  his 
protection  the  murderers,  who  were  so  nearly  related  to  him,  and  deliver- 
ed them  from  the  hand  of  the  avengers  of  blood."' 

14.  In  1  Sam.  xiii.  14.  David  is  called  the  man  after  God's 
o-wn  heart.  And  this  phrase,  as  applied  lo  him,  has  been  a  fer- 
tile source  of  sarcasm  and  reproach  to  many  infidel  writers,  as  if 
the  Scriptures  sanctioned  adultery  and  murder. 

But  do  they  authorize  those  crimes!  By  no  means.  They  are  there 
reprehended,  and  the  severest  denunciations  are  pronounced  against  those 
who  perpetrate  them.  In  what  sense  then  was  he  a  man  after  Cod's  oien 
hearll  Answer.— In  his  strict  attention  to  the  law  and  worship  of  God;  in  his 
recognising,  throughout  his  whole  conduct,  that  Jehovah  was  king  in  Israel, 
and  that  he  himself  was  only  his  vicegerent ;  in  never  attempting  to  alter 
any  of  those  laws,  or  in  the  least  degree  to  change  the  Israelitish  constitu- 
tion. In  all  Ins  public  official  conduct  he  acted  according  to  the  Divine 
Mind,  and  fulfilled  the  will  of  his  Maker.  But  the  phrase  itself,  will,  per- 
haps, be  the  best  explained  hy  the  case  of  Samuel.  Eli  was  rejected,  and 
Samuel  chosen  in  his  place,  just  as  David  superseded  Saul.  On  this  occa- 
sion God  said.  /  in'//  raise  me  tip  a  faithful  priest,  that  shall  do  according 
to  [hat  which  is  in  mine  heart  (I8am.tt.3G  )  And  Is  not  he,  who  acts  agree- 
ably to  the  Divine  Will,  a  man  after  God's  heart  1  Further,  il  is  worthy  of 
remark,  thai  ibis  expression  is  never  used  in  reference  to  his  private  or 
personal  moral  ronduct.  It  is  used  wholly  in  reference  to  his  uniform 
regard  to  the  promotion  of  the  interests  of  pure  religion,  notwithstanding 
all  temptations  to  idolatry  and  persecution."  The  numbering  of  the  people 
(•_'  Sam  xxiv  ),  in  order,  as  it  would  seem,  to  push  conquests  into  foreign 
countries,  and  the  flagitious  adultery  with  Bathsheba,  together  with  the 
consequent  murder  of  Uriah  (2  Sam.  xi.)  are  the  only  instances  in  which 

»  That  this  passage  should  be  so  rendered,  has  been  proved  by  Dr. 
Hales.  It  will  then  run  thus  : — Notwithstanding,  no  devoted  thing,  which 
a  man  shall  devote  unto  the  Lord,  of  all  that  he  hath,  [either]  of  man  or 
of  beast,  or  of  land  of  his  own  property,  shall  be  sold  or  redeemed.  Every 
thing  devoted  is  most  holy  unto  the  Lord.  New  Analysis  of  Chronology, 
vol  ii.  p  3S0  See  the  subject  also  treated,  in  an  admirable  manner,  in  Dr. 
Randolph's  Sermon  entitled  Jephthah's  Vow .  considered  in  the  second 
volume  of  his  "Viewofoui  blessed  Saviour's  Ministry,"  A'-   pp  166 — 135. 

«  Which  verses  are  to  he  translated  thus: — "  And  Jephthah  r;irida 
r  ic  unto  the  Lord,  and  said.  If  thou  wilt  smely  give  the  children  of  Am- 
man into  my  hand,  then  it  shall  At  that  whatsoever  cometh  out  •!  the  i'ocjts 
of  my  house  to  meet  me,  when  1  re'i/rn  in  peace  from  the  children  of  Am- 
nion shall  either  be  the  Lord's,  ci  /  Will  offer  it  tip  [lor]  a  burnt-offering." 
New  Analysis  of  Chronology,  vol   ii, 

'  Hales,' vol.  ii.  pp.  3D— 323  Cahnel's  Dictionary,  vol.  li.  pp.  l"ft.  L.c 
4to.  edit  Additions  to  Gaunet.  Watcrland's  Scripture  vindicated,  on  Judg. 
ix.  13.     (Works,  vol.  vi.  pp   133— 135.) 

•  Hales,  vol.  ii.  pp.  321.     Du  Voisin,  Autorite  des  Livres  de  Moyse.  p.  405. 

»  Jahn's  History  of  the  Hebrew  Commonwealth,  vol.  I.  pp.  HI,  112. 

"  See  the  Rev.  Wm.  Cleaver's  Sermon  on  the  Character  of  David,  King 
of  Israel,  in  four  Sermon"  annexed  to  Bp.  Cleaver's  Seven  Sermons  on 
Select  Subjects,  pp.  377—399.  and  especiiJy  Dr.  Chwdler's  Life  of  David. 
voL  i.  op.  321—330. 


412 


ON  THE   INTERPRETATION,  &c.  OF  PASSAGES 


[Paut  II.  Book  II 


David  seems  to  have  forg-(ten  himself  and  his  God.  With  regard  to  the 
two  last  shocking  crimes,  more  particularly,  so  far  was  David  from  excus- 
ing them,  that  he  confesses  and  laments  them  with  the  greatest  horror. 
"But  how  earnest  was  his  repentance  !  And  with  what  submission  to  the 
will  of  God  did  he  hear  those  calamities  which  were  sent  for  his  punish- 
ment, and  which,  as  they  were  caused  by  his  own  children,  must  have 
been  so  much  the  more  distressing  to  his  paternal  feelings !  (2  Sam.  xi. 
Psal  li.  2  Sam.  xii.  1—23.  xiii.  1—20.  xv.— xviii.)  Do  we  not  here  again  see 
the  soul  entirely  and  steadily  devoted  to  God  1  David,  indeed,  was  no  ideal 
model  o^liuman  perfection  ;  he  was  not  without  the  blemishes  incident  to 
human  mture  :  but,  on  the  whole,  he  was  an  example  worthy  of  the  imita- 
tion of  his  successors;  and,  according  as  they  appear  on  comparison  with 
him,  Ihe  sacred  writers  estimate  their  characters." 

15.  The  conduct  of  David  towards  the  Ammonites,  in  put- 
ting them  under  saws  and  harrows  of  iron,  &fc.  on  the  capture 
of  Rabbah,  has  been  represented  as  an  instance  of  diabolical 
mnd  unparalleled  cruelty.  (2  Sam.  xii.  31.) 

The  cavils  of  the  objectors,  in  this  as  in  every  other  instance,  are  utterly 
mfounded :  for  if,  instead  of  deducing  their  objections  from  translations, 
they  had  consulted  the  original  passage,  they  would  have  seen  that  there 
was  no  ground  whatever  for  their  charges.  The  Hebrew  prefix  3  (beth), 
which  is  used  throughout  the  verse  in  question,  it  is  well  known,  signifies 
Jo  as  well  as  under  ;  and  to  put  the  people  to  saws,  harrows,  axes,  and  the 
brick-kilns,  means  no  more  than  to  employ  them  as  slaves  in  the  most 
menial  and  laborious  offices,  such  as  sawing,  making  iron  harrows,  hewing 
wood  and  making  bricks.  This  form  of  expression  is  an  Anglicism  as  well 
as  a  Hebraism  ;  and  we  still  say,  to  put  a  person  to  the  plough,  to  the  anvil, 
&c.  The  passage  objected  to  may  he  thus  rendered.  He  (David)  brought 
forth  the  people  that  were  therein,  and  put  them  to  saws,  and  to  harrows  of 
iron  (or  to  iron-mines,  for  the  original  word  means  both),  and  to  axes  of 
iron,  and  made  them  pass  ihrough  the  brick-kiln.  The  erroneous  inter- 
pretation of  this  verse  appears  to  have  been  taken  from  1  Chron.  xx.  3. 
where  David  is  said  to  have  cut  them  with  saws  and  with  harrows  of  iron, 
and  tcilh  axes :  on  which  place  it  is  to  be  observed  that, Instead  of  "WM 
(vayaseR)  he  sawed  or  cut  with  saws,  seven  of  the  manuscripts  collated 
by  Dr.  Kennicott  have  Clf,l  (vayaseM)  he  put  them.  1  Chron.  xx.  3.,  there- 
fore, must  be  rendered  in  the  same  manner  as  2  Sam.  xii.  31. 

16.  It  has  been  asserted  from   1  Kings  xxii.  that  Jehovah 

kept  false  prophets,  as  -well  as  true  ones. 

The  most  common  attention  to  the  context  will  show  that  this  asser- 
tion is  as  false  as  it  is  malignant.  For,  in  the  first  place,  the  four  hundred 
prophets  mentioned  in  that  chapter  (verse  6.)  were  pretended  prophets 
whom  the  wicked  king  of  Israel  had  in  his  pay,  and  who  knew  how  to  suit 
his  humour  and  to  Hatter  his  vanity,  all  agreeing  in  the  same  fawning  com- 
pliances and  in  the  same  treacherous  counsels  which  pleased  for  the 
present,  but  ultimately  proved  fatal.  They  are  emphatically  termed  by 
Micaiah  (verse  23.)  Arab's  prophets,  notwithstanding  they  professed  to  be 
the  Lord's  prophets,  prophesying  in  his  name.  And,  secondly,  the  address 
of  Micaiah  to  the  two  confederated  kings  in  verses  19 — 23.  is  not  a  real  re- 
presentation of  any  thing  done  in  the  heavenly  world,  as  if  the  Almighty 
were  at  a  los#for  expedients,  or  had  any  hand  in  the  sins  of  his  creatures ; 
but  it  is  a  mere  parable,  and  only  tells  in  figurative  language  what  was  in 
the  womb  of  providence,  the  events  which  were  shortly  to  take  place,  and 
the  permission^  on  the  part  of  God,  for  these  agents  to  act.  Micaiah  did  not 
choose  to  tell  the  angry  and  impious  Ahab,  that  all  his  prophets  were  liars ; 
but  he  represents  the  whole  by  this  parable,  and  says  the  same  truths  in 
language  equally  forcible  but  less  offensive. 

17.  The  Scriptures  represent  the  Almighty  as  a  God  of  truth 
and  faithfulness :  but  he  is  charged  by  the  opposers  of  divine 
revelation  with  being  guilty  of  falsehood,  by  inspiring  prophets 
with  false  messages,  and  by  violating  his  promises.  The  gross- 
ness  of  such  assertions  is  sufficiently  disgusting,  but  it  is  the 
duty  of  a  Christian  advocate  fully  to  meet  them,  and  to  expose 
all  their  falsehood. 

In  the  first,  place,  With  regard  to  the  charge  of  inspiring  prophets  with 
false  messages  (which  is  founded  on  1  Kings  xxii.  22,  23.  Jer.  iv.  10.  and 
K/.ek.  xiv.  9.),  we  remark,  that  it  is  a  known  idiom  of  the  Hebrew  language, 
to  express  things  in  an  imperative  and  active  form,  which  are  to  be  under 
stood  only  permissively.  So  where  the  devils  besought  Christ  that  he 
would  suffer  them  to  enter  into  the  herd  of  swine,  he  said  unto  them,  Go 
(Malt.  viii.  31.) ;  he  did  not  command,  but  permitted  them.  And  so  in  John 
xiii.  27.,  where  our  Saviour  says  to  Judas,  What  thou  dost,  do  quickly,  we 
are  not  to  understand  that  he  commanded  him  to  betray  him,  though  that 
seemed  to  be  expressed  in  the  form.  So,  likewise,  here,  where  an  evil 
spirit  offered  himself  to  be  a  lying  spirit  in  the  mouth  of  the  prophet,  and 
God  says,  Gt>  forth  and  do  so  :  this  only  signifies  a  permission,  not  a  com- 
mand. And  so  (Jer.  iv.  10.)  where  the  prophet  complains  that  God  had 
greatly  deceived  the  people,  saying,  they  should  have  peace  when  the 
sword  reache/h  to  the  soul ;  we  are  to  understand  this  no  otherwise,  but 
that  God  permitted  the  false  prophets  to  deceive  them,  prophesying  peace 
to  them,  as  appears  by  the  history.  (Ezek.  xiv.  19.)  /  the  Lord  have  deceived 
that  prophet,  that  is,  permitted  "him  to  be  deceived,  and  to  deceive  the 
people,  as  a  just  judgment  upon  them  for  their  infidelity  with  respect  to 
his  true  propticts.  This  he  threatens  at  the  5th  verse,  I  will  take  the  house 
of  Israel  in  their  own  heart,  because  they  are  all  estranged  from  me  through 
their  idols ;  because  they  have  chosen  to  themselves  false  gods,  I  will  suffer 
lliein  to  be  deceived  with  false  prophets;  and  that  this  is  the  meaning, 
appears  by  the  threatening  added,  and  1  will  stretch  out  my  hand  upon 
him,  and  I  will  destroy  him  from  the  midst  of  my  people  :  now  God  will 
not  punish  that  of  which  he  is  the  author. 

That  text  (Jer.  xx.  7.)  Thou  hast  deceived  me,  and  I  was  deceived,  signi- 
fies no  more,  but  that  he  had  mistaken  the  promise  of  God  to  him  who 
when  he  gave  him  his  commission,  told  him  he  would  be  with  him,  by  which 
he  understood  that  no  evil  should  come  to  him,  and  now  he  was  become  a 
derision  and  the  people  mocked  him  ;  and  in  his  passion  and  weakness,  he 
breaks  forth  into  this  expression,  Thou  hast  deceived  me,  and  I  was 
deceived ;  whereas  it  was  his  own  mistake  of  the  meaning  of  God's  promise, 
which  was  not,  that  he  should  not  meet  with  scorn,  and  opposition,  and 


»  That  this  is  the  meaning  of  1  Kings  xxii.  22.  is  proved  in  the  next 
remark. 


persecution,  but  that  they  should  not  prevail  against  him,  as  we  may  see  at 
the  latter  end  of  the  first  chapter.* 

Secondly,  With  respect  to  the  assertion  that  the  Almighty  violaics  hit 
promises,  it  has  been  objected  that  God  did  not  give  the  children  of  Israel 
all  the  land  which  he  promised  to  Abraham,  as  will  appear  by  comparing 
Gen.  xviii.  19,  20.  with  Josh.  xiii.  1.  &c.  and  Judg.  ii.  20,  21.  In  Gen.  xv.  18 
God  promised  to  give  Abraham  and  his  seed  such  a  land,  the  bounds  ol 
which  he  describes  in  Josh.  xiii.  1.  It  is  there  said  thai  there  remainea 
very  much  land  yet  unconquered,  of  which  they  had  not  got  possession 
And  in  Judg.  ii.  20.it  is  said,  that  the  people  having  not  performed  theif 
part  of  the  covenant,  God  would  suspend  the  further  performance  of  hit 
promise,  and  would  not  drive  out  any  more  of  the  nations  before  them  ; 
and  it  is  probable,  that  the  Israelites  never  were  possessed  of  the  proo 
land  in  the  full  latitude  and  extent  of  the  promise. 

Answer. — The  covenant  of  God  with  Abraham  was  upon  consideration  of 
his  past  faith  and  obedience,  though  it  seems  that  the  full  performance  of  it 
did  likewise  depend  upon  the  future  obedience  of  his  posterity.  In  pursu 
ance  of  his  covenant,  notwithstanding  all  the  murmurs  and  rebellions  of 
that  people,  God  did  bring  them  into  the  promised  land,  though  they  pro- 
voked him  to  destroy  them  many  a  time  ;  because  lie  remembered  his 
covenant  with  Abraham.  When  they  were  possessed,  of  ir,  God  gave  them 
a  title  to  the  rest,  and  would  have  assisted  them  in  the  conquest  of  it,  if  they 
had  performed  the  condition  required  on  their  part,  that  is,  continued 
faithful  and  obedient  to  him  ;  but  they  did  not,  and  thereby  discharged  God 
from  any  further  performance  of  his  promise  ;  and  God,  when  he  had  done 
this,  had  fully  performed  the  covenant  he  made  with  Abraham,  so  far  as 
concerned  his  part,  as  appears  by  the  acknowledgment  of  Joshua,  even  in 
a  time  when  a  great  part  of  the  land  was  unconquered  (Josh.  xxi.  44.),  and 
of  Solomon  (1  Kings  viii.  56.);  yea,  and  had  it  not  been  that  God  had  made 
this  covenant,  as  well  upon  consideration  of  Abraham's  faith  and  obedience, 
as  upon  condition  of  the  future  obedience  of  his  posterity,  the  rebellions 
and  disobedience  of  the  people  in  the  wilderness  had  released  God  wholly 
from  the  promise,  and  he  would  not  have  been  unfaithful  if  he  had  utterly 
destroyed  that  people,  and  made  a  full  end  of  them,  and  ihey  had  never 
entered  into  that  land  ;  because  a  failure  of  the  condition  makes  the  obliga- 
tion to  cease;  and  that  this  condition  was  implied  in  the  covenant  with 
Abraham  appears  from  Deut.  vii.  12,  13.  xi.  22,  23.  and  Judg.  ii.  20.  Goe 
gives  this  reason  why  he  suspended  the  complete  performance  of  his 
promise  :  The  anger  of  the  Lord  was  hot  against  Israel,  and  he  said, 
Because  that  this  People  hath  transgressed  my  covenant  which  I  com- 
manded their  fathers,  unci  have  not  hearkened  to  my  voice.  I  also  will  not 
henceforth  drive  out  any  of  the  nations  ichich  Joshua  left  when  he  died.'1 

18.  The  destruction  of  forty-two  little  children,  by  Elisha, 
whom  they  had  in  sportive  playfulness  called  a  buhl  head  (it  is 
said),  was  an  act  of  cruelty  and  revenge. 

It  was  no  such  thing.  The  original  word  in  2  Kings  ii.  23,  24.  D'lJJJ 
(ncarim),  which  in  our  version  is  rendered  little  children,  also  means  young 
persons  who  are  grown  up.  Thus  Isaac  was  called  "^'J  (naor)  a  lad,  when 
he  was  twenty-eight  years  old  ;  Joseph  when  he  was  thirty ;  and  Rehoboam 
when  he  was  forty  years  of  age.  The  town  of  Beth-el  was  one  of  the 
principal  seats  of  Allah's  idolatry  ;  and  it  is  probable  that  these  men  cam 
out  of  that  city  and  insulted  the  prophet,  at  the  instigation  of  the  priests  of 
Baal,  exclaiming — Ascend,  loo,  thou  bald  head ;  ascend,  loo,  thou  bald  head, 
in  allusion  to  Elijah's  ascension  to  heaven;  of  which  they  had  heard,  ho; 
which  they  did  not  believe.  Elisha,  it  is  said,  cursed  them;  but  he  did  not 
this  from  any  petulant  temper  of  his  own.  He  cursed  them  in  the  name  of 
the  Lord,  that  is,  he  declared  in  his  name  and  authority  the  punishment 
which  he  would  inflict  upon  them.  Thus  Elisha  acted  as  a  minister  of  the 
Supreme  Governor  of  ihe  world;  and  by  his  order  and  in  his  name  he 
foretold  the  punishment  which  was  about  to  be  inflicted  upon  these  profli- 
gate idolaters.  Had  this  denunciation  proceeded  from  the  angry  resent- 
ment of  the  prophet  only,  and  not  from  a  divine  impulse,  such  a  signal  uveril 
as  the  destruction  of  these  profane  young  men  of  Beth-el  would  not  have 
been  the  immediate  consequence  of  it. 

19.  It  is  objected  that  many  passages  of  the  Old  Testament 
ascribe  to  the  Almighty  human  affections,  passions,  and  actions, 
even  those  of  the  worst  kind. 

But  these  objections  cease,  when  such  passages  are  interpreted  figura- 
tively, as  they  ought  to  be,  and  when  all  those  other  passages  of  the  Bible 
are  duly  considered,  which  most  evidently  convey  the  sublimest  ideas  of 
the  Divine  Majesty.  The  Holy  Scriptures,  it  is  true,  in  condescension  to 
our  limited  capacities,  and  to  ihe  imperfections  of  human  creatures  and 
of  human  language,  represent  God  as  having  the  body,  the  passions,  and  the 
infirmities  of  a  man.  Thus,  they  make  mention  of  his  eyes  and  ears,  his 
hands  and  feet,  his  sleeping  and  waking ;  they  ascribe  to  him  fierce  anger 
and  jealousy,  grief  and  repentance,  joy  and  desire.  The  simple  language 
of  the  Hebrews  might  also  be  another  reason  for  its  abounding  with  such 
expressions.  But  that  no  man  might  be  so  weak  or  so  perverse  as  to  take 
those  expressions  according  to  the  letter,  and  entertain  mean  and  unworthy 
thoughtsof  his  Maker,  the  same  Scriptures  often  add  to  those  very  descrip- 
tions something  which  manifestly  shows  us  how  they  are  to  be  understood, 
and  reminds  us  that  if  God  has  a  body,  the  heaven  is  his  throne,  and  the 
earth  his  footstool ;  if  be  has  hands,  they  are  hands  which  reach  to  the  ends 
of  the  creation  ;  if  he  has  eyes,  the  darkness  to  them  is  no  darkness ;  and 
from  them  nothing  is  hidden;  and  in  ether  places  we  are  told  that  he  is 
perfect;  that  he  is  blessed  or  happy  ;  that  he  is  unchangeable;  that  he  is 
every  where  present;  that  he  is  a  spirit;  that  no  man  hath  seen  him  or  can 
see  him ;  that  he  is  incomprehensible;  and  that  the  most  exalted  notion 
which  we  can  possibly  frame  of  him,  falls  infinitely  short  of  the  truth.*  Ono 
or  two  examples  will  illustrate  the  preceding  remarks. 

Thus,  when  God  is  said  to  repent,  the  expression  simply  means,  that  he 
does  not  execute  that  which  seemed  to  ?/s to  have  been  his  purpose;  that  he  is 
pleased  to  do  otherwise  than  his  threatenings  seemed  openly  to  express,  on 
account  of  some  tacit  condition  implied  in  them.  And  this  does  not  dero- 
gate either  from  the  truth,  or  sincerity,  or  constancy,  of  God  in  his  word. 
It  does  not  derogate  from  his  truth,  because  he  speaks  what  he  really  intends 
unless  something  intervened  to  prevent  the  judgment,  threatened,  upon 
which  he  resolved  when  he  threatened  to  take' off  and  stop  his  judgments. 
Nordnes  it  derogate  from  his  sincerity,  for  he  has  tfJld  us  that,  his  threaten- 
ings have  such  conditions  implied  in  them  :— nor  from  his  constancy  and 
immutability,  because  God  does  not  change  h  ..  counsel  and  purpose,  but 
takes  off  the  sentence,  which  he  had  passed  with  reserved  conditions. 

»  Tillotson's  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  506.  London,  1820. 

»  Ibid.  p.  507.    See  also  Waterland's  Scripture  Vindicated,  on  Ezek.  xiv  9 
(Works,  vol.  vi.  pp.  257—264.) 
I      *  Jortin's  Sermons,  vol.  i.  p  237. 


Ciiap.  VII.  Skct.  V.] 


OF  SCRIPTURE,  ALLEGED  TO  BE  CONTRADICTORY. 


413 


20.  It  has  also  been  objected,  thai  the  book  of  Ecclcsiastes 
contains  some  passages  which  savour  of  irreligion,  and  others 
which  savour  of  immorality. 

But  tin 
Interpreted;  or  else  they  i    pre        not  the  sentiments  of  Solomon,  but  the 
false  opinions  (ii  other*,  whom  di    i 
<ir,   however,  not  his  deliberate  tj  and  wrong 

,  as  during  the  course  of  hia  inquiry  after  happ 
mvi-Iv  in  his  mind,  and  were  on  mature  conai  Ii  ration  i  >  |ected  Ny  him,  that 
he  might  fix  at  last  on  the  true  ba  wh  >M  matter  ; 

Which  il  I  ..niiniiiiii.il>  nt$:fbr  Uod  w ill  linn 

work  intojudgnu  nt.  with  evt  ryeecrt t  thing,  whether  it  in-  •sum!, ..,  wht  ther 
(Eccl  ,\ii   13,  11) 

21.  It  has  likewise  been  objected  that  the  Song  '»f  cN.lomon, 
and  the  sixteenth  and  twenty-third  chapter!  of  Ezckiel's  pro* 
phecy,  contain  passages  offensive  to  common  decency. 

Hut  thl  will  fall  in  tin-  ground  by  Interpreting  thoae  pans  alle- 

lorlcally,  as  almoa)  ail  the  commentators,  from  the  earliest  nines,  have 

unanin lydone:  and  ttkewl  e,  by  considering  that  the  simplicity  of  the 

eastern  nations  made  these  phrases  less  offensive  to  them  than  they  ap- 
peared to  us ;  ii i,  mi  the  oilier  band,  many  things  which  are  perfectly  cor- 
rect in  our  view,  would  appeal-  far  different  in  eastern  climates.  With 
reaped  to  the  Bong  ol  Solomon,  in  particular,  it  is  in  be  remarked,  L.Thai 
most  ofthe  forms  of  speech,  against  which  exceptions  have  been  made,  are 
mistranslations,  ami  do  not  exiel  m  the  original ;— end,  2.  Admitting  the  cor- 
rectne  marks,  it  may  also  be  shown,  that  this  bonk  abounds 

wuii  beautiful  poetic  images,  There  is,1  therefore,  no  just  exception  to  sup- 
posing ii  allegorical,  provided  the  allegory  be  not  extravagant  and  incon- 
•  islent. 

22.  It  is  asserted,  that  the  imprecation*  contained  in  some  of 
the  prophetic  parti  of  Scripture,  and  in  the  booh  of  Psalms 
(especially  in  the  fifty-tilth,  sixty-ninth,  hundred  and  ninth,  hun- 
dred and  thirty-seventh,  and  some  other  Psalms),  breathe  a 
Ipirit  of  malice,  are  highly  inconsistent  icith  humanity,  and 
highly  vicious. 

•It  must  I. e  confessed  thai,  at  first  sight,  they  appear  cruel  and  vindictive, 
irreconcilable  with  tie-  gentle  spirit  of  piety  and  religion;  and  some,  un- 

hesi'atim.'ly  acknowledging  them  to  I"'  indefeneibl i  Christian  principles, 

rest  the  defence  solely  on  their  accordance  with  the  character  ofthe  Jewish 
dispensation  ;  which,  they  say,  did  not  inculcate  that  cordial  forgiveness  of 
injuries,  and  even  love  of  oui  enemies,  which  form  an  essential  and  peculiar 
doctrine  of  the  dispel.  In  this  representation  the  inquirer  will  not  be  dis- 
posed to  acquiesce,  when  he  i  eileets  that  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  do  forcibly 
enjoin  the  duties  of  forgiving  injuries,  Kxod.  xii.  49.  xxiii.  4,  5.  Lev.  xix. 
17,13.  Deut  xxxii.  35.  Prov.  xl.  17.  xix.ll,  xx.  22.  xxiv.  29.  Zech.  vii.  10.; 
of  doing  good  to  enemies,  Bxod.  xxiii.  I,  5.  Prov.  XXV.  21.  .ler.  xxix.  7.  ;  and 
of  cultivating  mutual  kindness  and  goodwill,  Exod.  xxii.  21 — 21.  Lev.  xix. 
17,18.34.  xxv. 35.  Deut.  x.  10.  Prov.  xv.  17.  xvii.  17.  xviii.  24.  xxvii.  10. 
David,  the  sweet  Psalmist  of  Israel,  extols  and  recommends  benevolence 
and  mercy,  forgiveness  and  kindness  to  enemies,  Psal.  xv.  25.  xxvii.  2.  et 
ieq.  xxxiv.  14.  xxxvii.  1,  8.  21.  26.  xxxviii.  12,  13,  14.  xxxix.  1.  xl.  1.  3.  xciv.  1. 
ci.  5.  cix.  4.  5.  cxii.  5.  9.  cxx.  6,  7.  cxxxiii.4,  2,  3. ;  and  his  own  conduct 
afforded  a  noble  exemplification  of  l  liese  virtues,  as  will  be  apparent  by  con- 
sulting the  following  passages;  Psal.  xxxv.  12 — 15.  1  Sam.  xxiv.  Let  sea: 
xxvi.  1.  etseq.  23am.  i.4.  et  sei/.  iv. 8— 12.  xvi. 7— 11.  xix.  21— 23.  It  cannot 
then  be  credited  that  one  so  distinguished  for  tenderness  and  benevolence 
of  heart,  as  well  as  for  pre  eminent  piety,  could  utter  any  thing  in  direct 
opposition  to  those  feelings  of  mercy  mel  forgiveness,  which  be  both  highly 

recommended,  and  exhibited  in  his  own  practice.    Independently  of  this  we 

may  real  assured  that  no  unmerciful  and  revengeful  sentiment  was  ever 
suggested  by  tie-  Holy  Spirit,  or  ever  found  entrance  into  a  work  of  inspi- 

"  Prom  these  observations  wc  may  with  certainly  infer  that  the  p 
in  question,  however  they  may  appear,  were  undoubtedly  nut  intended  to 
convey  ;my  bitter  and  unrelenting  malediction.     Nor  will  they  be  .: 
to  do  so,  provided  due  allowance  be  made  for  the  bold  phraseology  of  Ori- 
ental poetry,  which  must  generally  !"•  received  with  consid 

ui'iit  ;  and  provided  also  they  he    understood  With   tie'    reservation,  which 

lughl  to  accompany  all  our  wishes  and  addresses  to  the  Deity,  namely, 
that  he  would  grant  them  only  so  far  as  may  he  consistent  with  !; 
.ui'\  providence,    If  the  imprecative  parts  of  the  ho  .k  of  Psalms  b 
with  these  limitations,  as  in  reason  they  ought,  liny  will  '••'  found  in  sub- 
Stance  merely  to  express  a  wish  thai  the  wicked  men  Bpoken  m  might  re- 

ve  the  just  recompense  of  their  deeds,  and  that  tin'  punishment  they 

deserved  might  speedily  overtake  them,  if  such  were  the  will  of  God.  The 
impious  and  transgressors  are  those  alone  upon  whom  the  Psalmist  impre- 

the  Divine  vengeance ;  and  there  is  nothing  of  vindictive  feeling  in 

graying  for  that  which  he  believed  the  Divine  justice  as  well  as  the  Divine 
pro  i.ise  were   engaged  to  inflict;   while  at   the   sane'  tm,e  his  eniw 

dence  in  the  absolute  perfections  ofthe  Supreme  Being  affords  ample 
evi  lence  that  he  calls  for  tin--  vengeance  only  so  far  a  i  ord  mi 

with  the  Divine  attributes  of  wisdom,  goodness,  and  equil  f.     \  Strong  con- 

Urination  of  this  reasoning  is  supplied  by  Psal  sx\ '  t   I,  &  where  he  prays 
;h"  Almighty  to  'give  them  according  to  their  deeds,  according  to  the 
biess  of  their  endeavours  ;\a  hands: 

to  rendi  r  them  their  desert  .-'  and  he  In  toon  for 

the  petition,  and  a  vindication  of  it.  -  because  they  n 

/,  nor  the  operation  of  his  It  inds 
lot  build  them  up.'    Such  imprecative  ad  in  reality  the  ( 

sion  of  an  earnest  desire  that  the  will  ol   I  [tone  m  earth  as  it  is 

in  heaven,  anl  that,  if  it  seemed  good  unto  Him,  Me  would  assort  his  own 

ii  as  well  by  the  punishment  ofthe  iniquitous  as  by  th 
■f  i'i.  •  righteous. 

"The  persons,  to  whom  the  imprecations  refer,  were  inveterate  adver- 
sities, plotting  against  the  life  of  the  Psalmist,  and  maliciously  intent  upon 
affecting  his  ruin.  To  pray  to  he  rescued  from  their  wicked  devices  was 
clearly  lawful ;  and,  considering  their  numbers  and  persevering  malignity, 
rtis  escape  might  seem  utterly  impracticable  without  their  entire  overthrow 
or  extirpation  ;  a  prayer  for  their  destruction,  therefore,  was  equivalent  to 
a  prayer  for  his  own  preservation  and  deliverance.  Besides,  they  were  for 
i  he  most  part  not  only  personal  enemies,  but  hostile  to  the  people  of  Israel, 
rebels  to  their  heavenly  King,  and  violators  of  His  commands.  To  dosire 
Vhe  punishment  of  such  characters  arose,  it  may  fairly  be  presumed,  not 
from  personal  vindictive  feelings,  but  from  a  regard  to  religion,  and  hatred 


of  iniquity  ;  and  was  in  fact  tantamount  to  desiring  the  Almighty  te  vindi 
rate  tin  glory  by  Inflicting  die  chastisements,  which  they  deserved,  and 
which  be  baa  denounced  against  the  proud  contemners  ol  His  laws. 

d  to  are  explained  as  pr<  dictions: 
and  ties  is  not  at  variance  with  the  Hebrew  idiom;  which  admits,  under 

sum,-   ,  i  the  imperative   for  the   fin  ore,  as  Psal. 

xxxvii.  27,  lieu.  xx.  7.  xln.  18.  xlv.  8.  Prov.  id.  4.  iv.  4.;  and  the  employ- 
ment ofthe  imperative  mood,  when  declaring  fun  not  unusual 
with  the  sacred  writi  i  in  las.  vl  10.  viil.  9,  10.  ix.  3.  xvii.  1.  xxix.  9. 
Jer.  I.  in.  Ezek.xliil  3.  In  aome  instances,  a  prayer  or  wish  for  the  punish- 
mint  ol  sinners  may  be  oeaj  1/  I  quivalent  to  a  prediction,  inasmuch  as  it 
lief,  and  meant  to  imply,  that,  according  to  God's  moral 
government  of  thl  world,  punishment  most  certainly  awaits  them  Some 
oi  the  Imprecations  la  lbs  Psalms  may,  men,  be  understood  as  declarative 

of  the  iust  judgments  Of  God,  which  would  inevitably  fall  upon  the  im- 
pious ;  hut  in  others,  and  perhaps  most  of  them,  both  the  natural  coin-H  ac- 
tion of  iin-  sentences,  and  the  i nil  force  and  propriety  of  the  expressions, 
require  Ibein  to  be  taken  In  an  imprecative  tense.    To  explain  them  iii  any 

d i  violence  to  the  laws  of  grammatical  Interpretation ; 

lered  as  imprecations,  they  amount  to  no  mure 

than  a  wish  ih.it  He   Impious  mav  be  Vali  wnh  according  to  the  eternal  and 

u  le  laws  of  Divine  Justice,  that  they  may  openly  and  before  the 

world  reci  ive  thepenaltii  s  ol  crime,  provided  it  be  the  will  of  God ;  which 

sun  ly  is   neither  an  unnatural  nor  unreasonahle  wish  in  those,  who  anx- 

ek  the  punishment  of  vice,  and  the  maintenance  of  true  religion 
and  vii  tue     In  the  Psalmist,  moreover,  it  is  a  wish  not  proceeding  from  a 

desire  to  gratify  a  person  d  vindictive  feeling,  but  partly  from  a  dcMre  of 
self-preservation,  and  partly  from  anxiety  to  see  the  worship  and  glory  of 
find  triumphant  over  all  enemies.  Imprecalions,  therefore,  made  with  the 
limitations,  and  originating  in  the  motiveH  just  mentioned,  so  far  from  being 
to  lie-  charge  of  maliciousness  and  revenge,  are  ill  accordance  with 
the  purest  spirit  of  religion,  and  with  the  exercise  of  the  moat  extensive 
chanty."' 

Of  all  those  tremendous  imprecations  which  appear  in  our  common 
English  version  of  Deut.  xxvii.  15 — 26.,  there  is  not  one  authorized  by  the 
original.  The  Hebrew  texts  express  no  kind  of  wish,  but  are  only  so 
many  denunciations  of  the  displeasure  of  God  against  those  who  either 
were  or  should  be  guilty  of  the  sins  theiein  mentioned,  and  of  the  judg- 
ment s  which  they  must  expect  to  be  inflicted  upon  them,  unless  prevented 
by  a  timely  and  sincere  repentance.  And  agreeably  to  this  view,  the 
sacred  text  should  have  been  rendered  "cursed  they,"  or,  "cursed  art 
they,"  and  not  "  cursed  be  they,"  in  the  sense  of  Let  than  be  cursed  ;  the 
word  lie,  though  inserted  in  our  translation,  having  nothing  answerable  to 
it  in  the  Hebrew. 

The  same  idiom,  which  appears  in  the  prophetic  writings  and 
Psalms,  is  also  to  be  found  in  1  Cor.  xvi.  22.  and  2  Tim.  iv.  14. 

The  former  passage  runs  thus: — If  any  man  lore  not  the  Lord  Jesus, 
let  him  he  ana'hemu  maranalha.  From  1  Cor.  xii.  3.  we  find  dial  the  Jews, 
who  pretended  to  he  under  the  Spirit  and  teaching  of  God,  called  Jesus 
Chris!  tratiM*  or  accursed,  that  is,  a  person  devoted  to  destruction.  In 
I  Cor  xvi.  22  Saint  Paul  retorts  the  whole  upon  themselves,  and  says,  1/ 
any  man  lure  not  the  Lord  Jesus,  let  him  be  (that  is,  he  will  be)  accursed; 
the  Lord  will  come.  This  is  not  said  in  the  way  of  imprecation,  but  as  a 
prediction  of  what  would  certainly  come  upon  the  Jews  if  they  did  not 
repent ;  and  of  what  actually  came  upon  them,  because  they  did  not  re- 
pent, hut  continued  to  hate  and  execrate  the  Saviour  of  the  world,  as  well 
as  a  prediction  of  what  still  lies  upon  them  because  they  continue  to  hate 
and  execrate  the  Redeemer 

In  2  Tim.  iv.  14.  we  read  Alexander  the  coppersmith  did  mc  much  eril ; 
the  Lord  reward  him  according  to  his  works  ;  which  has  the  appearance 
of  an  imprecation.  But  instead  of  a-c^^i  may  the  Lord  reward,  xretmni 
trill  rewind  is  the  reading  of  the  Codices  Alexandrinus  and  Ephrcmi 
(which  are  ofthe  best  authority),  the  Codices  Claromontanus,  San  Germa- 
nensis.  Augionsis,  also  of  those  numbered  by  Griesbacti,  6.  17.  31.  37.  67*». 
71.  73.  80.  and  of  the  MS.  by  Mattlwei  noted  with  the  letter  f.  ;— of  the  Cop. 
tic,  Armenian,  and  Vulgate  versions — and  of  Chrysosioin,  Thetodon 
gius  as  cited  by  Photius,  Johannes  Damascenus,  Oecumeniu 
and  others  among  the  fathers  of  the  Christian  church.  The  reading  nf 
n-t^iTi.  makes  the  sent  nee  declaratory,— The  Lord  will  hew  Ann  kin 
according  to  his  works ;  and  as  it  is  Supported  by  such  satisfactory  evi- 
dence. Gi  ieshach  lias  inserted  it  in  his  inner  margin,  as  being  nearly  equal, 

if  not  preferable,  to  th minion  rcadina.     An  additional  pn   if  that  this  it< 

the  preferable  lection  is  furnished  by  the  fact,  that  it  is  in  unison  with  the 
spirit  and  temper  of  the  intrepid  apostle.  Saint  Paul ;  who,  in  the  sixteenth 
when  speaking  of  hia  being  deserted  by  every  one,  when  (daring 
c  md  imprisonment  at  Rome)  he  was  first  summoned  to  vindicate 
himself  before  the  sanguinary  emperor  Nero,  says,  Lit  it  not  be  placed 
to  their  charge,  thai  is,  Let  them  not  have  to  reckon  for  it  with  the  Supreme 
Judge,  at  the  greal  day.  This  passage  furnishes  an  additional  example  of 
canon  9.,  concerning  various  readings,  which  is  given  in  p.  291.  supra. 

33.  The  preceding  examples,  with  two  exceptions,  have  been 
taken  from  the  Old  Testament.  So  pure,  indeed,  is  the  morality 
of  the  New  Testament,  that  the  advocates  of  infidelity  ran  find 
no  other  fault  with  it.  than  this, — that  it  carries  the  principle  of 
forbearance  too  far,  because,  among  other  things,  it  inculcates 
the  love  of  our  enemies.  Notwithstanding  this  involuntary  tes- 
timony to  its  inimitable  excellence,  two  passages  have  been 
singled  out,  as  inculcating  immorality,  viz.  Luke  xvi.  8.  and  1 
("or.  ix.  5 

(1.)  In  Luke  xvi  8.  we  read,  that  The  lord  commended  the  unjust  steward 
(who  hi  the  parable  had  been  represented  as  having  defrauded  his  master), 
■  he  had  done  wisely;  and  hence  Jesus  CI  rist  has  been  unjustly 
charecd  with  countenancing  dishoncs-'v.  The  whole  of  the  context,  however, 
shows  that  it  was  the  master  or  lord'of  the  steward,  and  NOT  Christ,  who 
is  represented  as  commending  his  conduct,  and  it  is  in  consequence  of  his 
master's  so  commending  him,  that  Jesus  made  the  reflection  that  the  chil- 
dren of  this  world  are  in  their  generation  wiser  than  the  children  of  light. 
The  parable  in  question  is  to  be  interpreted  solely  in  reference  lo  th* 
principal  idea  contained  in  it;  and  that  idea  is,  from  the  conduct  of  a 
worldlv  minded  man,  to  enforce  upon  the  followers  of  Jesuj  Christ  the 
necessity  of  their  being  at  least  as  assiduous  in  pursui  lg  the  business  of 


•  For  the  preceding  observations  the  author  is  indebted  to  tne  Rev 
George  Holden  :  they  will  be  found  in  the  first  volume  of  his  "ChrirUa' 
Expositor." 


414 


ON   THE    INTERPRETATION,  &c.  OF  PASSAGES 


[Paut  II.  Book  II 


the  next  world,— the  salvation  of  their  souls,— as  worldly  minded  men  are 
in  their  management  of  the  affairs  of  this  world. 

(2.)  The  interrogatory  (1  Cur.  ix.  5.)  has  been  distorted  into  a  charge  of 
adultery  against  tne  apostle  Paul.  It  would  be  a  sufficient  reply  to  this 
falsehood  to  state  thai  the  whole  of  his  conduct  and  sentiments  completely 
disproves  it  The  purest  benevolence,  the  severest  reproofs  of  all  sin,  and 
the  most  exemplary  discharge  of  all  the  civil,  social,  and  relative  duties 
pervade  all  his  justly  admired  epistles.  Let  us,  however,  briefly  consider 
this  passage.  It  is  sufficiently  evident  from  the  context,  that  at  Corinth 
there  were  false  teachers  of  Christianity,  who  questioned  Paul's  apostle- 
ship;  and  that  he  was  obliged  to  conduct  himself  in  the  most  circumspect 
manner,  in  order  that  they  might  not  find  any  occasion  against  him.  Having 
vindicated  his  apostolic  character  and  mission,  and  proved  his  right  to 
have  the  necessaries  of  life  supplied  to  him,  if  he  had  demanded  them  of 
those  among  whom  he  had  laboured  gratuitously,  he  says, — Have  we  not 
power  (authority  or  right)  to  lead  about  a  sister,  a  wife,  as  well  as  other 
apostles,  and  as  the  brethren  of  the  Lord  and  Ce]>has  ?  What  is  there  in 
this  passage,  which  can  be  construed  into  a  sufficient  proof  of  adultery  in 
an  English  court  of  law? — When  the  apostle  speaks  of  his  right  to  take 
with  him  a  sister,  a  wife,  he  means,  first,  that  he  and  all  other  apostles, 
and,  consequently,  all  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  had  a  right  to  marry  ;  for 
«t  appears  that  James  and  Jude,  who  were  the  brethren  or  kinsmen  of  the 
Lord,  were  married :  and  we  have  infallible  evidence  that  Peter  (surnamed 
Cephas)  was  a  married  man,  not  only  from  this  verse,  but  also  from  Matt. 
viii.  14.  where  his  mother-in-law  is  mentioned  as  being  cured  by  Jesus 
Christ  of  a  fever.  And,  secondly,  we  rind  that  their  wives  were  persons 
of  the  same  faith  ;  for  less  can  never  be  implied  in  the  word  sister.  It  is 
further  worthy  of  notice  that  Clement  of  Alexandria  has  particularly  re- 
marked that  the  apostles  carried  their  ivives  about  with  them,  "not  as 
wives  but  as  sisters,  that  they  might  minister  to  those  who  were  mis- 
tresses of  families ;  that  so  the  doctrine  of  the  Lord  might,  without  re- 
prehension or  evil  suspicion,  enter  the  apartments  of  the  women."  And 
in  giving  his  finished  picture  of  a  perfect  Christian,  he  says, — "Eo-jisi 

*«■    w^ii,    ui    TAMEI EIKONAi;    t%si   tou;    AHOETOAOri;— ffe  eats 

and  drin/cs  and  marries.  . .  .having  the  apostles  for  his  example  !"• 


SECTION  VI. 


APPARENT    CONTRADICTIONS    BETWEEN    THE    SACRED    WRITERS. 

There  are  some  facts  recorded  in  one  part  of  the  Sacred 
Writings  which  seem  to  be  repugnant  to  the  statements  con- 
tained in  other  parts  of  the  Scriptures;  and  these  apparent 
contradictions  are  to  be  found  between  different  writers  of  the 
Old  Testament,  and  also  between  the  Old  and  the  New  Tes- 
tament. 

1.  In  the  Old  Testament  the  following  passages  are  objected 
to  as  contradictory. 

1.  Gen.  i.  and  Gen.  ii.  have  been  affirmed  to  contradict  each 
other. 

They  are  perfectly  consistent.  In  the  first  chapter,  Moses  gives  a  general 
account  of  the  whole  creation  in  six  days  ;  and  then,  carrying  on  his  his- 
tory, he  proceeds  to  describe  particularly  the  formation  of  Adam  and  Eve. 
In  Gen.  ii.  3.  it  is  said,  that  God  had  rested  from  all  his  works  which  he  had 
created  and  made  ;  that  is,  he  ceased  to  make  any  more  creatures;  con- 
sequently, Adam  was  not  made  after  this. 

2.  Gen.  vii.  12.     And   the )  ,     Gm.vii.l7.   Thejtoodweu 

ram  was  upon  he  earth  lorty  >       .....  u    W    .     j  #i  y       .j. 

days  and  forty  nights.  S  contrad":,ed  *  <  forty  da?s  uPon  ihe  earth- 

The  words  "  and  forty  nights,"  in  Gen.  -vii.  17.  are  lost  from  the  Hebrew 
copies,  but  they  are  found  in  the  Septuagint  Greek  version,  and  also  in 
many  MSS.  of  the  Latin  Vulgate  version.  They  ought  to  be  restored  to 
the  text,  which  will  read  as  follows,  in  perfect  unison  with  Gen.  vii.  12. — 
The  flood  was  forty  days  and  forty  nights  upon  the  earth. 

(     Gen.  viii.  3.     The  waters 

3.  Gen.  vii.  24.  And  the  tea-}  .  ..  .  .  returned  from  off  the  earth 
ters  prevailed  upon  the  earth  >  ""'l  ,°.  e.  {continually;  and  after  the 
an  hundred  and  fifty  days.    )  con  ra  y  j  end  of  the  hundred  and  fifty 

I  days,  the  waters  were  abated. 

Gen.  viii.  3.  ought  to  be  rendered : — The  waters  continually  subsided 
from  off  the  earth ;  and  at  the  end  of  the  hundred  and  fifty  days,  the 
water*  irem  much  abated.  This  rendering  (which  Dr.  Boolhroyd  has 
adopted  in  his  new  version  of  the  Bible)  completely  removes  the  alleged 
contradiction. 

4.  Gen.  viii.  4,  5.  are  affirmed  to  be  repugnant. 

l)r.  floothroyd  renders  them  thus,  which  obviates  that  repugnancy: — 
The  waters  were  much  abated,  so  that,  in  the  seventh  month,  on  the  seven- 
teenth day  of  the  ma, tlh,  the  ark  rested  upon  one  ofthe  mountains  of  Ara- 
rat. And  the  toati  rs  were  continually  decreasing  until  the  tenth  month; 
and  on  the  first  day  of  the  tenth  month  the  tops  of  the  mountains  were 
risible. 

5.  Gen.  vi.  19.  vii.  2,  3.  8,  9.  and  15.  and  viii.  20.  are  charged 
with  being  direct  contradictions.  A  little  attention  to  the  context 
and  connection  of  the  passages  in  question  will  show  their  per- 
fect consistency  i 

In  Gen.  vi.  10-21.  general  orders  are  given  to  Noah  to  take  into  the  ark 
with  him  animals  of  every  kind,  pairs  of  each.  In  Gen.  vii.  2.  the  number 
■>(  pairs  is  stated,  viz.  seven  pairs  of  clean  beasts,  and  two  pairs  of  beasts 
thai  are  not  clean;  and  (verse  3.)  of  the  fowls  of  the  air  that  are  clean, 
teven  pairs,  the  male  and  the  female,  and  of  fowls  that  arc  not  clean,  two 


<  Clementis  Alexandrini  Stromata,  lib.  vii.  c.  2.  cited  by  Dr.  A.  Clarke  in 
his  Commentary  on  1  Cor.  ix.  5.— Clement  was  one  of  the  most  learned 
Sreek  Christian  writers  in  the  close  ofthe  second  century.  His  Stromata 
»ere  written  a.  ».  193. 


pairs,  the  male  and  his  female.*  In  vii.  8,  9.  and  15.  the  historian,  relating 
what  was  done  in  obedience  to  the  divine  command,  says  generally,  that 
pairs  went  with  Noah  into  the  ark  ;  and  in  viii.  20.  it  is  slated,  also,  in 
general  terms,  that  he  offered  sacrifices  of  every  clean  beast,  and  of  every 
clean  fowl.  There  is,  therefore,  no  real  contradiction  between  these  seve 
ral  numbers.  As  animals  were  not  used  for  food  before  the  Deluge,  it  is 
probable  that  the  distinction  of  beasts  and  fowls  into  clean  and  unclean 
was  made  with  respect  to  sacrifices ;  the  former  being  offered  while  the 
latter  were  not. 

6.  On  the  alleged  contradiction  between  Gen.  xv.  13.  Exod. 
xii.  40,  41.  and  Acts  vii.  6.  see  p.  405.  supra. 

7.  Gen.  xxii.  1.  It  came  to  )  „,Daren„y  C  James  i.  13.  God  cannot  be 
pass  after  these  things,  that  >  contradicts  \  tempted  with  evil,  neither 
God  did  tempt  Abraham.       )  (  tempteth  He  any  man. 

Temptation  signifies  nothing  more  than  trial ;  any  opposition  or  difficulty 
that  may  exercise  our  virtues,  and  make  them  known.  In  this  sense  Go^ 
may  be  said  to  tempt  men,  that  is,  he  tries  and  proves  them,  and  thus  ha 
tempted  Abraham.  Sometimes  temptation  means  dangerous  trials  and 
enticements  to  sin,  under  which  we  are  more  likely  to  sink,  than  to  over- 
come them.  In  this  sense  God  tempteth  not  any  man ;  nor,  if  we  resist 
them,  will  He  suffer  us  to  be  tempted  above  ichat  ice  are  able.  (1  Cor.  x.  13.) 

8.  From  Gen.  xxxi.  38.  and  41.  compared  with  Gen.  xxxiv. 
it  has  been  asserted  that  Dinah  was  only  mar  years  of  age  (in- 
stead of  sixteen},  when  she  was  forcibly  defiled  by  Shechem , 
and  hence  it  is  insinuated  that  the  narrative  is  so  contradictory 
as  to  be  unworthy  of  credit. 

This  pretended  difficulty,  concerning  the  age  of  Dinah,  originated  in  the 
supposition  that  that  disastrous  circumstance  took  place  in  t tie  very  same 
year  when  Jacob  returned  into  Palestine.  So  far,  however,  is  the  book  01 
Genesis  from  dating  it  in  that  year,  that,  on  the  contrary,  we  learn  from  it, 
that  Jacob  resided  in  that  country  a  long  time.  (Compare  Gen.  xxxiii.  11. 
18.  xxxiv.  1.  30.  and  xxxv.  1.  28,  29.)  The  best  chronoiogists  compute  that 
the  patriarch's  residence,  both  at  Succoth  and  at  Shechem,  was  about  ten 
years  ;  and  there  is  not  a  single  word  in  the  book  of  Genesis  that  affords 
any  ground  of  contradiction  or  difficulty  against  this  computation.  Dinah, 
therefore,  was  about  sixteen,  or  between  sixteen  and  seventeen,  years  of 
age  ;  and  her  brothers  Simeon  and  Levi,  about  twenty-two  or  twenty-three 
(instead  of  twelve,  as  the  opposers  of  the  Bible  falsely  assert),  when  the 
disastrous  occurrence  at  Shechem  obliged  Jacob  to  quit  that  district  01 
canton,  and  go  to  Bethel,  whence  he  repaired  to  Mamre  to  his  father  Isaac. 
It  is  true,  that  Isaac's  death,  which  is  recorded  at  the  close  of  Gen.  xxxv. 
was  subsequent  to  Joseph's  departure  into  Egypt,  though  the  lalter  is  not 
related  until  the  thirty-seventh  chapter;  but  that  patriarch's  decease  was 
noticed  in  this  place  by  anticipation,  in  order  that  fte  history  of  Joseph 
might  not  be  interrupted.  This  mode  of  narrati^  ic'.s,  it  is  well  known, 
is  pursued  by  all  historians  who  do  not  wish  to  be  mere  annalists,  and  by 
no  means  affects  the  date  of  the  account  of  Dinah,  which  took  place  pre- 
viously to  Isaac's  death,  as  well  as  the  sale  of  Joseph.  The  days  of  Isaac 
were  a  hundred  and  fourscore  years ;  he  was  one  hundred  and  seventy 
three  years  old  when  Dinah  was  violated,  and  one  hundred  and  seventy 
four  when  Joseph  was  sold  into  Egypt. 

9.  The  land  of  Rameses,  in  Gen.  xlvii.  1 1 .  means,  the  land  of 
Goshen,  and  not  the  capital  of  that  district ;  it  was  probably  so 
called  in  the  time  of  Moses,  from  the  city  of  Rameses,  which  the 
Israelites  had  built  for  Pharaoh.  The  Hebrew  historian  used  an 
appellation  well  known  to  them.  There  is  no  improbability  or 
contradiction  whatever  between  Gen.  xlvii.  11.  and  Exod.  i.  11. 

10.  Gen.  xlviii.  8.  and  10.  In  the  first  of  these  verses  it  is 
said,  that  Israel  beheld  Joseph's  so?is  ;  and  in  the  other,  that  hi* 
eyes  tvere  dim,  so  that  he  could  not  see. 

The  meaning  is,  not  that  he  could  not  see  at  all,  but  only  that  he  could 
not  plainly  and  distinctly  see  the  objects  which  were  before  him.  There 
fore,  though  he  beheld  Ephraim  and  Manasseh,  yet  he  could  not  distinguish 
them,  until  they  were  brought  nigh  to  him.  The  declaration  of  Jacob  to 
Joseph,  in  xlviii.  22.  is  not  prophetic  of  the  future,  as  a  scoffing  writer  of 
the  present  day  has  asserted.  From  Gen.  xxxiii.  19.  we  learn,  that  Jacob 
bought  a  pieceof  land  from  Hainor  at  Shechem  ;  to  which  he  doubtless 
alludes  in  Gen.  xlviii.  22.  I  hare  given  to  thee  one  portion  above  thy  breth- 
ren, which  I  took  out  of  the  hand  of  the  Amorite  with  my  sword  and  with 
my  bow.  It  should  seem  that  this  spot  had  afterwards  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  an  Ainorite  family  or  tribe,  after  the  destruction  of  the  Shechemites, 
and  that  Jacob  had  retaken  it  from  them  by  force  of  arms,  though  this 
transaction  is  nowhere  else  mentioned. 

11.  Reuel  in  Exod.  ii.  18.  is  the  same  as  liaguel  in  Num. 
x.  29. 

The  Hebrew  is  the  same  in  both  places ;  consequently  there  is  no  con- 
tradiction.  The  reason  of  the  seeming  difference  is,  that  the  V  (oin  or  Sin)1 
in  Snijji,  is  sometimes  used  merely  as  a  vowel,  and  sometimes  as  g,  ng, 
and  gn ;  and  this  is  occasioned  by  the  difficulty  of  the  sound,  which 
scarcely  any  European  organs  can  enunciate.  As  pronounced  by  the 
Arabs,  it  strongly  resembles  the  first  effort  made  in  the  throat  by  gargling. 
liaguel  is  the  worst  method  of  pronouncing  this  word;  Re-u-el,  the  first 
syllable  being  strongly  accented,  is  nearer  to  the  true  sound.  On  a  com- 
parison of  all  the  places  where  these  relations  of  Moses  are  mentioned,  it 
is  evident  that  Re-u-el  or  Raguel  was  the  father  of  Jethro,  whose  daughter 
Zipporah  Moses  married  ;  and  it  is  most  probable  that  Hobab  was  the  son 
of  Jethro  who  accompanied  Ihe  Israelites  through  the  wilderness.  (Com- 
pare Exod.  iii.  1.  iv.  18.  and  NUin.  x.  29.)  No  solid  objection  can  be  made 
asainst  this  explanation  from  Reuel  being  called  "  their  father"  (Exod.  ii 
18.),  as  this  appellation  frequently  denotes  any  remote  ancestor.1  Aged 
men,  uncles,  and  grandfathers  are  in  Ihe  Scriptures  sometimes  called 
fathers.  Thus  in  Gen.  xxxi.  43.  I.aban  calls  his  grandchildren  his  child- 
ren, and  considers  himself  as  their/o//ier,  and  in  2  Kings  xiv.  3.  David 
is  called  the  father  of  Amaziah,  though  he  was  his  remote  ancestor. 

a  The  above  is  the  reading  of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch,  and  of  the 
Septuagint  and  Syriac  versions.  The  rendering  of  the  Hebrew  text  is 
imperfect— Of  fowls  of  the  air  also  by  sevens,  the  male  and  the  femalt 
Bishop  Newlon's  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  16S. 

*  Dr.  A.  Clarke  and  Dr.  Boothroyd  on  Exod.  ii.  18. 


OF  SCRIPTURE,  ALLEGED  TO  BE  CONTRADICTORY. 


Chaf.  VIL  Sect.  VL] 

12  .Exod.   iii.  2.    And  the)  ,     £     u   j(j   .     Andtrht„,he 

1%  &m^£T££\  i"»idto          Low  saw  that  he  tumedas.de 

offire  out  of  the  midst  of  a\  [  ^  gJ>  ,he  milUt  of  lhe  Wl_ 

In  these  two  versea  there  is  no  contradiction  whatever.  On  the 
of  this  and  other  divine  appearances  relate  d  in  the  Old  Tutamfftt  (which 
both  Jews  and  Christians  believe,  on  the  solid  evidence  ol  hv  ta,  Ihoogb 
infidels,  unable  to  refute  them,  dlimlH  tbem  with  scoffing;,  the  wild  and 
incontestable  solution  is  laid  by  Jesus  Christ  himself,  who  perfectly  under 
•lood  the  whole  affair  of  divine  appearances,  in  John  v.  37.  And  the  Father 
himself  which  hath  sent  vie  hath  borne  witness  of  vie.  Ye  hate  neither 
heard  his  voice  at  any  time,  nor  seen  his  shape.  (John  i  H  )  Xo  man 
hath  seen  Ood  at  any  time.  He  is  the  invisible  God,  whom  no  man  halh 
teen,  nor  can  see.  It  is  often  said,  (hat  the  Lord,  the  Most  High  Ood, 
appeared  to  the  patriarchs,  to  Moses  and  to  the  prophets,  the  ancestors  of 
the  Jews :  but,  according  to  Jeaua  Christ's  rate,  the  appearance,  form,  or 
shape  which  they  saw,  was  not  the  appearance  of  the  Lord  God  Win  lell  ; 
for  never,  at  any  lime,  did  they  sec  his  shape.  Again,  it  is  often  said,  that 
the  Most  High  God  spake  to  the  patriarchs,  to  Moses,  ami  to  the  prophets  ; 
out  our  Lord  affirms,  that  they  never  heard  his  voice  at  any  time.  How 
shall  we  reconcile  this  seeuiing  inconsistency  I  The  true  solution,  accord- 
ing to  the  Scriptures,  is  this  .—That  the  Lord  Qod  never  spake  or  appeared 
in  person,  but  always  by  a  proxy,  nuncius,  or  messenger,  who  represented 
him  and  spake  in  his  name  and  authority.  It  was  this  messenger  of  Jeho- 
▼ah  (or  angel  of  Jehovah),  who  appeared  unto  Moses  (Kxod.  iii.  2.),  and  who 
is  called,  in  verse  4.  Jehovah  or  Lord  (whence  it  is  evident  that  he  was  no 
created  human  being) ;  and  who  spake  to  Moses,  in  versa  5.  saying,  Draw 
not  nigh  hither,  ifc.  I  am  the  Ood  of  Abraham  (ver.  6.),  and  I  am  thai  I 
am.  (ver.  II.)  All  which  words  were  pronounced  by  an  angel,  but  are 
true,  not  of  the  angel,  but  of  Cod,  whom  he  represented.  So  a  herald 
reads  a  proclamation  in  the  king's  name  and  words,  as  if  the  king  himself 
were  speaking.  The  word  Anoel,  both  in  the  Greek  language  and  in  the 
Hebrew,  signifies  a  messenger  or  nuncius,  an  ambassador  ;  one  who  acts 
and  speaks,  not  in  his  own  name  or  behalf,  but  in  the  name,  person,  and 
behalf  of  him  who  sends  him.  Thus  the  word  is  frequently  rendered  in 
our  authorised  translation  ;  and  if  it  had  always  been  rendered  the  mes- 
senger of  the  Lord,  instead  of  Me  angel  of  the  Lord,  the  case  would  have 
boon  very  plain,  liul  angel,  being  a  Greek  word,  which  the  English  reader 
does  not  understand,  throws  some  obscurity  upon  such  passages.' 

13.  Exod.  vii.  19 — 21.  is  apparently  contradicted  by  Exod. 
rii.  22. 

Both  are  reconciled  by  comparing  verse  21.  The  Egyptians  digged 
round  about  the  river  for  water  to  drink :  and  it  seems  that  the  water  thus 
obtained  was  not  bloody  like  that  in  the  river  ;  on  this  water,  therefore, 
the  magicians  might  operate.  Again,  though  Moses  was  commissioned  to 
turn  into  blood,  not  only  the  waters  of  the  river  Nile,  but  also  those  of 
their  streams,  rivers,  ponds,  and  pools;  yet  it  seems  evident  from  verse 
20.  that  he  did  not  proceed  thus  far,  at  least  in  the  first  instance,  for  it  is 
there  stated,  that  only  the  waters  of  the  river  were  turned  into  blood. 
Afterwards,  doubtless,  the  plague  became  general.  At  the  commencement, 
therefore,  of  this  plague,  the  magicians  might  obtain  other  water,  to  imitate 
the  miracle  ;  and  it  would  not  be  difficult  for  them,  by  juggling  tricks,  to 
impart  to  it  a  bloody  appearance,  a  fetid  smell,  and  a  bad  taste.  On  either 
of  these  grounds  there  is  no  contradiction  in  the  Mosaic  account. 


415 


14.  Exod.  ix.  6.     All  the") 

CATTLE    OF  EoYPT    DIED  ;    b'll  I        i«  wid  to 

of  the  cattle  of  the  children  of  f      contradict 
Israel  died  not  one.  J 


f  Exod.  ix.  20.  He  thatfearelh 
the  word  of  the  Lord  among 
\  the  servants  of  Pharaohmade 
|  •  -  -  -  his  cattle  jf?ee  into  the 
{houses. 


Nothing  can  be  more  evident  than  that  universal  terms  are  used  in  all 
languages  in  a  limited  sense  ;  so  that  the  word  all,  in  verse  6.  means,  that 
all  the  cattle  that  did  die  belonged  to  the  Egyptians,  and  died  in  the  field, 
while  those  in  the  houses  escaped  ;  or  else  that  a  great  many  of  all  sorts  of 
cattle  died  ;  or,  if  we  understand  that  all  the  cattle  of  the  Egyptians  perished, 
as  asserted  in  ix.  C,  what  was  there  to  hinder  them  from  obtaining  others 
from  the  Israelites,  not  one  of  whose  cattle  died  in  the  land  of  Goshen  1 
This  justifies  the  supposition  that  there  was  some  respite  or  interval  be- 
tween the  several  plagues. 

15.  It  has  been  asserted,  that  Exod.  xx.  11.  and  Dcut.  v.  15. 
(both  which  passages  enjoin  the  observance  of  the  Sabbath)  are 
at  variance;  and  hence  it  has  been  inferred  that  Moses  could  not 
be  the  author  of  the  Pentateuch. 

But  the  enforcement  of  the  same  precept  by  two  different  motives  does 
not  constitute  two  discordant  precepts;  and  this  is  the  case  with  the  pas- 
sage in  question.  In  Exod.  xx.  11.  Moses  urges  the  observance  of  the  sab- 
bath, by  a  motive  taken  from  the  creation  ;  and  in  the  latter,  by  another 
derived  from  their  exode  or  departure  from  bondage  in  Egypt. 

16.  Exod.  xxxiii.  11.  The)  „,„„  (  John  i.  ft  1  John.  iv.  12. 
Lord  spaJce  unto  Moses  face}  Cooti»dicii  \W°  man  hath  seen  Gml  at 
to  face.                                       ;  *     (any  linn-. 

The  Almighty  is  said  to  have  conversed  with  Moses,  and  Jacob  to  have 
teen  him.  (Gen.  xxxii.30.)  But  this  only  signifies  that  God  revealed  him- 
self  to  them  in  a  more  particular  manner  than  to  others  ;  for  Gad  is  a 
Spirit  whom  no  one  hath  seen  or  can  see  (1  Tim.  vi.  16),  that  is,  as  he  is 
In  heaven.  And  when  Moses  besought  this  favour  of  God,  be  refused  him. 
Baying,  Thou  canst  not  see  my  face,  for  there  shall  no  man  see  me  and  live. 
(Exod.  xxxiii.  20.)  The  apostle  John,  might,  therefore,  say,  that  no  man 
hath  seen  God  at  any  time.  The  ancient  Christian  writers  (who  certainly 
were  more  likely  to  understand  the  subject  than  we  are)  were  generally 
•greed,  that  the  person  who  appeared  to  Adam,  Abraham,  Moses,  and  the 
Prophets,  was  the  Word  of  God,  the  Son  of  God,  Jesus  Christ 

17.  In  Lev.  xvii.  1 — 7.  the  Israelites  were  prohibited  from 
slaughtering  any  clean  animal,  which  they  were  permitted  to  eat, 
in  any  other  place  except  upon  the  altar  at  the  door  of  the  taber- 
nacle, whither  they  were  to  bring  it,  and  to  immolate  it.  The 
reason  assigned  for  this  prohibition  in  verse  7.  is,  that  they  should 
no  longer  offer  sacrifice  unto  idols.     But  in  Deut.  xii.  1 5.  20 — 


22.  the  Israelites,  just  before  they  entered  Palestine,  were  per 
mitted  to  slaughter  oxen,  sheep,  or  other  clean  animals  at  plea- 
sure, in  any  part  of  the  country,  provided  they  did  not  regard 
them  as  sacrifices,  and  abstained  from  their  blood,  which  the 
heathens,  in  their  sacrifices,  were  accustomed  to  drink. 

Between  thcie  two  passages  there  is  an  apparent  contradiction  ;  but  It 
may  be  readily  accounted  for,  when  we  consider  that  the  laws  of  Moses 
were  necessarily  regulated  by  the  circumstances  of  the  Israelites,  and  thai 
they  were  not  intended  to  be  absolutely  unalterable.  The  law  in  question 
iiii^ht  be  obierved  in  the  wilderness,  where  the  Israelites  kept  near 
together,  and,  from  their  poverty,  ate  but  little  animal  food  ;  bu'.  in  Pales- 
tine, and  when  their  circumstances  wero  improved,  it  would  have  been  an 
intolerable  grievance,  for  many  of  them  lived  at  the  distance  of  several 
iliy.-.'  journey  from  the  sanctuary,  at  which  alone  offerings  could  be  made; 
and  they  must,  consequently,  cither  have  altogether  denied  themselves  the 
use  of  the  llesh  of  oxen,  sheep,  and  goats,  or  else  have  travelled  long  jour- 
neys to  present  tbem  at  the  altar  before  they  could  taste  it.  But,  in  fact, 
Moses  himself  shows  that  Lev.  xvii.  1—7.  was  a  temporary  law  intended  only 
for  I/fir  situation  in  the  wilderness,  by  the  phrase  "  without  or  within  the 
camp"  And  iii  the  law  last  promulgated  (Deut.  xii.  15.20—22.),  in  the 
fortieth  year  of  their  pilgrimage,  just  before  their  entrance  into  Palestine, 
he  explicitly  declares  it  repealed,  as  soon  as  they  should  abide  there,  per- 
mitting them  to  kill  and  cat  the  flesh  of  oxen,  Bheep,  &c.  any  where,  as 
already  noticed.  He  tells  them,  that  they  might  then  eat  them  even  as  the 
hart  and  the  roe,  that  is,  with  as  full  liberty,  and  likewise  without  the  small- 
est Idea  of  offering  tbem  ;  for  the  hart  and  the  roe  were  not  allowed  to  be 
brought  to  the  altar. » 

18.  The  promulgation  of  the  Levitical  law  is  said  (Lev.  i.  1.) 
to  have  been  made  from  the  tabernacle,  and  in  Lev.  xxvii.  34. 
we  read,  These  are  the  commandments  -which  the  Lord  com- 
manded Moses  in  Mount  Sinai. 

But  there  is  no  real  contradiction  here.  The  Hebrew  preposition  2 
(bclh)  signifies  near  as  well  as  in  ;  the  meaning,  therefore,  is,  that  these 
were  added  to  the  foregoing  commandments,  before  the  Israelites  removed 
from  the  wilderness  of  Mount  Sinai,  or  while  they  were  near  Mount  Sinai 
And  if  the  objector  had  distinguished  the  time  and  place  when  the  Levi 
tical  law  was  given,  from  the  time  when  the  moral  law  was  promulgated, 
he  would  not  have  asserted  the  existence  of  a  contradiction.  The  latter  was 
given  on  Mount  Sinai,  in  the  third  month  of  the  first  year  after  the  departure 
of  the  Israelites  from  Egypt.  (Exod.  xix.  xx.)  The  tabernacle  was  raised 
on  the  first  day  of  the  first  month  of  the  second  year  after  their  departure  . 
on  which  occasion  Aaron  and  his  sons  were  set  apart  to  the  sacerdotal 
office.  (Exod.  xl.  2.  17 — 32.)  To  the  ceremonies  attendant  on  this  conse- 
cration, the  chief  part  of  Leviticus  belongs  ;  and  from  the  manner  in  which 
this  book  begins,  it  is  plainly  a  continuation  of  the  preceding.  Indeed,  the 
whole  is  but  one  law,  though  divided  from  a  very  ancient  period  into  five 
portions. 

19.  Num.  iv.  3.  From  thirty  )  1DDarentiT  (  ,9-  Num.  viii.  24.  FromrwEn 
years  old  and  upwards  even  >  J?ntnA\eL  ]  TY  AND  FIVE  years  °'rf  a"d  up 
until  fifty  years  old.  )  (  wards,  they  shall  go,  eye. 

These  texts  may  be  reconciled  in  two  ways,  either  by  recollecting  tha-. 
the  Levites  were  obliged  to  spend  five  years  in  learning  the  duties  of  their 
ministry,  before  they  were  admitted  to  officiate ;  oi  that  in  the  time  of  Moses 
their  consecration  began  at  the  twenty-fifth  year  of  their  age,  but  after 
wards,  during  the  time  of  David,  at  their  twentieth  year. 

„   „  .     —    .„       ..     ..  f      Num.    xiv.    45.     Then  the 

20.  Num.  xiv.  2a.  (Now  the  )      ;.  _u  ,„    ! 
Amalekites  dwelled  in  the  val 
ley.) 

The  twenty -fifth  verse  should  be  read  without  a  parenthesis,  and  in  the 
present  tense  dwell.  The  meaning  simply  is,  that  they  at  present  lie  in 
wait  for  you,  at  the  bottom  on  the  other  side  of  the  mountain.  God,  having 
consented  not  to  destroy  the  people,  suddenly  gave  them  notice  of  their 
danger  from  the  neighbouring  people,  who  were  lying  in  wait  to  give  them 
battle.  The  Israelites  presumed  (verse  44.)  to  go  up  into  the  hill-lop  ;  whence 
they  were  diiven  and  discomfited  by  the  AtnaJekites  and  Canaaiiites,  who 
had  posted  themselves  there.  A  detachment  of  the  Amalekites,  who  were 
encamped  on  the  opposite  foot  of  the  hill,  might  easily  ascend  to  succour 
their  Canaanitish  allies. 

21.  Num.  xxi.  2,  3.  is  said  to  be  contradicted  by  the  subsequent 
history  of  the  conquest  of  Canaan. 

But  there  is  no  reason  why  we  should  not  understand  the  destruction  ol 
the  Canaaiiites,  and  their  cities  as  limited  lo  those  which  they  then  took  ; 
for  Joshua  afterwards  took  the  king  of  Arad.  (Josh.  xii.  14.)  See  also  Judg 
i.  16,  17. 

22.  In  1  Cor.  x.  8.  St.  Paul  tells  us,  that  the  number  of  per 
sons  who  were  cutoff  in  the  plague  was  tiventy-three  thousand ; 
but  in  Num.  xxv.  9.  Moses  makes  them  not  less  than  t-wenty- 
four  thousand,  because  in  this  number  he  includes  the  thousand 
who  were  found  guilty  of  idolatry,  and  were  in  consequence 
slain  with  the  sword ;  whereas  the  apostle  speaks  only  of  those 
who  died  of  the  pestilence. 

23.  From  the  law  being  mentioned  in  the  book  of  Exodus  as 
delivered  on  Mount  Sinai,  and  from  Mount  Horeb  being  jnen- 
tioned  as  the  place  where  it  was  delivered,  iti  the  book  of  Deute^ 
ronomy.  without  any  notice  being  taken  of  Mount  Sinai,  it  ha* 
been  insinuated,  that  neither  of  these  books  is  worthy  of  credit, 
especially  because  some  injudicious  persons  have  represented  then 
in  maps  as  two  distinct  mountains. 

It  is,  however,  well  known  that  Sinai  and  Horeb  are  two  diSferent  peaks 
of  one  and  the  same  range  of  mountains;  and  hence  it  is,  tfaat  what  is  in 
one  passage  of  Scripture  related  as  having  been  done  at  Horeb,  is  in  auotn»» 
place  said  to  have  been  done  at  Sinai,  or  in  the  wilderness  of  Sinai. 


1  Dr.  J.  Taylor's  Scheme  of  Scripture  Divinity   ch 
Collection  of  Theological  Tracts,  vol.  i.  p.  65.) 


xv.     (Bp.  Watson's 


Vol.  I. 


3  I 


*  (      ii  uid  to    1  Amaiek 

L'  (    conlndict     |  the  Can 

>  [that  hill 


ekites  came  down,  and 

Canaaiiites  which  dwelt  in 


«  Michaelis's  Commentaries  on  the  Laws  of  Moses,  voL  ii.  pp  414,  tlS 
vol.  i.  pp.  28—33. 


116 


ON  THE  INTERPRETATION,  <fec.  OP   PASSAGES 


[Paht  II.  Book.  II 


34.  Deut.  i.  9 — 18.  is  said  to  contradict  Exod.  xviii.  13 — 23. 
xni.1  Moses  is  asserted  to  have  conceived  the  idea  of  setting 
judges  and  rulers  over  the  people. 

A  little  attention  to  the  two  passages  wo  ild  have  satisfied  the  objector 
that  Moses  did  not  conceive  any  such  idea.  In  Exod.  xviii.  13 — 23.  Jethro, 
his  father-in-law,  having  observed  the  great  personal  fatigue  to  which  the 
Jewish  legislator  daily  exposed  himself,  suggested  to  him  the  appointment 
of  magistrates  over  thousands,  hundreds,  fifties,  and  tens,  men  of  integrity 
and  piety,  to  hear  and  determine  minor  questions  between  the  people,  sub- 
ject, however,  to  the  approbation  of  God.  In  verses  24 — 27.  we  read  gene- 
rally that  Moses  hearkened  to  the  voice  of  his  father-in-law,  followed  his 
counsel,  with  the  approbation  of  God,  and  appointed  the  necessary  officers. 
In  the  first  chapter  of  Deuteronomy,  Moses  is  represented  as  alluding  to  this 
fact,  but  with  this  remarkable  difference,  that  he  not  only  says  nothing  of 
Jethro,  but  instead  of  representing  himself  as  the  person  who  selected  those 
magistrates,  he  states  that  he  had  appealed  to  the  people,  and  desired  that 
they  would  elect  them.  "There  is  a  great  and  striking  difference  between 
these  statements,  but  there  is  no  contradiction.  Jethro  suggested  to  Moses 
the  appointment ;  he,  probably  after  consulting  God,  as  Jethro  intimates, 
if  God  shall  thus  command  thee,  referred  the  matter  to  the  people,  and 
issigned  the  choice  of  the  individuals  to  them  ;  the  persons  thus  selected 
he  admitted  to  share  his  authority  as  subordinate  judges.  Thus  the  two 
statements  are  perfectly  consistent.  But  this  is  not  all :  their  difference  is 
most  natural.  In  first  recording  the  event,  it  was  natural  Moses  should 
dwell  on  the  first  cause  which  led  to  it,  and  pass  by  the  appeal  to  the  people 
as  a  subordinate  and  less  material  part  of  the  transaction  ;  but  in  addressing 
the  people,  it  was  natural  to  notice  the  part  they  themselves  had  in  the  selec- 
tion of  those  judges,  in  order  to  conciliate  their  regard  and  obedience.  How 
naturally  also  does  the  pious  legislator,  in  his  public  address,  dwell  on 
every  circumstance  which  could  improve  his  hearers  in  piety  and  virtue. 
The  multitude  of  the  people  was  the  cause  of  the  appointment  of  these 
judges.  How  beautifully  is  this  increase  of  the  nation  tinned  to  an  argu- 
ment of  gratitude  to  God  !  How  affectionate  is  the  blessing  with  which  the 
pious  speaker  interrupts  the  narrative,  imploring  God,  that  the  multitude  of 
nis  people  may  increase  a  thousand  fold  !  How  admirably  does  he  take  occa- 
sion, from  mentioning  the  judges,  to  inculcate  the  eternal  principles  of  jus- 
tice and  piety,  which  should  control  their  decisions !  Ho-..-  remote  is  all  this 
from  art,  forgery,  and  imposture  !  Surely  here,  if  any  where,  we  can  trace 
the  dictates  of  nature,  truth,  and  piety."1 

25.  Deut.  x.  6,  7.  is  affirmed  to  contradict  Num.  xx.  23 — 29. 
and  xxxiii.  30.  37,  38. 

But  Dr.  Kennicott  has  shown  that  verses  6 — 9.  of  Deut.  x.  are  an  interpo- 
lation, and  ought  to  be  inserted  after  Deut.  ii.  ll.»  For  reconciling  this 
passage,  where  Aaron  is  said  to  have  died  at  Moserah,  with  Num.  xxxiii.  31, 
i2.  where  his  death  is  said  to  have  taken  place  on  Mount  Hor,  it  is  sufficient 
to  remark  that  the  same  place  frecpiently  had  different  names;  just  as  (we 
.have  seen)  Horeb  and  Sinai  were  two  peaks  of  the  same  ridge,  so  Moserah 
might  have  been  a  peak  of  Mount  Hor,  and  interchanged  with  it.  In  Deut. 
jc,  as  it  stands  in  our  printed  copies,  there  are  several  things  omitted,  which 
are  preserved  in  the  Samaritan  copy,  and  remove  the  difficulty  we  other- 
wise find  respecting  the  time  and  place  of  Aaron's  death.  The"  Samaritan 
-opy  may  be  thus  translated:  "  Thence  theij  journeyed,  and  pitched  their 
-.amp  in  Gudgodah  ;  thence  they  journeyed,  and  pitched  in  Jobbatha, 
i  land  of  springs  and  water.  Thence  they  journeyed,  and  pitched  in 
Abarnea.  Thence  they  journeyed,  and  pitched  in  Ezion-geber.  Thence 
•hey  journeyed,  and  pitched  in  the  desert  of  Sir.,  which  is  Kadesh.  Thence 
they  journeyed,  and  pitched  in  Mount  Hor,  and  there  Aaron  died,"  $c. 

26.  Deut.  x.  22.  is  apparently  contradicted  by  Acts  vii.  14. 

The  family  of  Jacob  are  differently  reckoned  at  their  going  into  Egypt. 
In  Deut.  x.  22.  Moses  says,  that  they  were  threescore  and  ten,  that  is  to  say, 
ill  who  came  out  of  Jacob's  loins  (Gen.  xlvi.  26.)  icere  threescore  and  six, 
besides*  himself,  Joseph,  and  his  two  sons  who  were  in  Egypt  before ; 
which  make  threescore  and  ten.  But  in  Acts  vii.  14.  Stephen  adds  to  these 
nine  of  his  son's  wives,  and  thus  makes  ihe  number  threescore  and  fifteen. 
The  latter,  though  not  of  Jacob's  blood,  were  of  his  kindred,  as  Stephen 
justly  expresses  it,  being  allied  to  him  by  marriage. 

27.  There  is  no  "strange  inconsistency"  between  Deut.  xxxii. 
and  Deut.  xxxiii. 

The  former  is  a  sublime  ode,  which  contains  a  defence  of  God  against  the 
Israelites,  and  unfolds  the  method  of  the  divine  judgments.  In  the  latter 
chapter  Moses  takes  his  leave  of  the  people,  by  pronouncing  a  blessing  upon 
them  generally,  and  upon  each  tribe  in  particular. 

28.  In  Joshua  x.  23.  and  37.  the  Israelitish  general  is  charged 
with  killing  the  same  king  of  Hebron  twice. 

The  historian  relates  no  such  thing.  Hebron  was  a  place  of  considerable 
note  ;  and  its  inhabitants,  finding  that  their  king  had  fallen  in  battle,  elected 
another  in  his  place.  The  second  king  was  he  whom  Joshua  slew,  after  he 
had  taken  the  city  and  its  dependencies,  as  related  in  verse  37. 

29.  Josh.  x.  15.  is  apparently  contradicted  by  verse  43.  of  the 
same  chapter. 

In  the  former  place  he  is  said  to  have  returned  and  all  Israel  with  him  to 
Gilgal;  which  he  certainly  did  not  do  until  the  end  of  the  expedition 
(verse  43.),  where  it  is  properly  introduced.  It  is  therefore  either  an  inter- 
polation, or  must  signify  thai  Joshua  intended  to  have  returned,  but  changed 
uis  resolution,  when  he  heard  that  the  five  kings  had  fled  and  hidden  them- 
selves i  in  a  cave  at  Makke.lah.  So  Ualak,  king  of  Moab,  is  said  (Josh.  xxiv. 
I.)  to  have  warred  against  Israel,  that  is,  he  intended  to  war  against  them. 

30.  Josh.  xi.  19.    There  was]  ,     Josh.  xv.  63.   As  for  the  Jehu- 

,iol  o  city  that  made  peace  j  „iteSi  the  inhabitants  ofJerusa- 

with  the  clvldren  of  Israel,  I  i.  .aiJ  to  (em,  the  children  ofJudahcould 
save  the  Hivites,  the  tnhabi-  f  contradict  ]  not  drive  them  out  ■  but  the 
tants  of  Gibeon  ;    all  other  I  I  Jebusites  dwell  with  the  chil- 

they  took  in  battle.  J  L  drcn  of  Judah  unto  this  day. 

There  is  no  contradiction  here.  Although  Jerusalem  was  taken  and  its 
ting  vanquished  by  Joshua,  together  with  the  land  surrounding  it  (Josh  x 
5.  23. 42.),  the  fortress  or  stronghold  of  Zion  continued  in  the  hands  of  the 


«  Dr.  Graves's  Lectures  on  the  Four  last  Books  of  the  I'entateuch,  vol  i 
p.  87. 

»  Mr.  Townsend  has  accordingly  placed  them  60  in  his  excellent  Harmony 
*t  the  Old  Testament.    See  vol.  i.  p.  379. 


Jebusites.  And  the  Israelites  not  being  able  immediately  to  people  all  the 
cities  they  had  taken,  the  Jebusites  recovered  possession  of  the  cily,  whence 
the  children  of  Judah  expelled  them  after  the  death  of  Joshua.  (Judg.  i.  8.) 
But  the  fortress  of  Mount  Zion  remaned  in  their  hands  until  the  reign  of 
David. 

31.  Josh.  xxi.  43, 44.  we  read,  The  Lord  gave  unto  Israel  all 
the  land  -which  he  sioare  to  give  unto  their  fathers  ;  and  they  pot- 
sessed  and  dwell  therein.  And  the  Lord  gave  them  rest  rouna 
about,  according  to  all  that  he  sware  unto  their  fathers  :  and 
there  stood  not  a  man  of  all  their  enemies  before  them  ;  the  Lora 
delivered  all  their  enemies  into  their  hand.  This  is  asserted  to 
be  a  direct  contradiction  to  the  preceding  parts  of  this  book ;  but 
it  is  assertion  without  proof. 

The  whole  country  was  now  divided  by  lot  unto  them  ;  and  their  ene- 
mies were  so  completely  discomfited,  that  there  was  not  a  single  army  of 
the  Canaanites  remaining  to  make  head  against  them  ;  and  those  who  were 
left  in  the  land  served  under  tribute  ;  and  the  tribute  so  paid  by  them  was 
the  amplest  proof  of  their  complete  subjugation. s  Add  to  this,  that  the 
Israelites  had  as  much  of  the  land  in  actual  possession  as  they  could  oc- 
cupy ;  and  as  they  increased,  God  enabled  them  to  drive  out  the  ancient 
inhabitants,  but  in  consequence  of  the  infidelity  of  the  Israelites,  thoii 
enemies  were  often  permitted  to  straiten  them,  and  sometimes  to  prevail 
against  them.  It  is  also  to  be  recollected,  that  God  never  promised  :r,  give 
them  the  land,  or  to  maintain  them,  but  upon  condition  of  obedience  ;  and 
so  punctually  did  he  fulfil  this  intention,  that  there  is  not  a  single  instance 
upon  record  in  which  they  were  either  straitened  or  subjugated,  while 
they  were  obedient  and  faithful  to  their  God.  In  this  sense,  therefore,  it 
might  most  correctly  and  literally  be  said  that  there  failed  not  aught  of 
any  good  thing  which  the  Lord  had  spoken  unto  the  house  of  Israel :  all 
came  to  pass.— Nor  will  one  word  of  his  ever  fail,  while  sun  and  moon 
endure. 

32.  In  Judg.  i.  19.  we  read,  The  Lord  was  with  Judah,  and 
he  drove  out  the  inhabitants  of  the  mountain;  but  could  not 
drive  out  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley,  because  they  had  cha- 
riots of  iron. 

Frorn  this  passage  M.  Voltaire  and  his  copyists  in  this  country  have  taken 
occasion  to  remark  that  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  the  Lord  of  heaven 
and  earth,  who  had  so  often  changed  the  order  and  suspended  the  establish- 
ed laws  of  nature,  in  favour  of  his  people,  could  not  succeed  against  the 
inhabitants  of  a  valley,  because  they  had  chariots  of  iron. 

A  little  consideration,  however,  of  the  context  of  the  passage  will  show 
that  this  mighty  difficulty  has  as  little  foundation  as  all  the  rest  which  the 
ingenuity  of  the  enemies  of  the  Bible  have  imagined  to  exist.  In  the  first 
place,  then,  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  when  it  is  said  he  drove  out  the  in- 
habitants of  the  mountain,  but  could  not  drive  out  the  inhabitants  of  the 
valley ;  the  antecedent  is  Judah,  not  Jehovah  ;  because  Jehovah  had  often 
displayed  much  more  eminent  instances  of  his  power;  and  he  that  effected 
the  greater,  could  certainly  have  effected  the  less.  In  the  second  place, 
though  it  pleased  God  to  give  success  to  Judah  in  one  instance,  it  does  not 
necessarily  follow,  that  therefore  he  should  give  it  in  all.  So  that  there  is 
no  more  absurdity  in  the  passage,  than  there  would  be  in  the  following 
speech,  if  such  had  been  addressed  to  the  sovereign  by  one  of  his  com- 
manders returned  from  America  : — "  By  the  blessing  of  God  upon  your 
majesty's  arms,  we  overcame  General  Greene  in  the  field;  but  we  could 
not  attack  General  Washington,  because  he  was  too  strongly  entrenched 
in  his  camp."  There  is  no  reason,  therefore,  for  supposing,  that  "  the  Jews 
considered  the  God  of  Israel  their  protector  as  a  local  divinity  ;  who  was, 
in  some  instances,  more,  and  in  others  less  powerful,  than  the  gods  of 
their  enemies."4 

33.  Judg.  vi.  1.  is  said  to  contradict  Num.  xxxi.  10. 

In  the  latter  place,  however,  it  is  not  said  that  all  the  Midianites  were 
extirpated.  Those  who  engaged  the  Israelites  were  discomfited,  and  their 
country  was  laid  waste,  that  those  who  fled  might  have  no  encouragement 
to  return  thither.  In  the  course  of  two  hundred  years,  however,  they 
might  increase  and  become  sufficiently  formidable  (as  we  read  that  they 
did  in  Judg.  vi.  1.)  to  oppress  the  northern  and  eastern  Israelites,  espe- 
cially when  joined  by  the  Amalekites  and  lshmaeliles,  or  children  of  the 
east,  as  their  allies  are  termed  in  the  third  verse.  This  remark  will  serve 
also  to  remove  the  contradiction  alleged  to  exist  between  I  Sam.  xv.  7,  8., 
where  the  Amalekites  are  said  to  have  been  discomfited  by  the  Israelites 
under  Saul,  and  1  Sam.  xxx.  1,  2.,  where  they  are  said,  twenty-three  years 
afterwards,  to  have  made  a  predatory  incursion  against  Ziklag.  The  latter 
were,  doubtless,  a  travelling  predatory  horde,  similar  to  those  who  to  this 
day  live  in  the  country  where  the  Amalekites  formerly  dwelt,  viz.  Arabia. 

34.  The  account  of  Saul's  death,  related  in  1  Sam.  xxxi.  1 — 6. 
(whence  it  is  copied,  with  some  trifling  difference,  in  1  Chron.  x;.) 
is  said  to  be  contradicted  by  the  account  of  the  Amalekite,  nar- 
rated in  2  Sam.  i.  10. 

The  historian  relates  the  fact  as  stated  by  the  Amalekite  himself,  whose 
story  bears  every  mark  of  being  a  fiction,  formed  in  order  to  ingratiate 
himself  with  David  as  the  next  probable  successor  to  the  crown.  (Compare 
2 Sam.  iv.  10.)  There  are  always  men  of  this  description  about  camps, 
whose  object  is  plunder,  and  for  which  they  will  strip  the  dead. 

35.  2  Kings  xxiv.  13.  and  xxv.  8 — 12.  are  stated  to  be  contra- 
dictory. 

If  the  objector  had  attended  to  the  difference  of  times,  he  would  have 
found  the  Scriptures  perfectly  consistent.  Nebuchadnezzar  carried  away 
the  riches  and  furniture  of  the  temple  at  three  different  times:  first,  in 
the  third  year  of  Jehoiachiin  (Dan.  i.  2.) ;  these  were  the  vessels  which 
his  son  Belshazzar  profaned  (Dan.  v.  2.),  and  which  Cyrus  restored  to  the 
Jews  (Ezra  i.  7.),  to  be  set  up  in  the  temple,  when  rebuilt:  secondly,  in 


»  If  payment  of  tribute  be  not  an  absolute  proof  of  subjugation,  the  ob- 
jector to  the  sacred  historian  might  with  equal  truth  have  affirmed,  that 
during  the  war,  in  which  Great  Britain  was  engaged  for  her  existence  as 
an  independent  nation  and  government,  her  forces  did  not  subdue  the 
French  West  India  Islands  and  the  Dutch  settlement  at  Batavia  in  1812, 
because  the  ancient  inhabitants  continued  to  remain  in  (hem,  and  to  pay 
tribute. 

*  Biibop  Home's  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  493. 


z.iap.  VU.  Sect.  VI.] 


OF  SCRIPTURE,  ALLEGED  TO  BE    CONTRADICTORY. 


417 


.he  reign  of  Jehoiachim  he  again  took  the  city,  awl  rut  to  pieces  a  great 
part  of  the  vessels  of  gold  Which  Solomon  had  made  <2  Kings  xxiv.  b(  > 
and,  thirdly,  in  the  eleventh  year  of  ZedeUah,  h  related  In  2  Kings  xxv. 
»3 — 17.,  he  once  more  pillaged  tin-  temple. 

36.  Ezra  ii.  is  apparently  at  variance  with  Nehcmiah  vii. 

On  the  discrepancies  occurring  throughout  ll  piers,  the  coin- 

nentatorK  must  be  consulted:  ii  may  tufflce  here  to  remark  that  the  ac- 
nounl  contained  in  Ezra  wai  taken  In  Chaldaa6«/or<  the  Jewacommenced 
.neir  return ;  and  that  which  i  •  rel  tied  In  Nebemlab  vii.  tjler  their  arrival 
n.  Jerusalem.  Borne  of  them  altering  their  mlndi  and  - 1  a  mg  behind  after 
they  had  given  in  their  nanus  to  go,  and  other*  dying  on  the  way,  le 
part  of  the  number*  In  Nehemtah:  aa  on  the  contrary,  some  of  them 
coming  to  them  afterwards,  mad-  the  Dumber*  mentioned  In  the  latter 
appear  the  greater. 

But  the  principal  and  most  numerous  contradictions  are  to  be 
found  in  the  Old  Testament  between  some  parts  of  the  second  book 
of  Samuel  and  the  books  of  King*  ami  ( 'hronicles  ;  and  chiefly  re- 
late to  numbers,  dates,  names,  and  genealogies.  The  means  by 
which  some  of  these  repugnancies  may  be  reconciled  have  already 
been  indicated  ;'  in  addition  to  which  we  may  remark,  that  although 
the  commentators  generally  present  satisfactory  solutions,  yet  many 
of  the  seeming  differences  may  lie  easily  reconciled  on  the  prin- 
ciple that  the  books  of  Chronicles  are  supplementary  to  those 
of  Kings ;  and  hence  they  are  termed  in  the  Septuagint 
TUtf*MUnf**A,  or  things  omitted.  Besides,  the  language  was 
slightly  changed,  after  the  captivity,  from  what  it  had  previously 
been.  The  various  places  had  received  new  names,  or  undergone 
sundry  vicissitudes ;  certain  things  were  now  better  known  to 
the  returned  Jews,  under  other  appellations  than  those  by  which 
they  had  formerly  been  distinguished ;  and  from  the  materials 
ocfore  him,  which  often  were  not  the  same  as  those  used  by  the 
abridgers  of  the  histories  of  the  kings,  the  author  of  the  books 
of  Chronicles  takes  those  passages  which  seemed  best  adapted  to 
lis  purpose,  and  most  suitable  to  the  time  in  which  he  wrote. 
It  must  also  be  considered,  that  he  often  elucidates  obsolete  and 
ambiguous  words,  in  former  books,  by  a  dilferent  mode  of  spell- 
ing them,  or  by  a  dilferent  order  of  the  words  employed  even 
when  he  does  not  use  a  distinct  phraseology  of  narration,  which 
he  sometimes  adopts.  The  following  are  the  most  material  pas- 
sages of  these  hooks,  which  have  been  the  subject  of  cavil  to  the 
modern  advocates  of  infidelity. 

37.  In  1  Chron.  xix.  7.  the  children  of  Amnion  are  said  to 
have  hired  thirty-two  thousand  chariots,  and  the  king  of  Miaar 
chah  and  his  people  ;  which  appears  an  incredible  number. 

Hut  the  original  word  here  rendered  chariots  does  not  always  bear  that 
meaning  :  it  is  a  collective  noun  signifying  cavalry  or  riders.  The  mean- 
ing, therefore,  is,  thai  they  hired  thirty-two  thousand  Syrian  auxiliaries, 
who  were  usually  mounted  on  chariots  or  horses,  but  who  occasionally 
also  served  ■  ;  fool  soldiers,  which  is  perfectly  in  unison  with  2Sam.  x.6., 
nhere  the  Syrian  auxiliaries  engaged  by  the  Ammonites  amount  exactly  to 
thirty-two  thousand,  besides  a  thousand  men,  whom  they  hired  of  the  king 
of  Maachah;  and  whom  we  may  presume  to  be  infantry. 

33.  2Sam   xxiv.  I.   Again  thc\ 
anger  of  the  Lord  was  kindled]    •.„:*,„  \      1  Chron.  xxi.  4.  Satan  stood 
I  he  moved  f contradict  ]UP    anl^  pruvked  David  to 
David  against  them,  to  say,  Go  (  number  Israel. 

number  Israel  and  Judah.  J 

It  is  not  usual  to  mention  the  anger  of  God,  without  stating  its  cause  : 
but  as  the  first  of  these  texts  now  stands,  God  is  stated  to  be  angry,  and  his 
anger  leads  him  to  move  David  to  number  the  people.  This  numbering  of 
the  people,  however,  was  not  the  cause,  but  the  effect  of  his  anger;  the 
cause  is  stated  In  the  seem  I  passage,  which  may  be  rendered— nn  adver- 
sary (perhaps  one  of  David's  wicked  counsellors,  for  the  Hebrew  word 
]£'0  (BOTCm)  signifies  an  adversary)  stood  up  against  Israel,  and  moved 
Hariri  to  number  Israel.  At  the  time  referred  to,  David  probably  coveted 
.■ui  extension  of  empire  ;  and  having  through  the  suggestions  of  an  adver- 
sary given  way  to  this  evil  disposition  he  could  not  well  look  to  God  for 
help  and.  therefore,  wished  to  know  whether  the  thousands  of  Israel  and 
Judah  might  be  deemed  equal  to  the  conquest  which  he  meditated.  His 
Jesign  was,  to  force  all  the  Israelites  to  perform  military  service,  and  en 
In  the  contest  which  his  ambition  had  in  view;  and,  as  the  people 
might  resist  '.his  census,  soldiers  were  employed  to  make  it,  who  might 
not  only  put  down  res  stance,  leu  also  suppress  any  disturbances  that 
might  arise  Concerning  the  difference  of  numbers  in  this  census,  see 
Sect.  VIII.  Obi  6.  p.  421.  infra. 

39.  In  °  Kings  xvi.  9.  it  is  said,  that  the  king  of  Assyria 
hearkened  unto  Ahaz,  hut  in  2  Chron.  xxviii.  20.  we  read  that 
he  distress-  d  him,  but  strengthened  him  not. 

Both  BtPtfaentfl  are  tcue.  Re  etui  help  him  against  the  king  of  Syria, 
took  i/aca-ius,  and  delivered  Aha/,  from  the  power  of  the  Syrians.  But 
this  se:  dee  was  of  little  value;  for  the  Assyrian  monarch  did  not  assist  Ahaz 
against  the  Bdomites  or  Philistines;  and  lie  distressed  him  by  taking  the 
royal  treasures  and  the  treasures  of  the  temple,  and  rendered  him  but 
little  service  for  so  great  a  sacrifice  • 

The  preceding  are  the  chief  passages  in  the  Old  Testament,  in 
which  differences  have  been  imagined  to  exist ;  but  with  how 
little  propriety  the  reader  will  be  enabled  to  judge  from  a  careful 

1  See  pp.  400— 401.  of  the  present  Volume. 

»  This  seeming  contradiction  is  illustrated  by  what  happened  in  our  own 
nation.  The  Britons  invited  the  Saxons  to  help  them  against  the  Scots  and 
Picts.  The  Saxons  accordingly  came  and  assisted  them  for  a  time,  but  at 
length  they  made  themselves  masters  of  the  country- 


examination  of  the  various  passages  themselves.  It  remains 
only  that  we  notice  a  few  passages  in  the  New  Testament  which 
have  also  been  the  subject  of  cavil. 

40.  Matthew  xxvii.  9,  10.  disagrees  with  Zechariah  xi.  13. 

Both  may  be  reconciled  by  supposing  the  name  of  the  prophet  to  have 
been  originally  omitted  by  the  evangelist,  and  that  the  name  of  Jeremiah 
was  Inserted  by  .some  subsequent  copyist.  Jeremiah  is  omitted  in  two 
manuscripts  of  the  twelfth  century,  in  (he  Syriac,  the  later  Persian,  and 
modem  Greek  versions,  and  in  some  later  copies.  What  renders  it  likely 
that  the  original  reading  was  $•*  tcu  wjtpirrtv  by  the  prophet,  is,  that  Saint 
Matthew  frequently  omits  the  name  of  tin-  prophet  in  bis  quotations.  On 
this  passage,  see  further  p.  296.  note  5.  in  this  Volume. 

41.  Mark  ii.  2G.  is  at  variance  with  1  Sam.  xxi.  1. 

Abiathar  was  not  high  priest  at  that  time  :  but  the  expression  may  easily 
signify,  in  the  days  of  Abiathar,  who  was  afterwards  high  priest.  Or,  pro- 
bably' both  Ahunelech  and  Abiathar  might  officiate  m  the  high  priesthoo  ), 
and  the  name  of  the  office  be  indifferently  applied  to  either 

42.  The  different  manner  in  which  the  four  evangelists  have 
mentioned  the  superscription  which  was  written  over  Jesus  Christ 
when  on  the  cross  was  objected  as  a  want  of  accuracy  and  truth 
by  Dr.  Middleton;  and  his  objection  has  been  copied  by  later 
writers. 

But  it  is  not  improbable  that  it  varied  in  each  of  the  languages  in  win   h 

that  accusation  or  superscription  was  written  :  for  both  Luke  (xxiii.  38.) 

and  John  (x.vix.  20.)  say  that  it  was  written  in  Greek,  Latin,  and  Hebrew. 

We  may  then  reasonably  suppose  Matthew  to  have;  recited  the  Hebrew  : 

Tins  is 

Jesus  the  kino  of  the  Jews. 

And  John  the  Greek : 

Jesus  tub  Nazarene  the  king  op  the  Jews. 

If  it  should  be  asked,  Why  the  Nazarene  was  omitted  in  the  Hebrew, 
and  we  must  assign  a  reason  for  Pilate's  humour  ;  perhaps  we  may  thtte 
account  for  it.  He  might  be  informed,  that  Jesus  in  Hebrew  denoted  a 
Saviour ,»  and  as  it  carried  more  appearance  of  such  an  appellative  or 
general  term  by  standing  alone,  he  might  choose,  by  dropping  the  epithet 
lAe  Nazarene,  to  leave  the  sense  so  ambiguous,  that  it  might  be  so  thus  un- 
derstood : 

This  is 
A  Saviour  the  kino  op  the  Jews. 

Pilate,  as  little  satisfied  with  the  Jews  as  with  himself  on  that  day,  I 
the  inscription,  which  was  his  own,  as  a  dishonour  to  the  nation  ;  and  thus 
set  a  momentous  verity  before  them,  with  as  much  design  of  declaring  :: 
as  Caianhas  had  of  prophesying,  That  Jesus  should  die  for  the  pi 
The  ambiguity  not  holding  in  Greek,  the  Nazarene  might  be  there  inserted 
in  scorn  again  of  the  Jews,  by  denominating  their  king  from  a  city  whu 
they  held  in  the  utmost  contempt.' 

Let  us  now  view  the  Latin.  It  is  not  assuming  much  to  suppose,  that 
Pilate  would  not  concern  himself  with  Hebrew  names,  nor  risk  an  impro- 
priety  in  speaking  or  writing  them.  It  was  thought  essentia  to  the  dignity 
of  a  Roman  magistrate  in  the  times  of  the  republic  not  tt  speak  but  in 
Latin  on  public  occasions.'  Of  which  spirit  Tiberius  the  em,  ero.  retained 
so  much,  that  in  an  oration  to  the  senate  he  apologizes  for  using  a  Greek 
word;  and  once,  when  they  were  drawing  up  a  decree,  advised  them  to 
erase  another  that  had  been  inserted  in  it.'  And  though  the  magistrates 
in  general  were  then  become  more  condescending  to  the  Greeks,  they 
retained  this  point  of  state  with  regard  to  other  nations,  whose  langt 
they  esteemed  barbarous,  and  would  give  themselves  no  trouble  of  ac- 
quiring. Pilate,  indeed,  according  to  Matthew,  asked  at  our  Lord'6  trial. 
Whom  will  ye  that  I  release  unto  you,  Barabbas.  or  Jesus  which  is  called 
Christ?  And  again,  What  shall  I  do  then  with  Jesus  which  is  called 
Christ?  But  we  judge  this  to  be  related,  as  the  interpreter  by  whom  he 
spake  delivered  it  in  Hebrew.'  For  if  the  other  evangelists  have  given  bit 
exact  words,  he  never  pronounced  the  name  of  Jesus,  but  spake  of  bio 
all  along  by  a  periphrasis  :  Will  ye  that  I  release  unto  you  The  king  of  the 
Jews?  What  will  ye  then  that  I  shall  do  unto  him  whom  ye  call  The  king 
of  the  Jews'?  Thus  he  acted  in  conference  with  the  rulers,  and  then  or- 
dered a  Latin  inscription  without  mixture  of  foreign  words,  just  as  Mark 
repeats  it : 

The  kino  of  the  Jews  : 
Which  is  followed  by  Luke  ;  only  that  he  has  brought  down  This  it  from 
above,  as  having  a  common  reference  to  what  stood  under  it: 

This  is 

TnB   KING   OF  THE  JEWS 

Thus  it  is  evident  that  there  were  variations  in  the  inscription,  and  that 
the  Latin  was  the  shortest;  but  it  is  equally  evident  that  these  variation* 
are  not  discrepancies  or  contradictions  in  the  narrativesof  the  evangelists.' 

43.  The  alleged  discrepancies  in  the  genealogies  recorded  by 
Matthew  (i.)  and  Luke  (iii.)  have  already  been  considered  in 
pp.  400,  401.  supra.  In  addition  to  the  observations  there  ad- 
duced, the  following  solution  of  the  supposed  contradiction,  by 
Professor  Hug  (founded  on  the  law  of  the  leviratc),10  is  highly 
deserving  of  consideration,  both  from  its  novelty  and  its  proba- 
bility. 

By  that  law  one  and  the  same  son  might  have  two  different  fathers,  one 
retil  and  the  other  legal.  Most  of  the  apparent  contradictions  in  the  gene- 
alogies of  Matthew  and  Luke  disappear,  since  Salathiel  might  be  declared  Ic 

»  Pearson  on  the  Creed,  art.  ii.  at  the  beginning. 

<  John  xi.  49—51.  »  John  i.  46. 

•  Valerius  Maxim  us,  b.  ii.  c.  2.  5  2. 

«  Suelon.  in  Tiberio,  c.  71.  The  two  words  were  Monopoly  and  Em- 
blem. 

»  See  Wolfiuson  Matt,  xxvii.  2. 

»  Dr.  Townson's  Works,  vol.  i.  pp.  200—202. 

10  By  the  jus  leviratus,  or  law  of  the  lenrate,  when  a  man  died  without 
issue,  his  nearest  male  relative  was  obliged  to  raise  up  seed  to  him ;  accord- 
ingly, ho  married  his  widow,  and  the  first-born  son,  of  that  marriage,  was 
reputed  to  be  the  son  of  the  deceased,  to  whose  name  and  right*  he  suc- 
ceeded. 


U8 


ON  THE  INTERPRETATION,  Ax.  OF  PASSAGES 


[Paht  A.  Book  II 


twthe  son  of  Jechonias  as  well  as  Neri,  and  since  Zorobabel  might  appear  in 
one  filiation  as  the  father  of  Abiud  and  in  the  other  as  the  father  of  Rhesa. 


the  two  evangelists,  in  giving  the  genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ,  would  have 
been  to  prove  to  the  Jews,  that  the  man  who  called  himself  the  Messiah  was 
Sy  his  le»at  father  Joseph  inscribed  as  a  descendant  of  David  in  the  genea- 
logical tables  to  which  that  nation  attached  so  much  importance  and 
authority  Indeed,  in  a  country  where  a  legal  descent  was  the  same  as  a 
real  descent  and  where  an  inscription  in  the  genealogical  tables  was  every 


relat'ivelo  the  family 
importance  to  them.' 

The  following  additional  remarks  of  the  late  Bishop  Home, 
on  the  subject  of  the  Jewish  Genealogies,  are  likewise  highly 
deserving  of  attention. 

In  the  first  place,  Genealogies  in  general,  and  those  of  the  Jews  in  par- 
ticular, with  their  method  of  deriving  them,  and  the  confusion  often  arising 
from  the  circumstance  of  the  same  person  being  called  by  different  names, 
or  different  persons  by  the  same  name,  are  in  their  nature,  and  must  be  to 
us,  at  this  distance  of  time,  matters  of  very  complicated  consideration,  and 
it  is  no  wonder  they  should  be  attended  with  difficulties  and  perplexities. 
Secondly,  The  evangelists,  in  an  affair  of  so  much  importance,  and  so  open 
then  to  detection,  had  there  been  any  thing  wrong  to  be  detected,  would 
most  assuredly  be  careful  to  give  Christ's  pedigree  as  it  was  found  in  the 
authentic  tables,  which,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  nation,  were  pre- 
served in  the  family,  as  is  evident  from  Josephus,  who  says,  "I  give  you 
this  succession  of  our  family,  as  I  find  it  written  in  the  public  tables." 
Thirdly,  As  it  was  well  known  the  Messiah  must  descend  from  David,  the 
genealogical  tables  of  that  family  would  be  kept  with  more  than  ordinary 
diligence  and  precision.  Fourthly,  Whatever  cavils  the  modern  Jews  and 
others  now  make  against  the  genealogies  recorded  by  the  evangelists,  the 
Jews  their  contemporaries  never  offered  to  find  fault  with,  or  to  invalidate, 
the  accounts  given  in  the  Gospels.  As  they  wanted  neither  opportunity, 
materials,  skill,  nor  malice  to  have  done  it,  and  it  would  have  offered  them 
so  great  an  advantage  against  the  Christians,  this  circumstance  alone,  as 
Dr.  South  well  remarks,  were  we  not  now  able  to  clear  the  point,  ought 
with  every  sober  and  judicious  person  to  have  the  force  of  a  moral  demon- 
stration.0 

44.  Matt,  xxvii.  5.  apparently  disagrees  with  Acts  i.  18. 

Matthew  simply  says,  that  Judas  went  and  hanged  himself;  and  this  he 
thought  sufficient  to  say  of  the  traitor,  without  adding  the  other  circum- 
«<aucesof  his  death.  Luke  parenthetically  states  those  circumstances  only 
which  followed  after  he  had  hanged  himself;  viz.  that,  falling  headlons,  he 
burst  asunder  in  the  midst,  and  all  his  bowels  gushed  out.  He  hanged  him- 
self; and  whether  the  cord  or  rope  with  which  he  committed  suicide  broke, 
or  that  to  which  it  was  fastened  gave  way,  he  fell  with  his  face  to  the  ground, 
and  the  violence  of  the  fall  ruptured  the  abdomen,  so  that  his  intestines 
were  dashed  upon  the  ground.3 

15.  Heb.  ix.  4.  is  apparently  contradictory  to  1  Kings  viii.  9. 

From  the  text  of  the  former  book,  it  appears  that  the  ark  contained  several 
things  therein  specified :  whereas,  we  learn  from  the  latter,  that  it  con- 
tained only  the  two  tables  of  stone.  The  word  Ev  '*,  in  which  (.wherein  in 
the  authorized  translation),  therefore,  refer  to  the  tabernacle,  and  not  to 
the  ark  ;  and  thus  the  difference  is  removed. 

Lastly,  Some  of  the  differences  between  the  Old  and  New 
Testaments  arise  from  numbers  and  dates,  and  may  be  explained 
on  the  principles  already  laid  down  in  pp.  403,  404.  supra ; 
and  others  arise  from  the  variances  occurring  in  the  quotations 
from  the  Old  in  the  New  Testament.  But  as  these  require  a 
distinct  consideration,  the  reader  will  find  them  fully  discussed  in 
pp.  293 — 318.  of  this  volume. 


SECTION  VII. 

SEEMING    INCONSISTENCIES    BETWEEN    SACRED  AND    PROFANE 
WRITERS. 

It  is  not  to  be  denied  that  the  sacred  Scriptures  contain 
facts  which  appear  to  be  contradictory  to  the  relations  of  the 
same  facts  by  profane  historians.  But  the  objections  which 
some  would  derive  from  these  seeming  inconsistencies  lose 
all  their  force,  when  the  uncertainty  and  want  of  credibility 
in  heathen  historians  are  considered,  as  well  as  their  want  of 
authentic  records  of  the  times.4  It  may  further  be  added, 
that  the  silence  of  the  latter,  concerning  facts  related  by  the 
inspired  writers,  cannot  be  regarded  as  contradicting  them ; 
because  many  of  these  facts  are  either  too  ancient  to  come 
within  the  limits  of  profane  histories,  or  are  of  such  a  de- 
scription that  they  could  not  take  notice  of  them.5  The 
silence  or  omission  even  of  many  historians  ought  not  to 
overturn  the  testimony  of  any  one  author,  who  positively 
relates  a  matter  of  fact :  if,  therefore,  a  fact  related  in  the 

'  Cellerier.  Intiod.  au  Nouv.  Test.  pp.  332—334.      Hug's  Inlrod.  to  the 
New  Test,  vol  ii.  pp.  206—272. 
»  Bishop  Home's  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  513. 
»  Biscoe  on  the  Acts,  vol.  ii.  p.  639. 

*  Bishop  Stillingfleet  has  largely  proved  this  point  in  the  first  book  of  his 
Origines  Sacra,  pp.  1—65.  (edit.  1709,  folio.) 

•  On  this  iubject,  see  the  present  Volume,  pp.  85—87. 


Scripture  be  contradicted  by  an  historian  who  lived  many 
centuries  after  the  time  when  it  took  place,  such  contradiction 
ought  to  have  no  weight. 

1.  Justin,  the  abbreviator  of  Trogus  Pompeius,  who  wrote  at 
least  eighteen  hundred  years  after  the  time  of  Moses,  relates  that 
the  Israelites  were  expelled  from  Egypt,  because  they  had  commu- 
nicated the  itch  and  leprosy  to  the  Egyptians,  who  were  appre- 
hensive lest  the  contagion  should  spread  ;  and  that  the  Israelites, 
having  clandestinely  carried  away  the  sacred  mysteries  of  the 
Egyptians,  were  pursued  by  the  latter  ;  who  were  compelled  to 
return  home  by  tempests.6 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  remark,  how  contrary  this  statement  of  the 
Roman  historian  is  to  that  of  the  Jewish  legislator;  and  when  Justin's 
credulity  and  want  of  information  are  properly  weighed,  the  contradiction 
falls  entirely  to  the  ground.  The  same  remark  is  applicable  to  the  account* 
of  the  Jew'ish  nation  given  by  the  prejudiced  historian  Tacitus;  which 
evidently  betray  the  injurious  representations  of  their  avowed  enemies 
Bp.  Gray,  who  has  given  these  accounts  (for  which  we  have  not  room),  has 
observed  that  many  of  them  had  been  distinctly  refuted  in  the  time  ol 
Tacitus  by  Josephus  and  other  historians.  They  contain  in  themselves 
sufficient  to  show  how  full  of  errors  they  are  ;  and  while  they  exhibit  much 
truth  blended  with  falsehood,  they  tend  to  establish  the  former,  without 
conferring  any  shadow  of  probability  on  the  latter.' 

2.  It  has  been  thought  impossible  to  raise  so  vast  an  empire  as 
that  of  Assyria  is  described  to  have  been  by  Herodotus  and  Cte- 
sias  (whose  accounts  contradict  the  relation  of  Moses),  so  early 
as  within  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  after  Noah. 

But  their  accounts  are,  probably,  exaggerated,  and  in  many  instances 
fictitious ;  and,  according  to  the  chronology  of  the  lxx.  as  well  as  of  the 
Samaritan  Pentateuch,  the  origin  of  the  Assyrian  empire  is  carried  to  a 
much  greater  distance  from  the  flood.' 

3.  Joseph's  division  of  the  land  of  Egygt,  which  is  recorded 
by  Moses  (Gen.  xlvii.)  has  been  represented  as  contradictory  to 
the  account  of  that  country  by  Diodorus  Siculus. 

But  on  comparing  the  two  narratives  together  it  will  be  found  '.hat  the 
latter  fully  supports  the  sacred  historian.  Diodorus*  expressly  affirms  that 
the  lands  were  divided  between  the  king,  the  priests,  and  the  soldiery ;  and 
Moses  expressly  says,  that  they  were  divided  between  the  king,  the  priests, 
and  the  people.  "Moses  tells  us  that  before  the  famine,  all  the  lands  of 
Egypt  were  in  the  hands  of  the  king,  the  priests,  and  the  people  ;  but  that 
this  national  calamity  made  a  great  revolution  in  property,  and  brought  the 
whole  possessions  of  the  people  into  the  king's  hands  ;  which  must  needs 
make  a  prodigious  accession  of  power  to  the  crown.  But  Joseph,  in  whom 
the  office  of  high-priest  and  patriot  supported  each  other,  and  jointly  con- 
curred to  the  public  service,  prevented  for  some  time  the  ill  effects  of  this 
accession  by  his  farming  out  the  new  domain  to  the  old  proprietors  on  very 
easy  conditions.  We  may  well  suppose  this  wise  disposition  to  have  con- 
tinued, till  that  new  king  arose  that  knew  not  Joseph  (Exod.  i.  8.) ;  that  is, 
would  obliterate  his  memory,  as  averse  to  his  system  of  policy.  He,  as  it 
appears  from  Scripture,  greatly  affected  a  despotic  government;  to  support 
which  he  first  established  a  standing  militia,  and  endowed  it  with  the  lands 
formerly  belonging  to  the  people,  who  now  became  a  kind  of  villains  to  this 
order,  and  were  obliged  to  personal  service  ;  this  and  the  priesthood  being 
the  orders  of  nobility  in  this  powerful  empire :  and  so  considerable  were 
they,  that  out  of  them,  indifferently,  their  kings  were  taken  and  elected. 
Thus  the  property  of  Egypt  became  divided  in  the  manner  the  Sicilian  re- 
lates; and  it  is  remarkable  that  from  this  time,  and  not  till  now,  we  hear  in 
Scripture  of  a  standing  militia,  and  of  the  king's  six  hundred  chosen  cha 
riots,"  &c.»o 

4.  The  destruction  of  Sennacherib's  army,  which  is  ascribed 
to  divine  ageney  by  the  sacred  historian  (2  Kings  xix.  35.  2  Chron. 
xxxii.  21.  and  Isaiah  xxxvii.  36.)  was  probably  the  blast  or  hot 
pestilential  south  wind  called  the  Simoom,  so  well  described  by 
Mr.  Bruce.'1 

The  destruction  of  the  same  army  before  Pelusium,  in  the  reign  of  Sethos 
king  of  Egypt,  is  attributed  by  Herodotus"*  to  an  immense  number  of  mice, 
that  infested  the  Assyrian  camp  by  night,  so  that  their  quivers  and  bows, 
together  with  what,  secured  their  shields  to  their  arms,  were  gnawed  in 
pieces.  It  is  particularly  to  be  remarked  that  Herodotus  calls  the  Assyrian 
king  Sennacherib,  as  the  Scriptures  do  ;  and  that  the  time  referred  to  in 
both  is  perfectly  accordant.  Hence  it  appears  that,  it  is  the  same  fact  to 
which  Herodotus  alludes,  although  much  disguised  in  the  relation  ;  and  thus 
the  seeming  contradiction  between  the  sacred  and  profane  historians  is 
easily  removed.  The  difference  between  them  may  be  readily  explained, 
when  it  is  considered  that  Herodotus  derived  his  information  from  the 
Egyptian  priests,  who  cherished  the  greatest  aversion  from  the  nation  and 
religion  of  the  Jews,  and,  therefore,  would  relate  nothing  in  such  a  mannr- 
as  would  give  reputation  to  either." 

5.  There  are  many,  apparently  considerable,  contradictions  of 
the  Scriptures  in  the  writings  of  Josephus. 

e  Justin.  Hist.  Philipp.  lib.  xxxvi.  c.  2.  p.  308.  ed.  Bipont. 

i  See  Bp.  Gray's  Connection  between  Sacred  and  Profane  Literature,  vol. 
i.  pp.  435—443.  And  also  Du  Voisin's  Autorite  des  Livres  de  Moyse,  pp. 
180-199. 

'  Doddridge's  Lectures,  vol.  ii.  Lect.  146.  §  x.  (Works,  vol.  v.  p.  127.)  Bee 
also  Dr.  Hales's  Analysis  of  Chronology,  vol.  ii.  pp.  48-52. 

»  Bib.  Historic.  1.  i.  c.  73. 

io  Bishop  Warburton's  Divine  Legation,  bock  iv.  §  3.  in  fine.  ;Works, 
vol.  iv.  pp.  115,  116.) 

•  >  Travels,  vol.  v.  pp.  80.  295. 322,  323. 350—35?* 

>'->  Book  ii.  c.  141. 

'*  Prideaux's  Connection,  book  i.  sub  anno  TjO.  (Part  i.  p.  25.  edit.  1720.) 
It  is  remarkable  that  the  blast,  which  destroyed  the  Assyrians,  happened  at 
night;  whereas  the  Simoom  usually  blows  in  the  daytime,  and  moetly 
about  noon,  being  raised  by  the  intense  heat  of  the  sun.  Dr.  Hales's  Ana 
lysis  of  Chronology,  vol.  ii.  p.  467. 


r.Bxr.  VII.  Sect.  VII.] 


OF  SCRIPTURE,  ALLEGED  TO  BE  CONTRADICTORY. 


419 


Bui  these,  as  well  as  his  omissions,'  may  be  accounted  for  by  bis  pecu- 
liar situation.  His  country  was  now  in  great  distress;  its  constitution  was 
•ivertumed,  and  bis  countrymen  in  danger  of  extirpation,  from  the  circum- 
«tance  of  their  being  confounded  with  the  Christians,  who  were  reputed 
to  be  a  sect  of  the  Jews,  and  at  that  time  were  Buffering  persecution.  Jo 
sephus's  deviations  from  Scripture,  therefore,  wire  made  in  order  to 
accommodate  his  work  to  the  taste  of  the  Greeks  and  Rom* 

fi.  In  consequence  of  this  Jewish  historian  having  omitted  to 
notice  the  massacre  of  the  infants  at  Bethlehem,  which  is  related 
in  Matt  ii.  16.,  the  evangelical  narrative  has  been  pronounced  a 
"  fabrication,"  and  "  a  tale  that  carries  its  own  refutation  with  it." 

This  assertion  was  first  made,  we  believe,  by  Voltaire,  whose  disregard 
of  truth,  especially  in  matters  connected  with  the  sacred  history,  is  sulli 
ciently  notorious.  Out  the  evidence  for  the  reality  of  (lie  fact  and,  cum 
sequently,  for  the  veracity  of  Matthew,  is  too  strong  to  be  subverted  by 
any  uold  and  unsupported  assertions.     For, 

In  the  first  place,  The  whole  character  which  JoMpbUI  UCrlbei  to 
Herod  is  I  tit-  most  evident  c.oiifiimatiou  of  the  barb,  irons  deed  mentioned 
by  the  evangelist. 

Secondly,  The  Goepel  of  Matthew  was  published  about  the  year  of  OHI 
Lord  38,  ai  which  time  there  doubtless  were  persons  living  who  could,  and 
(from  the  hostility  then  manifested  against  the  Christian  faith)  who  would, 
have  contradicted  his  assertion  if  it  had  been  false  or  erroneous:  their 
silence  's  a  tacit  proof  that  the  evangelist  has  stated  the  fact  correctly. — 
Uut, 

Thirdly,  The  reality  of  the  fact  itself  (though  mentioned  in  his  usual 
scoffing  manner)  was  not  denied  by  the  philosopher  Celsus,  one  of  the 
bitterest  enemies  of  Christianity,  who  lived  towards  the  close  of  the  se- 
cond century  ;  and  who  would  most  unquestionably  have  denied  it  if  he 
could.' 

Fourthly,  Matthew's  narrative  is  confirmed  by  Macrobius,  a  heathen 
author,  who  lived  about  the  end  of  the  fourth  century,  and  who  mentions 
this  massacre  in  the  following  terms: — "Augustus,"  says  he,  "having 
been  informed  that  Herod  had  ordered  a  son  of  his  own  to  be  killed,  among 
the  mat',  infants  about  two  years  old,  whom  he  had  put  to  death  in  Syria,'' 
said,  "  it  is  better  to  be  Herod's  hoo  than  his  son."*  Now,  although  Ma- 
crobius is  far  too  modern  to  be  produced  as  a  valid  evidence  in  this  mat- 
ter, unsupported  by  other  circumstances,  and  although  his  story  is  mag- 
nified by  an  erroneous  circumstance ;  yet  the  passage,  cited  from  him, 
serves  *o  prove  how  universally  notorious  was  the  murder  of  the  children 
in  Bethlehem,  which  was  perpetrated  by  the  orders  of  Herod. 

Fifthly,  With  regard  to  the  silence  of  Josephus,  we  may  further  remark, 
that  no  historian,  not  even  an  annalist,  can  be  expected  to  record  every 
event  that  occurs  within  the  period  of  which  lie  writes  :  besides,  his  silence 
may  be  satisfactorily  accounted  for.  "  Josephus  wasa  firm  Jew,  and  there 
was,  therefore,  a  particular  reason  for  his  passing  overthisevent;  because 
he  could  not  mention  it,  without  giving  the  Christian  cause  a  very  great 
advantage.  To  write,  that  Herod,  at  the  latter  end  of  his  reign,  had  put  to 
death  all  the  infants  at  Bethlehem,  under  two  years  of  age,  on  occasion  of  a 
report  that  the  king  of  the  Jews  had  been  lately  born  there,  would  have  great- 
ly gratified  the  Christians,  whom  Josephus  hated  ;  since  it  was  well  known 
'hat,  about  thirty  years  after  the  slaughter,  and  the  latter  end  of  Herod's 
reign,  Jesus  (who  was  said  to  be  born  at  Bethlehem),  being  about  thirty 
years  of  age,  styled  himself  King  of  the  Jews,  and  did  many  things,  to  say 
no  more  in  proof  of  it."  it  seems  utterly  impossible  that  Josephus  could 
have  been  ignorant  of  this  event:  his  silence  was  more  likely  to  have  been, 
in  this  as  in  other  instances,  wilful  and  interested.' 

Six'Uy,  Contemporary  historians  do  not  relate  the  same  facts:  Sueto- 
ni'i-  Leila  us  many  things  which  Tacitus  has  omitted;  and  Dion  Cassius 
>  implies  the  deficiencies  of  both. 

Seventhly,  It  is  unreasonable  to  make  the  silence  of  the  Jewish  historian 
an  objection  to  the  credibility  of  the  sacred  writer,  while  there  is  equal  and 
even  superior  reason  to  confide  in  the  fidelity  of  the  latter. 

Eighthly,  Herod  would  naturally  be  disposed  to  take  such  precautions 
as  ho  might  think  necessary  without  being  scrupulous  concerning  the 
means. 

Ninthly,  Voltaire,  either  from  ignorance  or  dishonesty,  asserts  that  four- 
teen thousand  children  must  have  lost  their  lives  in  this  massacre.  If  this 
were  true,  the  silence  of  Josephus  would  indeed  be  a  very  important  ob- 
jection to  the  veracity  of  Matthew's  narrative  ;  and  with  this  view  Voltaire 
makes  the  assertion,  who  every  where  shows  himself  an  inveterate  enemy 
of  revealed  and  not  seldom  of  natural  religion  also.  But  as  the  children, 
whom  Herod  caused  to  be  put  to  death  (probably  by  assassins  whom  he 
kept  in  his  pay),  were  only  malts  of  two  years  old  and  under,  it  is  obvious, 
according  to  this  statement,  that  mure  children  must  have  been  born 
annually  in  the  village  of  Bethlehem,  than  there  are  either  in  Paris  or 
London.  Further,  as  Bethlehem  was  a  very  small  place,  scarcely  two 
thousand  persons  existed  in  it  and  in  its  dependent  district ;  consequently, 
iu  the  massacre,  not  more  than  fifty  at  most  could  be  slain.  In  the  de- 
scription of  the  life  of  such  a  tyrant  as  Herod  was,  this  was  so  trifling  an 
act  of  cruelty,  that  it  was  but  of  small  consequence  in  the  history  of  his 
sanguinary  government. 


•  Ottius  has  compiled  a  curious  treatise,  entitled  Pralermissa  ■)  Josepho : 
it  is  a  collection  of  sixty-eight  articles,  of  which,  in  all  probability,  the 
Jewish  historian  could  not  be  ignorant ;  bur  which  he  chose  to  omit  for  the 
reason  above  assiened.  This  treatise  is  appended  to  Ottius's  very  valuable 
gpicilegiuin  sive  Bxcerpta  ex  Flavio  Josepho,  pp.  527 — 612. 

»  Divine  Legation  of  Moses,  book  v.  sect  4.  (Warburton's  Works,  vol. 
v.  pp.  126— Vis.)  The  bishop  has  given  several  instances  at  length,  which 
we  have  not  room  to  insert,  see  pp.  130 — 132. 

•  See  the  passages  in  Lardncr's  Works,  vol.  viii.  p.  21.  8vo.  or  vol.  iv. 
p.  122.  4to. 

«  Mac  rob.  Saturn,  lib.  ii.  c.  4.  The  emperor,  according  to  this  writer, 
*eems  to  have  played  upon  the  Greek  words  »•»  a  hog.  and  »/•»  a  son :  the 
point  of  the  saying  perhaps  consists  in  this,  that  Herod,  professing  Juda- 
ism, was  hy  his  religion  prohibited  from  killing  swine,  or  having  any  thin; 
to  do  with  their  flesh ;  and,  therefore,  that  his  hog  would  have  been  safe 
where  his  son  lost  his  life.  Macrobius,  with  singular  propriety,  states  this 
massacre  to  have  been  perpetrated  in  Syria,  because  Judaea  was  at  that 
time  part  of  the  province  of  Syria.  Gilpin  and  Dr.  A.  Clarke  on  Matt.  ii.  16. 
The  massacre  of  the  infants  is  likewise  noticed  in  a  rabbinical  work  called 
Toldoth  Jeshu,  in  the  following  passage  :  "  And  the  king  gave  orders  for 
putting  to  death  every  infant  to  be  found  in  Bethlehem  ;  and  the  king's 
mesaengers  killed  every  infant  according  to  the  royal  order."  Dr.  D. 
Sbarpe's  Fir«  Defence  of  Christianity,  Ac.  p.  40. 

'  Townsend'a  Harmony  of  the  New  Testament,  vol.  I.  pp.  77,  78. 


Lastly,  As  the  male  infants  that  were  to  be  slain  could  easily  be  ascer- 
tained from  the  public  tables  of  birth  or  genealogies,  that  circumstance 
will  account  for  the  reputed  parents  of  our  Saviour  fleeing  into  Egypt  rather 
than  into  any  city  of  Judaea  • 

Any  of  these  argument*  would  be  sufficient  to  vindicate  the 
evangelist's  narrative  ;  but,  altogether,  they  form  a  cloud  of  wit- 
Hisses,  abundantly  Millieient  to  overbalance  the  negative  evidence 
attempted  to  be  drawn  from  the  silence  of  Jo-ephus. 

7.  Luke  ii.  2.  is  said  to  lie  contrary  to  historical  fact,  Satur- 
iiiinis  and  Volumniua  being  at  that  time  the  Roman  presidents 
of  Syria,  and  C>  remits  not  being  governor  of  that  province  until 
eleven  years  after  the  birth  of  Christ. 

A  slight  attention  to  the  Situation  of  Ju  l.ea  ,if  thai  lime,  and  a  more  ,  or 

rect rendering  ol  the  passage  than  is  to  be  found  in  our  English  version, 
will  easily  reconcile  the  seeming  difference  between  the  sacred  historian 
pho . 
Towards  the  close  of  his  reign,  Herod  tni  Great  'who  held  his  kingdom 
by  a  grant  from  Mark  Antony  with  the  consent  of  the  senate,  which  had 
I.e.  ii  confirmed  by  Aaguatu*),  having  inc  irri  '■  the  i  mperor's  displeasure, 
to  whom  his  conduct  bad  been  ml  repn  tented,  Augustus  issued  a  decree 
reducing  Jndtea  to  ■  Borrow  province,  and  commanding  an  enrolment,  oi 
register,  to  be  made  of  every  person's  estate,  dignity,  age,  employment, 
and  office.  The  making  of  this  enrolment  was  confided  to  Cyrenius  or 
QLnirittius,  a  Human  senator,  who  wa.-:  collector  of  the  imperial  revenue; 
but  Herod  having  sent  hii  trusty  minister,  Nicholas  of  Damascus,  to  Rome, 
the  latter  found  means  to  undeceive  the  emperor,  and  soften  hie  anger,  in 
consequence  of  which  the  actual  operation  of  the  decree  was  suspended. 
Eleven  years  afterwards,  however,  it  was  carried  into  effect,  on  the  depo- 
sition and  bani9hmeot  of  Arch  elans  (Herod's  son  anil  successor),  for  mal- 
administration, by  Augustus,  upon  the  complaint  of  the  Jews;  who,  weary 
of  the  tyranny  of  the  Rerodian  family,  requested  that  Judaea  might  be  made 
a  Roman  province.    Cyrenius  was  now  nt  of  Syria,  with  an 

armed  force,  to  confiscate  the  property  of  Arcbelaus,  and  to  complete  the 
census,  to  which  the  Jewish  people  submitted  It  was  this  establishment 
of  the  assessment  or  lazing  under  Cyrenius  which  was  necessary  to  com- 
plete the  Roman  census,  to  which  the  evangelist  alludes  in  the  parenthe- 
tical remark  occurring  in  Luke  it.  2.,  which  may  be  more  correctly  written 
and  translated  thus: — "  It  came  to  pass  in  those  days,"  that  is,  a  few  days 
before  our  Saviour's  birth,  "that  there  went  out  a  decree  from  Casar  Au 
gustus,  that  all  the  land"  [of  Judaea,  Galilee,  ldurnaea,  Sec.  under  Herod's 
dominion]  "should  he  enrolled''  preparatory  to  a  census  or  taxing  ("  The 
taxing  itself  was  first  made  when  Cyrenius  was  governor  of  Syria:)"* 
And  all  went  to  bt  *  w  olled\  i  aery  one  io  his  own  <  ity.  (I.uke  ii.  1 — A.) 

By  the  preceding  construction,  supported  by  the  emendation 
in  the  note,  the  evangelist  is  critically  reconciled  with  the  varying 
accounts  of  Josephus,  Justin  Martyr,  and  Tertullian,  and  an  his- 
torical difficulty  is  solved,  which  has  hitherto  been  considered  as 
irreconcilable.-' 

Two  other  solutions  have  been  offered,  which  deserve  to  be 
noticed  on  account  of  their  ingenuity. 

(I.)  The  first  is  that  of  Mr.  Charles  Thompson,  Secretary  to  iheCrnigret-n 
of  the  United  States,  the  learned  translator  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments 
from  the  Greek.  He  renders  I.uke  ii.  1,2.  in  the  following  manner:— 
Now  it  happened  in  those  days  that  an  edict  came  forth  from  Caesar  Augus- 
tus that  this  whole  inhabited  land  should  be  enrolled.  This  was  the  first 
enrolment;  it  was  made  when  Cyrenius  was  governor  of  Syria."  In  a 
note  on  the  passage  in  question,  he  observes,  "  There  were  two  enrolments, 


•  Lardner's  Credibility,  part  i.  book  ii.  ch.  ii.  sect  1.  (Works,  vol.  i.  pp. 
329 — 338.  3vo.  or  pp.  180—183.  4to.)  Volborth  Causie  cur  Josephus  cadet* 
puerorum  Bethlemeticoruni,  Matt.  ii.  16.  narratam  siltnlio  pralerierit,4lo. 
Gottingen,  1788,  as  analyzed  in  the  Monthly  Review  (O.  S),  vol.  Ixxx.  p.  617. 
Schulzii  Archaeologia  Hebraica,  pp.  52,  53.  Colonia.  I-a  Religion  Chre- 
tienne  autorisi  e  par  le  Temoignage  des  Anciens  Auteurs  I'aiens,  pp. 
117,  118. 

i  As-»w>t>lHai  t„  OIKOTMHNHN,  Luke  li  1.  That  OIKOTMHNHN 
signifies  the  land  of  Judaea,  and  not  the  whole  Roman  empire,  see  Vol.  II. 
p.  13. 

•  (ACti   i    M-OVO*/!    'fr*   <>'►'"    \yt/Unv*9Xti  T„;    JJup.af    Kupiincu.       In 

all  the  printed  editions  of  the  New  Testament  Ihe  first  word  in  this  verse  is 
aspirated  ii/rr,  this,  as  if  it  were  the  feminine  of  iuu,-.  "  But  this,"  says 
Dr.  Hales,  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  the  above  elucidation,  "  materially 
injures  the  sense,  as  if  the  enrolment  decreed  in  the  first  verse  was  the 
same  as  (A is  taxing  in  the  second  ;  whereas  there  was  an  interval  of  eleven 
years  between  the  two.  But  in  the  most  ancient  manuscripts,  written  in 
uncials  or  in  capitals,  without  points  or  accents,  the  word  is  ambiguous, 
and  may  also  be  uiiaspirated  »»n,  self,  the  feminine  of  «vtc<;  and  both 
occur  together  in  this  same  chapter,  where  the  evangelist,  speaking  of 
Anna  the  prophetess  sayA,  «»•  «••",  «»m  n  .pa  ix.e-rxa-x  •  'And  this 
woman]  coming  in  at  ,:f  tnslant  itself  oral  '  the  selfsame  hour,'  Ac.  The 
ordinal^;  •-',  first,  is  here  understood  adverbially  (see  Bishop  Middleton 
on  the  Greek  Article,  pp. 304,  305. ),  and  connected  with  the  verb  ■>!•■• -:, 
'  teas  made.'  or  '  took  effect,'  signifying  that  the  taxing  itaelf/Srsf  took  effect, 
or  was  carried  into  execution,  under  the  presidency  of  Cyrenius  or  Quiri- 
nius :  which  had  been  suspended  from  the  time  of  his  procuratorship." 
Dr.  Hales's  Analysis  of  Chronology,  vol.  ii.  pp.  705 — 710. 

»  Dr.  Campbell  (Translation  of  the  FourGospels.  vol.  ii-  pp.  140.422— 425  ; 
renders  I.uke  ji  jj.  in  the  following  manner:— "  This  first  register  took 
effect  when  Cyrenius  was  president  of  Syria."  But,  as  we  have  seen  m 
the  preceding  note  that  -p»t«,  is  here  used  adverbially,  this  version  will  not 
hold  good  In  confirmation  of  his  rendering  ijihh  "took  effect"  (which 
is  adopted  bv  Dr.  Ha '.  s),  Campbell  refers  to  Matt.  v.  18.  vi.  10.  xviii.  19. 
xxii.  42.  and  1  Cor.  xv.  Bi.  Dr.  Lardner  has  proposed  another  soluuon  of 
the  above  difference  (Credibility,  part  i.  book  ii.  ch.  i.  Works,  vol.  i.  pp. 
248—329.  8vo.  or  pp.  136—179.  4to),  which  deserves  to  be  noticed,  because 
it  has  been  adopted  by  Archdeacon  Paley.  (Evidences,  vol.  ii.  pp.  177,  178.) 
It  is  as  follows:—"  This  was  the  first  emolment  of  Cyrenius  governor  of 
Syria,  that  is,  who  was  afterwards  governor  of  Syria,  and  best  known 
among  the  Jews  by  that  title  ;"  which  title,  belonging  to  1  im  at  the  time  of 
writing  the  account,  was  naturally  subjoined  to  his  name,  although  acquir- 
ed after  the  transaction  which  the  account  describes.  A  similar  solution 
is  given  by  Alber.  Hermenent.  Nov.  Test.  torn.  ii.  pp  309,  310.,  and  a 
Pritii  Introd.  in  Nov  Test.  p.  437. 


*20 


ON  THE  INTERPRETATION,  &c.  OF  PASSAGES 


[Part  II.  Book  II. 


ihe  first  merely  for  the  purpose  of  numbering  the  inhabitants,  and  the 

ud  for  assessing  them.    The  first  here  spoken  of  was  in  the  reign  of 

Herod  the  Great,  when  Cyrenius  was  deputy-governor  of  Syria.  It  was 
*>;ie  according  to  communities  and  families  ;  and  all  were  obliged  to  re- 
u  vir  to  their  respective  cities  or  towns  to  be  enrolled  in  their  several  fami- 
lies, according-  to  their  genealogies.  The  second,  which  was  after  the 
'leath  of  Herod,  was  for  the  sake  of  assessment,  and  was  made  indiscrimi- 
nately. This  was  the  enrolment  which  offended  the  Jews,  and  excited 
tumults  and  insurrections,  and  brought  on  the  war  which  terminated  in 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  utter  dispersion  of  the  Jews."  From 
die  rendering,  thus  supporter!,  the  praise  of  learning  and  ingenuity  must 
not  be  withheld.  Mr.  Thompson  evidently  considers  the  word  i,  which 
ill  other  translators  consider  as  an  indefinite  article  prefixed  to  x-o>  ^fy, 
(.enrolment),  as  the  third  person  fingular  of  i",  the  imperfect  tense  in  the 
indicative  mode  of  the  verb  >'/*>,  I  am.  It  is  well  known  that  profane 
writers  use  >i  or  «,«  indifferently  as  the  third  person  singular;  and  if  we 
•ould  find  a  single  parallel  construction  in  the  New  Testament,  we  should 
unquestionably  give  the  preference  to  Mr.  T.'s  rendering. 

(2.)  The  other  solution  is  that  offered  by  the  learned  editor  of  Calinet's 
Oictionary ;  who  conjectures,  th?t  for  the  purposes  of  enrolment,  Cyre- 
niua,  though  not  probably  governor  of  Syria  at  the  time  of  Christ's  birth, 
might  be  associated  with  Saturninus  ;  or,  though  now  sent  into  Syria  as  an 
extraordinary  officer,  yet  being  afterwards  governor  of  Syria,  he  might  he 
-.ailed  governor  of  Syria,  as  we  caii  an  officer  during  his  life  by  the  title 
he  has  borne,  even  after  he  has  given  up  his  commission.  On  a  medal  of 
Antioch  appear  the  names  of  Saturninus  and  Volumnius,  who  were  the 
emperor's  chief  officers  in  Syria.  It  would  seem,  therefore,  that  Vo- 
lumnius was  the  colleague  of  Saturninus  in  the  government  of  Syria,  and 
procurator  of  the  province  ;  and  that  while  Saturninus  kept  his  court  at 
Antioch,  where  he  remained  stationary,  his  associate  Volumnius  was  en- 
gaged in  other  districts  of  the  province  as  circumstances  required.  What 
we  suppose  of  Volumnius  we  may  also  suppose  of  Cyrenius,  who,  after 
him,  held  the  same  office.  Thus,  the  medal  vindicates  Josephus,  who  de- 
scribed Saturninus  and  Volumnius  as  governors  of  Syria;  and  it  may  jus- 
tify both  Saint  Luke  and  Tertullian,  of  whom  the  former  affirmed  that 
Cyrenius,  and  the  latter  that  Saturninus,  executed  the  enrolment.  It  may 
also  justify  the  evangelist,  whose  words  the  editor  of  Calmet  thinks  may 
be  thus  understood: — "This  was  the  first  enrolment  of  Cyrenius,  he  be- 
ing then  governor  of  Syria,  associated  with  Saturninus ;  and  it  should  be 
distinguished  from  that  which  he  made  eleven  years  after,  when  he  was 
the  chief,  the  presidential  governor  of  the  same  province."1 

The  reader  will  adopt  which  of  the  preceding  solutions  he  may 
prefer :  either  of  them  affords  a  sufficient  explanation  of  the 
seeming  contradiction  between  the  evangelist  and  Josephus, 
though,  upon  the  whole,  we  think  the  rendering  of  Dr.  Hales 
presents  the  most  satisfactory  elucidation. 

8.  In  Luke  iii.  19.  Herod  the  tetrarch  is  said  to  have  been 
reproved  by  John  the  Baptist  for  Herodias,  his  brother  Philip'' s 
wife,  whom  he  had  forcibly  taken  away  from  her  husband,  and 
married. 

Now  tl  s  is  irreconcilable  with  profane  history,  which  asserts  his 
brother's  lame  to  have  been  Herod.  Hence  it  is  probable  that  the  name 
of  Philip  has  crept  into  the  text  through  the  copyist's  negligence,  and 
ought  to  be  omitted  :  Griesbach  has  omitted  it  in  his  text,  but  has  inserted 
the  word  <pia.i~/tou  in  the  margin,  with  the  mark  of  doubtful  genuineness. 

9.  Acts  v.  36.  For  before  these  days  rose  up  Theudas,  &c. 
Josephus's  account  of  Theudas  (Antiq.  1.  xx.  c.  5.  §  1.)  referred 
to  a  transaction  that  occurred  seven  years  after  Gamaliel's  speech, 
of  which  this  text  is  a  part. 

The  contradiction  is  removed  by  the  probability  that  there  might  be  two 
impostors  of  the  same  name  ;  for  there  were  four  persons  of  the  name  of 
Simon  within  forty  years,  and  three  of  Judas  within  ten  years,  all  of  whom 
were  leaders  of  insurrections. * 


SECTION  VIII. 

ALLEGED   CONTRADICTIONS    TO    PHILOSOPHY    AND    THE    NATURE 
OF   THINGS. 

The  Scriptures  often  refer  to  matters  of  fact,  which  are 
asserted  (though  without  any  proof  whatever)  to  be  contra- 
dictory to  philosophy  and  to  the  nature  of  things.  A  little 
consideration,  however,  will  reconcile  these  alleged  repug- 
nances ;  for  it  has  been  well  observed  by  different  writers, 
who  have  treated  on  this  subject,  that  the  Scriptures  were  not 
written  with  the  design  of  teaching  us  natural  philosophy, 
but  to  make,  known  the  revealed  wUl  of  God  to  man,  and  to 
teach  us  our  duties  and  obligations  to  our  great  Creator  and 
I '  'deemer.  Therefore  the  sacred  penman  might  make  use  of 
popular  expressions  and  forms  of  speech,  neither  affirmino- 
•  >r  denying  their  philosophical  truth.  All  proverbial  sayings 
2nd  metaphorical  expressions  introduced  by  way  of  illustra- 
tion or  ornament  must  be  taken  from  received  notions ;  but 
they  are  not,  therefore,  asserted  in  the  philosophical  sense  by 
him  who  uses  them,  any  more  than  the  historical  truth  of 
parables  and  similitudes  is  supposed  to  be  asserted.  Further, 
to  have  employed  philosophical  terms  and  notions  only,  and' 

<  Calmet's  Dictionary,  vol.  i.  article  Cyrenius.  Fragments  Supplementary 
to  Calmet,  No.  exxiii  p.  37.  Geographical  Index  and  Sacred  Geography 
by  the  same  editor,  voce  Antioch. 

•  Dr.  Lardner  has  collected  the  passages  in  question  relative  to  these 
Impostors.  Works,  vol.  i.  pp.  409 — 113.  See  also  Paley's  Evidences,  vol.  ii 
:m  179-181. 


to  have  rectified  the  vulgar  conceptions  of  men  concerning  all 
the  phenomena  incidentally  mentioned  in  the  Scriptures, 
would  have  required  a  large  system  of  philosophy,  which 
would  have  rendered  the  Scriptures  a  book  unfit  for  ordinary 
capacities*  and  the  greater  part  of  those  for  whom  it  is  de- 
signed. If,  indeed,  revelation  had  introduced  any  the  best 
founded  system  of  modern  physics,  or  if  the  Almighty  Cre- 
ator had  been  pleased  to  disclose  the  councils  themselves  of 
his  infinite  wisdom,  what  would  have  been  the  consequence  1 
Philosophy  would  immediately  have  become  matter  of  faith, 
and  disbelief  of  any  part  of  it  a  dangerous  heresy.  How 
many  infidels  would  this  or  that  man  s  fanciful  hypothesis 
concerning  the  appearances  of  things  have  called  forth ! 
Besides,  if  the  Scriptures  had  been  made  the  vehicle  for  a 
refined  system  of  natural  philosophy,  such  a  theory  of  nature 
would  have  seemed  as  strange  and  incredible  to  most  men  as 
miracles  do ;  for  there  is  scarcely  any  thing  which  more  sur- 
prises men,  unacquainted  with  philosoph)',  than  philosophical 
discoveries.  How  incredible  do  the  motion  of  the  earth  and 
the  m/  of  the  sun  appear  to  all  but  philosophers,  who  are 
now  fully  convinced  of  the  reality  of  these  phenomena,  while 
the  rising  and  setting  of  the  sun  are  terms  as  much  in  use  with 
those  who  hold  the  doctrine  of  the  earth's  motion  as  with 
others  !  In  fact,  if  we  would  be  understood,  we  must  continue 
to  make  use  of  this  expression ;  but  excepting  this  one  in- 
stance, which  is  and  ever  will  be  in  use,  according  to  the  vul- 
gar conceptions  of  all  nations  and  languages  (notwithstanding 
any  philosophical  discoveries  to  the  contrary),  there  is  nothing 
in  the  Scriptures  that  is  not  strictly  consistent  with  the  present 
notions  of  philosophy.  The  discoveries  both  in  chemistry 
and  in  physics,  as  well  as  in  natural  history,  which  have 
been  made  in  later  times,  concur  in  many  instances  to  con- 
firm and  elucidate  the  Sacred  Writings.  A  few  examples 
will  illustrate  the  preceding  observations. 

1.  No  fact  recorded  in  the  Sacred  Writings  has  been  a  more 
favourite  subject  of  cavil  with  modern  objectors,  than  the  account 
of  the  creation,  related  in  the  first  two  chapters  of  the  book  of 
Genesis.  Founding  their  cavils  upon  translations,  instead  of 
consulting  the  original  Hebrew  (which  their  ignorance  com- 
pletely disqualified  them  from  doing),  they  have  pretended  that 
the  Mosaic  narrative  is  alike  inconsistent  with  reason  and  with 
true  philosophy.  If,  however,  these  writers  had  impartially  con- 
sidered the  modern  discoveries  in  philosophy,  they  would  have 
found  nothing  to  contradict,  but  on  the  contrary  much — very 
much — to  confirm  the  relation  of  Moses. 

"The  structure  of  the  earth,"  says  one  of  the  most  profound  geologists 
and  practical  philosophers  of  the  present  day,3  and  "  the  mode  of  distri- 
bution of  extraneous  fossils  or  petrifactions,  are  so  many  direct  evidences 
of  the  truth  of  the  Scripture  account  of  the  formation  of  the- earth  ;  and 
they  might  be  used  as  proofs  of  its  author  having  been  inspired ;  because 
the  mineralogical  facts  discovered  by  modem  naturalists  were  unknown  to 
the  sacred  historian.  Even  the  periods  of  time,  the  six  days  of  the  Mosaic 
description,  are  not  inconsistent  with  our  theories  of  the  earth."  Nor  are 
the  phenomena  of  the  heavenly  bodies  at  all  contrariictry  to  the  Mosaic 
history.  Modern  opposers  of  revelation  have  objected  that  the  historian 
talks  of  light  before  there  was  any  such  thing  as  the  sun,  and  calls  the 
moon  a  great  light,  when  every  one  knows  it  to  be  an  opaque  body.  But 
Moses  seems  to  have  known  what  philosophy  did  not  till  very  lately  dis- 
cover, that  the  sun  is  not  the  original  source  of  light,  and,  therefore,  he 
does  not  call  either  the  sun  or  the  moon  a  great  light,  though  he  repre- 
sents them  both  as  great  luminaries  or  lighlbearers.  Had  these  objec 
tors  looked  into  a  Hebrew,  Greek,  or  Latin  Bible,  they  would  have  found 
that  the  word,  which  in  Gen.  i.  3.  our  translators  have  properly  rendered 
light,  is  different  from  that  which  in  the  fourteenth  verse  they  have  impro 
perhj  rendered  light  also.  In  the  third  verse  the  original  word  is  "UN 
(aur) ;  the  Greek,  <?  *>s ;  and  the  Vulgate  Latin,  lux ;  in  the  fourteenth  verse 
the  corresponding  words  are  mXD  (mart),  pmoritps?,  and  htminaria 
Each  of  the  former  set  of  words  means  that  subtile,  elastic  matter,  to 
which  in  English  we  give  the  name  of  light;  each  of  the  latter,  the  instru- 
ments, or  means,  by  which  light  is  transmitted  to  men.  But  surely  the 
moon  is  as  much  an  instrument  of  this  kind,  as  the  reflector  placed  behind 
the  lamp  of  a  light-house,  for  the  purpose  of  transmitting  to  the  mariner 
at  sen  the  light  of  that  lamp,  which  would  otherwise  have  passed  in  an 
opposite  direction  to  the  land.  Though  the  moon  is  not  a  light  in  itself, 
yet  is  that  planet  a  light  in  its  effects,  as  it  reflects  the  light  of  the  sun  to 
us.  And  both  the  sun  and  moon  are  with  grrut  propriety  called  great, — 
not  as  being  absolutely  greater  than  all  other  stars  and  planets,  but  because 
they  appear  greater  to  us,  and  are  of  greater  use  and  consequence  to  this 
world.  And  now,  after  all  our  improvements  in  philosophy  and  astrono- 
my, we  still  speak  of  the  light  of  the  moon,  as  well  as  of  the  sun's  motion, 
rising  and  setting.  And  the  man,  who  in  a  moral,  theological,  or  historical 
discourse,  should  use  a  different  language,  would  only  render  himself 
ridiculous. 

In  like  manner,  had  these  objectors  referred  to  the  original  Hebrew  of 
Gen.  i.  (i,  7,  8.  (which  in  our  English  authorized  version,  as  well  as  in  other 
modern  versions,  is  erroneously  ret\<\frc<i  firmament,  after  the  Septuagint 
and  Vulgate  Latin  version),  they  would  have  rendered  it  expanse;  and 
they  might  have  known,  that  it  meant  the  air  oi  atmosphere  around  us,  in 
which  birds  fly  and  clouds  are  formed,  and  that  it  had  no  reference  what- 
ever to  a  solid  firmament ;  though  such  an  idea  was  entertained  by  the 
ancient  Greek  philosophers,  who.  with  all  their  boasted  wisdom,  were 

•  Professor  Jameson,  in  p.  v.  of  his  Preface  to  Mr.  Kerr's  translation  <> 
M.  Cuvier's  Essay  on  the  Theory  of  the  Earth. 


UhAP.  VIJ.  SsCT.  VIII.] 


OF  SCRIPTURE,  ALLEGED  TO  BE  CONTRADICTORY 


« 


nearly  as  ignorant  «(  the  works  as  they  were  of  the  Datura  of  Ood  Ami 
joes  nut  tins  circumambient  air  divide  tba  waters  from  the  waters,  thef 
waters  of  the  sea  from  the  waters  which  ii".it  above  tu  In  clnndi  and 

Tapoursf  For  there  is  a  multitude  of  waters  in  the  heavens,  anil  He 
causelh  the  vapours  to  ascend  from  the  ends  of  the  earth.  (Jar.  x.  13.) 

Once  more  Moses  repreaenu  the  earth  ut  first  n  a  uvetie  ot  fluidity. 
Tin  spirit  of  Ood,  says  lie,  moved  upon  the  fate  (or  sornco)  of  the  wuteis. 
(ti'rn  i. ^ )    The  apt  (tie  Peter  also  speaks  <>i  the  earth  as  I •  ■  ing  formed 

OUl  ni   a  fluid.      Tht  earth  standing  out  of  the  water  (mora  correctly,  con- 
Bitting  of  irule,      •'  vl  "U  f».i;»«)  awl  in  tin-  mid*!  if  the  water.     The 
,1  reached  alao  some  ol  the  ancient  heatnen  philosophers; 

and  Thales,  in  particular,  oi i  the  seven  irlaa  men  and  the  wisest  of 

them  all,  as  Cicero  In  I  thai  all  things,  wore  made  out  of  water.' 
Others  after  him  taught  the  samr  doctrine  ;*  and  is  it  in  the  least  degree 
Bontradicted  or  dlaproved  by  modern  dlscoverlssl  <)n  the  contrary,  ui  It 
not  more  and  mora  confirmed  and  liluatrated  by  them  I  It  la  well  known 
thai  ii  a  K>n  or  elaalia  globular  body  be  rapidly  whirled  round  on  its  axis, 
thi'  parte  of  the  pole  •  will  be  flattened,  and  the  parts  on  the  equator,  mid 
itween  the  north  and  south  poles,  will  i>e  raised  up  Tim  is  pre- 
ciaely  the  shape  of  our  earth;  it  has  the  Score  of  an  oblate  spheroid,  a 
figure,  tnblance  to  that  oian  orangi  Now,  il  the  earth 
■  •I  fluidity.  In  revolution  round  ii  neeaaea 

the  greatest  centrifugal  I imoal  neces- 
sarily be  near  the  equatorial  parts,  and.  consequently,  there  the  fluid  must 

id  swi 'II  most.     It  has  been  demonstrated  by  experiment,  that  the 

earth  is  ii  itie i  at  the  polea  an  I  ral  ied  ai  the  equator  ;*  ami  thus  do  the 

Scriptures  and  philo  together  and  confirm  each  other.    The 

OH  Ih  it  the  earth  was  in  a  slate  of  fluidity  ;  and  philosophy 
that  it  must  have  loon  in  BUCh  a  State  from  its  very  figure. 

iccounl  oi  the  creation  of  man  (Gen.  1. 26, 37.)  has  been  ridiculed 
oppoaera  of  revelation  ;  but  can  they  furnish  us  with  one  more 
to  be  tin'  irm /    Reason  will  tell  ui  no  better  ihan  history  or 

in  does,  how  man  came  into  the  world.  This,  therefol  e,  is  a  subject 
of  divine  revelation,  and  until  the  objectors  to  r.  ..  latioo  can  give  us  a  bet- 
ter  account,  we  may  safely  affirm  that  the  Mosaic  hlatory  is  perfectly  con- 
sistent with  every  idea  winch  r ijidt  reason  leaches  us  to  entertain  of  the 
creation  of  man. 

I       h,  objectors  to  the  Scriptures  h  il  stress  upon  the  ex- 

l  i  in  Ben.  ii  3.  God  rested  the  seventh  </«;/  from  all  his  work,  as  if  it 

m     tufflcient  to  destroy  the  authority  of  the  Mosaic  writings.     Hut 

no  one,  who  impartially  considers  the  noble  account  there  given  of  the 

I,  that  Ood  is  represented  as  having  only  spoken  and  it  was  done, 

can  reatonahly  imagine,  that  the  Almighty  was  tired  with  labour,  as  if  he 

had  moulded  every  thing  with  his  hands,  and  thai  on  the  seventh  day  he 

I  iv  or  sat  down   for  res'.      Hunt  thou  not  known,  says  the  Hebrew  prophet 
hoot  thou  not  heard,  that  thi  everlasting  Ood,  the  Oreatoi  of  the 

wndt  of  th<-  earth,  fainteth  not,  neither  ie  weary 7  (Ixa.  xL  28.) 

The  objections  drawn  by  infidel  writers  from  the  Mosaic  nar- 
rative of  the  deluge  have  already  been  noticed  in  pp.  72.  75,  76. 
mpra. 

2.  The  declaration  of  Moses  in  Deut.  i.  10.  that  God  had  mul- 
tiplied the  Israelites  as  the  stars  of  heaven  for  multitude,  has 
been  ridiculed  because  to  the  apprehension  of  the  objector  "the 
tiumnet  of  the  stars  is  infinite." 

Lei  US,  however,  consider  this  subject.  How  many  in  numberare  the  stars 
which  app"ar  to  the  naked  eye?    Foi  it  is  that  which  appears  to  the  naked 

lien  is  to  govern  us  in  replying  to  this  objection  :  for  God  brought 
Abraham  forth  abroad, — that  is,  out  of  doors,  and  bade  him  look  towards 
(Gen.  xv  .">  ).  not  with  a  telescope,  but  with  his  naked  eyes.  Now, 
let  the  objector  go  forth  into  the  open  air,  and  look  up  in  the  brightest  and 
:  ivonrable  night,  and  count  the  stars  Not  more  than  3010  stars  can 
he  seen  by  Ho-  n  iked  eye  In  both  the  northern  and  southern  hemispheres; 
hut  at  the  time  alluded  to,  the  Israelites,  independently  of  women  and  chil- 
dren, were  more  than  six  hundred  thousand.  Suppose,  however,  we  even 
allow,  from  the  lite  discoveries  made  by  Sir  Win  Herschel  and  others 
with  telescopes,  which  have  magnified  between  thirty-five  and  thirty-six 

ni  times,  that  there  may  be  seventy-five  millions  of  stars  visible  by 
the  aid  of  such  instruments,  which  i-  the  highi  n  ever  made; 

yet  s-ill  tin'  di\  Ine  word  stands  literally  true.  Matthew  says  (i.  17.)  that  the 
generations  from  Abraham  to  Christ  were  forty-two.     Now  we  find  at  the 

!  census,  that  the  fighting   men  among   the  Hebrews  amounted  to 

1 ;  and  the  Israelites,  who  have  never  ceased  to  he  a  distinct  people, 
have  so  multiplied  that,  if  the  aggregate  number  of  them  who  have  ever 
lived  -  oi'  I  be  ascertained,  it  would  be  found  far  to  exceed  the  number  of 
ill  the  lived  stars  taken  together.* 

3.  The  speaking  of  Balaam's  ass  (Num.  xxii.  28.)  has  been  a 
standing  jest  to  infidels  in  almost  every  age. 

i  ni  opened  her  own  mouth,  and  reproved  the  rash  prophet, 

we  might  well  be  astonished.    Bfaimonidea  and  others  have  imagined  that 

i  dieted  in  a  vision      Hut  it  Is  evident,  from  the  whole 

lenor  of  the  narration,   as  well  as  from  the  declaration  of  an   inspired 

writer  (2  Pet.  ii.  14— In.),  that  il  is  to  be  understood  as  a  literal  narrative  of 

■real  transaction.  The  ass,  it  has  been  observed  was  enabled  to  utter  such 

ich  Rounds,  probably  as  parrots  do,  without  understanding  them: 

•nil,  whatever,  may  be  said  of  the  construction  of  the  ass's  mouth,  and  of 

the  tongue  and  jaws  being  so  formed  as  to  be  unfit  for  speaking,  yet  an 

adequate  cause  is  assigned  for  this  wonderful  effect ;  for  it  is  expressly 

that  the  Lord  opened  the  mo-jth  of  the  ass.     The  miracle  was  by  no 

means  needless  or  superfluous:  it  was  very  proper  In  convince  Balaam, 

thai  Ihe  mouth  and  tongue  were  under  God's  direction,  and  that  the  same 

l>ower,  which  caused  the  dumb  ass  to  apeak  contrary  to  its  nature, 


«  Thales  enim  Milcsius,  qui  primus  de  talilms  rebus  nusesivit,  aqoam 
dixit  esse  initium  rerutn.  Cicero  de  Natura  Deorum,  lib  i.  c.  10.  Edit. 
Davisii, 

»  The  reader  will  find  the  sentiments  of  the  philosophers  above  alluded 
to.  in  the  notes  to  (irolius  de  Veritafe,  lib.  i.  c.  16. 

>  This  was  first  conjectured  by  Sir  Isaac  Newton,  and  confirmed  by  M. 
Oaaaini  and  others,  who  measured  several  degrees  of  latitude  at  the  equa- 
e.r  and  at  the  north  pole  ;  and  found  that  the  difference  perfectly  justified 
Sir  Isaac  Newton'9  conjecture,  and,  consequently,  confirmed  the  truth  of 
•he  Mosaic  narrative.    The  result  of  the  experiments,  instituted  to  deter- 

line  this  point,  proved,  that  the  diameter  of  the  earth  at  the  equator  is 
treater  by  more  than  tttenty-three  mile*  than  it  is  at  the  polee. 

*  Dr.  A.  Clarice's  Commentary,  on  Deut.  i.  10. 


cold  make  him  in  like  manner  utter  blessings  contrary  to  nis  inclination 
i  i  is  as  consonant  to  reason  aa  any  other  extraordinary  operation;  for 

all  miracles  are  alike,  and  equally  demand  our  assent,  if  properly  attested. 
The  giving  of  articulation  to  a  brute  is  no  more  to  the  Deity  than  the 
making  ol  the  blind  to  sec-,  or  the  deaf  to  hear.  And  the  reputed  baaHrrest 
of  the  it  i  stt  u  no  n  i,  id  which  Ood  was  pleased  to  make  use,  amounts  merely 
to  this,  that  (as  tho  apostle  observes  on  another  occasion)  God  hath 
the  foolish  things  of  Ihe  world  to  confoumi  the  wise  (1  Cor.  i.  'S  )  There 
was,  therefore,  a  fitness  in  the  instrument  used  :  for,  the  more  vile  i' 
means  were,  the  filter  they  were  to  confound  the  unrighteous  prophet 

4.  It  has  been  affirmed  that  the  circumstance  of  the  sun  and 
moon  standing  still,  which  is  recorded  in  Joshua  x.  12.,  in  con 
trary  to  philosophy. 

"It  is  pitiful  to  say  thai  the  sun  could  not  stand  still  because  it  does  c* 
tnov:  lor  tie-  hiMoiy  ►peaks  according  lo  the  ideas  of  the  age,  and  wa.- 
mten  led  to  record  simply  the  appearance  lo  ihe  eye,  to  which  the  language 
ui  nen  whether  philosophers  or  peasants,  is  still  conformed  in  common 
it  ion  Whether  the  effect  was  produced  by  a  supernatural  refrac- 
tion, or  whether  the  motion  ol  the  earth  around  its  axis  was  suspended,  we 

do  not  possess  the  mean,  ol  determining."*    In  eithi 

miracle ;  and  as  a  miracle  the  aacn  evert 

It  is,  therefore,  impossible  to  account  lor  it  on  philosophical  principle      I 

The  object  of  this  miracle  was  of  the  must  important  and  Imp.- 
nature-.  I'he  sun  and  the  moon,  the  IW0  principal  gods  of  the  idolatrous 
heathen  nations,  were  commanded  to  yield  miraculous  obedience  lo  the 
chief  servant  ol  the  true  Ood  ;  ami  thereby  to  contribute  to  ihe  more  tl 
their  Own  worshippers.  It  was  a  miracle  ol  the  same 
description  as  those  which  had  been  wrought  in  Egypt.  With  respect  te 
ihe  objections  lo  the  probability  of  this  miracle,  which  originate  m  a  coo- 
sideraliou  of  its  supposed  consequences,  it  is  justly  observed  by  litshop 
Watson,  that  "  the  machine  of  the  universe  is  in  the  hand  of  Cod  :  he  can 
stop  the  motion  of  any  part  or  of  the  whole,  with  less  trouble  than  either 
of  us  can  slop  a  watch  !"  How  absurd,  then,  are  the  reasonings  of  those 
men  who  believe  in  the  existence  of  an  omnipotent  Ood,  yet  deny  the 
possibility  of  the  exertion  of  his  power  in  other  ways,  than  those  which 
are  known  to  their  limited  experience  !* 

5.  The  beautiful  poetical  passage  in  Judges  v.  20.  has  been 
stigmatized  as  a  "species  of  Jewish  rant  and  hyperbole." 

A  tempest  meeting  the  enemy  in  the  face  discomfited  them  ;  and  the 
torrent  Kishon  was  so  suddenly  swelled  by  ihe  rain  (which  common  op) 
nion  ascribed  to  the  planets),  as  to  sweep  away  the  greater  part  of  Sisera's 
army  in  their  precipitate  flight.  Hence  the  poetess  calls  it  the  first  or  the 
prince  of  torrents.  The  whole  is  exceedingly  poetical,  notwithstanding 
the  censure  of  the  opposers  of  revelation,  whose  cavils  are  characterized 
not  more  by  want  of  taste,  than  by  wilful  ignorance  and  malignity  of  dis 
position. 

G.  It  is  said  that  such  a  number  of  inhabitants,  as  are  stated  tc 
have  dwelt  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  could  not  possibly  have  beer 
supported  there,  viz.  a  million  and  a  half  of  fighting  men.  (2 
Sam.  xxiv.  9.     1  Chron.  xxi.  5.) 

To  this  it  is  to  be  answered,  that  if  there  be  no  mistake  in  the  numbers 
(which  probably  are  incorrect,  as  the  Syriac  version  reads  eight  hundred 
thousand  in  2  Sam  xxiv.  9  and  1  Chron.  xxi.  5.),  this  vast  population  is  U) 
be  ascribed  lo  the  extraordinary  fertility  of  the  s-oil.  Another  solution  of 
this  apparent  contradiction  has  been  offered  by  a  late  writer.'  which  is 
both  ingenious  and  probable.  "It  appears,"  he  observes,  "from  Chronicles, 
that  there  were  twelve  divisions  of  generals,  who  commanded  monthly, 
and  whose  duty  it  was  to  keep  guard  near  the  king's  person,  each  having 
a  body  of  troops  consisting  of  twenty-four  thousand  men,  which  jointly 
formed  a  grand  army  of  two  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  :  and,  as  a  sepa 
rate  body  of  twelve  thousand  men  naturally  attended  on  the  twelve  princes 
of  the  twelve  tribes,  mentioned  in  the  same  chanter,  the  whole  will  be 
three  hundred  thousand;  which  is  the  difference  between  ihe  two  last  ac 
counts  of  eight  hundred  thousand  and  of  one  million  one  hundred  thou- 
sand.' Whence  may  be  deduced  this  natural  solution  as  to  Ihe  number  of 
Israel.  As  to  the  men  of  Israel,  the  author  of  Samuel  does  not  take  notice 
of  the  three  hundred  thousand,  because  they  were  in  the  actual  service 
of  the  king  as  a  standing  army,  and,  therefore,  there  was  no  need  to  nuni- 
ber  them  :  but  the  author  of  Chronicles  joins  Ihem  lo  the  rest,  saying  ex 
pressly,  ^NIS"  *73,  'all  those  of  Israel  were  one  million  one  hundred 
thousand;1  whereas  the  author  ol  Samuel,  who  reckons  only  the 'eight 
hundred  thousand,  does  not  say  THTsT*  *73,  'all  those  of  Israel,'  but  barely 
^•^i■C',  »nni  'and  Israel  were,'  Ac.  It  must  also  be  observed,  that  exclu- 
sively of  the  troops  before  mentioned,  there  was  an  army  of  observation 
on  the  frontiers  of  the  Philistines'  country,  composed  of  thirty  thousand 
men,  as  appears  by  2  Sam.  vi.  1. ;  which,  it  seems,  were  included  in  the 
number  of  five  hundred  thousand  of  the  people  of  Judah,  by  the  aulhjr 
ol  Samuel :  but  the  author  of  Chronicles,  who  mentions  only  four  hundred 
and  seventy  thousand,  gives  the  number  of  that  tribe  exclusively  of  those 
thirty  thousand  men,  because  they  were  not  all  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  :  and 
therefore  he  does  not  say,  mw  *73  'all  those  of  Judah,'  as  he  had  said 
Vm:"  *?3  'all  those  of  Israel,'  but  only  rTW  'and  those  of  Judah.'  Thus 
both  accounts  maybe  reconciled,  by  only  having  recourse  to  other  parts 
of  Scripture  treating  on  the  same  subject;  which  will  ever  be  found  the 
best  method  of  explaining  difficult  passages." 

•  An  ingenious  French  philosopher,  who  has  consecrated  his  geological 
researches  to  the  elucidation  and  defence  of  the  sacred  volume,  has  en 
deavoured  to  show  that  the  double  day  in  Palestine,  caused  by  the  miracle 
related  in  Josh,  x.,  must  have  produced  a  double  night  in  Europe.  He  con- 
siders that  the  double  night,  so  frequently  mentioned  by  the  Latin  poets, 
and  connected  with  the  birth  of  Hercules,  was  identical  with  this  miracle, 
which  is  thus  collaterally  confirmed  by  the  testimony  of  ancient  profane 
writers.     Chaubard,  Eiemcns  de  Geologic  pp.  321—327.     Paris,  1*S,  Bvo. 

•  Dr.  Dick's  Lectures  on  Theology,  vol.  i.  p    178.    The  reader,  who  u 


on  the  same  passage.  _  .  _•  •  _  ,„     _,_ 

i  Townsend's  Arrangement  of  the  Old I  Tesumeni,  vol.  i.  p.  4«  .  noU. 

•  The  editor  of  the  quarto  edition  of  Calrrefs  Dictionary  of  the  Mi 
See  Fragments,  No.  xxxvii.  pp.  62,  63. 

•  Vide  Alichot  Holam,  p.  ia 


422 

7.  The  number  of  cattle  sacrificed  at  the  dedication  of  Solo- 
mon's temple,  has  been  objected  to  as  incredible,  viz.  one  hundred 
and  twenty  thousand  sheep,  and  two-and-twenty  thousand  oxen. 
(1  Kings  viii.  63.) 

To  this  it  may  be  replied,  first,  that  all  these  were  not  offered  in  one 
iay,  much  less  on  one  altar.  This  solemn  meeting  continued  fourteen 
days  viz  seven  at  the  feast  of  tabernacles,  and  seven  at  the  feast  of  dedi- 
cation (1  Kings  viii.  65.);  and  because  the  brazen  altar  was  too  little  to  re- 
ceive  the  burnt-offerings,  Solomon,  by  special  permission  from  God,  hal- 
lowed the  middle  of  the  court,  that  is,  ordered  other  altars  to  be  erected  in 
■the  court  of  the  priests,  and  perhaps  in  other  places,  which  were  to  serve 
only  during  that  solemnity,  when  such  a  vast  number  of  sacrifices  was  to 
be  offered.  And,  secondly,  it  is  by  no  means  improbable  that  there  were 
some  neighbouring  princes,  who  paid  Solomon  their  tribute  in  cattle,  and 
who  might  supply  victims  for  the  extraordinary  sacrifice  above  referred  to. 
See  an  instance  of  this  kind  in  2  Kings  iii.  4. 

The  great  number  of  beasts  daily  required  in  Solomon's  kitchen  (1  Kings 
ir.  23.),  will  by  no  means  be  found  incredible,  when  we  compare  it  with  the 
accounts  of  the  daily  consumption  of  oriental  courts  in  modern  times,  and 
the  prodigious  number  of  servants  of  an  Asiatic  prince.  Thus,  Tavernier, 
in  his  description  of  the  seraglio,  said,  that  five  hundred  sheep  and  lambs 
were  daily  required  for  the  persons  belonging  to  the  court  of  the  sultan.' 

8.  It  is  urged  that  the  treasures,  mentioned  in  1  Chron.  xxix. 
4 — 7.  as  amassed  by  David  for  the  purpose  of  erecting  a  temple, 
mre  incredible ;  and  that  it  was  impossible  that  he  could  colleet 
such  a  sum,  which  has  been  computed  by  M.  le  Clerc  at  eight 
hundred  millions  sterling,  and  which  is  thought  to  exceed  all  the 
gold  of  all  the  princes  now  upon  earth  put  together. 

But  it  is  possible  that  there  may  be  a  corruption  in  the  numbers :  we  are 
not  so  well  acquainted  with  the  weights  mentioned,  as  to  be  able  to  ascer- 
tain with  precision  the  then  comparative  value  of  the  precious  metals,  nor 
what  resources  for  obtaining  them  (now  lost)  there  were  at  that  time. 
Besides,  it  is  probable  that  the  talent,  mentioned  in  the  passage  above 
cited,  was  the  Syriac  talent ;  according  to  which  the  amount  collected  by 
David  would  be  jE7,087,791.»  And  in  an  age  like  that  in  which  David  lived, 
when  kings  and  princes  were  accustomed  to  hoard  up  vast  quantities  of 
gold  and  silver  (as  the  oriental  monarchs  still  do)  it  is  by  no  means  impro- 
bable that  David  and  his  princes,  in  their  successful  wars  with  the  Philis- 
tines, Moabites,  and  Amalekites,  and  with  the  kings  of  Zobah,  Syria,  and 
Edom,  might  collect  gold  and  silver  to  the  above  amount. 

9.  The  circumstance  of  Elijah  being  fed  by  ravens  (1  Kings 
xvii.  4.)  has  excited  the  profane  scoffs  of  unbelievers,  as  an 
incredible  thing ;  and  they  have  attempted  to  be  witty  in  their 
inquiries  whence  these  unclean  birds  could  have  procured  food 
for  the  prophet. 

It  has  been  attempted  to  get  rid  of  this  miracle,  by  asserting  that  the 
prophet  was  not  fed  by  ravens,  but  by  the  Orbim  or  inhabitants  of  Orbo, 
a  small  town  in  the  vicinity  of  Bethshan.  But  the  following  arguments  will 
show  that  the  received  interpretation  is  correct : — It  is  expressly  said  that 
Elisha  drank  of  the  brook  Cherith.  (1  Kings  xvii.  6.)  "  Had  strangers 
brought  him  food,  they  might  as  well  have  furnished  him  with  water;  and 
thus  it  would  not  have  been  necessary  for  him  to  have  removed  when  the 
brook  was  dried  up.  Again,  Ahab  (who  had  sent  messengers  in  pursuit  of 
the  prophet  among  the  neighbouring  kingdoms  and  nations)  took  an  oath 
of  them  that  they  were  ignorant  of  the  place  of  his  concealment  (1  Kings 
xviii.  10.) ;  and  some  one  out  of  a  tribe,  we  may  suppose  it  probable,  would 
have  delivered  him  up,  seeing  that  they  could  gain  nothing  by  his  conceal- 
ment, and  had  every  thing  to  fear  from  detection.  If  we  come  to  verbal 
criticism,  we  find  that  the  word  is  precisely  the  same  with  that  which  is 
most  properly  rendered  'raven'  in  Gen.  viii.  7.  when  Noah  sends  a  bird 
out  of  the  ark."'  The  Almighty,  doubtless,  could  have  caused  food  to  have 
been  conveyed  to  Elijah  in  any  other  way,  but  he  chose  to  send  it  by  these 
rapacious  birds  for  the  greater  illustration  of  his  absolute  command  over 
all  creatures,  and  also  to  give  us  full  evidence  that  he  is  able  to  succour 
and  preserve,  by  the  most  improbable  means,  all  those  who  put  their  trust 
in  him.    We  need  go  no  further  to  inquire  whence  the  ravens  had  this 


•  Burder's  Oriental  Literature,  vol.  i.  p.  399. 

»  The  reader  will  find  some  elaborate  and  interesting  calculations  on  this 
subject,  in  Dr.  Brown's  Antiquities  of  the  Jews,  vol.  i.  pp.  149 — 153. 

»  Myers's  Hulsean  Essay  on  the  Futility  of  Attempts  to  represent  the 
Miracles  recorded  in  Scripture  as  Effects  produced  in  the  ordinary  Course 
of  Nature,  p.  93.    Cambridge,  1831,  8vo. 


ON  THE  INTERPRETATION,  &c.  OF  PASSAGES. 


[Pabi  II.  Book  II 


food  :  it  is  enough  if  we  believe  that  they  brought  it  to  Elija  1 ;  for  then  we 
must  allow,  that  they  acted  by  divine  direction,  and  that  the  food  was  of 
God's  providing. 

10.  There  is  no  contradiction  between  Job  xxvi.  7.  and  Psal. 
xxiv.  2.  and  civ.  5. 

In  the  first-cited  passage,  Job  says  that  God  hangeth  the  earth  upon 
nothing ;  and  in  Psal.  xxiv.  2.  it  is  said  that  Jehovah  hath  founded  the  earth 
upon  the  seas,  and  estat  Ushed  it  upon  the  floods ;  and  in  Psal.  civ.  5.  that 
he  hath  laid  the  founthations  of  the  earth  that  it  should  not  be  removea 
for  ever.  All  which  expressions  are  philosophically  correct :  for  the 
foundation  of  a  pendulous  globe  can  be  nothing  but  its  centre,  upon  which 
all  the  parts  lean  and  are  supported  by  it ;  and  the  wa'ers  continually  flow- 
ing through  the  bowels  and  concavities  of  the  earth,  frcu  the  depths  of  the 
sea,  by  a  constant  course  and  circulation,  constitute  an  a;*vss  in  the  lower- 
most parts  of  the  earth.  All  the  rivers  run  into  the  sea  ;  yet  the  sea  is  not 
full :  unto  the  place  from  whence  the  rivers  come,  thither  they  return 
again.  (Eccles.  i.  7.)  So  that,  with  great  propriety  of  speech,  the  terra- 
queous globe  is  said  to  hang  upon  nothing,  and  the  earth  to  be  founded 
upon  the  seas,  and  established  upon  the  floods,  and  (Psal.  exxxvi.  6.)  to  b 
stretched  out  above  the  waters.* 

11.  The  unicorn  on  (neisi),  described  in  Job  xxxix.  9.  and 
alluded  to  in  several  other  passages  of  Scripture,  is  the  common 
rhinoceros,  which  is  known,  in  Arabia,  by  the  name  of  reim  unto 
this  day. 

12.  The  circumstance  of  Jonah  being  in  the  belly  of  a  -whale 
(Jonah  i.  17.  Matt.  xii.  40.)  has  been  affirmed  to  be  contrary  to 
matter  of  fact ;  as  the  throat  of  a  whale,  it  is  well  known,  is 
capable  of  admittiag  little  more  than  the  arm  of  an  ordinary  man , 
and  these  fish  are  never  found  in  the  Mediterranean  Sea. 

But  Bochart  has  long  since  proved  that  a  great  fish  of  the  shark  kind  is 
here  intended.  It  is  a  well  attested  fact  that  many  of  the  shark  species  are 
not  only  of  such  a  size  and  form  as  to  be  able,  without  any  miiacle,  to 
swallow  a  man  whole,  but  also  that  men  have  been  found  entire  in  their 
stomachs ;  and,  since  it  is  a  fact  well  known  to  physiologists,  that  the 
stomach  has  no  power  over  substances  endued  with  vitality,  this  circum- 
stance will  account  in  part  for  the  miraculous  preservation  of  the  prophet 
Jonah  in  the  belly  or  stomach  of  the  great  fish,  in  which  he  was  for  three 
days  and  three  nights.  Bochart  is  further  of  opinion,  that  the  particular 
species  of  shark  which  followed  the  prophet  Jonah  was  the  squalus  car- 
charias  or  white  shark,  for  its  voracity  termed  lamia  by  some  naturalists, 
and  which  is  a  native  of  the  seas  in  hot  climates,  where  it  is  the  terror  of 
navigators.*  Mr.  Rae  Wilson,  the  day  after  a  violent  storm  exactly  in  the 
same  portion  of  the  sea  where  the  ship  with  Jonah  on  board  encountered 
the  tempest,  observed  several  very  "great  fishes"  sporting  about  the  ship, 
some  of  which  could  not  be  less  than  sixty  feet  in  length,  and  appeared  a« 
long  as  the  vessel  itself  on  board  of  which  he  was  embarked.* 

The  preceding  are  the  passages  of  Scripture,  which  have 
been  principally  excepted  against,  as  being  contrary  to  phi- 
losophy and  the  nature  of  things ;  and  yet,  when  all  the  cir- 
cumstances of  them  are  properly  considered,  there  is  nothing 
in  them  which  may  not  be  accounted  for,  and  interpreted,  on 
the  principles  of  modern  philosophy. 

*  Jenkin's  Reasonableness  of  the  Christian  Religion,  vol.  ii.  p.  236. 

»  Bocharti  Opera,  torn.  iii.  col.  742.  et  seq.  Bocharl's  opinion  has  been 
adopted  by  Mr.  Parkhurst  (Greek  Lexicon,  article  Kiito;),  and  is  now  gene- 
rally received.  See  also  Scripture  illustrated  by  Natural  History,  &c. 
Expository  Index,  p.  52.  and  the  Fragments  annexed  to  the  quarto  edition 
of  Calmet's  Dictionary,  No.  cxlv.  p.  103.  Bishop  Jebb,  however,  has  urged 
several  considerations  (which  are  too  long  for  insertion  here,  and  the  force 
of  which  it  would  impair  to  abridge),  showing  that  it  probably  was  a  whale, 
into  the  cavity  of  whose  mouth  Jonah  was  taken.  (Sacred  Literature,  pp. 
178—180.)  The  observations  which  he  has  adduced  from  the  natural  his- 
tory of  the  whale  are  confirmed  by  the  enterprising  and  experienced  whale- 
fisher,  Captain  Scoresby ;  who  states,  that  when  the  mouth  of  the  Balana 
Mysticetus,  or  Great  Common  Whale,  is  open,  "  it  presents  a  cavity  as 
large  as  a  room,  and  capable  of  containing  a  merchant  ship's  jolly-boat  full 
of  men,  being  six  or  eight  feet  wide,  ten  or  twelve  feet  high  (in  front),  and 
fifteen  or  sixteen  feet  long."  (Scoresby's  Account  of  the  Arctic  Regions, 
vol.  i.  p.  455.)  The  only  objection  that  can  be  offered  to  Dr.  Jebb't  opinion 
is,  that  there  is  no  authentic  instance  on  record  of  whales  being  found  in 
the  Mediterranean  Sea. 

«  Travels  in  the  Holy  Land,  &c.  third  edition,  vol.  i.  pp.  14,  15.  Lts 
don,  1831. 


flmr.  Vm.  Sect.  I.] 


ON  THE  INFERENTIAL  READING  OF  THE  BIBLE. 


421 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

ON    TIIE    INFERENTIAL    AND    PRACTICAL    READING    OF    SCRIPTURE. 

SECTION    I. 

ON  THE  INFERENTIAL  READING  OF  THE  BIBLE. 

I.   General  Rule*  for  the  Deduction  of  Inferences.— -II.   Observation!  for  ascertaining  the  Sources  of  Internal  D/ocneet. 

III.  And  also  of  External  Inferences. 


1.  The  sense  of  Scripture  having  been  explained  and 
ascertained,  it  only  remains  that  we  apply  it  to  purposes  of 
practical  utility  ;  which  may  be  effected  either  by  deducing 
inferences  from  texts,  or  by  practically  applying  the  Scrip- 
tures to  our  personal  edification  and  salvation.  By  infer- 
ences, we  mean  certain  corollaries  or  conclusions  legiti- 
mately deduced  from  words  rightly  explained;  so  that  they 
who  either  hear  or  read  them  may  form  correct  views  of 
Christian  doctrine  and  Christian  duty.  And  in  this  deduc- 
tion of  inferences  we  are  warranted  Doth  by  the  genius  of 
language,  which,  when  correctly  understood,  not  only  means 
what  the  words  uttered  in  themselves  obviously  imply,  but 
also  what  may  be  deduced  from  them  by  legitimate  conse- 
quences;1 ana  likewise  by  the  authority  of  Jesus  Christ  and 
his  apostles,  who  have  sanctioned  this  practice  by  their 
example.  To  illustrate  this  remark  by  a  single  instance : — 
Our  Lord  (Matt.  xxii.  23 — 32.)  when  disputing  with  the 
Sadducccs,  cited  the  declaration  of  Jehovah  recorded  in  Exod.  iii. 
6.  /  am  the  God  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob  ;  and  from 
thence  he  proved  the  resurrection  of  the  dead  inferentially,  or 
by  legitimate  consequence.  It  should  be  observed,  that  Abraham 
nad  been  dead  upwards  of  three  hundred  years  before  these  words 
were  spoken  to  Moses,  yet  still  Jehovah  called  himself  the  God  of 
Abraham,  &c.  Jesus  Christ  properly  remarked  that  God  is  not 
the  God  of  the  dead  (that  word  being  equivalent  to  eternal  an- 
nihilation, in  the  sense  intended  by  the  Sadducees,  who  held 
that  the  soul  vanished  with  the  body),2  but  of  the  living :  whence 
it  follows,  that  if  he  be  the  God  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob, 
they  have  not  altogether  perished,  but  their  bodies  will  be  raised 
again  from  the  dead,  while  their  spirits  or  souls  are  alive  with 
God,  notwithstanding  they  have  ceased  for  many  centuries  to 
exist  among  mortals.  In  the  same  reply  our  Saviour  further 
confuted,  inferentially,  another  tenet  of  the  Sadducees,  viz.  that 
there  is  neither  angel  nor  spirit,  by  showing  that  the  soul  is  not 
only  immortal,  but  lives  with  God  even  while  the  body  is  de- 
tained in  the  dust  of  the  earth,  which  body  will  afterwards  be 
raised  to  life,  and  be  united  to  the  soul  by  the  miraculous  power 
of  God. 

The  foundation  of  inferential  reading  is  the  perpetual  har- 
mony of  sacred  things ;  so  that  any  one  who  has  thoroughly 
considered  and  rightly  understood  a  single  doctrine,  may 
hence  easily  deduce  many  others  which  depend  upon  it, 
as  they  are  linked  together  in  one  continued  chain.  But,  in 
order  to  conduct  this  kind  of  reading  with  advantage,  it  is 
necessary  that  we  bring  to  it  a  sober  judgment,  capable  of 
penetratinor  deeply  into  sacred  truths,  and  of  eliciting  with 
indefatigable  attention  and  patience,  and  also  of  deducing  one 
truth  from  another  by  strong  reasoning;  and  further,  that  the 
mind  possess  a  sufficient  knowledge  of  the  form  of  sound 
it'iirds  in  faith  and  hot  irhic/i  is  in  I  'lirist  Jmut,  (-2  Tim.  i.  13.) 
Without  this  knowledge,  it  will  be  impossible  to  make  any 
beneficial  progress  in  this  branch  of  sacred  literature,  or  to 
discover  the  exhaustless  variety  of  important  truths  contained 
in  the  Sacred  Writings.  It  will  likewise  be  requisite  to  com- 
pare inferences  when  deduced,  in  order  to  ascertain  whether 
they  are  correct,  and  are  really  worthy  of  that  appellation. 
For  this  purpose  the  following  rules  may  be  advantageously 
consulted: — 

1.    Obvious  or  too  common  inferences  must  not  be  deduced, 
tor  shou'.a  they  be  expressed  in  the  very  -words  of  Scripture. 

Thus,  if  from  Matt.  vi.  33.  Seek  ye  Jirst  the  kingdom  of  God  and  his 
righteousness,  and  all  these  things  shall  be  added  unto  you,  the  following 


inferences  be  deduced:— 1.  The  kingdom  of  God  Is  to  be  sought  in  the  first 
instance.  2.  It  is  necessary  that  we  seek  the  righteousness  of  God  ;  and, 
3.  To  him  that  thus  seeks,  all  other  things  shall  be  added.  Although  these  are 
in  themselves  weighty  truths,  yet  they  are  expressed  too  plainly  in  the 
very  words  of  Scripture  to  be  called  inferences.  They  are,  raUier,  truths 
seated  in  the  text  itself,  than  truths  deduced  from  those  words. 

2.  Inference*  mutt  be  deduced  from  the  true  and  genuine 
sense  of  the  -words,  not  from  a  spurious  sense,  -whether  literal 
or  mystical. 

We  have  a  striking  violation  of  this  sober  and  almost  self-evident  canon, 
in  the  inference  deduced  by  cardinal  Bellarmin,  from  a  comparison  of 
Acts  x.  13.  with  John  xxi.  16.  From  the  divine  command,  Rise,  Peter!  kill 
and  eat,  compared  with  our  Lord's  direction  to  the  apostle,  Feed  my  sheep, 
he  extorts  this  consequence,  viz.  that  the  functions  of  the  Roman  pontiff, 
as  the  successor  of  Peter,  are  twofold — to  feed  the  church,  and  to  put 
heretics  to  death !  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  add,  that  this  inference  is 
derived  from  putting  a  false  and  spurious  sense  upon  those  passages. 

3.  Inferences  are  deduced  more  safely  as  -well  as  more  cor- 
rectly from  the  originals,  than  from  any  version  of  the  Scrip- 
tures. 

It  is  not  uncommon,  even  in  the  best  versions,  to  find  meanings  put  upon 
the  sacred  text,  which  are  totally  foreign  to  the  intention  of  the  inspired 
penman.  Thus,  from  Acts  ii.  47  (the  Lord  added  to  the  church  daily  such 
us  should  be  saved),  the  papists  have  absurdly  pretended  to  deduce  the 
perpetuity  and  visibility  of  the  (Roman  Catholic)  church ;  and,  from  the 
same  text  compared  with  Acts  xiii.  48.  (as  many  as  were  ordained  to  eter- 
nal life  believed),  some  have  inferred  that  those  whom  God  adds  to  the 
church  shall  necessarily  and  absolutely  be  eternally  saved.  The  question 
relative  to  indefectibility  from  grace  is  foreign  to  a  practical  work  like 
this :»  but  without  throwing  down  the  gauntlet  of  controversy,  we  may  re. 
mark,  that  these  passages  have  no  relation  whatever  to  the  doctrine  of 
election  ;  that  Luke  is  speaking  as  an  historian  of  a  fact  which  fell  under  his 
own  observation,  relating  to  the  Jews  and  not  to  the  hidden  counsels  of 
God  ;  and  that  if  the  translators  of  our  authorized  version  had  rendered 
the  original  of  Acts  ii.  47.  literally,  as  they  have  done  m  other  parts  of  the 
New  Testament,*  it  would  have  run  thus :— The  Lord  added  daily  to  the 
church,  tou;  a-ifyfiivcvf,  the  saved ;  that  is,  those  who  were  saved  from 


«  Qui  enim  intelligit,  quod  loquitur,  non  modo  vim,  sed  ambitum  quoque 
verborum  perspicit ;  ideoque  id  omne,  quod  ex  iis  legitime  colligi  potest, 
adprobare  etiam  merito  creditur.  Buddei  Elementa  Philosophise  Instru- 
mentalis,  part  ii.  cap.  ii.  4  xxx.  p.  316. 

»Zu»«$«viei.  to.j  «-«rj«««-i.  Joseph.  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  xviii.  c.l.  $4.  (al.  c.  ii.) 
Vol.  I.  3  K 


»  "  It  may  not  be  the  most  philosophical,  but  it  is  probably  the  wisest 
opinion  which  we  can  adopt,  that  the  truth  lies  somewhere  between  the 
two  rival  systems  of  Calvin  and  Arminius ;  though  I  believe  it  to  exceed 
the  wit  of  man  to  point  out  the  exact  place  where  it  does  lie.  We  distinctly 
perceive  the  two  extremities  of  the  vast  chain,  which  stretches  across  tne 
whole  expanse  of  the  theological  heavens;  but  its  central  links  are  en- 
veloped in  impenetrable  clouds  and  thick  darkness."  (Mr.  Faber's  Dis- 
courses, vol.i.  pp.478,  479.)  Archbishop Tillotson  has  afine  passage  on  this 
subject  to  the  same  effect  (which  is  too  long  to  be  extracted),  at  the  close 
of  his  hundred  and  seventh  sermon.  See  his  Works,  vol.  v.  pp.  395,  396. 
Compare  also  vol.  vii.  pp.  99,  100.  (London,  1820.)  On  this  topic  the  author 
cannot  withhold  from  his  readers  the  following  admirable  observations  of 
the  late  Bishop  Horaley.  Addressing  the  clergy  of  the  diocese  of  Roches- 
ter, he  says,  "  I  would  entreat  you  of  all  things  to  avoid  controversial  ar- 
guments in  the  pulpit  upon  what  are  called  the  Calvinistic  points ;—  the 
dark  subject  of  predestination  and  election  I  mean,  and  the  subordinate 
questions.  Differences  of  opinion  upon  these  subjects  have  subsisted 
umong  the  best  Christians  from  the  beginning,  and  will  subsist,  I  am 
persuaded,  to  the  end.  They  seem  to  me  to  arise  almost  of  necessity,  from 
the  inability  of  the  human  mind  to  reconcile  the  doctrine  of  a  providence, 
irresistibly  ruling  all  events,  with  the  responsibility  of  man  as  a  moral  agent. 
And  persons  equally  zealous  for  God's  glory  have  taken  different  sides  of 
the  question,  according  as  their  minds  have  been  more  forcibly  impressed 
with  awful  notions  of  God's  right  of  sovereignty  on  the  one  hand,  or  of  his 
justice  on  the  other.  But  in  certain  leading  principles,  Lutherans,  Calvinists, 
Arminians,  and  we  of  the  church  of  England  are,  I  liust,  all  agreed.  We 
are  agreed  in  the  fundamental  doctrines  of  the  Trinity ;  all  believing  in  the 
united  operation  of  the  three  persons,  in  their  distinct  offices  in  the  ac- 
complishment of  man's  redemption.  We  are  all  agreed  that  the  fore- 
knowledge of  God  is — like  himself— from  all  eternity,  and  absolute  ;  thai 
his  providence  is  universal,  controlling  not  only  all  the  motions  of  matter, 
but  all  the  thoughts  and  actions  of  intelligent  beings  of  all  order* ;  that, 
nevertheless,  man  has  that  degree  of  free  agency  which  makes  him  justly 
responsible ;  that  his  sins  are  his  own ;  and  that,  without  holiness,  no  man 
shall  see  God.  While  we  agree  in  these  principles,  I  cannot  see  to  what 
purpose  we  agitate  endless  disputes  upon  the  dark — I  had  almost  said — 
presumptuous  questions  upon  the  order  of  the  divine  decrees,  as  if  there 
could  be  any  internal  energies  of  the  divine  mind,  and  about  the  manner 
of  the  communion  between  the  Spirit  of  God  and  the  soul  of  the  believer. 
(Bishop  Horsley's  Charge  in  1800,  pp.  32,  33.  4to)  . 

•  It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  the  participle  <r«Cof""«  occurs  in  fourothei 
places  of  the  New  Testament,  in  all  which  our  translators  give  the  true 
meaning.  These  are  Luke  xiM.  23.  •«  ca..j-.'  <r-to^.»o.,  are  there  Jew  that 
be  saved?— 1  Cor.  i.  18.  to.;  Si  <r«S«><i»°'«  */"">  l™<  anto  US  WHICH  ARM 
saved— 2Cor.  ii.  15.  iwTo.f  <r»i:o^.»o.«,  in  them  that  arb  saved— Rev.  xxi. 
24.  rx  id.n  t«,v  <r*C°p„*,,  the  nationsofthem  which  are  saved.  In  none 
of  these  instances  have  the  translators  given  the  forced  and  arbl'ra,2 
meaning  above  noticed,  and  no  reason  can  be  assigned  why  they  should 
have  so  rendered  Acts  ii.  47. 


424 


ON  THE  INFERENTIAL  READING  OF  THE  BIBLE. 


(Paht  II.  Book  II 


their  sins  and  prejudices ;  and  ao  the  passage  is  rendered  by  Drs.  Whitby, 
Doddridge,  and  other  eminent  critics  and  divines.  Further,  if  Acts  xiii.  48. 
had  been  translated  according  to  the  proper  meaning  of.rnmyiunt,  that 
verse  would  have  run  thus :— As  many  as  were  disposed  for  eternal  life, 
believed:  which  rendering  is  not  only  laithful  to  the  original,  but  also  to 
•he  context  and  scope  of  the  sacred  historian,  who  is  relating  the  effects  or 
Consequences  of  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel  to  the  Gentiles.  For  the 
Jews  nad  contradicted  Paul,  and  blasphemed,  while  the  religious  prose- 
lytes heard  with  profound  attention,  and  cordially  received  the  Gospel  he 
preached  to  them :  the  former  were,  through  their  own  stubbornness, 
utterly  indisposed  to  receive  that  Gospel,  while  the  latter,  destitute  of 
prejudice  and  prepossession,  rejoiced  to  hear  that  the  Gentiles  were  in- 
cluded in  the  covenant  of  salvation  through  Jesus  Christ ;  and,  therefore, 
in  this  good  state  or  disposition  of  mind,  they  believed.  Such  is  the  plain 
and  obvious  meaning  deducible  from  the  consideration  of  the  context  and 
scope  of  the  passage  in  question  ;  and  that  the  rendering  above  given  is 
strictly  conformable  to  the  original  Greek,  is  evident  from  the  following 
considerations.  In  the  first  place,  the  word  Trntynw  is  not  the  word 
«enerally  used  in  the  New  Testament  to  denote  fore-ordination,  or  an 
eternal  decree,  but  the  verbs  of>^  and  n-foop.^'u.,  which  exactly  answer  to 
our  English  words  determine  and  predetermine.  Further,  Dr.  Hammond 
remarks,  the  verb  xarr.  or  txt7*>  (whence  the  participle  Tiny/iKos)  and 
its  compounds,  are  often  employed  in  the  sense  of  our  military  word  tactics, 
by  which  is  meant  whatever  relates  to  the  disposal  or  marshalling  of 
troops  (compare  Luke  vii.  8.  and  Rom.  xiii.  1.  Gr.) ;  and  hence,  by  analogy, 
it  is  applied  to  other  things :— Thus,  in  1  Cor.  xvi.  15.  we  read  "  They  de- 
voted (in;»»)  themselves  to  the  ministry  of  the  saints."  See  also  1  Mace, 
v.  27.  and  2  Mace.  xv.  20.  (Gr.) ;  and  particularly  Acts  xx.  13.,  where  we 
read  that  Saint  Paul  went  on  foot  to  Assos,  for  so  he  was  (wsTeTay^svos) 
disposed.  Similar  expressions  are  to  be  found  in  the  Greek  classic  writers.* 
But  what  confirms  the  preceding  rendering  of  this  text,  is  the  fact,  that  it 
is  so  translated  in  the  Old  Syriac,  the  most  ancient  of  all  the  versions  of 
the  New  Testament.  This  is  of  great  moment ;  for  that  version  was  made 
at  least  four  hundred  years  before  the  sense  of  this  place  was  disputed  by 
the  different  sects  and  parties  of  Christians.  "Meanwhile,"  says  Dr.  Ham- 
mond, with  equal  truth  and  piety,  "  it  must  be  remembered  that  these 
qualifications  are  not  pretended  to  have  been  originally  from  themselves, 
b'ut  from  the  preventing  grace  of  God;  to  which  it  is  to  be  acknowledged 
due  that  they  are  ever  pliable,  or  willing  to  follow  Christ." 

4.  Those  inferences  are  always  to  be  preferred  -which  ap- 
proach nearest  to  the  scope  of  a  passage. 

Thus,  in  John  vi.  37.  Christ  says,  Him  that  comelh  unto  me  I  will  in  no 
toise  cast  out.  From  this  clause  the  two  following  inferences  have  been 
deduced.  1.  That  Jesus  Christ  is  a  most  certain  asylum  for  all  persons 
whose  consciences  are  burdened.  2.  That  Christians  ought  to  receive 
those  who  are  weak  in  faith,  after  the  example  of  Christ,  and  to  treat 
them  with  tenderness.  Now,  though  both  these  inferences  are  good  in 
themselves,  the  first  is  most  to  be  preferred,  because  it  harmonizes  best 
with  the  scope  of  the  passage  (compare  verses  37 — 40.),  which  is  to  show 
that  Christ  will  reject  none  "that  truly  repent  and  unfeignedly  believe" 
in  him. 

5.  Inferences  ought  to  embrace  useful  truths,  and  such  as 
are  necessary  to  be  known,  on  which  the  mind  may  'neditate, 
and  be  led  to  a  more  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  doctrines 
of  salvation,  and  with  Christia?i  morality. 

It  were  no  difficult  task  to  illustrate  this  remark  by  a  variety  of  examples  ; 
but  this  is  rendered  unnecessary  by  the  admirable  models  presented  in 
the  valuable  sermons  of  our  most  eminent  divines,  not  lo  mention  the  ex- 
cellent discourses  of  Masillon,  Bossuet,  Flechier,  Claude,  Saurin,  Super- 
vise, Du  Bosc,  and  other  eminent  foreign  divines,  both  Protestants  and 
Romanists.  The  reader,  who  is  desirous  of  illustrations,  will  find  many 
very  apposite  ones  in  Monsieur  Claude's  celebrated  and  elaborate  Essay 
on  the  Composition  of  a  Sermon.' 

II.  The  sources  whence  inferences  are  deducible,  are  di- 
vided by  Professor  Rambach  (to  whom  we  are  almost  wholly 
indebted  for  this  chapter)3  into  two  classes,  viz.  internal  and 
external :  the  former  are  inherent  in  the  text,  and  flow  from 
it,  considered  in  itself;  the  latter  are  derived  from  a  compari- 
son of  the  text  with  other  passages  and  circumstances. 

To  illustrate  these  definitions  by  a  few  examples : — The 
sources  whence  inferences  may  be  deduced,  are  internal,  or 
nherent  in  the  text,  when  such  consequences  are  formed, 
1.  From  the  affections  of  the  sacred  writer  or  speaker;  2. 
From  words  and  their  signification ;  3.  From  the  emphasis 
■md  force  of  words;  and,  4.  From  the  structure  and  order  of 
the  words  contained  in  the  sacred  text. 

'  Dr.  Hammond  (on  Acts  xiii.  48.)  has  cited  and  commented  on  several 
passages  which  we  Pave  not  room  to  state.  He  renders  the  word  t (my pivot 
Uy  fitly  disposed  and  qualified  for ;  Dr.  Wall,  by  fit  lo  receive;  and  Mr. 
Thompson,  the  learned  North  American  translator  of  the  Scriptures  from 
the  Greek,  by  fitly  disposed.  Wolfius  (Cur.  Philol.  in  loc.)  considers  the 
phrase  rtr*y/»$vo(  ei;  as  equivalent  to  iujin;  nc  (Luke  ix.  62.)  in  our  ver- 
sion rendered  fit  (or,  more  correctly,  rightly  disposed)  for  the  kingdom 
,,J  God.  Dr.  Whitby  translates  the  word  by  disposed,  and  Dr.  Doddridge 
bjr  determined,  in  order  to  preserve  the  ambiguity  of  the  word.  The 
meaning,  lie  observes,  of  the  sacred  penman  seems  to  be,  that  all  who 
were  deeply  and  SerLusly  concerned  about  their  eternal  happiness,  openly 
finbraced  the  Gospel.  And  wherever  this  temper  was,  it  was  undoubtedly 
he  effect  of  a  divine  operation  on  their  hearts.  See  Whitbv,  Doddridge, 
Wall,  Wetstein,  Bengel,  Rosenmuller,  and  especially  Limborch  (Com- 
mentarius  in  Acta  Apostolorum,  pp.  133—136.  folio,  Rotterdam,  1711),  on 
Acts  xiii.  48.,  and  Krebsii  Observationes  in  Nov.  Test,  ex  Josepho,  pp.  222 
-22i.  Compare  alsoFranzius  de  Interpretatione  Sacrarum  Srripturarum, 
pp.  104—115.  ;  Co.  Taylor's  Works,  vol.  ix.  p.  140. ;  and  Bishop  Wilson's 
Works,  Sermon  57.  vol.  ii.  p.  272.  folio  edit.  Bath,  1782. 

»  See  particularly  §§  17—26.  in  Dr.  Williams's  edition  of  Claude's  Essay, 
Christian  Preacher,  pp.  300—316. ;  or  Mr.  Simeon's  much  improved  edition, 
*  imbridge  and  London,  1827.  12mo. 

« Ins'itutiones  Hermeneutica  Sacrae,  lib.  iv.  c.  3.  pp.  804—822. 


1.  Inferences  deduced  from  the  affections  of  the  writer  or 
speaker,  whether  these  are  indicated  in  the  text,  or  are  left  to 
the  investigation  of  the  interpreter. 

Thus,  in  Mark  iii.  5.  we  read  that  Jesus  Christ  looked  round  about  on 
those  who  opposed  him  with  anger,  being  grieved  for  the  hard-nest  of 
their  hearts :  the  anger  here  mentioned  was  no  uneasy  passion,  but  i»n  ex- 
cess of  generous  grief  occasioned  by  their  obstinate  stupidity  and  blindness 
From  this  passage  the  following  conclusions  may  be  drawn  :  1.  It  is  the  duty 
of  a  Christian  to  sorrow,  not  only  for  his  own  sins,  but  also  to  be  grieved 
for  the  sins  of  others.  2.  All  auger  is  not  to  be  considered  sinful.  3.  He 
does  not  bear  the  image  of  Christ,  but  rather  that  of  Satan,  who  can  either 
behold  with  indifference  the  wickedness  of  others,  or  rejoice  in  it.  4.  No- 
thing is  more  wretched  than  an  obdurate  heart,  since  it  caused  him,  who 
is  the  source  of  all  true  joy,  to  be  filled  with  grief  on  beholding  it.  5.  Our 
indignation  against  wicked.ness  must  be  tempered  by  compassion  for  the 
persons  of  the  wicked. 

2.  Inferences  deduced  from  words  themselves,  and  their 
signification. 

For  instance,  in  Luke  xxi.  15.  our  Lord,  addressing  his  disciples,  says,  / 
will  give  you  a  mouth  and  wisdom.  Inference  1.  Christ,  the  eternal  wis-  ( 
dom,  is  the  source  and  spring  of  all  true  wisdom.  2.  Will  give.  They  who 
attempted  to  procure  wisdom  by  their  own  strength,  without  the  aid  of 
prayer,  may  justly  be  charged  with  presumption.  3.  You.  No  one  stands 
more  in  need  of  the  gift  of  divine  wisdom  than  they  who  are  intrusted  with 
the  charge  of  teaching  others.  4.  A  mouth,  or  ready  utterance.  The  gift 
of  eloquence  is  bestowed  by  God,  as  well  as  every  other  gift.  Wisdom. 
It  is  possible  for  a  man  to  acquire  cunning  by  the  mere  force  of  corrupt 
nature  ;  but  nature  cannot  possibly  confer  true  wisdom.  5.  And,  Elo- 
quence, when  not  united  with  wisdom,  is  of  little  utility  in  promoting  the 
kingdom  of  Christ.  From  this  last  inference,  it  appears,  that  even  the 
smallest  particles  sometimes  afford  matter  from  which  we  may  deduce 
practical  conclusions. 

3.  Inferences  deduced  from  the  emphasis  and  force  of  words. 
We  have  an  example  in  1  Pet.  v.  5.  Be  clothed  with  humility :  for  God 

resisleih  the  proud.  Inference  1.  Humility.  Christian  humility  does  not 
reside  in  filthy  or  rent  garments,  but  in  a  modest  mind,  that  entertains 
humble  views  of  itself.  Be  ye  clothed,  tyxof*2ue*a'St,  from  <",  in,  and 
xo,u/3oo>,  to  gather  or  tie  in  a  knot.  The  word  means  to  clothe  properly, 
with  an  outer  ornamental  garment,  tied  closely  upon  one  with  knots.  True 
humility  is  an  ornament  which  decorates  the  mind  much  more  than  the 
most  costly  garments  do  the  body.*  3.  Humility  is  a  garment  with  which 
we  cover  both  our  own  virtues  and  the  defects  of  others.  4.  This  orna- 
ment of  humility,  being  exposed  to  many  snares,  must  be  most  carefully 
guarded,  and  retained  around  us.  5.  The  proud,  »«pic«ioii,  from  va-«p, 
above,  and  cxivio,  to  appear,  because  such  persons  exalt  themselves  above 
others.  No  sin  is  capable  of  being  less  concealed,  or  of  escaping  the  ob- 
servation of  others,  than  pride.  6.  God  resisleih  mtiwj-hih,  literally. 
setteth  himself  as  in  array  against  the  proud  man:  this  is  a  militarj 
term.  The  inference  deducible  is,  that  while  all  other  sinners  retire  as  it 
were,  from  the  presence  of  God,  and  seek  for  shelter  against  his  indigna- 
olion,  the  proud  man  alone  openly  braves  it.* 

4.  Inferences  deduced  from  the  order  and  structure  of  the 
words  contained  i?i  the  sacred  text. 

Thus,  from  Rom.  xiv.  17.  The  kingdom  of.  God  is  righteousness,  peace, 
and  joy  in  the  Holy  Ghost,  the  following  inferences  mayl>e  derived,  accord- 
ing to  the  order  of  the  words,  which  depends  upon  Ihe  connection  and 
order  of  the  subjects  treated  of.  1.  No  constant  and  lasting  peace  of  con- 
science is  to  be  expected,  unless  we  previously  lay  hold  of  the  righteousnest 
of  Christ  by  faith.  2.  They  only  possess  a  genuine  and  permanent  joy, 
who,  being  justified,  cultivate  peace  with  God  through  Jesus  Christ.  3. 
In  vain  do  those  persons  boast  of  the  righteousness  of  Christ,  who  still 
continue  in  a  state  of  hostility  and  enmity  with  God  and  man.  4.  A  serene 
and  peaceful  conscience  is  the  only  source  of  spiritual  joy. « 

III.  The  sources  of  inferences  are  external,  when  the  con- 
clusions are  deduced  from  a  comparison  of  the  text,  1.  With 
the  state  of  the  speaker; — 2.  "With  the  scope  of  the  book  oi 
passage  ; — 3.  With  antecedents  and  consequents ;  or,  in  other 
words,  with  the  context ; — 4.  With  parallel  passages,  and 
other  circumstances. 

I.  Inferences  deduced  from  the  state  of  the  writer  or  speaker 
Thus,  when  Solomon,  the  wisest  and  richest  of  sovereigns,  whose  eager 
desire  after  the  enjoyment  of  worldly  vanities  was  so  great,  that  he  left 
none  of  them  untried,  and  whose  means  of  gratifying  himself  in  every  pos- 
sible pleasure  and  delight  were  unbounded,— when  he  exclaims  (Eccl.  i. 
2.),  Vanity  of  vanities,  all  is  vanity,  the  following  inferences  may  be  de- 
duced from  his  words,  compared  with  the  state  of  his  mind.  (1.)  Since  the 
meanest  artizan  isnotto  be  despised whei.  speaking  properly  and  opportunely 
of  his  own  business,  he  must  be  more  than  usually  stupid  who  does  not 
give  diligent  attention  when  a  most  illustrious  monarch  is  about  to  speak 
(2.)  How  admirable  is  the  wisdom  of  God,  who,  when  it  pleased  him  U 
select  a  person  to  proclaim  and  testify  the  vanity  of  all  things  human,  made 
choice  of  one  who  had  most  deeply  experienced  how  truly  vain  they  were1 
(3.)  When  a  sovereign,  thus  singularly  possessed  of  glory,  fame,  human 

«  Mr  Parkhursl's  illustration  of  this  truly  emphatic  word  :?  'no  impor- 
tant and  beautiful  to  be  omitted.  "On  the  whole,"  says  he,  "thisexpre:, 
sive  word,  tyr.o/ni^Krxirii,  used  by  Saint  Peter,  implies  that  the  humility  of 
Christians,  which  is  one  of  the  most  orna?nental  graces  of  their  profession. 
should  constantly  appear,  in  all  their  conversation,  so  as  to  strike  the  eyt. 
of  every  beholder  ;&aa\  that  this  amiable  grace  should  be  so  closely  connectec 
with  their  persons,  that  no  occurrence,  temptation,  or  calamity  should  be 
able  to  strip  them  of  it.— Faxit  Dons !"  Greek  and  English  Lexicon,  p.  18C. 
col.  2.  (5th  edit.) 

«  It  may  be  worth  the  reader's  while  to  reconsider  what  has  already 
been  stated  on  the  subject  of  emphatic  words,  which,  in  fact,  are  so  many 
sources  whence  inferences  may  be  judiciously  deduced. 

«  For  a  full  illustration  of  this  subject,  we  with  pleasure  refer  the  readei 
to  an  excellent  discourse,  in  "Sermons  on  Subjects  chiefly  Practical 
bv  the  Rev.  John  Jcbb,  A.  M."  (subsequently  Bishop  of  Limerick),  Serm. 
iv.  pp.  71—98.    London,  1816,  8vo. 


Chap.  VIII.  Sect.  II.] 


ON  THE   PRACTICAL  READING  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


425 


wisdom,  richcB,  and  every  facility  for  the  enjoyment  of  pleasures,  proclaims 
the  vanity  of  all  these  things,  till  testimony  ought  to  he  received  by  every 
one  with  great  respect.    ( 1  )  Since  princes,  above  all  others,  arc  e  I 
to  the  insidious  wiles  of  pleasures,  it  is  worthy  of  remark  that  God  raised 
up  one  of  their  own  rank  to  admonish  them  of  their  danger. 

2.  Inference*  deduced. 

(1.)  From  the  general  scope  of  an  entire  book — For  instance, 
let  the  following  words  of  Jesus  Christ  (John  viii.  51.),  Verily,  verily,  1  .my 
unto  you,  if  a  man  keep  my  saying  he  shall  never  see  death,  bo  compared 
with  the  general  scope  of  the  hook  which  ll  UDOUneed  m  John  xx-  81.  These 
are  written,  that  ye  might  believe  that  Jesus  is  the  Christ,  (At  •s'"«  nf  God, 
and  that  believing,  ye  might  lm  re  li/r  through  his  nume.  From  this  colla- 
tion the  following  inferences  will  flow,  (1.)  raith  In  Christ  is  m  be  proved 
and  shown  by  obedience  to  his  word,  (ii.)  True  faith  cordially  r. 
not  only  the  merits  of  Christ,  bat  also  his  words  and  pr<  i  epta.  And,  (hi.) 
Whosoever  la  made  through  IsJih,  s  partaker  of  spiritual  lite,  shall  auo  be 
freed  from  spiritual  and  eternal  death. 

(2.)  From  the  special  scope  of  a  particular  passage.— The 
particular  scope  of  Jesus  Christ  In  the  passage  above  cited  (John  viii.  51), 
ina>  to  demonstrate  thai  he  was  not  possessed  by  an  evil  spirit,  since  the 

keeping  of  his  words  would  procure  eternal  life  for  all  who  obey  him,  while 
Satan,  on  the  CObtnry,  leads  men  into  sin,  whose  wages  is  deafA,  or  I  \>  r 

tasting  perdition.    Hence  we  may  deduce  the  subsequent  Inli 

rii  it  doctrine  which  produces  such  very  salutary  effects  cannol  ai 

rily  be  false  ami  diabolical,  (ii.)  Saving  truilis  are  to  be  prop 

those  who  are  guilty  of  calumniating  them,  (iii.)  There  is  no  nearer  way, 
by  which  to  liberate  the  mind  from  doubts  formed  against  truth,  than  a 
ready  obedience  to  acknowledge  truth,  (iv.)  The  precepts  of  Christ  are 
to  be  regarded  and  obeyed,  even  though  they  should  be  ridiculed  or  de- 
famed by  the  most  learned  men. 

(3.)   From   the  very  special  scope   of  particular   -words   or 

phrases— The  passage  just  referred  to  will  sunnly  us  with  another  illus 
tration.— For  Instance,  should  it  be  asked,  (i.)  Why  our  Lord  prefixed  to 
his  declaration,  a  sohum  asseveration  similar  to  an  oath  1  it  is  replied,  be- 
cause he  perceived  the  very  obstinate  unbelief  of  his  hearers;  whence  it 
may  be  inferred,  that  it  is  a  shameful  tiling  that  Christ  should  find  so  little 
faith  among  men.  (ii  )  Should  it  be  further  Inquired,  why  he  prefixed  a 
double  asseveration?  it  is  answered  in  order  that,  by  such  repetition,  he 
might  silence  the  repeated  calumnies  of  those  who  opposed  him  :  hence, 
also,  it  may  be  inferred,  that  in  proportion  to  the  malice  and  effrontery  of 
men  in  asserting  calumnies,  the  greater  zeal  is  required  in  vindicating 
iruth.  (iii.)  Should  it  still  be  asked,  why  our  Lord  added  the  words,  I  say 
unto  you,  we  reply,  in  opposition  to  the  assertion  of  his  enemies  in  the  48th 
<erse,— Say  we  not  well,  that  thou  hast  a  demon  1  From  which  we  may 
infer,  that  he  who  Is  desirous  of  knowing  the  truth  ought  not  only  to  attend 
to  the  stories  invented  and  propagated  by  wicked  men  against  the  godly,  but 
also  to  those  things  which  Christ  says  of  them,  and  they  of  him.  Other 
instances  might  be  adduced,  but  the  preceding  will  suffice. 

3.  Inferences  deduced  from  a  collation  of  the  text  -with  the 

context. 

In  this  case,  the  principal  words  of  the  text  should  be  compared  together, 
in  order  that  inferences  may  he  deduced  from  their  mutual  relation,  (i.) 
Collate  1  Tim.  i.  15.  /(  fa  a  faithful  saying,  with  verse  4.  Neither  give 
heed  to  fables.  Inference.  The  idle  legends  of  the  Jews  (preserved  in  the 
Talmud),  and  the  relations  of  the  Gentiles  concerning  their  deities,  and  the 
appearances  of  the  latter,  are  compared  to  uncertain  fables  :  but  the  nar- 
ration in  the  Gospel  concerning  Jesus  Christ  is  both  certain,  and  worthy 
of  being  received  with  faith,  (ii.)  Collate  also  1  Tim.  i.  15.  with  verse  6. 
Vain  jangling,  or  empty  talking.  Inference.  God  usually  punishes  those 
who  trill  not  believe  the  most  certain  words  of  the  Gospel,  by  judicially 
giving  them  up  to  a  voluntary  belief  of  the  most  absurd  and  lying  fables. 
(iii.)  Compare  the  words  Worthy  of  all  acceptation  (ITini.  i.  15),  with 
verse  8.  The  law  is  good.  Inference.  The  law,  as  given  by  God,  is  both 
good  in  itself  and  has  a  good  tendency,  though  to  a  sinner  it  is  so  formi- 
dable as  to  put  him  to  flight :  but  the  Gospel  recommends  itself  to  the  terri- 
fied conscience,  as  a  saying  or  discourse  every  way  worthy  of  credit. 

4.  Inferences  deduced  from  a  collation  of  the  text  with  paral- 
lel passages. 

The  advantage  resulting  from  such  a  comparison,  in  investigating  the 
tense  of  a  passage  of  Scripture,  has  already  been  stated  and  illustrated ; 
and  the  observations  and  examples  referred  to,  if  considered  with  a  par- 
ticular view  to  the  deduction  of  inferences,  will  supply  the  reader  with 
numerous  instances,  whence  he  may  draw  various  important  corollaries. 
One  instance,  therefore,  will  suffice  to  exemplify  the  nature  of  the  infer- 
ences deducible  from  a  comparison  of  the  text  with  parallel  passages.  In 
2 Tim.  i.  8.  Saint  Paul  exhorts  Timothy  not  to  be  ashamed  of  the  testimony 
of  the  Lord.  Compare  this  with  Rom.  i.  16.  where  he  says,  /  am  not 
ashamed  of  the  Gospel  of  Christ ;  for  it  is  the  power  of  God  unto  salva- 
tion to  everyone  that  belicveth,  to  the  Jew  firsthand  also  to  the  Greek; 
and  with  Isa.  xxviii.  10.  and  xlix.23.  last  clause  (cited  in  ltnm  x.  11  ),  where 
it  is  said,  Whosoever  believeth  in  him  (Christ)  shall  not  be  ashamed,  that 
is,  confounded  or  disappointed  of  his  hope.  From  this  collation  the  two 
following  inferences  may  he  derived  (1.)  Faithful  ministers  of  the  Gos- 
pel require  nothing  from  others  which  they  do  not  by  their  own  expe- 
rience knowto  be  both  possible  and  practicable.  And,  (2.)  All  those,  who 
have  already  believed,  or  do  now  or  shall  hereafter  believe  in  Christ,  have, 
in  and  through  him,  all  the  blessings  foretold  by  t lie  prophets:  all  Ihe 
promises  of  God,  in  (or  through)  him,  being  yea,  that  is,  true  in  themselves, 
and  amen,  that  is.  faithfully  fulfilled  to  all  those  who  believe  in  Christ 
(2  Cor.  i.  20.) 

5.  A  fifth  external  source  of  inferences  is  the  collation  of 
the  text  -with  the  consideration  of  the  following  external  cir- 
cumstances,  viz. 

(l.)  Tut:  Time  when  the  words  or  things  were  uttered  or 
took  place. 

Thus,  in  Matt,  xxvii.  G2.  we  read  that  many  bodies  of  the  saints  which  slept 
arose :  but  when  ?  After  Christ's  resurrection  (v.  53.),  not  before  (as  Rain- 
bach  himself,  among  other  eminent  divines,  has  supposed) ;  for  Christ 
himself  was  the  first-fruits  of  them  that  slept.  (1  Cor.  xv.  20.)  The  graves 
were  opened  at  his  death  by  the  earthquake,  and  the  bodies  came  out  at 
his  resurrection.  Inference.  The  satisfactory  efficacy  of  Christ's  death 
was  so  great,  that  it  opened  a  way  to  life  to  those  who  believed  on  him  as 


tin   M,  safari  that  was  to  come,  as  well  as  to  those  who  believe  in  him  sub- 
tly to  his  incarnation  :  and  both  are  equally  partakers  of  the  bene* 
fjis  flowing  from  his  resurrection. 

(2.)  Thk  Place  where  the  words  were  uttered. 

As  io  Malt.  xxvi.  30.  42.  Not  my  wilt,  but  thine  be  done!  Where  did 
Christ  otter  this  exclamation  1  In  a  garden.  Inference.  He  who  made  an 
atonement  for  the  sins  of  all  mankind,  voluntarily  submitted  himself,  in  the 
tardea  of  passion,  to  the  will  of  God:  from  "vluch  man  withdrew  himself 
in  a  garden  of  pleasure. 

(3.)  The  Occasion  upon  which  the  words  were  spoken. 

'I'h  1 1  s,  in  Mail  xvi.  .1,  Christ  rebukes  the  Pharisees,  because  they  did  net 
observe  the  signs  of  the  times.  On  what  occasion!  When  they  required 
In tn  io  show  them  a  sign  from  heaven.  Inference.  Such  are  the  blindness 
mil  corruption  of  nun,  that  disregarding  the  signs  exhibited  to  them  by 
'■'oil  himself,  they  frequently  require  new  signs  that  are  more  agreeable  to 

their  OWN  il' 

(4.)  The  Manner  in  which  a  thing  is  done. 

Acts  ix.  9.     During  the  blindness  in  which  Saul  continued  for  three  days 
and  three  nights,  God  brought  him  to  the  knowledge  of  himself.    Inference. 
whom  God  vouchsafes  to  enlighten,  he  first  convinces  of  Iheir  spi- 
ritual blindni 

Other  instances,  illustrating  the  sources  whence  inferences 
are  deducible,  might  be  offered,  were  they  necessary,  or  were 
the  preceding  capable  of  being  very  soon  exhausted.  From 
the  sources  already  stated  and  explained,  various  kinds  of 
inferences  may  be  derived,  relating  both  to  faith  and  practice. 
Thus,  some  may  be  deduced  for  the  confirmation  of  faith,  for 
exciting  sentiments  of  love  and  gratitude,  and  for  the  sup- 
port of  hope :  while  others  contribute  to  promote  piety, 
Christian  wisdom  and  prudence,  and  sacred  eloquence;  lastly, 
others  are  serviceable  lor  doctrine,  for  reproof,  lor  instruction, 
and  for  comfort.  He,  who  adds  pergonal  practice  to  the  dili- 
gent reading  of  the  Scriptures,  and  meditates  on  the  inferences 
deduced  from  them  by  learned  and  pious  men,  will  abun- 
dantly experience  the  truth  of  the  royal  psalmist's  observa- 
tions,— Thy  commandment  is  exceeding  broud  ,-  and,  the  en- 
trance of  thy  woi-ds  giveth  light,  it  giveth  understanding  to  the 
simple.  (Psal.  cxix.  96.  130.)  'The  Scriptures,"  says  the 
late  eminent  Bishop  Home,  "  are  the  appointed  means  of 
enlightening  the  mind  with  true  and  saving  knowledge. 
They  show  us  what  we  were,  what  we  are,  and  what  we 
shall  be  :  they  show  us  what  God  hath  done  for  us,  and  what 
he  expecteth  us  to  do  for  him;  they  show  us  the  adversaries 
we  have  to  encounter,  and  how  to  encounter  them  with  suc- 
cess; they  show  us  the  mercy  and  the  justice  of  the  Lord, 
the  joys  of  heaven,  and  the  pains  of  hell.  Thus  will  they 
give  to  the  simple,  in  a  few  days,  an  understanding  of  those 
matters,  which  philosophy,  for  whole  centuries,  sought  in 
vain." 

In  conducting,  however,  the  inferential  reading  above  dis- 
cussed, we  must  be  careful  not  to  trust  to  the  mere  effusions 
of  a  prurient  or  vivid  fancy:  inferences,  legitimately  deduced, 
unquestionably  do  essentially  promote  the  spiritual  instruc- 
tion and  practical  edification  of  the  reader.  ;t  But  when 
brought  forward  for  the  purpose  of  interpretation,  properly 
so  called,  they  are  to  be  viewed  with  caution,  and  even  witi 
mistrust.  For  scarcely  is  there  a  favourite  opinion,  which  a 
fertile  imagination  rnay  not  thus  extract  from  some  portion  of 
Scripture  :  and  very  different,  nay  contrary  interpretations  of 
this  Kind  have  often  been  made  of  the  very  same  texts  accord- 
ing  to  men's  various  fancies  or  inventions."2     - 


SECTION  11. 

ON    THE    PRACTICAL    READING    OK    SCRIPTURE. 

Having  hitherto  endeavoured  to  show  how  we  may  ascer- 
tain and  apply  the  true  sense  of  the  Sacred  Writings,  il 
remains  only  to  consider  in  what  manner  we  may  best  reduce 
our  knowledge  to  practice  ;  for,  if  serious  contemplation  of 
the  Scriptures,  and  practice,  be  united  together,  our  real 
knowledge  of  the  Bible  must  necessarily  be  increased,  and 
will  be  rendered  progressively  more  delightful.  If-  says 
Jesus  Christ,  any  man  trill  do  his  (God's)  will,  he  shall  know 
of  the  doctrine  whether  it  be  of  God.  (John  vii.  17.)  This 
is  the  chief  end  for  which  God  has  revealed  his  will  to  us 
(Deut.  xxix.  89.}  ;  and  all  Scripture  is  profitable  for  this 
purpose  (2  Tim.  iii.  16.),  either  directing  us  what  we  should 
do,  or  inciting  and  encouraging  us  to  do  it :  it  being  written 

»  Professor  Franck,  in  his  Manuductio  ad  Lectionem  Scripture  Sacrae, 
cap.  3.  (pp.  101—123.  of  Mr.  Jacques's  translation),  has  some  very  useful 
observations  on  inferential  reading,  illustrated  with  numerous  instances 
different  from  those  above  given.  See  also  s?;!iaeferi  Institutioncs  Scrip 
turisticsj,  pars  ii.  pp.  166—178. 

•  Bishop  Vanmudert's  Lectures,  p.  9t7. 


426 


ON  THE  PRACTICAL  READING  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


for  our  learning,  that  we  through  patience  and  comfort  of  the 
Scriptures  might  have  hope  (Rom.  xv.  4.) ;  that  is,  that  by  the 
strenuous  exercise  of  that  patience,  which  the  consolations 
administered  in  Scripture  so  powerfully  support,  we  might 
have  an  assuied  and  joyful  hope  in  the  midst  of  all  our  tribu- 
lation. Even  those  things,  which  seem  most  notional  and 
speculative,  are  reducible  to  practice.  (Rom.  i.  20,  21.) 
Those  speculations,  which  we  are  enabled  to  form  concerning 
the  nature  and  attributes  of  God,  grounded  upon  his  works, 
ought  to  induce  us  to  glorify  him  as  such  a  God  as  his  works 
declare  him  to  be  :  and  it  is  a  manifest  indication  that  our 
Knowledge  is  not  right,  if  it  hath  not  this  influence  upon  our 
conduct  and  conversation.  (1  John  ii.  3.) 

The  practical  reading  here  referred  to,  is  of  such  a  nature, 
that  the  most  illiterate  person  may  prosecute  it  with  advan- 
tage :  for  the  application  of  Scripture  which  it  enjoins,  is 
connected  with  salvation  :  and,  consequently,  if  the  unlearned 
were  incapable  of  making  such  application  to  themselves,  it 
would  be  in  vain  to  allow  them  to  peruse  the  Sacred  Writ- 
ings.1 After  what  has  been  stated  in  the  preceding  part  of 
this  volume,  the  author  trusts  he  shall  stand  acquitted  of 
undervaluing  the  knowledge  of  the  original  languages  of  the 
Scriptures,  an  acquaintance  with  which  will  suggest  many 
weighty  practical  hints,  that  would  not  present  themselves  in 
a  version.  It  is,  however,  sufficient,  that  every  thing  neces- 
sary to  direct  our  faith,  and  regulate  our  practice,  may  easily 
be  ascertained  by  the  aid  of  translations.  Of  all  modern 
versions,  the  present  authorized  English  translation  is,  upon 
the  whole,  undoubtedly  the  most  accurate  and  faithful :  the 
translators  having  seized  the  very  spirit  of  the  sacred  writers, 
and  having  almost  every  where  expressed  their  meaning  with  a 
pathos  and  energy  that  have  never  been  rivalled  by  any  subse- 
quent versions  either  of  the  Old  or  the  New  Testament,  or  of 
detached  books,  although,  in  most  of  these,  particular  pas- 
sages are  rendered  more  happily,  and  with  a  closer  regard  to 
the  genius  and  spirit  of  the  divine  originals. 

The  simplest  practical  application  of  the  word  of  God  will, 
unquestionably,  prove  the  most  beneficial :  provided  it  be 
conducted  with  a  due  regard  to  those  moral  qualifications 
which  have  already  been  stated  and  enforced,  as  necessary  to 
the  right  understanding  of  the  Scriptures.2  Should,  how- 
ever, any  hints  be  required,  the  following  may,  perhaps,  be 
consulted  with  advantage.3 

I.  In  reading  the  Scriptures,  then,  with  a  view  to  personal  appli- 
cation, we  should  be  careful  that  it  be  done  with  a  pure  intention. 
The  Scribes  and  Pharisees,  indeed,  searched  the  Scriptures, 
yet  without  deriving  any  real  benefit  from  them :  they  thought 
that  they  had  in  them  eternal  life  :  yet  they  would  not  come  to 
Christ  that  they  might  have  life.  (John  v.  40.)  He,  however, 
who  peruses  the  Sacred  Volume,  merely  for  the  purpose  of  amus- 
ing himself  with  the  histories  it  contains,  or  of  beguiling  time, 
or  to  tranquillize  his  conscience  by  the  discharge  of  a  mere  exter- 
nal duty,  is  deficient  in  the  motive  with  which  he  performs 
that  duty,  and  cannot  expect  to  derive  from  it  either  advantage 
or  comfort  amid  the  trials  of  life.  Neither  will  it  suffice  to  read 
the  Scriptures  with  the  mere  design  of  becoming  intimately 
acquainted  with  sacred  truths,  unless  such  reading  be  accompa- 
nied with  a  desire,  that,  through  them,  he  may  be  convinced  of 
his  self-love,  ambition,  or  other  faults,  to  which  he  may  be  pecu- 
liarly exposed,  and  that  by  the  assistance  of  divine  grace,  he  may 
be  enabled  to  root  them  out  of  his  mind. 

II.  In  reading  the  Scriptures  for  this  purpose,  it  will  be 
advisable  to  select  some  appropriate  lessons  from  its  most  useful 
parts  ;  not  being  particularly  solicitous  concerning  the  exact 
connection  or  other  critical  niceties  that  may  occur  {though  at 
other  times,  as  ability  and  opportunity  offer,  these  are  highly 
proper  objects  of  inquiry),  but  simply  considering  them  in  a 
devotional  or  practical  view.* 

After  ascertaining,  therefore,  the  plain  and  obvious  meaning 
of  the  lesson  under  examination,  we  should  first  consider  the 
present  state  of  our  minds,  and  carefully  compare  it  with  the 
passage  in  question  :  next,  we  should  inquire  into  the  causes  of 
those  faults  which  such  perusal  may  have  disclosed  to  us;  and 

>  Franckii  Manuductio,  cap.  iv.  p.  131.  et  seq. ;  or,  p.  124.  et  seq.  of  the 
English  version. 

»  See  pp.  186,  187.  supra. 

1  These  observations  are  selected  and  abridged  from  Rambach's  Insti- 
lutiones  Hermeneuticae,  and  Professor  Franck's  Brevis  Iiistitutio  Ratio- 
nem  tradens  Sacram  Scripturam  in  veram  edificationem  legendi,  annexed 
to  his  Praelectiones  Hermeneuticae,  8vo.  Hal?  Magdeburgicae,  1717.  Franck 
has  treated  the  same  topic  nearly  in  a  similar  manner,  in  his  Manuductio 
already  noticed,  cap.  iv. 

«  Doddridge's  Rise  and  Progress  of  Religion,  ch.  xix.  S  9.  (Works,  vol.  i 
p.  359.  Leeds  edit  8vo.; 


[Part  II.  B»ok  II. 

should  then  look  around  for  suitable  remedies  to  correct  the  faults 
we  have  thus  discovered. 

HI.  We  should  carefully  distinguish  between  what  the  Scrip- 
ture itself  says,  and  what  is  only  said  in  the  Scripture,  and, 
also,  the  times,  places,  and  persons,  when,  where,  and  by  whom 
any  thing  is  recorded  as  having  been  said  or  done. 

In  Mai.  iii.  14.  we  meet  with  the  following  words:  "  It  is  in 
vain  to  serve  God,  and  what  profit  is  it  that  we  have  kept  hie 
ordinance  1"  And  in  1  Cor.  xv.  32.  we  meet  with  this  maxim 
of  profane  men — "  Let  us  eat  and  drink,  for  to-morrow  we  die." 
But,  when  we  read  these  and  similar  passages,  we  must  attend 
to  the  characters  introduced,  and  remember  that  the  persons  who 
spoke  thus  were  wicked  men.  Even  those,  whose  piety  is  com- 
mended in  the  Sacred  Volume,  did  not  always  act  in  strict  con- 
formity to  it.  Thus,  when  David  vowed  that  he  would  utterly 
destroy  Nabal's  house,  we  must  conclude  that  he  sinned  in 
making  that  vow  :  and  the  discourses  of  Job's  friends,  though  in 
themselves  extremely  beautiful  and  instructive,  are  not  in  every 
respect  to  be  approved  :  for  we  are  informed  by  the  sacred  histo- 
rian, that  God  was  wroth  with  them,  because  they  had  not  spoken 
of  him  the  thing  that  was  right.  (Job  xlii.  7.) 

IV.  In  every  practical  reading  and  application  of  the  Scrip- 
tures to  ourselves,  our  attention  should  be  fixed  on  Jesus  Christ, 
both  as  a  gift,  to  be  received  by  faith  for  salvation,  and  also  as 
an  exemplar,  to  be  copied  and  imitated  in  our  lives. 

We  are  not,  however,  to  imitate  him  in  all  things.  Some 
things  he  did  by  his  divine  power,  and  in  those  we  cannot  imi- 
tate him  :  other  things  he  performed  by  his  sovereign  authority, 
in  those  we  must  not  imitate  him  :  other  things  also  he  performed 
by  virtue  of  his  office,  as  a  Mediator,  and  in  these  we  may  not, 
we  cannot  follow  him.  But  in  his  early  piety,  his  obedience  to 
his  reputed  earthly  parents,  his  unwearied  diligence  in  doing 
good,  his  humility,  his  unblameable  conduct,  his  self-denial,  his 
contentment  under  low  circumstances,  his  frequency  in  private 
prayer,  his  affectionate  thankfulness,  his  compassion  to  the 
wretched,  his  holy  and  edifying  discourse,  his  free  conversation, 
his  patience,  his  readiness  to  forgive  injuries,  his  sorrow  for  the 
sins  of  others,  his  zeal  for  the  worship  of  God,  his  glorifying  his 
heavenly  Father,  his  impartiality  in  administering  reproof,  his 
universal  obedience,  and  his  love  and  practice  of  holiness, — in 
all  these  instances,  Jesus  Christ  is  the  most  perfect  pattern  for 
our  imitation.5  And  the  observation  of  these  things,  in  a  prac- 
tical point  of  view,  will  be  of  singular  use  to  us  on  this  account ; 
namely,  that  whatever  sympathy  and  benevolence  Christ  dis- 
played on  earth,  he  retains  the  same  in  heaven,  seeing  that  he  is 
the  same  yesterday,  to-day,  and  for  ever,  and  that  he  ever  liveth 
to  make  intercession  for  them  that  come  unto  God  by  him.  For 
we  have  not  an  high-priest  that  cannot  be  touched  with  the  feel- 
ing of  our  infirmities,  but  [one  who  was]  in  all  points  tempted 
like  as  we  are  ;  so  that  we  may  now  come  with  humble  confi- 
dence to  the  throne  of  grace ;  assuring  themselves,  that  we  shall 
find,  from  the  true  mercy-seat  of  God,  sufficient  help  in  all  our 
distresses.  (Heb.  xiii.  8.  vii.  25.  and  iv.  15,  16.)  Jesus  Christ, 
then,  being  our  most  perfect  exemplar  (1  Cor.  xi.  1.),  the  par- 
ticular actions  and  general  conduct  of  other  men,  as  related  in 
the  Scriptures,  should  be  regarded  by  us  as  models  of  imitation, 
only  so  far  as  they  are  conformable  to  this  standard. 

V.  "An  example  (that  is,  every  good  one)  hath  the  force  of 
a  rule,-  all  of  them  being  'written  for  our  admonition.'  (1  Cor. 
x.  11.)  But  then  we  must  be  careful  to  examine  and  discern 
whether  the  example  be  extraordinary  or  ordinary,  according  to 
which  the  application  must  be  made.   6 

In  illustration  of  this  remark,  it  may  be  observed,  1.  That  in 
matters  which  were  extraordinary,  such  as  the  killing  of  Eglon 
by  Ehud  (Judg.  iii.  21.),  Elijah's  killing  the  prophets  of  Baal. 
(1  Kings  xviii.  40.),  and  his  invoking  fire  from  heaven  (2  King* 
i.  10.),  a  conduct  which,  though  approved  in  him,  was  con 
demned  by  our  Lord  in  the  apostles  (Luke  ix.  54,  55.)  ; — 2.  In 
matters  that  were  temporary ;  such  were  many  of  the  ceremoniei 

«  The  various  features  in  the  character  of  our  Redeemer  as  man,  which 
are  enumerated  above,  are  illustrated  in  an  admirable,  but  little  knowD 
tract  of  the  pious  commentator  Burkilt  (edited  by  the  Rev.  I>r.  Giassej, 
entitled  "Jesus  Christ,  as  Man,  an  inimitable  Pattern  of  religious  Virtue." 
8vo.  London,  1809.  Having  briefly,  though  perspicuously,  illustrated  the 
different  subjects,  the  editor  terminates  his  essay  with  the  following  cau- 
tion, which  is  unhappily  as  applicable  to  the  present  time  as  when  it  was 
first  written  :  "Take  heed  that  ye  do  not  so  consider  Christ  for  your  pat 
tern,  as  to  disown  him  for  your  Saviour  and  Redeemer.  God  preserve 
us,"  he  adds,  "  from  this  growing  error,  which  stabs  the  heart  of  the  Chris- 
tian religion,  in  that  it  deprives  us  of  the  choicest  benefits  of  Christ's  death ; 
namely,  the  expiation  of  sin  by  a  proper  satisfaction  to  the  justice  ofGod !" 

•  Bishop  Wilkins  on  the  Gift  of  Preaching,  p.  23.  of  Dr.  E.  Williams's 
Christian  Preacher.  See  also  some  admirable  observation!  on  this  subject 
in  Bishop  Taylor's  Works,  vol.  xii.  p.  452.  et  teq. 


chap.  Vlll.  Sect.  II.] 


ON  THE  PRACTICAL  READING  OF  SCRIPTURE. 


427 


observed  by  the  Jews,  the  washing  of  his  disciples'  feet  by  our 
Lord  (John  xiii.  14.),  the  celebration  of  love-feasts  by  the  primi- 
tive Christians,  &c. ;  and,  3.  In  matters  that  were  tinful,  as  the 
drunkenness  of  Noah  (Gen.  ix.  21.),  the  adultery  of  David 
(2  8am.  xi.),  the  repining  of  Jonah  (Jonah  iv.  1 — !).),  Peter*! 
denial  of  Christ  (Matt.  xxvi.  69 — 75.  Mark  xiv.  66 — 72.  Luke 
xxii.  55 — 62.  John  xviii.  25 — 27.),  &c. ; — in  matters  which  were 
thus  extraordinary,  temporary,  or  sinful,  the  practice  of  holy 
men  recorded  in  the  Scriptural,  ifl  »Ol  to  be  ■  pattern  for  us:  but 
in  alt  general  holy  duties,  and  in  such  particular  duties  as  belong 
to  our  respective  situations  and  callings,  we  are  to  set  them  before 
our  eyes,  and  to  follow  their  steps.  When,  therefore,  we  read 
of  the  uprightness  of  Noah,  of  Abraham's  faith,  the  meekness  of 
Moses,  of  David's  devotions,  the  zeal  of  Josiah,  the  boldness  of 
Peter  and  John  in  Christ's  cause,  of  the  labours  of  Saint  Paul, 
and  other  virtues  of  the  ancient  saints,  it  should  be  our  study  to 
adorn  our  profession  with  similar  graces  and  ornaments. 

"Instead,"  therefore,  "of  adopting  the  sayings  and  actions  re- 
corded in  Scripture,  implicitly  and  absolutely,  we  ought  to  reason 

in  some  such  manner  as  this : If  such  a  person,  so  situated, 

best  answered  the  ends  of  such  an  institution,  by  acting  in  such 
a  manner,  how  shall  we,  in  our  situation,  best  answer  the  ends 
of  the  same  ?  Sometimes  merely  proposing  this  form  of  inquiry 
will  carry  us  right :  but,  in  more  difficult  cases,  we  shall  have  the 
general  principles,  the  nature  and  end  of  the  duty  in  question  to 
investigate,  and  from  these  to  determine  the  particular  cases ; 
that  is,  how,  in  such  cases,  the  ends  of  the  duty  can  be  best 
attained.  However,  in  most  questions,  a  good  heart  will  be  more 
requisite  than  a  good  head."  ' 

VI.  When  we  read  of  the  failings,  as  well  as  the  sinful 
actions  of  men,  recorded  in  the  Scriptures,  we  may  see  what  is  in 
our  mon  nature  .-  for  there  are  in  us  the  seeds  of  the  same  sin,  and 
nr/iilar  tendencies  to  its  commission,  which  would  bring  forth 
similar  fruits,  were  it  not  for  the  preventing  and  renewing  grace 
of  God.  And  as  many  of  the  persons,  whose  faults  are  related 
in  the  volume  of  inspiration,  were  men  of  infinitely  more 
elevated  piety  than  ourselves,  ive  should  learn  from  them,  not 
only  to  "  be  not  high-minded,  but  fear"  (Rom.  xi.  20.) ;  but 
further,  to  avoid  being  rash  in  censuring  the  conduct  of  others. 

The  occasions  of  their  declensions  are  likewise  deserving  of 
our  attention,  as  well  as  the  temptations  to  which  they  were 
exposed,  and  whether  they  did  not  neglect  to  watch  over  their 
thoughts,  words,  and  actions,  or  trust  too  much  to  their  own 
strength  (as  in  the  case  of  St.  Peter's  denial  of  Christ)  :  what 
were  the  means  that  led  to  their  penitence  and  recovery,  and  how 
they  demeaned  themselves  after  they  had  repented.  By  a  due 
observation,  therefore,  of  their  -words  and  actions,  and  of  the 
temper  of  their  minds,  so  far  as  this  is  manifested  by  words  and 
actions,  we  shall  be  better  enabled  to  judge  of  our  real  progress 
in  religious  knowledge,  than  by  those  characters  which  are  given 
of  holy  men  in  the  Scriptures,  without  such  observation  of  the 
tenor  of  their  lives,  and  the  frame  of  their  minds.2 

VII.  In  reading  the  promises  and  threatenings,  the  exhorta- 
tions and  admonitions,  and  other  parts  of  Scripture,  we  should 
apply  them  to  ourselves  in  such  a  manner,  as  if  they  had  been 
personally  addressed  to  us. 

For  instance,  are  we  reading  any  of  the  prophetic  Sermons  ? 
Let  us  so  read  and  consider  them,  and,  as  it  were,  realize  to  our- 
selves the  times  and  persons  when  and  to  whom  such  prophetic 
discourses  were  delivered,  as  if  they  were  our  fellow-countrymen, 
fellow-citizens,  &c.  whom  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and  other 
prophets  rebuke  in  some  chapters;  while  in  others  they  labour  to 
convince  them  of  their  sinful  ways,  and  to  convert  them,  or,  in 
the  event  of  their  continuing  disobedient,  denounce  the  divine 
judgments  against  them.3  So,  in  all  the  precepts  of  Christian 
virtue  recorded  in  Matt.  v.  vi.  and  vii.  we  should  consider  our- 
selves to  be  as  nearly  and  particularly  concerned,  as  if  we  had 
personally  heard  them  delivered  by  Jesus  Christ  on  the  Mount4 

«  Dr.  Hey's  Norrisian  Lectures,  vol.  i.  p.  77.  The  whole  of  his  chapter 
on  "applying  sayings  and  actions  recorded  in  the  Scriptures  to  ourselves," 
abounds  with  profound  views,  happily  illustrated,  and  is  worthy  of  repeated 
perusals. 

»  Lutein's  Introduction  to  the  Scriptures,  p.  215.  12mo.  London,  1669. 

»  Franzfl  Tractatus  de  Interpretatione  Sacrarum  Scriplurarum,  Pra?f. 
p.  9. 

4  "This  close  application,"  says  an  excellent,  but  now  neglected  writer, 
"  will  render  what  we  read  operative  and  effective,  which,  without  it,  will 
be  useless  and  insignificant.  We  may  see  an  instance  of  it  in  David  :  who 
was  not  at  all  convinced  of  his  own  guilt  by  Nathan's  parable  ;  though  the 
most  apposite  that  was  imaginable,  till  he  roundly  applied  it,  saying,  Tho% 
art  the  man.  (2 Sara.  xiii.  7.)  And,  unless  we  treat  ourselves  at  the  same 
rate,  the  Scriptures  may  fill  our  heads  with  high  notions,  nay,  with  many 
speculative  truths,  which  yet  amount  to  no  more  than  the  devil's  theology 
(Jam  -jo  ii.  19.),  and  will  as  little  advantage  us."  Lively  Oracles,  sect.  viii.  $  41 . 


Independently,  therefore,  of  the  light  which  will  thus  be  thrown 
upon  the  prophetic  or  other  portions  of  Scripture,  much  practical 
instruction  will  be  efficiently  obtained  ;  for,  by  this  mode  of  read- 
ing the  Scriptures,  the  promises  addressed  to  others  w.il  encou- 
rage us,  the  denunciations  against  others  will  deter  us  from  the 
commission  of  sin,  the  exhortations  delivered  to  others  will  excite 
us  to  the  diligent  performance  of  our  duty,  and,  finally,  admoni 
lions  to  others  will  make  us  -walk  circumspectly.  Thus  will 
Saint  Paul's  comprehensive  observations  be  fully  realized  ;  What- 
soever things  -were  -written  aforetime,  -were  -written  for  our 
learning  (Rom.  xv.  4.)  ;  and  Jill  Scripture  is  given  by  inspira- 
tion of  God,  and  is  profitable  for  doctrine,  for  reproof ,  for  cor- 
rection, for  instruction  in  righteousness  ;  that  the  man  of  God 
may  be  made  perfect,  thoroughly  furnished  unto  all  good  -works. 
(2  Tim.  hi.  16,17.) 

VIII.  The  words  of  the  passage  selected  for  our  private  read- 
ing, after  its  import  has  been  ascertained,  may  beneficially  be 
slimmed  up  or  comprised  in  very  brief  prayers,  or  ejaculations.* 

The  advantage  resulting  from  this  simple  method,  says  Ram 
bach,  has  been  proved  by  many  who  have  recommended  it. — If 
we  pray  over  the  substance  of  Scripture,  with  our  Bible  before  ua, 
it  may  impress  the  memory  and  heart  more  deeply,  and  may  form 
us  to  copiousness  and  variety  both  of  thought  and  expression 
in  prayer.6  Should  any  references  to  the  Scriptures  be  required, 
in  confirmation  of  this  statement,  we  would  briefly  notice  tha» 
the  following  passages,  among  many  others  that  might  be  cited, 
will,  by  addressing  them  to  God,  and  by  a  slight  change  also  in 
the  person,  become  admirable  petitions  for  divine  teaching ;  viz. 
Col.i.9, 10.  Eph.  i.  17,  18,  19.  lPet.ii.  1,2.  The  hundred 
and  nineteenth  Psalm  contains  numerous  similar  passages. 

IX.  In  the  practical  reading  of  the  Scriptures,  all  things  are 
not  to  be  applied  at  once,  but  gradually  and  successively  ,■  and 
this  application  must  be  made,  not  so  much  with  the  view  of 
supplying  us  with  materials  for  talking,  as  with  matter  for 
practice. 

Finally,  This  practical  reading  and  application  must  be 
diligently  continued  through  life ,-  and  we  may,  with  the  as- 
sistance of  divine  grace,  reasonably  hope  for  success  in  it,  if  to 
reading,  we  add  constant  prayer  ana  meditation  on  what  wt 
have  read. 

Prayer  enlightens  meditation,  and  by  meditation,  prayer  it 
rendered  more  ardent.7  With  these,  we  are  further  to  conjoin 
a  perpetual  comparison  of  the  Sacred  Waitings ;  daily  obser- 
vation of  what  takes  place  in  ourselves,  as  well  as  what  we 
learn  from  the  experience  of  others;  a  strict  and  vigilant 
self-examination ;  together  with  frequent  conversation  with 
men  of  learning  and  piety,  who  have  made  greater  progress 
in  saving  knowledge;  and,  lastly,  the  diligent  cultivation  of 
internal  peace.8 

Other  observations  might  be  offered  :  but  the  preceding 
hints,  if  duly  considered  and  acted  upon,  will  make  us 
"  neither  barren  nor  unfruitful  in  the  knowledge  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ."  (2  Pet.  i.  8.)  And  if,  to  some  of  his  readers, 
the  author  should  appear  to  have  dilated  too  much  on  so 
obvious  a  topic,  its  importance  must  be  his  apology.  What- 
ever relates  to  the  confirmation  of  our  faith,  the  improvement 
of  our  morals,  or  the  elevation  of  our  affections,  ought  not 
to  be  treated  lightly  or  with  indifference.  To  borrow  a  re- 
mark of  the  eminently  learned  Dr.  Waterland,  with  a  trifling 
variation, — while  moral  or  spiritual  uses  or  improvements 
are  raised  upon  texts  of  Scripture,  for  the  purposes  of  prac- 
tical edification  (whether  such  spiritual  uses  were  really  in- 
tended by  the  sacred  penman  or  not),  if  the  words  be  but 
aptly  accommodated  to  them,  and  pertinently  and  soberly 
applied,  and  the  analogy  of  faith  be  preserved,  a  good  end 
will  be  answered,  and  the  true  doctrine  at  least  willbe  k^pt, 
if  not  a  true  interpretation. 

•  Professor  Franck  has  given  several  examples  of  the  practice  here 
recommended,  in  the  "Brevis  Institutio,"  at  the  end  of  his  Pra;lertionef 
Hermeneutica?.  Similar  examples  are  also  exlant  in  the  well  known  and 
useful  little  tract,  entitled  "  Plain  Directions  for  reading  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures," published  by  the  Society  for  promoting  Christian  Knowledge. 

•  Dr.  Doddridge,  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  360. 

i  Oratio  et  meditatio  conjunctione  necessaria  sibiadinviccm  copulantnr. 
Et  per  orationem  illuminatur  meditatio,  etin  meditatione  exardescit  oratio. 
(Bernardl  Opera,  torn.  v.  p.  260.  no.  2.)  In  p.  156.  no.  56.  of  the  same  volume, 
Bernard  has  the  following  apposite  observations  on  this  topic:—  ISemo 
repente  fit  summus :  Ascendendo,  non  volando  apprehenditur  sumnntas 
seals*.  Ascendamus  igitur,  duobus  veluti  pedibus,  Meditatione  el  Ora- 
tione.  Meditatio  siquidem  docet,  quid  desit :  Oratio,  ne  desit,  obtinet.  Ilia 
viam  ostendit,  ista  deducit.  Meditatione  den.que  agnoscimus  imminent!, 
nobis  pericularOrationeevadimus.praestanteDominoNostroJesuChnsto." 

•  The  subjocts  briefly  noticed  in  this  paragraph,  are  discussed  more  at 
length  by  Franzius,  in  the  preface  (pp.  9-11.)  to  his  Tractatus  Theologicoi 
de  Interoretatione  Scripturae  Sacra. 


INDEX 


OF    THE 


MANUSCRIPTS  DESCRIBED  IN  THIS  VOLUME. 


.     HEBREW    MANUSCRIPTS. 

P*ge 

Codex  AsiiF.ri 203 

CtBsenffi 219 

Carlsruhensis  1 218,  219 

Flormtinus 219 

Hillel 203 

Jericho ib. 

Laudianus  A.  172.  &,  162.  . .  218 

Malabaricus 219-221 

Mediolanensis  9 219 

Naphtali 203 

Norimbergensis  4 219 

Parisiensis  24 ib. 

Parisiensis  27 ib. 

Rcgiomontanus ib. 

Sinai 203 

Vienna ib. 

Codices  a  De  Rossi  collati ib. 

Samaritani 221 


2.    GREEK    MANUSCRIPTS, 

Containing  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  and 
the  Septuagint  Version. 

Codex  Alexandria's 222-224 

Ambrosianus 228 

Basiliano-Vaticanus 228,  229 

Cffisarcus 227,  228 

Coislinianus 228 

Colbertinus 227 

Cottonianus 226,  227 

Sarravianus 227 

Turicensis 229 

Vaticanus 224-226 


3.  PRINCIPAL  MANUSCRIPTS  OF  THE  NEW 
TESTAMENT,  ENTIRE  OR  IN  PART,  WHICH 
HAVE  BEEN  USED  IN  CRITICAL  EDITIONS 
OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 

Ev.  placed  after  any  manuscript  denotes  that 
•t  is  an  Evangelistcnum. 

l.odex  Albani 257  i 

Alexandrino-Vaticanusl2.Ev.  259  j 

28 247' 

79. . . .      ib. 
189  ...     ib. 

Alexandrinus 222 — 224 

Ambrosianus  13.  16.  17 252 

61.... ib. 

B.56.62.93.  252,253' 

G.  82.  147 279  ! 

1.61 ib. 

M.  93 &U 

S.  36 2  8 

S.  45 279 

62.  67.  72.  Ev. 

258,  259 

81.  91.  Ev 259 

Angelicus  A.  1.5 248 

A  4.  11 ib. 


Pat* 

Codex  Arsenal  at  Paris  (Codex  Gr»- 

cus  4.  in) 240 

Argenteus 277,  278 

Askewii 245 

Augiensis 233 

Barberiniaxus  8 — 14 247 

15,  16.  Ev..  259 

115 247 

208 ib. 

211 ib. 

Barberini  225 23C.  254 

Baroccianus  29.  et  31 240 

Basileensis  B.  VI.  21 232 

25 238 

27 ib. 

Berolinensis 255 

(Diezii  20.) 254 

Beza 230,  231 

Bodleianusl,  2.  6,  7 240 

3.  Ev 256 

5.  Ev ib. 

296.  Ev 257 

3390.  Ev ib. 

3391.  Ev ib. 

A.  3.  37 243 

Clarkii  4 ib. 

Clarkii  6.  et  7. . . .  245 

Clarkii  8.  Ev 260 

Clarkii  10 245 

Roe  1 240 

Laudianus3..  .232,  233 

4.  Ev. .  256 

C. 28. .  240 

C.715..  ib. 

63 ib. 

D.  121.  256 

Ev.  ...  ib. 

D.  122.  240 

Huntingtonianus2.  242 

Marshii  22.  Ev.  23.  ib. 

Ev 257 

Marshii  24 245 

Boenieriauus 233 

Bononiensis  640 248 

Boreeli 233 

Borgiie  2 248 

Borgianus  1 235 

Brit.  Mus.  4950,  51 255 

5107 ib. 

5111,12 ib. 

M16 245 

See    also   Codex    4arleianus, 
p.  430.  infra. 

Burneian 260* 

Butlerian 260*,  261 

C«sAREo-vel    Cffisareus-Vin- 
dobonensis  23 248 

Cssareus-Vindobonensis     28. 

et  29 242 

429 


ft* 

Codex  Ceesareus-Vindoboncnsis 

(Lambccii  30.  et  31.)  24  G 

(Lambecii  39.) 249 

(Kollarii  6.) 246 

(Kollarii  8.  9.) 249 

(Kollarii  7.  Ev.)  ....  257 

71 255 

CXVII.  29 249 

301.... ib. 

321 ib. 

337 ib 

(Nessel.  209.  Ev.)  . .  260 

Canonici 24R 

Cantabrigiensis  vel  Beza  .230,  231 

(Askew  624.) 255 

Dd.  8.  49.  Ev.) 256 

Dd.  VIII.  23.  Ev 259 

Dd.  9.  69 241 

Kk.  5.  35 242 

LI.  2.  13 ib. 

Mm.  6.  9 255 

^.2622.2537,8 it. 

Carpzovianus 242 

Casanatensis 254 

Claromontanus  1 17 231,  232 

Coislinianus  19 252 

20 240 

21 ib. 

22 ib. 

23 ib. 

24 ib. 

195 ib. 

196 252 

199 240 

200 ib. 

331 252 

Corsendoncensis 238 

Cottonianus  (Titus  C.  XV.).  234 

Cromwelli  117 257 

Cyprius 234,  235 

Douz*? 242 

Dresdensis  (k.) 249 

(*■) ib. 

(17.) 250 

266.  Ev 257 

Dublinensis  vel  Montfortianus  241 

Dublinensis  Rescriptus 236 

Ebnerianus 244 

Ephesius 242 

Ephremi 229 

Escurialensis  1.  Ev 25V 

„II.  8 24J 

pill.  5,  6,  7 ib 

^  III.  15 ib 

XYV.  12.  15.  17. 

21 ib 

X  m.  12,  13.  16. 

Ev 257 

Eubeswaldianus 249 


430 

P»ge 

Codex  Fa  bri  (Joannis) 243 

Fajschiil.  et  2 »*• 

Florentinus *»* 

l.et2.Ey 257 

Ftorenlinus  Laurentianus  VI. 

13.  .   263 


(Jile  (Thomffl) 242 

Genevensis  19 *'*• 

Genovefensis 245 

254 


Ghigianus 

Gothanus,  Ev 257 


Gravii 

Gravii 

Guelpherby  tanus  A 

XVLlo'. 


243 

ib. 

235 

ib. 
246 


Harleiakus, 

1810 245 

2970.  2994.  Ev 259 

5538.  Ev ib. 

5540 245 

5559 ib. 

5567 ib. 

5598.  Ev.  130,  131.  259 

5647 242 

5650.  Ev 257 

5684 233 

5731 245 

5736 255 

5776 242 

5777 255 

5784 ib. 

5785.  5787.  Ev. . . .  259 

5790 255 

Hauniensis  1,2 249 

3.Ev 257 

Hirsaugiensis 243 

Huntingtonianus  2 242 


Jerusalem  Library  1 — 7.  255,256 
Ev 260 


Landshutensis 236 

Laudianus,  3 232,  233 

C.  28 240 

C.  715.  63 ib. 

D.  121.  Ev 256 

D.  122 240 

4.  Ev 256 

Laurentianus,Ev 259 

VI.  2.  7.  Ev.  . .     ib. 

VI.  11 248 

VI.  13 253 

VI.  14—16.  18.  248 

VI.  Ev 259 

VI.  23.  25.  27 

—30.  .   248 

VI.  24 253 

VI.  31.  Ev 259 

VI.  32— 34....   248 

VI.  36 253 

VIII.  12. 14. . . .  248 

244.  Ev 259 

256 248 

2607,  2608 253 

2742.  Ev 259 

Leicestrensis 242 

Lincolnien&is 240 

2 243 

Lipsiensis *'*• 

Lugduno-Batavensis 255 

Lugduno-Batavensis,  Ev 256 

Magdalensis •••   241 

Maletolt.  Bibl.  XXVII.  4.  Ev.  259 
XXIX.  2.  Ev.     ib. 


INDEX  OF  MANUSCRIPTS. 

p»g» 

Codex  Maimers-Sutton 278* 

Mark  (St.)  see  Venetus. 

Maris  (St.)  5,  6 248 

Matthaeii 250 

Meadii 245 

Ev 257 

Medicseus 243 

Medicseus  Pithoei 240 

MeermannianuB 245 

117 255 

117.  Ev 259 

Messanensis 254 

Missyanus 240 

Molshemiensis 255 

Monacensis,  36,  37 ib. 

83 ib- 

99 ib. 

208 ib. 

210 ib. 

229.  Ev 257 

326.  Ev 259 

333.  Ev 257 


381. 
437. 
465. 
473. 
518. 
568. 
569. 


255 

ib. 

ib. 

ib. 

243 

ib. 

ib. 

Montfortianus 241 

Moscuensis  V 236 

S.  Synodi  (not 
numbered) ....  249 
23.  Ev.  . .  257 
44.  Ev.  . .  ib. 
42.47.49.  249 
45.120...   250 

139 ib. 

261.265..   249 

264 ib. 

266—268. 

Ev 257 

373 249 

380 ib. 

Bibl.  Typog.  Synod 

1.13 ib. 

3 250 

9.  11,  12. 
Ev.  . . .   257 

47.  Ev ib. 

Bibl.  Tabularii . . .   249 

Mutinensis,  9.  242 253 

27.  Ev 259 


Nanianub,1 236 

2.  Ev 259 

3 254 

4,5.7,8.10—15.     ib. 

16.  Ev 259 

17 254 

21 ib. 

Neapolitans,  1.  B.  14.  Ev.. .   259 
1.  C.  24.  28, 29.  254 

Nicephori 250 

Norimbergensis,  Ev 257 

Nov.  Coll.  (Oxon.)l 241 


0   235 

Ott'oi-onianus  298.. . .  266*,  267* 
Oxo  iiensis  (Wheleri,  1.)  Ev.  256 
See  also  Bodleianus. 


Paiatino  Vaticanus,  5 247 

20 254 

89 247 

136.  . .  ib. 
171.  ..  ib. 
189.  . .     ib. 


pit* 

Codex  Palatino-Vaticanus,  220 247 

227 ib. 

229 *'*. 

Parmensis  (De  Rossi,  1,2.)  .  258 

Parrhasii 245 

Patmos 256 

Ev 260 

Perronianus 243 

Petropolitanre  Bibliothec«e  . . .  255 

Pii  II.  Vaticanus 253 

Posoniensis 243 

Propaganda  Fide  (Colleg.  de)  257 

Ev ib. 

Ratiancb 245 

Regius  (Med.  1887) 252 

14 240 

32.  33.  Ev 258 

47 239 

48 235 

49 238 

60 ib. 

50\  Ev 257 

51—53 250 

1   54 239 

55 ib. 

61.65—67.  69 250 

62 236 

64 239 

68 ib- 

70 * ib. 

71 238 

72 239 

73 250 

74_76.  79—82 ib. 

77 239 

78 ib- 

83 238 

84 ib- 

85 245 

86 250 

87,88 251 

89 239 

90 251 

91 238 

92,  93 251 

94 239 

95^  96.  98—100.  A..   251 

100 239 

100.  A.  Ev. 258 

106 238 

108s 251 

112 238 

113,114 251 

115 239 

116 240 

117,118 251 

118" 252 

120 251 

121,  122, 123 ib. 

140.  A *'*• 

158" 256 

175M77 251 

178 239 

182.  Ev '258 

186 251 

187 ** 

188,189 239 

191 ^ 

193 243 

194 251 

194" 258 

195.197 251 

199.203 ib 

206.  208,  209 »**• 

210,211 252 

213 ib- 

230 238 

231,232 252 

276.  Ev 258 


<b:fcx  Regius,  277.  Ev Ill 

278.  Ev 256 

279.  Ev ib. 

280.  Ev ,;,. 

281.286.  Ev ?.r.x 

287.  Ev 266 

283.292.  Ev 268 

293.295.  Ev ib. 

294.Ev 258 

297.  Ev 856 

298.300.  Iv 258 

301.  Ev 256 

302.Ev ib. 

303 252 

305.  Ev 258 

307.  Ev 256 

309.  Ev ib. 

310.  Ev ib. 

312.  Ev ib. 

313,  314.  Ev 258 

:i!4 236 

315 252 

3)5.  Ev 256 

316—318.  Ev 258 

32*.  326.  330.  Ev.. . .  ib. 

37o.  Ev ib. 

376—378 252 

376,377.  Ev 258 

379 239 

380 252 

380.  Ev ?58 

36 252 

SSi.'V 258 

Michardkuius,  90 254 

(K.  I.  :1.) ib. 

Romano-\aliiccllianuB,  Ev.. .  260 

Rome  (Collie  «♦) 253 

See   also  Vaticano-Ottoboiiia- 
nus,  and  Vaticanus,  infra. 

Sab  a  (St.)  2,  S.  7—1 2.'.  9.  255,  256 

4 — 6.  Ev.... 260 

13,14.  17.21  - 25. 

Ev ib. 

Sun-Germaneosis 233 

San-Muglonanus 210 

Scott; 253 

Sckloni,  1,  2.  et  3 240 

4.  Ev,  5.Ev 6 

3.  Sy»odi.  see  M'jscovr 

t*?raei;socmns    „ « •  < 254 


TiPRiwsxsis,    43.  b.    11.  b. 

52.  b 252 

iv.:,.  4 ,1. 


.'NDKA   nt  MAN  I  9i  BJ»P(  - 

PMC 

Codex  Taurinensis,  XX.  b.  4.  20.  252  Codex 
92.  c.  IV.  0..  254 
101.  c.  IV.  17.  252 
109.cIV.29.  254 
149.  b.  II.  3..  252 
302.  c.  II.  5..  ib. 
335.  hi.  3...  ib. 
344.  b.  I.  13..  ib 
350.1).  I.  21..     a. 

Trevireosis 243 

Tubingensis 235 

Uffenbachianub,  2 237 

3 238 

Urbino- Vatican  us,  2 247 

Usserii,  I .    242 

2 ib. 

Valle  (Gcorgii) 242 

VallicellianuM,  B 238 

C.4 254 

C.61.  73 247 

D.  63.  Ev 259 

E.22 2">4 

F.  17 ib. 

F.  90 247 

V»tteano-Ottobonianus,2.  Ev.  259 

175.  Ev....  ib. 
66.204.253.254 

212.  21'7...  254 

326.  E v....  259 

381.  432...  254 

416,Ev....  2-59 

Vaticanus  (Basil.  163.) 248 

349 246 

351.  Ev 257 

354 23? 

356 246 

358.361...  ib. 

363.  365.  . .  ib. 

f>65 ib. 

756-  758.  . .  246 

10b7.  Ev...  257 
1155—1167 

Er 2f.9 

>  .OS.  .....  'l\'l 

1159 253 

lifio 24; 

1161 253 

1168.  Ev...   250 
1209...  224-226 

1210 247 

1229 ib. 

1254 ib. 

1423.  1445.  2L>3 


43. 

pm 

V«tican>Ji              1522.  E v.. .  259 

1533.  1539.  253 

15!8 247 

1618 253 

1658 ib. 

1769 ib. 

1983 247 

1988.  Ev...  259 

200Z 247 

2017.  Ev...  25*9 

2020 247 

2011.  Ev...  259 

2063.  E v.. .  ib. 

2070 253 

1:113 24*3 

2133  Ev...  259 

2139 263 

Vei.e'.us  ve'  Vei  etianus,  5,  6. .  248 

8—10 ib. 

12.  Ev.  ..  259 

27 248 

28,29...  .  253 

559,540..  248 

54! 253 

542—544.  248 

646 253 

826.  Ev.  .  259 
701.  705. 

707 248 

CLibJa?k)S^C,a"Ll° 2M 

11,  12....  ib. 

14,15.17.  ib. 
19—22. 

24...  ib. 

25 ib. 

Ill 248 

(St.  Michael's  >  p  053 
Library)      5 

Vignerii 242 

Vindobonensis  (Lamb.  2.)  . .  23.r 
(Lamb.    15.) 

Ev 257 

See    also    Csesareus-Vimlobo- 

neriMs '-*? 

Virgin  (Library  of) 2W 

Wakii,  Let  2 24li 

Wheleri.  1 ib. 

WHjchelveauua 244 

Wolfii,  A. .    238 

Wolfii,  B 23' 

Zklapa  (Card.  «k) 248 


INDEX  OP  ADDITIONAL  MANUSCRIPTS, 

NOTICED  IN  TUB  LAST  CORRECTED  EDITION. 


•MlHCirALMAXlSCRIPTS  OF  THE  NEW  Tl'.S- 

IjMcnt,   Esrins  on   ix   taut,  which 

HAVE  BEEN   CSSH  IX  CRITICAL  EDITiOXS 
*F  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 

<5v.  placed  after  any  manuscript,  denotes  that 
ii  is  an  Kvangelistenum  ;  and  Lcct  .hat 
it  u  a  Lectiooary. 

r»« 

««fe.yALEXANDIlI!ro-VATICA!»CSi9    263* 

fift 275* 

179 262* 

Anwndi.,..'. 269* 

Ambrosianus  5,    '5 272* 

97.  102.  104 266* 

:** ...  272* 

VM-  L  3  L 


ft* 

Codex  Angelica  Bibliotbcca:  A.  2,  15.  260 
Atrebatensis 26 1 

Dakbeiiiaxls    18 877* 

23 275* 

29 273* 

Lect.  not  numbered  277* 

Barberinus  377 264* 

Saroccianus    3 261* 

Basileensis  B.  II.  5 261 

B.  VI.  48 

17. .....  ...    269* 

29 261 

B.  LX 2P1* 


■Basileensis  B.  X.  20 26I» 

Hoancon,  Ev 261 

Bodleianus   131 262* 

Chirkii  4 263* 

Clarkii!) 263* 

Roc  16 26** 

lJ.it.  Mas.  5116 245,  261* 

C  k-s  i  iiEo-vel  Ciesareus-Vindo- 

bo-ensis  (Forlosia  19.)... .  270* 

(Forlosianus  15.) 26 1« 

rLambera  35.) 263» 

167 *73« 

.  •<  !X    iv 260 


at 

Codex  Ces4Teo-vel  Cassareus-Vindo- 

bonensis  221 

302,303 

307 

Cantabrigiensis  vel  Beza 

3 

Dd.  XI.  90 

Ff.  I.  30 

1152 

2C68 

2622 

O'-ilegii  Christi  Cantabrigien- 

106  2 261*, 

OarrxOtoractensis 

Coiilkiianus  1 

25,  26 

27,28 

200 

200.  202.205.. 

204 

Corbeiensis 

Corsini 

rV'esp.  B.  XVIII.)  Lect 


INDEX  OF  ADDinOKAK,  MANUSCRIPTS 


263* 
263* 
274* 

263* 

260 

269* 

273* 

265* 

265* 

262* 

26 1 

260 

261* 

269* 

274* 

261* 

270* 

268* 

275* 

276* 


Codex 


Dhesdensjs  (formerly  Loes- 
cherianus) 274* 

Edinb'jroensis  Universitatis  261 

Emanuens  Ccllegii  Cantabr. .  269* 

Sscurialerwis  (uncollated).. . .  261 

Fabri  (Jacobi)  Stapulensis..  269* 

5"abri  (Joannis) 269* 

Francofurtensis  ad  Viadrum..  2<»2* 


S.  G-ETtoYLTir,  4  A.  35 261 

fihigiaiws,  3.  IV.  8 275* 

R.  V.  29 267* 

R.  V.  32 273* 

Vni.  55 273* 

Glasguensis,  Lect 277* 

'not  collated) 261 

Gottingensis  2.  Lect 276* 

Guelpherbytanus,  XVI.  7 263* 

Gudianus 264* 

Hal. 263*,  270* 

Harleianus, 

5537 262* 

5552 270* 

5557 262* 

5588 263* 

5613 263*,  270* 

P620 262* 

5678 274* 

5778 262* 

Htuniensis  3.  Ev.  Lect 276* 

Lattrehtiaitus,  Led. 276* 

IV.  1,5 264* 

IV.  6,  7.  lb.  270*,  271* 
IV.  20.  29.  31,  32  264* 
IV.  30 266* 

VI.  5.27.  36 266* 

VII.  9 275* 

VIII.  14 264* 

176 266* 

2574 266* 

2'5,08 266* 

Lmcolniensis 262* 

Lugdun*>-Batavus  77 262* 

Macdalkttsis  2 269* 

"Meermannianus  118 267* 

McN6anensi&  /1 267* 

WdJ*i«snkn«s 267*.  273" 


Monacensis  23. ...           .... 

276* 

271* 

110, 

271* 

211 

267* 

248 

275* 

262* 

455 

271* 

271* 

544 275*, 

276* 

Moscuensis,  or  Mosquensis  S 

Synodi  (not  numbered) 

275* 

264* 

276* 

264* 

276* 

67 

275* 

98 

264* 

99 

271* 

193 264* 

271* 

206.    

275* 

250 

27i* 

276* 

333,  334 

264* 

Bibl.  Pauliiase . . . 

270* 

275* 

272* 

196 2f,0* 

261* 

040 

266* 

NsAr*wrAXUs,  1  C.26..2C7*,  273* 
Biblip»hecoe  Pegi* 
Borbonicffi  1  6.  U    264* 

(not  numbered) 267* 

Nov.  Coll.  (Oxor..)  i 262* 

2 262* 


PALATiwo-Vaticanus,  171...   274* 

Palermensis 273* 

Parisiensis  Institut 261* 

Patmos  (Acts  and  Epist.)267* ,  268* 

Petavianus,  1,  2,  3 262* 

Pelropolitanus 268* 

Phillips,  (Tho.) 261* 

Pictaviensis 261* 

Pii-Vaticanus  50 264* 

Propaganda  Fide  (Colleg.  de) 

264*.  270* 


Regius  19 

56 

57—59 

60 

61 

991 

101 

102 

102.  A 

103 

103.  A 

104*.  Lect 

104— 106.  A 

108 

109—111 

124,125 

126 

136* 

216 

217,218.220,221.223. 

219 

222 

224—227 

23" 

238 

239—441 


275* 
263* 

265* 
263* 
265* 
275* 
265* 
261* 
265* 
261* 
265* 
276* 
265* 
271* 
272* 
265* 
271* 
271* 
265* 
265* 
261* 
271* 
272* 
261* 
272* 
275* 


Codex  Regius 304. 306. iW.  319.  ini, 

Lect, 276# 

373.382,  383.  Lect...   277* 

491, 275» 

849 273* 

Reuchlini 273* 

Rhodiensis 263* 

Richardianus  84 266# 

Rome  (College  at) 267*,  272# 

Saba  (St.)  1, 2.  8—10. 15.  20.  268* 

10.  20 276* 

16.  18.  26.  Lect...    277* 
Lect.  (not  numbered) . .   277* 

San-Gallensis 278* 

San-Germanensis 268* 

Seidelianus 262* 

Simeonis,  Ev 260* 

Stephani  g.  . .   262* 

id 261* 

ty 261* 

it 261* 


Taurinensis  284.  c.  I.  39. .  272* 

285.  c.  1.40..  265* 

315.  c.  II.  17.  266* 

325.  c.  II.  38  .  272* 

328.  c.  II.  31..  256* 

Tigurinus 270* 

Torletanse  Bibl 261 

Trin.  Aul.  (Cantabr.)  Lect...  276* 

Uffenbachtanus  2 265* 

Urbino-Vaticanus  3 264* 

Upsaliensis 263* 

Vallicklliasus  B.  36 267* 

C.  46.  Lect  277* 

D.  20 274* 

F.  13.  17..   267* 

Vaticano-Ottobonianus,  31.  61. 

176 272* 

258 266* 

298 266,*  267* 

325 267* 

416.  Lect 277* 

417 267* 

Vaticanus  (Biisil.  105.) 273* 

165 270* 

171 263* 

356 272* 

363.  366,  367 263*,  2Y0* 

579 274* 

760 263* 

761,762.765,766.1136.  270* 

1160 ' *<:63* 

1270.  1430 266* 

1528.  Lect 277* 

1649 272* 

1650.  1714 266* 

1743 275* 

1761 266* 

1904 27-5* 

1968.  2062 266* 

Venetus  vel  Venetianus  5,  6. 

10,  11 264* 

33—35 271* 

546 2C6* 

Viennensis 274* 

Wakiancs  1  et  2 274* 

2,  3,4 208* 

5.  Lect 277* 

Westmonasteriensis  935 261* 


CONTENTS  OF  THE  APPENDIX. 


Mo.  1.   On  the  fijohs  commonly  termed  the  Apocry- 
pha. 

feBCTioif  I.   On  the  Apocryphal  Books  attached  t* 
the  Old  Tetfamomt. 

Derivation  of  the  Term  Apocrypha 
Reasons  why  tWe  Anocryphal  Books  were  rcjecled 
from  the  Canon  o(  Scripture  i — 
I.  They  pos*»«s  no  Authority  whatever,  external  or 
internal,    t-»    procure  their  Admission   into  the 

Sacred  CiiTfcHi 

fl  T*.'j  *.f.  >ctypW  Books  were  not  admitted  into  the 
Canon  of  Seiifiure  during  the  first  four  Centu- 
ries of  the  Chilian  Church        .... 

III.  The  Apocryphal  F*»ks  contain  many  Things  which 

are  fabulous  arvl  •witrary  to  the  Canonical  Scrip- 
tures, both  In  Kactt.  Doctrines,  and  moral  Prac- 
tice         

IV.  They  contradict  all  other  profane  Historians  . 

Section  II.   On  the  fr'riti?'gs  usually  called  the  Apo- 
crypiM  fiosks  of  the  New  Testament. 

I    Enumeration  of  these  Aposryphal  Writings  . 
II.  External  Evidence  to  show  that  .hey  wire  never 
considered  as  inspired  or  canonical    . 

III.  Internal  Evidence 

IV  These  Apocryphal  Books  are  so  far  from  affecting 
the  Credibility  of  the  genuine  Books  of  the  New 
Testament,  that  the  latter  are  confirmed  by  them 

<o.  II.   On  the  Inspiration  of  the  Holy  Scriptures. 


435 


ib. 
136 


437 


437,  438 
438-442 


442 


443 


I.  Nature  of  Inspira.'ion 

II.  Obseivations  on  the  Inspiration  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment        ...  ib. 

Ill    And  of  the  New  Testament    ...  .    443,444 

IV.  Conclusions  derived  from  these  Considerations  444-446 


No.  III.  On  the  A*gension  efjtjus  Christ 


446 


No,  IV.  On  the  Descent  of  tne  Holy  Spirit  on  the 
Apostles 447, 448 

No.  V.  Examination  of  the  Difficulties  attendant  on 

the  Propagation  of  Christianity  ....  448—450 

No.  VI.  .5  Table  of  the  chief  Prophecies  relative  to 

the  Messiah        .......  451 

Chapter  I.  The  principal  Prophecies  relative  to  the 
Mtssiak,  with  their  Accomplishment,  in  the  very 
Words  of  the  New  Testament      ....  ib. 

Section  I.  Prophecies  relative  to  the  Advent,  Per- 
son,  Sufferings,  Resurrection,  and  Ascension  of  the 
Messiah 451-4M 

Section  II.  Predictions  relative  to  the  Offices  of  the 

Messiah 453-456 

Chapter  II.  The  principal  Predictions  by  Jesus 
Christ,  relative  to  his  Sufferings,  Death,  Resurrec- 
tion, the  Spread  of  tht  Gospel,  and  the  Destruction 
of  Jerusalem       .......  150 

Section  I.  Predictions  (for  the  Confirmation  of  his 
Disciple's  Faith)  that  they  -would  find  Things  ac- 
cording to  his  Word      ...  ..436, 467 

Section  II.  Predictions  of  Jesus  Christ,  rexitive  to 

his  Sufferings,  Death,  Resurrection  and  Ascension  457,  458 

Section  III.  Prophecies  by  Jesus  Christ,  relative  to 

the  Destruction  of  Jerusalem         .  .         .  4&3-46S 

Section  IV.  That  there  is  Salvation  only  through 

Christ — and  the  Danger  of  rejecting  it         .        .  462, 463 

No.  VII.  Proofs  of  the   Genuineness  of  Josephus's 

Ttitimony  concerning  Jesus  Christ       .         .         .  463,  4S4 


*KJ 


APPENDIX. 


No.  1. 


ON  THE  BOOKS  COMMONLY  TERMED  THE  APOCRYPHA 


SECTION  I. 

ON    THE    APOCRYPHAL    BOOKS    ATTACHEP    TO    THE    07.D    TESTAMENT. 

[Referred  to  in  p.  31.  of  this  Volume.] 

Derivation  of  the  term  Apocrypha — Reasons  why  the  apocryphal  Books  were  rejected  from  the    Canon   of  Scripture, 
I.   They  possess  no  authority  whatever,    to  procure  their  adm-'ssion  into  the  sacred  Cation. — II.   They  were  not  admitted 
into  the   Canon  of  Scripture  during  the  first  four  centuries  of  the  Christian  Church. — III.    They    contain  many    things 
which  we  fabulous,  and  contrary  to  the  canonical  Scriptures,  both  in  facts,  doctrines,  and  moral  practice. — IV.    TAey 
contradict  all  other  profane  historians. 


Besides  the  Scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament,  which  are 
universally  acknowledged  to  be  genuine  and  inspired  writings, 
both  by  the  Jewish  and  Christian  churches,  there  are  several 
other  writings  partly  historical,  partly  ethical,  and  partly  poetical, 
which  are  usually  printed  at  the  end  of  the  Old  Testament  in 
the  'argcr  editions  of  the  English  Bible, — under  the  appellation 
of  the  "Apocrypha," — that  is,  books  not  admitted  into  the 
sacred  canon,  being  either  spurious,  or  at  least  not  acknowledged 
to  be  divine.  The  word  Apocrypha  is  of  Greek  origin,  and  is 
either  derived  from  the  tw^rda  arro  tkc  apum-iic,  because  the  books 
in  question  were  removed  from  the  crypt,  chest,  ark,  or  other 
receptacle  in  which  the  sacred  books  were  deposited,  whose 
authority  was  never  doubted ;  or  more  probably,  from  the  verb 
uTc«pv7rT»,  to  hide  or  conceal,  because  they  were  concealed 
from  the  generality  of  readers,  their  authority  not  being  recog- 
nised by  the  church,  and  because  they  are  books  which  are 
lestitute  of  proper  testimonials,  their  original  being  obscure,  their 
itbora  unknown,  and  their  character  either  heretical  or  suspect- 
ed.1 1 .  The  advocates  of  the  church  of  Rome,  indeed,  affirm  that 
even  these  are  divinely  inspired;  but  it  is  easy  to  account  for 
•his  assertion :  these  apocryphal  writings  serve  to  countenance 
seme  of  the  corrupt  practices  of  that  church. 

The  Protestant  churches  not  only  account  those  books  to  be 
apocryphal,  and  merely  human  compositions,  which  are  esteemed 
such  by  the  church  of  Rome,  as  the  prayer  of  Manassch,  the 
third  and  fourth  books  of  Esdras,  tbo  addition  at  the  end  of  Job, 
and  the  hundred  and  fifty-first  psalm;  but  also  the  books  of 
Tobit,  Judith,  the  additions  of  the  book  of  Esther,  Wis- 
dom, Ecclesiasticua,  Baruch  the  prophet,  with  the  epistle  of 
Jeremiah,  the  Sons  °f  t Iio  Three  Children,  the  story  of  Susan- 
nah the  Story  of  Bel  and  the  Dragon,  and  the  first  and  second 
books  of  Maccabees.  The  books  here  enumerated  are  unani- 
mously rejected  by  Protestants  for  the  following  reasons : — 

1.  They  possess  no  authority  whatever,  either  exter- 
nal OR  INTERNAL,  TO  PROCURE  THEIR  ADMISSION  INTO 
THE    SACRED    CANON. 

1.  JVot  one  of  them  is  extant  in  Hebrew. 

With  the  exception  of  the  fourth  book  of  Esdras,  which  is  only 
extant  in  Latin,  they  are  all  written  in  the  Greek  language,  and  for 
ihe  most  part  by  Alexandrian  Jews. 

2.  They  were  written  subsequently  to  the  cessation  of  the 
prophetic  spirit,  though  before  the  promulgation  of  the  Gospel.1 

In  the  prophecy  of  Malachi  (iv.  4 — f>)  it  is  intimated  that  after  him 
.0  prophet  should  arise,  until  John  the  Baptist,  the  harbinger  of  the 
Messiah,  should  appear  in  the  spirit  and  power  of  Elijah;  and  the 

»  Augnstin,  contra,  Faustum.  lib.  xi.  c.  2.  De  Civitate  Dei,  lib.  xv. 
b,  23.  §  4.  The  passages  are  given  at  length  in  Dr.  Larduer's  Works,  vol. 
v.  p.  90.  8vo. ;  vol.  ii.  p.  581.  4to. 

•  Such  at  least  is  the  general  opinion  of  commentators ;  but  Molden- 
hawer  has  urged  avme  reasons  for  thinking  that  some  of  the  apocryphal 
books, — as  Tob't,  the  fourth  book  Cf  Esdras,  and  perhaps  also  the  book  of 
Wisdom, — were  written  after  the  h'rth  of  our  Saviour,  and  consequently 
they  cannot  be  considered  as  apocryphal  books.  His  arguments  are 
nouced  In  Vol.  I.  Part.  I.  Chap.  VTII.  »  II.  ID 


Jews  unanimously  agree  that  the  prophetic  spirit  ceased  with  Ma 
lachi.  The  author  of  the  book  of  Widsoni  pretends  that  it  wu 
written  by  Solomon— a  pretension  not  only  manifestly  false,  but 
which  also  proves  that  book  not  to  have  been  inspiied.  For,  in  the 
first  place,  the  author,  whoever  he  was,  cites  many  passages  from 
Isaiah  and  Jeremiah,  who  did  not  prophecy  till  many  ages  after 
the  time  of  Solomon,  and  consequently  the  book  could  nw*  have  been 
written  by  him  ;  and,  secondly,  it  represents  the  Israelites  (Wiad.  k. 
7,8,  xv.  14.)  as  being  in  subjection  to  their  enemies:  whereas  we 
know  from  the  sacred  writings,  that  they  enjoyed  great  peace  and 
prosperity  during  the  reign  of  Solomon. 

3.  JVot  one  of  (he  writers,  in  direct  terms,  advances  any 
claim,  to  inspiration. 

On  the  contrary,  so  far  are  the  authors  of  the  apocryphal  books  from 
asserting  (heir  own  inspiration,  that  some  of  them  say  what  amounts 
to  an  acknowledgement  that  they  ivere  not  inspired.  Thus,  ii.  the  pro- 
logue to  the  book  of  Ecclesiasticus,  the  son  of  Sirach  intreats  the 
reader  to  pardon  any  errors  he  may  have  committed  in  translating  the 
works  of  his  grandfather  Jesus  into  Greek.  In  I  Mace.  iv.  46.  and 
ix.  27.  it  is  confessed  that  there  was  at  that  time  no  prophet  in  Israel : 
the  second  book  of  Maccabees  (ii.  23.)  is  an  avowed  abridgment  of 
five  books  originally  written  by  Jason  of  Cyrene  ;  and  the  author 
concludes  with  the  following  words,  which  are  utterly  unworthyof 
a  person  writing  by  inspiration. — If  I  have  done  well,  and  as  it  it  fitting 
the  story,  it  is  that  which  I  desired  ;  but,  if  slenderly  and  meanly,  it  il 
that  which  I  ootid  attain  unto.  (2  Mace.  xv.  38.3) 

4.  The  apocryphal  books  were  nex>er  received  into  tht 
sacred  canon  by  the  Jewish  church,  and  therefore  they  wert 
not  sanctioned  by  our  Saviour. 

No  part  of  the  apocrypha  is  quoted,  or  even  alluded  to  by  him  or  by 
any  of  his  apostles ;  and  both  Philo  arid  Josephus  who  flourished  is 
the  first  century  of  the  Christian  sera,  are  totally  silent  concerning 
them4 

•  Dick's  Essay  on  the  Inspiration  of  the  Scriprurcs,  p.  "I 

*  The  phus  is  very  remarkable  :—"  We  have  net,* 
says  he,  "  an  Innumerable  multitude  of  books  among  us  disagreeing  front 
and  contradiclins  one  another,  but  only  twerity-lwo  books,  containing  t5i« 
records  of  .ill  past  times,  which  are  justly  believed  to  be  divine.  V'w  of 
them  bi  ill  contain  bis  laws,  and  fbe  traditions  co?»- 
cerning  i  mankind,  till  bis  death.  But  as  to  the  lime  from  Cat 
death  i  I  t lie  reign  of  Artaxerxes  king  of  Persia,  wr—  rei£3>-  ' 
after  Xerxes,  the  prophets  who  were  after  Moses  wrote  Mown  wnat  va. 
done  In  s  in  thirteen  books.  The  remaining  f<uir  books  crr> 
lain  hymns  ...  Qod,  and  precepts  for  the  conduct  of  human  life  Our 
history,  'ndeed.  Ins   been  written,  since  Artaxenres,  very  partic 

hut  it  i  esteemed  nf  e</ual  authority  with  the  former  hy  o"- 

forefai  there  had  not  been  an  exact  succession  of  prophets 

since  that  tint  firmly  we  have  given  credit  lo  these  !:> 

our  own  nation,  ii  is  ei  dent  by  what  we  do  :  for  during  so  i 
have  alreai  ly  |  •  has  lietn  so  bold  as  either  to  add  any  thing  to 

them,  to  take  nni/  //».'/>:;  from  them,  or  to  make  any  change  in  them:  but  it 
is  become  natural  to  ul  Jews,  immediately  and  from  their  very  birth,  tr 
esteem  these  books  to  contain  divine  doctrines,  and  to  persist  in  thei". 
and  if  it  be  necessary,  willingly  to  die  for  them."  Josephus  contra  Apior., 
lib.  i.  §8.  Joscphus's  testimony  is  related  by  Eusebius  (Hist.  Eccl.  lib. 
iii.  c.  ix.  and  x  ;)  and  it  is  further  worthy  of  remark,  that  the  most  learne* 
Romanist  writers  admit  that  the  apocryphal  books  were  never  acknow 
ledged  by  the  Jewish  Church.  See  particularly  Hnet  s  Demonster 
Evangelica.  prop.  iv.  torn.  i.  De  Libio  Tobif.  \>.  306.  De  Libre  Judith,  p. 
309.    De  Libris  Maccabasorum,  p.  460.     De  Canmie,  I.tbrorum  Sacroruin 

L473.     See  also  Dupin's  Dissertation  Prelirninair*  on  Prolegcroenes  sui 
Bible,  pp.  86,  86  89.  112.  Amst.  1701. 


436 


ON  THE  APOCRYPHAL  BOOKS 


[Apr.  No.  1 


ft.    The  apocryphal  books    weiu    not    admitted    into 

THE    CANON   OF    SCRIPTURE    DURING     THE    FIRST    FOUR   CEN- 
TURIES of  the  Christian  Church. 

They  are  not  mentioned  in  the  catalogue  of  inspired  writings  made 
Sy  Melito,  bishop  of  Sardis,  who  flourished  in  the  second  century,1 
nor  in  those  of  Origen,2  in  the  third  century,  of  Athanasius,3  Hilary,4 
Cyril  of  Jerusalem,5  Epiphanius,6  Gregory  Nazianzen,7  Amphilochius,8 
Jerome,9  Rufinus,1"  and  others  of  the  fourth  century ;  nor  in  the 
catalogue  of  canonical  books  recognised  by  the  council  of  Laodicea," 
h«ld  in  the  same  century,  whose  canons  were  received  by  the  Catho- 
lic church  ;  so  that,  as  Bishop  Burnet  well  observes,  "  we  have  the 
concurring  sense  of  the  whole  church  of  God  in  this  matter."12  To  this 
decisive  evidence  against  the  canonical  authority  of  the  apocryphal 
books,  we  may  add  that  they  were  never  read  in  the  Christian  church 
until  ttie  fourth  century;  when,  as  Jerome  informs  us,  they  were  read 
"for  example  of  life,  and  instruction  of  manners,  but  were  not  ap- 
plied to  establish  any  doctrine  ;"13  and  contemporary  writers  state,14 
that  although  they  were  not  approved  as  canonical  or  inspired 
writings,  yet  some  of  them,  particularly  Judith,  Wisdom,  and  Ee- 
cleaiasticus,  were  allowed  to  be  perused  by  catechumens.  As  a 
proof  that  they  were  mot  regarded  as  canonical  in  the  fifth  century, 
Augustine  relates,  that  when  the  book  of  Wisdom  was  publicly  read  in 
the  church  it  was  given  to  the  readers  of  inferior  ecclesiastical  of- 
ficers, who  read  it  in  a  lower  place  than  those  books  which  were 
universally  acknowledged  to  be  canonical,  which  were  read  by  the 
bishops  and  presbyters  in  a  more  eminent  and  conspicuous  manner.15 
Ta  conclude: — Notwithstanding  the  veneration  in  which  these  books 
were  held  by  the  Western  Church,  it  is  evident  that  the  same 
authority  was  never  ascribed  to  them  as  to  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ment ;  until  the  last  council  of  Trent,  at  its  fourth  session,  presumed 
to  place  them  all  (excepting  the  prayer  of  Manasseh  and  the  third  and 
fourth  books  of  Esdras"  in  the  same  rank  with  the  inspired  writ- 
ings of  Moses  and  the  prophets.16 

III.  The  apocryphal  rooks  contain  many  things  which 

are   fabulous  and    contradictory   to  the    canonical 

Scriptures  both  in  fa^ts,  doctrines,  and  moral  practice. 

A  few  instances,  out  of  many  that  might  be  adduced,  will  suffioe 

to  prove  this  assertion. 

I.    Fabulous  Statements. 
(I.)  Rest  of  chapters  of  Esther,  x.  6.  A  Utile  fountain  became  a  river, 
xtul  there  was  light,  and  the  nun,  and  much  waters.     This   river  is 
Btlher.  whom  the  king  married,  and  made  queen,  xiv.  2. 

(2.)  The  story  of  Bell  and  the  Dragon  is,  confessedly,  a  mere  fic- 
tion, which  contradicts  the  account  of  Daniel's  being  cast  into  the 
/ion's  dea. 

(3.)  The  stories  of  wafer  being  converted  into  fire,  and  vice  versa 
(2  Mace.  i.  19 — 22),  and  of  the  Tabernacle  and  Ark  walking  after 
Jeremiah  at  the  prophet's  command.  (2  Mace.  ii.  4.) 

II.    Contradictory  Statements. 

(1.)  The  author  of  the  book  of  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon  alludes 

to  the  people  of  Israel  as  being  in  subjection  to  their  enemies,  which 

was  not  the  ;ase  during  Solomon's  reign.    We  read,  indeed,  that  he 

had  •nensss  in  the  persons  of  Had  ad,  Rezon  and  Jeroboam  (1  Kings 

«i.  14.  S3.  95.  26),   who  vexed  him :  hut  we  nowhere  find  that  they 

iMseJ  his  people ;  and  the  schism  of  the  ten  tribes  dia  not  take 

*>»  '»a<il  ttiter  the  death  of  Solomon. 

-  this  catalogue  is  inserted  by  Eu3ebius  in  his  Ecclesiastical  History, 
*>.  iv.  i   26. 

Ibia.  '.ib.  vi.  c.  25.  p.  399. 

8  la  his  Festal  or  Pascha)  epistle.  See  the  extract  in  Dr.  Lardner's 
ATorfeg,  vol.  iv.  pp.  282—235.    8vo  ;  vol.  ii.  pp.  399,  400.  4to. 

•  Prclea.  in  Psalcnos,  p.  9.  Paris,  |693.  Lardner,  vol.  iv.  p.  305.  8vo. ; 
■A.  ii.  p  413.  4to. 

•  m  his  Fourth  Catechetical  Exercise.  Fbid.  vol.  iv.  p.  299.  8vo. :  vol. 
i  p.  411.  4to. 

«  tn  various  catalogues  recited  by  Dr.  Lardner,  vol.  iv.  pp.  312,  313. 
*»o.  ;  vol.  ii.  p.  409.  4to. 

«  Carm.  33.  Op.  torn,  ii.  p.  98.  Ibid.  vol.  iv.  pp.  407,  408.  8vo.  ;  vol.  ii. 
,».  470.  4to. 

'  Io  Carmine  lambico  ad  Seleucum.  p.  126.  Ibid.  p.  413.  8vo. ;  vol.  ii. 
p  473. 

•  In  Prefat.  ad  Libr.  Reaum  sive  Prologo  Galeato.  Lardner,  vol.  v. 
pp.  16,  17.  8vo. ;  vol.  ii.  p.  540.  4to.  and  also  in  several  of  his  prefaces  to 
other  books,  which  are  given  by  Dr.  L.  pp.  18—22.  8vo. ;  or  po.  MO— 
543.  4to. 

">  Expositio  ad  Symb.  Apost.  Lardner,  vol.  v.  pp.  75,76.  8to.;  vol.  ii. 
p.  573.  4 to. 

ti  Can.  52,  60.  Lardner,  vol.  iv.  pp.  308,  309.  8vo.;  vol.  ii.  pp.  414,  415.  4to. 
Besides  Dr.  Lardner,  Bishop  Cosin,  in  his  Seholastical  History  of  the 
Canon,  Sir  Humphrey  Lynde  (Via  Devia  or  the  By-way,  sect.  5.  pp.  266— 
286.  London  Edit.  1819),  and  Moldonhawer  (Introd.  ad  Vet.  Test.  pp.  M 
—154.)  have  given  extracts  at  length  from  the  above-mentioned  fathers 
*nd  others,  against  the  authority  of  ihe  apocryphal  .looks. 

'»  On  the  Sixth  Article  of  the  Anglican  Church,  p.  111.  6th.  edit. 

»*  Praf.  in  Libr.  Salomonis,  Op.  torn.  i.  pp.  9:j8,  939  Lardner  vol  v 
p   18.  8vo.;  vol.  ii.  p.  573.  4to. 

>«  The  author  of  the  Svnopsis  of  Scripture  attributed  to  Athanasius 
(See  Lardner,  vol.  iv.  p.  290.  :>  and  also  the  pre  tended  Apostolical  Canons. 
(Can.  Ult.) 

<•'  Augustin.  de  Predest.  Sanct.  lib.  i.  c.  14.  (Op.  torn.  vii.  p.  553.  col. 
2.  B.  Antwerp.  1576)  The  passage  is  also  given  in  Bishop  Cosin's  icho- 
tMtica!  History  of  the  Canon,  p.  106. 

'•  On  this  subject  the  reader  is  referred,  tor  much  curious  and  impor- 
tant information,  to  the  Rev.  G.  C.  Gorha«i's  Statement  submitted  to  the 
members  of  the  Bible  Society,  relative  to  the  circulation  of  the  apocryphal 
uooks,  chap,  i.,  an  I  his  Reply  to  two  Letters  addressed  to  htm  by  Dr. 
Loawler  Von  Ess.  (London,  1S&.  Pro.) 


(2.)  Baruch  is  said  (i.  2.)  to  have  bttm  carried  into  Babylon,  at  the  very- 
time  when  Jeremiah  tells  us  (xliii.  6,  7.)  that  he  was  carried  into  the 
land  of  Egypt. 

(3.)  The  story  in  1  Esdras  iii.  iv.,  besides  wanting  every  mark  of  the 
majesty  and  sanctity  of  the  Sacred  Writings,  contradicts  Ezra's  ac- 
count of  the  return  of  the  Jews  from  Babylon  under  Cyrus. 

(4.)  The  first  and  second  books  of  Maccabees  contradict  each  other: 
for  in  the  former  (1  Mace.  vi.  4 — 16.)  Antiochus  Epiphanes  is  said  to 
have  died  in  Babylon;  and  in  the  latter  he  is  represented,  first,  as 
having  been  slain  by  the  priests  at  Nanea,  in  Persia  (2  Mace.  i.  13 — 
16.),  and  afterwards  (ix.  28.)  as  dying  a  miserable  death  in  a  slrangt 
country  among  the  mountains. 

(5.)  In  the  book  o  Tobit,  the  angel  that  is  introduced  vv.  12.)  as 
representing  himself  as  being  a  kinsman  of  Tobit,  in  xii.  15.  contra 
dictt  himself,  by  affirming  that  he  is  Raphael,  one  of  the  holy  angels 
The  author  of  this  book  has  also  added  to  the  views  of  God  anl  of 
Providence,  delineated  in  the  Old  Testament,  tenets  of  Assyrian  i* 
Babylonian  origin. 

III.    Contradictory  Doctrines. 

(1.)  Prayers  for  the  Dead. — 2  Mace.  xii.  43,  44.  And  vihen  he 
had  made  a  gathering  throughout  the  company,  to  the  sum  of  2000 
drachm .>  of  silver,  he  sent  it  to  Jerusalem  to  offer  a  sin-offering,  doing 
therein  very  well  and  honestly :  for,  if  he  had  not  hoped  that  they  thai 
were  slain  should  have  risen  again,  it  had  been  superfluous  and  vain  tc 
pray  for  the  dead.  This  statement  contradicts  the  whole  tenor  of  the 
Sacred  Writings,  which  nowhere  enjoin  or  allow  of  prayers  for  the 
dead. 

(2.)  The  heathen  Notion  of  the  Transmigration  of  Souls,  which  is 
equally  contradictory  to  the  Bible,  is  asserted  in  Wisd.  viii.  19,  20. 
For  1  was  a  witty  child,  and  had  a  good  spirit ;  yea,  rather  being  good, 

1  came  it.'o  a  body  unde  filed. 

(3.)  Justification  by  the  Works  of  the  Law  (in  opposition  to  the 
Scriptures,  which  teach  that  we  are  justified  or  accounted  righteous 
only  by  faith)  is  taught  in  various  parts  of  the  apocryphal  books : — 

2  Esdras  viii.  33.  The  just  vMch  have  many  good  works  laid  vp  with 
thee,  shall  out  of  their   own  deeds  receive   reward.     Tobit  xii.  8,  9. 

Prayer  is  good  with  fasting,  and  alms,  ur.d  righteousness 

Alms  doth  deliver  from  death,  and  shall  purge  away  all  sins.  Those 
that  exercise  alms  and  righteousness  shall  be  filed  with  life.  Ecclus. 
iii.  3.  Whoso  honourelh  the  father  maketh  atomment  for  his  sins.  30 
Alms  ma keth  an  atonement  for  sins !  xxxv.  3.  To  forsake  righteous- 
ness is  a  propitiation. 

(4.)  Sinless  perfection.  Ecclus.  xiii.  24.  Riches  are  good  unto  him 
that  hath  no  sin.  But  what  say  the  Scriptures  ?  Eccles.  vii  20 
There  is  not  a  just  man  upon  earth,  that  doth  good,  and  sinneth  not. 
Rom.  ..ii.  23.  All  have  sinned  and  come  short  of  the  glory  of  God 
1  John  i.  8.  If  we  say  that  we  have  no  sin  we  deceive  ourselves,  ana 
the  truth  is  not  in  us. 

IV.  Immoral  Practices 

Commended  in  the  apocryphal  books,  which  practices  are  prohibit- 
ed in  the  Scriptures. 

(I.)  Lying. — The  instances  cited  No.  (5.)  may  also  be  adduced  here 

(2.)  A  desperate  act  of  Suicide  (which  is  expressly  forbidden  in 
Exod.  xx.  13-  Thou  shall  not  kill)  is  related  in  2  Mace.  xiv.  41 — 
46.  as  a  manful  act,  and  in  terms  of  great  commendation. 

(3.)  Assassination,  which  is  equally  prohibited,  is  commended  in 
the  book  of  Judith  (ix.  2 — 9.)  in  the  case  of  the  Shechemites,  whose 
base  murder  is  justly  condemned  in  Gen.  xlix.  7. 

(4.)  Magical  Incantations,  which  are  forbidden  in  Lev.  xix.  26.  and 
Deut.  xvifi.  10,  11,  14.  are  introduced  in  Tobit  vi.  16,  17.  as  given 
by  the  advice  of  an  angel  of  God.17 

IV.  Lastly,  There  are  passages  in  the  apocryphal 
books,  which  are  so  inconsistent  with  the  relations 
of  all  other  profane  historians,  that  they  cannot 
be  admitted  without  much  greater  evidence  than  be- 
longs to  these   books. 

Thus  in  ]  Mace.  viii.  16.  it  is  said  that  the  Romans  "  committed  their 
government  to  one  man  every  year,  who  ruled  over  all  that  country, 
and  that  all  were  obedient  to  that  one,  and  that  there  was  neither 
envy  nor  emulation  amongst  them." 

Now  this  assertion  is  contradicted  by  every  Roman  historian  with- 
out exception.  The  imperial  government  was  not  established  until 
more  than  a  century  after  the  time  when  that  book  wns  written.  In 
like  manner,  the  account  (in  1  Mace.  i.  6,  7.)  of  the  death  of  Alexan 
der,  misnamed  the  Great,  is  not  supported  by  the  historians  who  have 
recorded  his  last  hours. 

A'.though  the  Apocryphal  books  cannot  be  applied  "to  establish 
any  doctrine,"  yet  "they  are  highly  valuable  as  ancient  writings, 
which  throw  considerable  light  upon  the  phraseology  of  Scripture, 
and  upon  the  history  of  manners  of  the  East :  and  as  they  contain 
many  noble  sentiments  and  useful  precepts,  the  Anglican  church,  in 
imitation  of  the  primitive  church  of  Christ,  doth  read  them  for  ex- 
ample of  life  and  instruction  of  manners."18  On  this  account  the 
reader  will  find  an  analysis  of  these  books,  in  the  second  volume  of 
this  work,  Part  V.   Chap.  VIII. 

"  Romanism  contradictory  to  Scripture,  pp.  47.  18. 

"  It  may  be  proper  to  remark,  that  the  Anglican  church  does  not  read 
all  the  books  of  the  apocrypha.  It  reads  as  leesons  no  part  of  either  book* 
of  Esdras,  or  of  the  Maccabees,  or  of  the  additions  of  the  book  of  Esther; 
nor  does  it  read  the  prayer  of  Manasseh.  Bp.  Tomline's  Elements  of 
Christ.  Theol.  vol.  ii.  p.  199.  Pfeift'er,  Critica  Sacra,  cap.  14.  (Op.  torn,  ii 
pp.  795,  799.)  Moldcnhawer,  Introd.  ad  Vet.  Test.  pp.  145-— 155.  Heidegger 
Enchirid.  Biblicum.  pp.  236— 322.  See  also  Bp.  Marsh's  Com:  erative  View 
i  of  the  Churches  of  Engtuud  nrxi  Bo  tic,  pp.  73-  93. 


OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 


437 


SECTION  II. 


ON    THE    WRITINGS    USUALLY  CALLED    THE    APOCRYPHAL 
BOOKS    OF    THE    NEW    TESTAMENT. 

[Referred  to  in  f>.  88.  of  this  Volume.] 

1.  Enumeration  of  these  apocryphal  Writings. — II.  External 
Evidence  to  show  that  they  w,ere  never  considered  as  in- 
spired or  canonical. — III.  Internal  Evidence. — IV.  These 
Apocryphal  Hooks  are  so  far  from  uffecting  the  credibility 
of  the  genuine  boohs  of  the  New  Testament,  that  the  latter 
are  confirmed  by  them. 

I.  It  is  not  wonderful  that,  besides  those  which  are  admitted 
to  be  canonical  honks  q{  the  New  Testament,  there  were  many 
others  which  also  pretended  to  he  authentic.  "  Men  of  the  best 
intentions  might  think  it  incumbent  on  them  to  preserve,  by 
writing,  the.  memory  of  persona,  facts  and  doctrines,  so  precious 
in  their  estimation,  who  might  at  the  same  time  he  deficient  in 
the  talents  and  information  requisite  to  discriminate,  and  duly  to 
record  the  truth.  The  sacred  writers  intimate  that  such  men 
had  already  begun,  even  in  their  time,  to  appear;  and  gave 
warning  that  others  would  arise,  less  pure  in  their  motives. 
Lake  says  that  many  had  taken  in  hand  to  write  gospels  (Luke 
i.  1.)  ;  Paul  cautions  the  Galatiuns  against  other  gospels  than 
that  which  they  had  received  from  him  (Gal.  i.  6 — 9.)  :  and 
warns  the  Thessalonians  not  to  be  troubled  by  any  letter  as 
from  him,  declaring  that  the  day  of  Christ  is  at  hand " 
(2  Thess.  ii.  2.)  In  the  ages  following  the  apostles,  the  apo- 
cryphal writings,  which  were  published  under  the  names  of  Jesus 
Christ  and  his  apostles,  their  companions,  &C  (and  which  are 
mentioned  by  the  writers  of  the  first  four  centuries  under  the 
names  of  gospels,  epistles,  acts,  revelations,  &c.,l  greatly  in- 
creased. Most  of  them  have  long  since  perished.1  though  some  few 
are  still  extant,  which  have  been  collected  (together  with  notices 
of  the  lost  pieces)  and  published  by  John  Albert  Fabrieius,  in  his 
Codex  Apocryphus  Novi  Testamenti,  the  best  edition  of  which 
appeared  at  Hamburg,  in  1719 — 1743,  in  three  parts,  forming 
two  volumes,  8vo.2  Of  this  work  the  Rev.  and  learned  Mr. 
Jones  made  great  use,  and,  in  fact,  translated  the  greater  part 
cf  it  in  his  "  New  and  Full  Method  of  settling  the  Canonical 
Authority  of  the  New  Testament."  The  apocryphal  books  ex- 
tant are,  an  Epistle  from  Jesus  Christ  to  Abgarus ;  his  Epistle, 
which  (it  is  pretended)  fell  down  from  heaven  at  Jerusalem 
directed  to  a  priest  named  Leopas,  in  the  city  of  Eris :  the  con- 
stitutions of  the  Apostles ;  The  Apostles'  Creed;  the  Apostolical 
Epistle*  of  Jiarnabus,  Clemens  or  Clement,  Ig?iatius,  and 
Polycarp ;  the  Gospel  of  the  Infancy  of  our  Saviour;  the  gos- 
hel  of  the  birth  of  JMary  ;  The  prot-evangelion  of  James; 
the  gospel  of  Nicodemus  ;  the  Martyrdom  of  Thecla  or  Acts 
of  Paul;  Abdias's  History  of  the  Twelve  Apostles;  the  Epis- 
tle of  Paul  to  the  Laodiceaus;3  the  Six  Epistles  of  Paul  to 
Seneca,  &c.  Of  these  various  productions,  those  Of  which  the 
titles  arc  printed  in  Italics  are  comprised  in  the  publication, 
intitlcd  "  The  Apocryphal  New  Testament,  being  all*  the 
GosPels,  Epistles,  and  other  Pieces  now  extant,  attributed 
in  the  first  four  centuries  to  Jesus  Christ,  his  Apostles,  and 
their  companions,  and  not  included  in  the  New  Testament  by 
its  compilers.  Translated  and  now  collected  into  one  volume, 
with  Prefaces  and  Tables,  and  various  Notes  and  References. 
London,  1820." — Second  edition,  1821,  8vo.  The  writings 
ascribed  to  Barnabas,  Ignatius  (at  least  his  genuine  epistles), 
Polycarp,  and  Hernias,  ought  not  in  strictness  to  be  considered 
a-,  apocryphal,  since  their  authors,  who  are  usually  designated, 
the  Apostolical  Fathers,  from  their  having  been  contemporary  for 
a  longer  or  shorter  time  with  the  apostles  of  Jesus  Christ,  were 
not  divinely  inspired  apostles.  The  first  epistle  <>t  <  'lament  to  the 
Corinthians,  indeed,  was  for  a  short  time  received  as  canonical  in 
some  lew  Christian  churches,  but  was  soon  dismissed  as  an  un- 
inspired production;  the  fragment  of  what  is  called  the  second 
epistle  of  Clement  to  the  Corinthians,  Dr.  Lardner  has  proved 
not  to  have  been  written  by  him.  These  productions  of  the 
apostolical  fathers,  therefore,  have  no  claim  to  be  considered  as 
apocryphal  writings. 

«  See  an  alphabetical  catalogue  of  them,  with  references  to  the  fathers 
oy  whom  they  were  mentioned,  in  Jones  on  (he  Canon,  vol.  j.  pp    119 — 123. 

'  Another  apocryphal  hook,  purporting  to  lie  the  Aris  of  the  Apostle 
rhoonas,  his  lately  been  discovered  at  Paris.  It  was  published  at  Leipsic 
in  1*23,  by  Dr.  J.  C.  Thilo. 

3  That  St.  Paul  did  not  write  any  epistle  to  the  Laodiccans  sea  Vol.  II. 
Part  VI.  Chap.  III.  Sect.  VII.  $  II. 

4  This  is  a  misnomer;  for  all  the  apocryphal  writings  are  not  included 
n  the  publication  in  question. 


As  the  external  form  of  the  New  Testament5  harmonises  with 
that  of  the  larger  octavo  editions  of  the  authorised  English  Ver- 
sion of  the  New  Testament,  the  advocates  of  infidelity  have 
availed  themselves  of  it,  to  attempt  to  undermine  the  credibility 
of  the  genuine  books  of  the  New  Testament.  The  preface  to 
the  compilation,  intitlcd  "The  Apocryphal  New  Testament." 
is,  certainly,  so  drawn  up,  as  apparently  to  favour  the  view* 
"1  the  opposcrs  of  divine  revelation;  but  as  its  editor  has  dis- 
i  i.AiMi.u  any  sinister  design  in  publishing  it,  the  writer  of  these 
pages  will  not  impute  any  such  motives  to  him. 

II.  In  order,  however,  that  the  reader  may  see  now  littlk  the 
writings  of  the  New  Testament  can  suffer  from  this  publication.' 
a  brief  statement  shall  be  given  of  the  very  satisfactory  reasons, 
tor  which  the  apocryphal  (or  rather  spurious)  writings  ascribed 
to  the  apostles  have  been  deservedly  rejected  from  the  canon 
of  Scripture. 

1.  In  the  first  place,  they  were  rot  acknowledged  as  authen- 
tic, nor  were  they  much  used,  by  the  primitive  Christians. 

There  are  no  quotations  of  these  apocryphal  books  in  the  genuine 
writings  of  the  apostolic  fathers,  that  is,  of  Clement  of  Rome,  Igna- 
tius, Polycarp,  and  Hermas,  whose  writings  reach  from  about  the  year 
of  Christ  70  to  108;  nor  are  they  found  in  any  ancient  catalogue* 
of  the  sacred  books.  Some  of  them  indeed  are  mentioned,  but  not 
cited  by  Irenceus  and  Tertullian,  who  lived  in  the  second  century 
Indeed  the  apocryphal  books  above  mentioned  are  expressly,  and  m 
so  many  words,  rejected  by  those  who  have  noticed  them,  as  the 
rorgeries  of  heretics,  and,  consequently,  as  spurious  and  heretical. 

2.  The  enemies  of  Christianity  who  we~e  accustomed  to  cite 
passages  from  the  four  gospels  for  the  sake  of  perverting  them, 
or  of  turning  them  into  ridicule,  have  never  mentioned  these 
productions;  which  we  may  be  sure  they  would  have  done,  had 
they  known  of  their  existence,  because  they  would  have  afforded 
them  much  better  opportunities  than  the  genuine  Gospels  did, 
for  indulging  their  malevolence. 

3.  Few  or  none  of  these  productions,  which  (it  is  pretended) 
were  written  in  the  apostolic  age,  were  composed  before  the 
second  century,  and  several  of  them  were  forged  so  late  as  the 
tnird  century,  and  were  rejected  as  spurious  at  the  lime  the* 
were  attempted  to  be  imposed  upon  tho  Christian  world. 

»  The  title-page  is  surrounded  with  a  broad  black  rule,  similar  to  that 
found  in  many  of  the  large  8vo.  editions  of  the  New  Testament,  printed  ir. 
the  last  century,  and  the  different  books  are  divided  into  chapters  am! 
w  rsea.  with  a  table  Of  cow  en  s  drawn  op  in  imitation  of  those  which  are 
found  in  all  editions  of  the  ELgHsh  llible. 

«  In  16W  Mr.  Tolar.d  published  his  Amyntor,  in  which  he  professed  to 
give  a  catalogue  of  books,  attributed  in  the  primitive  times  to  Jesus  Christ, 
bis  apostles,  and  other  eminent  persona  "together  with  remarks  and  ol.- 
servatior.s  relating  to  the  canon  of  Scripture."  He  there  raked  together 
whatever  he  could  find  relating  to  the  spurious  gospels  and  pretended 
sacred  books  which  appeared  in  the  early  ages  of  the  Christian  chorda 
These  he  produced  with  great  pomp,  to  the  number  of  eighty  and  upwards 
and  though  they  were  inost  of  them  evidently  false  and  ridiculous,  and 
carried  the  plainest  marks  of  forgery  and  imposture,  of  which,  no  doubt, 
he  was  very  sensible,  yet  he  did  what  he  could  to  represent  thein  at 
of  equal  authority  with  the  four  gospels,  and  other  sacred  books  of  rii. 
New  Testament,  now  received  among  Christians.  To  this  end  he  took 
advantage  of  the  unwary  and  ill-grounded  hypotheses  of  some  lejrnec 
men,  and  endeavoured  to  prove  that  the  books  of  the  present  canon  lay- 
concealed  in  the  coffers  ol  private  persona,  till  the  laller  times  of  Trajan 
or  Adrian,  and  were  not  known  to  the  clergy  or  churches  of  those  liurt  * 
nor  distinguished  Brom  the  spurious  works  of  the  heretics;  and  that  tin 
scriotures,  which  we  now  receive  as  canonical,  and  others  which  we  now 
were  indifferently  and  promiscuously  cited  and  appealed  to  by  the 
DOS)  ancient  Christian  writers  His  di  sii:n;  in  all  this,  manileslly.  was  t( 
•how,  that  the  gospels  and  other  sacred  writings  of  the  New  Tesitunent, 
now  acknowledged  as  canonical,  really  deserve  no  greater  credit,  and  art 
no  mors  to  be  depended  upon,  than  those  books  which  are  rejected  ano 
exploded  as  forgeries.  And  yet  he  had  the  confidence  to  pretend,  in  a 
book  be  afterwards  published,  that  his  intention  in  his  Amyntor,  was  not  to 
invalidate,  but  to  illustrate  and  confirm  the  canon  of  the  New  Testament 
This  may  serve  as  one  instance  out  of  many  that  might  be  produced, 
of  the  insincerity  of  this  opposer  of  revelation,  whose  assertions  nave  been 
1  by  infidels  of  the  present  day.  Many  good  and  satisfactory  refu- 
tations of  'Poland  were  published  at  that  time  by  I>r.  Samuel  Clarke,  Mr 
Nyr.  and  others,  and  especially  by  the  learned  Mr.  Jerenvah  Jones  in  h:.< 
"  New  and  Full  Method  of  settling  the  Canonical  Authority  of  the  New 
Testament,"  in  2  vols.  8vo.,  reprinted  at  Oxford  in  1738.  in  3  vols.  8vo. 
From  this  work  the  following  refutation  of  the  pretensions  of  the  apocrypnal 

I ks  of  the  New  Testament  has  been  principally  derived,  as  weli  as  from 

Dr.  I-irdner,  who  in  different  parts  of  his  works  has  collected  much  curiou; 
information  respecting  them.  The  passages  being  too  numerous  to  b* 
cited  at  length,  the  reader  will  find  them  indicated  in  the  fifth  index  to  his 
works,  article  Apocryphal  Books.  Six  months  after  the  publication  of  the 
second  edition  of  tli.3  work,  the  late  Rev.  Thomas  Rennell,  who  so  ably 
distinguished  himself  by  his  powerful  writings  against  (he  atheistical  phyei- 
ologists  of  this  age.,  published  "  Proofs  of  Inspiration,  or  the  grouncs 
of  distinction  between  the  New  Testament  and  the  apocryphal  volume, 
occasioned  by  the  recent  publication  of  the  Apocrypnal  New  Testament 
by  Hone,  London.  1R22."  Svo.  As  the  arguments  produced  in  this  learned 
tract  are  necessarily  similar  to  those  stated  in  the  former  part  of  this 
volume,  as  well  as  in  the  present  article  of  thu  Appendix,  tbisbnof  notie* 
of  Mr.  R'«  pamphlet  mav  susBce 


438 


ON  THE  APOCRYPHAL  BOOKS 


[App.  No. 


t' 


A  brief  statement  of  the  dates  of  the  pieces  contained  in  the  Apo- 
cryphal New  '''"stament  (with  the  exception  of  the  writings  of  the 
•postolic  fathe.  Jhich  are  omitted  for  the  reason  already  stated), 
will  demonstrate  this  fact. 

Thus,  the  pse ado- Epistles  of  Abgarus  prince  of  Edessa,  and  of  Jesus 
Christ,  were  never  heard  of,  until  published  by  Eusebius  in  the  fourth 

sentur'y.1 Though  an  Epistle  of  Paul  to  the  Laodiceans  was  extant 

in  the  second  century,  and  was  received  by  Marcion  the  heretic,  who 
was  notorious  for  his  mutilations  and  interpolations  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament, yet  that  now  extant  is  not  the  same  with  the  ancient  one  un- 
4er  that  title  in  Marcion's  Apostolicon,  or  collection  of  apostolical 
epistles.  It  never  was  extant  in  Greek,  and  is  a  production  of  un- 
certain, but  unquestionably  very  late,  date. — Mr.  Jones  conjectures  it 
to  have  been  forged  by  some  monk,  not  long  before  the  reformation  ;2 
tnd,  as  is  Bhown  in  page  441  and  442.  infra,  it  was  compiled  from  seve- 
ral passages  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles.— The  six  Epistles  of  Paul  to  Seneca, 
and  eight  of  the  philosopher  to  him,  were  never  heard  of,  until  they 
were  mentioned  by  Jerome  and  Augustire,  two  writers  who  lived  at 
the  close  of  the  fourth  century  ;  and  who  do  not  appear  to  have  con- 
•idered  them  as  genuine.3 — In  the  third  or  perhaps  the  second  century 
•  Gospel  nf  the  Birth  nf  Mary  was  extant  and  received  by  several 
of  the  ancient  heretics,  but  it  underwent  many  alterations,  and  the 
ancient  copies  varied  greatly  from  that  now  printed  in  the  apocryphal 
New  Testament  which  was  translated  by  Mr.  Jones  from  Jerome's 
Latin  Version,  first  made  at  the  close  of  the  fourth  century.4  This 
gospel  of  the  birth  of  Mary  is  for  the  most  part  the  same  with 
the  Prot-evangelion,  or  Gospel  of  James  (which,  nevertheless,  it  con- 
tradicts in  many  places);  and  both  are  the  production  of  some  Hel- 
lenistic Jew.  Both  also  were  rejected  by  the  ancient  writers. — The 
two  Gospels  of  the  Infancy  (the  second  "of  which  bears  the  name 
of  Thomas)  seem  to  have  been  originally  the  same  ;  but  the  ancient 

;ospel  of  Thomas  wad  different  from  those  of  the  infancy  of  Christ. 

They  were  received  as  genuine  only  by  the  Marcosians,  a  branch 
of  the  sect  of  Gnostics,  in  the  beginning  of  the  second  century ;  and 
were  known  to  Mohammed  or  the  compilers  of  the  Koran,  who  took 
from  them  several  idle  traditions  concerning  Christ's  infancy.5 — The 
Gospel  of  Nicodemus,  also  called  the  Acts  of  Pilate,  was  forged  at  the 
latter  end  of  the  third  or  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century,  by  Leu- 
cius  Charinus,  who  was  a  noted  forger  of  the  Acts  of  Peter,  Paul,  An- 
drew, and  others  of  the  apostles.6 — The  Apostles'  Creed  derives  its 
name,  not  from  the  fact  of  its  having  been  composed,  clause  by 
clause,  by  the  twelve  apostle3  fof  which  we  have  no  evidence),  but 
because  it  contains  a  brief  summary  of  the  doctrines  which  they 
taught.  It  is  nearly  the  same  with  the  creed  of  Jerusalem,  which 
appears  to  be  the  most  ancient  summary  of  the  Christian  faith  that  is 
extant;  and  the  articles  which  have  been  collected  from  the  cate- 
chetical discourses  of  Cyril,  who  was  Bishop  of  Jerusalem  in  the 
fourth  century. — The  Acts  of  Paul  and  Thecla,  though  ranked  among 
the  apocryphal  scriptures  by  some  of  the  primitive  Christians  (by  whom 
several  things  therein  related  were  credited),  were  in  part  the  forgery 
of  an  Asiatic  presbyter  at  the  close  of  the  first  or  at  the  beginning 
of  the  second  century,  who  confessed  that  he  had  committed  the  fraud 
sut  of  love  to  Paul,  and  was  degraded  from  his  office ;  and  they  have 
subsequently  been  interpolated.7 

4.  When  any  book  is  cited,  or  seems  to  be  appealed  to,  by 
any  Christian  -writer,  -which  it  not  expressly  and  in  so  many 
words  rejected  by  him,  there  are  other  sufficient  arguments 
to  prove  that  he  did  not  esteem  it  to  be  canonical. 

For  instance,  though  Origen  in  one  or  two  places  takes  a  passage  out 
of  the  Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews,  yet  in  another  place  he 
rejects  it,  under  the  name  of  the  gospel  of  the  twelve  apostles,  as  a 
book  of  the  heretics,  and  declares  that  the  church  received  only  four 
Gospels.8  Furiher,  though  several  of  these  apocryphal  books  are 
mentioned  by  Clement  of  Alexandria  as  well  as  by  Origen,  yet 
Clement  never  does  it  as  attributing  any  authority  to  them,  and  some- 
times he  notices  them  with  expressions  of  disapprobation.  In  like 
manner,  though  Eusebius  mentions  some  of  them,  he  says  that  they 
•vere  of  little  or  no  value,  and  that  they  were  never  received  by  the 
rounder  part  of  Christians.  Athanasius,  without  naming  any  of  them, 
passes  a  severe  censure  upon  them  in  general ;  and  Jerome  speaks 
of  them  with  dislike  and  censure. 

5.  So'.netimes  the  Fathers  made  use  of  the  apocryphal  books 
to  show  their  learning,  or  that  the  heretics  might  not  charge 
them  with  partiality  and  ignorance,  as  being  acquainted  only 
with  their  own  books. 

RemarKable  to  this  puiposs  are  those  words  of  Origen  :J — "The 
church  receives  only  four  Gospels,  the  heretics  have  many ;  such 
us  that  of  the  Egyptians,  Thomas,  &c.  These  we  read  that  we  may 
not.  be  esteemed  ignorant,  and  by  reason  of  those  who  imagine  they 
know  something  extraordinary,  if  they  know  the  things  contained  in 

i  See  Jones  on  the  Canon,  vol.  ii.  pp.  11, 12. 

»  Ibid.  vol.  ii.  pp.  37—49.  »  Ibid.  vol.  ij.  pp.  50—68. 

•  Ibid.  vol.  ii.  pp.  130—146. 

•  Ibid.  vol.  i.  pp.  226— 234. 

•  Ibid.  vol.  ii.  pp.  342—345.  vol.  i.  pp.  236—251. 
i  Ibid.  vol.  ii.  pp.  393—397. 

•  Origen,  Comment,  in  Matt.  iib.  i.  in  Eusebiue'g  Eccles.  Hist.  lib.  vi.  c. 
36.,  and  in  Philocal.  c.  5. 

•  Legimus,  ne  quid  igro»rar«  vidercmur,  propter  eos  qui  se  putant 
tliautf  scire,  si  i&t&  nogs**  total    Ww'l.  in  fcac    i   1. 


these  books."  To  the  same  purpose  says  Ambrose ;'°  having  mentionec 
several  of  the  apocryphal  books,  he  adds,  "  We  read  these,  that  they 
may  not  be  read  (by  others) ;  we  read  them,  that  we  may  not  seem  ig 
norant ;  we  read  them,  not  thnt  we  may  receive  them,  but  reject  them 
and  may  know  what  those  things  are  of  which  they  (heretics)  make 
such  boasting." 

6.  Sometimes,  perhaps,  these  books  may  be  cited  by  the  Fa- 
thers, because  the  persons  against  whom  they  were  writing 
received  them,  being  willing  to  dispute  with  them  upon  princi 
pies  out  of  their  own  books. 

7.  It  may,  perhaps,  be  true,  that  one  or  two  writers  have 
cited  a  few  passages  out  of  these  books,  because  the  fact  they 
cited  was  not  to  be  found  in  any  other. 

St.  John  tells  us  (xxi.  25.)  that  our  Lord  did  many  other  things 
besides  those  which  he  had  recorded :  the  which,  says  he,  if  they  shoula 
be  written  every  one,  I  suppose  the  world  itself ceiild not  contain  thebookt 
which  should  be  written.  Some  accounts  of  thes  j  actions  and  discourses 
of  Christ  were  unquestionably  preserved,  and  handed  down  to  the 
second  century,  or  farther,  by  tradition,  which  though  inserted  after- 
wards into  the  books  of  the  heretics,  may  be  easily  supposed  to  have 
been  cited  by  some  later  writers,  though  at  the  same  time  they 
esteemed  the  books  which  contained  them  uninspired,  and  not  of  the 
canon.  This  was  the  case  with  respect  to  Jerome's  citing  the  Hebrew 
Gospel,  which  he  certainly  looked  upon  as  spurious  and  apocryphal. 

III.  The  internal  evidence  for  the  spuriousness  of  these 
productions  is  much  stronger  than  the  external  evidence :  for, 
independently  of  the  total  absence  of  all  those  criteria  of  genu- 
ineness, which  (it  has  been  shown  in  the  preceding  part  of  this 
volume)  are  clearly  to  be  seen  in  the  canonical  books,  it  it 
evident  that  the  apocryphal  productions,  ascribed  to  the  apostles, 
are  utterly  unworthy  of  notice;  for,  1.  They  either  propose  ot 
support  some  doctrine  or  practice  contrary  to  those  which  are 
certainly  known  to  be  true ; — 2.  They  are  filled  with  absurd, 
unimportant,  impertinent,  and  frivolous  details ; — 3.  They  relate 
both  useless  and  improbable  miracles ; — 4.  They  mention  things, 
which  are  later  than  the  time  when  the  author  lived,  whose 
name  the  book  bears ; — 5.  Their  style  is  totally  different  from 
that  of  the  genuine  books  of  the  New  Testament; — 6.  They 
contain  direct  contradictions  to  authentic  history,  both  racred 
and  profane  ; — 7.  They  are  studied  imitations  of  various  passages 
in  the  genuine  Scriptures,  both  to  conceal  the  fraud  and  to 
allure  readers  ;  and,  8.  They  contain  gross  falsehoods,  utterly 
repugnant  to  the  character,  principles,  and  conduct  of  'he  in 
spired  writers. 

1.  The  apocryphal  books  eiiher  propose  or  support  some 
doctrine  or  practice  contrary  to  those  which  are  certainly 
known  to  be  true,  and  appear  designed  to  obviate  some  here- 
sy, which  had  its  origin  subsequent  to  the  apostolic  age. 

One  of  the  doctrines,  which  these  spurious  writings  were  intended 
to  establish,  was,  the  sanctity  of  relics.  As  a  striking  proof  of  this, 
we  are  told  in  the  Jtrst  Gospel  of  the  Infancy,  that  when  the  Eastern 
magi  had  come  from  the  East  to  Jerusalem,  according  to  the  prophecy 
of  Zoradascht,  and  had  made  their  offerings,  the  lady  Mary  took  one 
of  his  swaddling  clothes  in  which  the  infant  v>as  wrapped,  and  gave  it 
to  them  instead  of  a  blessing,  which  they  received  from  her  as  a  most  noblt 
present."  As  bandages,  of  a  similar  nature  and  efficacy,  were  pre- 
served in  some  churches  with  the  most  superstitious  reverence,  the 
purpose  for  which  the  above  was  written  was  obvious. 

"The  corrupt  doctrines  relative  to  the  Virgin  Mary  form  an  essen- 
tial part  in  the  scheme  of  some  of  these  designers.  Those  who 
believed,  or  affected  to  believe,  that  the  Virgin  was  exalted  into  heaven, 
who  adopted  the  notion  of  her  immaculate  conception,  and  her  power 
of  working  miracles,  found  but  little  countenance  for  their  absurdi- 
ties in  the  genuine  Gospels.  It  was  a  task  too  hard  for  them  to  defend 
such  tenets  against  their  adversaries,  while  the  canonical  books  were 
the  only  authority  they  could  appeal  to.  Hence  a  Gospel  was  w  ritten 
De  Navilate  Maria  ( the  Gospel  of  the  birth  of  Mary  ),'2  in  which 
her  birth  is  foretold  by  angels,  and  herself  represented  as  aiways 
under  the  peculiar  protection  of  Heaven.  Hence  in  the  Gospel 
attributed  to  James,  which  assumed  the  name  of  Prot-Evangeliiun. 
as  claiming  the  superiority  over  every  other,  whether  canonical 
or  apocryphal,  the  fact  of  the  immaculate  conception  is  supported  by 
such  a  miracle,  as  to  'eave  no  doubt  upon  the  most  incredulous 
mind.  Hence,  too,  in  the  Evangelium  Infantice,  or  Gospel  of  the 
Infancy,  the  Virgin,  who  is  simply  said  by  St.  Matthew  to  have  gone 

«•  Legimus,  ne  legantur ;  legimus,  ne  ignoremus ;  iegimus  nop  ut  tanea- 
mus,  sed  ut  repudiemus,  el  ut  sciamus  qualia  sint  in  quibui  magnifici  isti 
cor  exultant  suum.    Comment,  in  Luc.  i.  1. 

»•  Infancy,  iii.  2.  Apoc.  New  Test.  pp.  2,  3.  It  may  be  proper  to  statr 
that  the  translations  oftbe  spurious  gospels,  acts,  and  epistles,  contained  in 
the  publication  here  cited,  are  taken,  without  acknowledgment  from  Mr. 
Jones's  New  Method  of  settling  the  Canon,  though  divided  into  chapters 
(which  are  different  from  his),  and  also  into  vf  rses,  in  imitation  of  the 
editions  of  the  gerwiine  New  Testament  The  translation  of  the  epistles 
of  the  apostolie  fathers  (which  form  no  part  of  our  inquiry)  is  acknow- 
ledged to  be  that  of  Archbishop  V  ike;  and  is  divided  into  verses  in  a 
similar  manner. 

«•  Aaac.  New  rest.  ■  p.  1—8- 


Are.  No.   I  J 


OF  THE  NEW    ,'ESTAMENT. 


439 


into  Egypt,  is  represented  as  making  Jicr  progress  mow  like  a  divinity 
than  a  mortal,  performing,  by  the  assistance  of  her  infant  Son,  a  variety 
af  miracles, I  such  as  might  intitle  her,  in  the  minds  of  the  blind  and 
bigotted,  to  divine  honours."! 

In  further  corroboration  ol  the  design  of  exalting  the  Virgin 
•he  is  sometimes  made  to  work  naracUt  Itertelf,  is   almost  alwaj 
the  instrument  or  means  oi  working  them,  ami  the  p<  i  on  applied  to, 
and   reoeiving   the  praise  of  tlir  work,  while   losepfa  stands  t>y  as  an 

unconcern.'  !  ...I    bj    never    mentioned,     Hut    what    is    most 
remaik  .Iways   (not  only  by 
the  author  of  the  Ootpel,  but  iij  those  who  were  perfhof  strai 
her  before  In   Egypt,  and   elsewhere  md  dfaa  tancta    Ma- 
ria;   which   we  k .\    not   how   better  to  translate,  than    in    the  |an> 

fuag»    of  her    worshippers,    the    huly    SI.    Mary.      And    aged    Snncoii    m 
is  pi  aj  ei ,  h  hicfa  ii  Jed  In  Luke  U   IS 

34.  is  i  tcblng  out  his  hen  I  her,  as  though 

he  worshipped  her.  But  oi  all  tins  the  Brit  ages  were  ignorant;  nor 
in  the  lii  st  centuries  after  Christ  do  w  e  And  any  thing  of  tins  prodigious 
deference  to  the  Virgin:  this  Was  an  Invention  of  later  ages,  and 
was  not  hen, 1  ol  in  the  chinch  helore  the  fourth  OT  fifth  century,  nor 
was  it  JO  Common  B  till  Some  centuries  after. 

2.  Whoever  has  perused  with  cann'our  and  attention  the 
memoirs  of  the  lour  evangelists,  cannot  but  be  struck  witli  the 
natural  ami  harmless  manner  in  which  they  relate  every  fact. 
They  never  stop  to  think  how  this  or  that  occurrence  may  he 
set  off  to  most  advantage,  or  how  any  thing  unfavourable  to 
themselves  may  be  palliated.  Nothing  ludicrous,  no  impertinent 
or  trifling  circumstances  are  recorded  by  them.  Every  thing,  on 
the  contrary,  proves  that  they  derived  the  facts  which  they  have 
related  from  infallible  and  indisputable  sources  of  information. 
Far  different  was  the  conduct  of  the  compilers  of  the  apocryphal 
gospels.  The  unimportant,  impertinent,  and  frivolous  details 
with  which  their  pages  are  filled,  plainly  prove  that  they  were 
not  possessed  of  any  real  and  authentic  information  upon  the 
subject,  which  they  undertake  to  elucidate  :  and  clearly  invalidate 
their  pretensions  as  eye-witnesses  of  the  transactions  which 
attended  the  introduction  of  the  religion  of  Jesus  Christ. 

Thus,  in  the  pseudo-gospel  of  the  Birth  of  Mary,4  we  have  an  idle 
tale  of  Christ's  ascending  the  stairs  of  the  temple  by  a  miracle  at  three 
years  of  age,  and  of  angels  minisienng  to  Mary  iti  her  inlancy.5  So 
in  the  prot-evangelion  ascribed  to  James  ihe  Less,6  we  are  presented 
with  a  dull  and  silly  dialogue,  between  the  mother  of  Mary  and  her 
waiting-maid  Judith,  and  with  another  equally  impertinent,  between 
the  parents  of  Mary.7  We  have  also  in  the  same  performance  an 
account  of  Mary  being  fed  by  angels,8  and  a  grave  consultation 
of  priests  concerning  the  making  of  a  veil  for  the  temple.9  The 
pseudo-gospel  of  the  Infancy,  and  that  ascribed  to  the  apostle 
Thomas,  present  childish  relations  of  our  Saviour's  infancy  and 
education,  of  vindictive  and  mischievous  miracles  wrought  by  him, 
of  his  learning  ihe  »'*>habet,  &c.  &c10 

3.  In  ihe  pseudo-gospels  of  Mary,  of  the  Infancy,  and  of 
Thomas  (which  have  been  already  cited),  numerous  miracles 
are  ascrib  d  to  I  .<-'  mother  of  Jesus,  or  to  himself  in  kit 
infancy,  which  arc  both  U8BLRSS  and  IMPROBABLE. 


The  proper  effect  and  design  oi  a  miracle   is  to  mark  clearly  the 
divine   interposition:  and  as  we  havi  ntne   manner  and 

circum  en  interference mu  I  I   with  a  dignity  and 

solemnity  befitting  the  more  immediate  presence  ol  the  vlmfghty 
When,  therefore,  we  observe  any  miraculous  aots  attributed  to  p< 
not  exercising  such  a  commission,  performed  upon  ftivolous  or  im- 
proper occasions,  or  marked  by  any  circumstance  ol  levity  or 
inanity,  we  conclude  that  the  report  ol  men  miracles  is  unworthy 
our  attention,  and  that  the  reporters  of  them  are  to  be  suspected 
of  gross  error  or  intentional  deceit.  Thus  we  smile  with  contempt, 
at  xhe  prodigies  of  a  writer,  who  gravel]  relates,  as  :i  stupendous 
miracle,  that  a  child,  al  i  led   without 

assist  nice   the   steps  of  the   temple  at  Jerusalem,  winch  were  half  a 
cubit   each   In   height. '3     In  the  same  Gospel,  in  si  ■  nmoda- 

tion   i"  of  Isaiah,  whioh  is  most  grossly   misinterpreted, 

a  declaration  from  JJeged   to  have   taken  place  in  favoui 

ol    Jo  eph    the   reputed   lather  of   Jr. us,   similar  to  that  which,   upon  the 

strongost  grounds,  we  believe  to  have  •■  in  honour  of  Jeans 

at    his   baptism.      The   bandage   which    was   mentioned    in    p.   438,   ai 

:   presented    by    Stary   to  the.  mag:,   i  repre- 

as  the   instrument  of  a  miracle,   being  cast  into  a  fi:e.  yet    not 


i   I  Infancy,  v.  vi    apoc.  New.  Test.  pp.  25 — 28. 

':  Mallby's  Illustrations  of  the  Truth  of  the  Christian  Religion,  p.  40. 

>  Apoc.  New  Test.  p.  23. 

•  Cfi    iv.  6.  Apoc.  New  Test.  p.  4.  •  Ibid.  v.  2. 

•  Prot-evangelion,  ii.  2 — 6.  Apoc.  NewTestrp.  0.      '  ll.id.  vii.2 — 4.  p  11 

•  Ibid.  viii.  2.  p.  12.  •  Ibid  ix.  1-4.  p.  13. 

'•  Apnc.  New  Test.  pp.  21—43.  Mr.  Jones  has  given  a  list  of  ihiriv-two 
tnflins  and  absurd  stories,  which  are  found  in  the  pseudo-gospels  of  the 
infancy,  different  from  the  above.  On  the  Canon,  vol.  ii.  pp.  246 — 2d9.  and 
in  pp.  152,  153.  he  has  given  twelve  others  from  the  prot-evangelion,  and 
he  Gospel  of  Mary.  See  also  pp.  347.  404—406.  454. 
"  See  pp.  95.  98.  supra. 

«»  Gospel  of  Mary,  iv.  6.    Apoc.  New  Test.  't.  A.  v.  13—17.    Ibid.  p.  5. 
Vot.  I.  3  M 


consumed.  In  another  of  these  ingenious  productions,  when  Kliza 
beih  wished  lo  shelter  her  infant  son  from  the  persecution  of  Herod, 
she  is  sinil  lo  have  been  Ih'is  wonderfully  preserved: — Elizabeth  alsc 
tinning  ifml  fur  son  .Ii  hn  una  about  lobe  searched  for,  took  him  and 
a  i  'if  i, j.  into  the  mountains,  and  looked  around  for  a  place  to  hide  him  , 
and  tin  re  a  at  no  secret  place  to  be  found.  '1'hen  she  groaned  within  her- 
teff,  and  mid,  '  O  mountain  of  the  Lord,  receive  the  mother  with  the 
child,'  For  Elizabeth  could  nut  climb  up.  And  instantly  the  mountain 
was  divided  and  ruined  ilnm.  And  there  appeared  an  angel  of  the 
Lard  to  preserve  them."a  Various  niirat  les  are  said  to  be  wrought  both 
by  Mary  and  her  son,  particularly  by  the  latter,  who  is  represented  as 
employing  his  powers  lo  assist  Joseph  in  hia  trade  (he  being  but  a  bung- 
ling carpenter),  especially  when  he  had  made  articles  of  furniture  of 
wrong  dimensions.M  The  various  silly  miracles  attributed  to  the 
n[Misiles  throughout  these  writings,  are  so  many  arguments  to  prove 
that  the  compilations  containing  them  are  BpocA  phnl, — or  more  cor- 
rectly, spurious  ;  and  that  they  are  ruber  the  productions  ol  the  weak 
c*t  Of  men,  who  were  fondly  <  red u Ions  of  every  report,  and  had  not 

discretion  enough  to  distinguish  between  sense  and  nonsense,  or 
between  Ihtl  which  was  credible  and  that  which  was  uticrly 
unworthy  of  credit!  or  else  that  these  compilations  are  the  nrtl'ul 
Contrivance  Of  some  who  were  more  zealous  than  holiest,  aid  who 
thought  by  these  strange  stories  to  gain  credit  lo  their  new  religion. 

4.  Things  are  mentioned,  -which  are.  later  than  the  time  in 
■which  the  author  lived,  whose  name  the  book  bears. 

Thus  ihe  epistle  under  the  name  of  our  Saviour  to  A  ogams'5  is 
manifestly  a  forgery,  for  it  relates  that  to  have  been  done  %y  (  hritt 
ninth  timid  not  possibly  have  oeen  done  till  a  considerable  timi  after 
Christ' t  tucenrion.  Thus,  in  the  beginning  of  the  epistle  a  jrassage  it 
cited  'ml  if  Si  John's  Gospel,  which  wus  not  written  till  a  eonnucrable 
time  after  our  Lord's  ascension:  ihe  words  are,  Abgarus,  you  arehatrpy, 
forasmuch  as  ycu  have  believed  on  me  whom  you  hair  „,  (  seen  ;  lor  it 
is  written  concerning  me,  That  those  who  hive  seen  me  thould  not 
believe  on  me.  that  they  who  have  not  seen  might  believe  and  live.  This 
is  a  manifest  allusion  to  those  words  of  our  Saviour  to  Thomas  (John 
xx.  29),  Blessed  are  they  who  have  not  seen,  and  yet  have  believed. 
lb  n-  indeed  tint  which  the  epistle  says  is  written  concerning  Christ, 
bin  in  no  other  passage  of  the  New  Testament.  The  same  proof  ol 
forgery  occurs  in  the  Gospel  of  Nieodemus,16  in  which  the  Jews  style 
Pilate,  your  highness, — a  title  which  was  not  known  lo  Ihe  Jews  or 
used  among  ihem  nt  that  time;— in  the  story  of  Christ  going  down 
into  hell  to  recover  and  bring  thence  the  patriarchs ;'"— in  ihe  profound 
veneration  paid  lo  Ine  sign  of  the  cross,  particularly  ihe  prnciice 
of  signing  with  the  sign  of  Ihe  cross,  which  is  here  said  to  be  done 
by  Channus  and  Lenthius,'8  before  ihey  enter  upon  their  relation 
of  the  divine  mysteries : — and  in  Christ's  making  ihe  sign  of  Ihe  cross 
upon  Adam  and  upon  all  the  saints  in  hell19  before  hedelivered  ihem 
from  that  stale.  It  is  to  lie  observed  that  ihe  practice  of  signing  with 
the  cross,  though  very  common  in  ihe  fourth  and  following  centuries, 
was  not  at  all  known  till  towards  the  end  of  the  second  renlurv.  when 
it  was  mentioned  by  Tertullian.  Similar  anachronisms  are  pointed  out 
by  Mr.  Jones  in  various  parts  of  his  New  Method  of  settling  the  Ca- 
nonical Authority  of  the  New  Testament,  to  which  want  of  room 
compels  us  necessarily  to  refer  the  reader.  See  also  $  1.  p.  363.  supra, 
for  some  additional  instances  of  anachronism. 

5.  The  style  of  the  authors  of  the  JYew  Testament,  tee  have 
already  seen?®  is  an  indisputable  proof  of  its  authenticity. 
Whereas  the  style  of  the  pseudo-evangelical  compilations  it 
total!//  different  from,  or  contrary  to,  that  of  the  genuine 
•writings  of  the  author  or  authors  -whose  names  they  hear. 
Every  page  of  the.  apocryphal  .Ve-w  Testament  confirms  this 
remark- ;  but  especially  the  pretended  gospel  of  JVicodemur, 
and  the  epistles  of  Paul  to  Seneca. 

"  Prnt  rvnngclion,  vvi.  3 — 8.     Apoc.  New  Test.  p.  19. 

14  Ami  Joseph,  wheresoever  be  went  in  the  city,  look  the  Lord  Jesus 
with  him.  where  be  was  sent  for  to  work,  to  make  gales  or  milk-pails,  oi 
sums,  or  I"  Jesus  was  wilh  him,  wheresoever  he  went. 

Anil  as  often  as  Joseph  bad  any  thing  in  his  work  to  make  longer  or 
shorter;  or  wider  or  narrower,  ihe  Lord  Jesus  would  stretch  his  hand 
towards  it,  ami  presently  it  became  as  Joseph  would  have  it;  so  (bat  he 
had  no  nee. I  to  finish  any  thing  with  his  own  hands,  for  he  was  not  very 
skilful  at  his  carpenter's  trade.  On  a  certain  time  the  king  of  Jerusalem 
sent  for  Mm  and  said,  '  I  would  have  thee  make  me  a  throne,  of  ihe  same 
dimensions  with  that  place  in  which  I  com.nonly  si..'  Joseph  obeyed,  anil 
forthwith  began  ihe  work,  and  continued  two  years  in  the  king's  palace, 
be  finished  it.  And  when  he  came  to  fix  it  in  its  place,  he  found  it 
wanted  two  spans  on  each  side  of  the  appointed  measure.  Which  when  the 
king  saw,  he  was  very  angry  with  Joseph  :  and  Joseph,  afraid  of  the  king's 
anger,  weni  to  bed  without  Ills  supper,  taking  not  any  thing  to  eat.  Then 
the  I. or. I  Jesus  asked  him,  '  What  be  was  afraid  of?  '  Joseph  replied,  '  Re. 
cause  1  have  lost  my  labour  in  the  work  Which  I  have  been  about  these  iwo 
years.'  Jesus  said  to  him,  'Fear  not,  neither  be  cast  d<  wn  :  do  it  ou  lay  hold 
on  one  side  of  the  throne,  and  I  will  the  other,  and  we  will  bring  it  to  its  just 
dimensions  '  And  when  Joseph  had  done  as  the  Lord  Jesus  said,  and  esch 
of  them  had  with  strength  drawn  his  side,  the  throne  obeyed  and  was 
brought  lo  t'ie  proper  dimensions  of  the  place:  which  miracle,  when  they 
who  stood  bv  saw,  they  were  astonished,  and  praised  Rod.  The  throne 
was  made  of  the  same  wood  which  was  in  being  in  Solomon's  time,  viz. 
wood  adorned  with  various  shapes  and  figures  "  1  Infancy  xvi.  (xxxviii 
xxxix.  of  the  chapters  adopted  byJones  and  oiher  writers)  Apoc.  N.T.  p.  3« 

»•  Apoc.  New  Test.  p.  44.  -  Nicoderaus  i.  7.    Ibid.  p.  46 

»  Ibid,  xvii—  xix.  pp.  65—67.  '•  Ibid,  xii  24.  p.  61. 

«•  Ibid.  xix.  11.  *°  See  pp.  4a  49  supra. 


440 


ON  THE  APOCRYPHAL  BOOKS 


[App.  No.  1 


(1.)  The  nan*,*  given  in  the  pseudo-gospel  of  Nicodemus  to  those 
who  are  represented  as  being  Jews,  are  not  Jewish,  but  either  Greek, 
Roman,  or  of  other  foreign  countries.  Such  are  the  names  of  Summas, 
Datam,  Alexander,  Cyrus,'  Asterius,  Anionius,  Carus  or  Cyrus,  Crip- 
pas  or  Crispus,2  Charinus,  and  Lenihius,3  which  evidently  indicate 
imposture.  Further,  ihe  Gospel  of  Nicodemus  is  not  extant  in  Greek: 
that  which  is  now  extant  is  evidently  a  translation  into  very  bald  and 

DarbarouR  Latin.4  ...      ,     ,  ,      r  ,  r        ,, 

(2.)  Nothing  can  be  more  unlike  the  known  style  of  Ihe  confessedly 
genuine  episiles,  than  is  the  style  of  the  spurious  epistles  bearing  the 
names  of  Paul  and  Seneca,  in  the  apocryphal  New  Testament.5 
This  is  so  obvious  to  every  one  who  is  at  all  acquainted  with  those 
two  writers,  that  it  is  unnecessary  to  multiply  examples.  The  epistles 
attributed  to  Paul  have  not  the  least  vestige  of  his  gravity,  but  are 
rather  compliments  and  instructions.  Further,  the  subscriptions 
of  the  letters  are  very  unlike  those  used  by  the  supposed  authors  in 
their  genuine  epistles.  Thus,  in  the  first  epistle  of  Seneca,  the  sub- 
scription is,  Bene  te  valere,  f rater,  cupio,  I  wish  your  welfare,  my 
brother,6 — which  was  an  appellation  exclusively  in  use  among  Chris- 
tians. And  in  Paul's  fifth  epistle  to  Seneca,  he  concludes  with, 
Vale,  devtoissime  magisler, — Farewell,  most  respected  master  f  which 
is  not  only  contradictory  to  Paul's  usual  mode  of  concluding  his  let- 
ters, but  also  most  barbarous  Latinity,  such  as  did  not  exist  in  the 
Roman  language  till  several  hundred  years  after  the  time  of  Paul 
and  Seneca. 

6.  The  apocryphal  books  ascribed  to  the  apostles  and  evan- 
gelists contain  direct  contradictions  to  authentic  history  beth 
sacred  and  profane. 

Thus,  in  the  beginning  of  the  epistle  of  Abgarus,8  that  monarch 
is  made  to  confess  his  faith  in  Christ  as  God,  and  as  the  Son  of  God  ; 
in  the  latter  part  he  invites  Christ  to  dwell  with  him  in  his  city,  be- 
cause of  the  malice  of  the  Jews,  who  intended  him  mischief.  Now 
this  is  a  plain  contradiction ;  for  had  he  really  thought  him  God,  he 
must  certainly  think  him  possessed  of  Almighty  power,  and  conse- 
quently to  be  in  no  need  of  the  protection  of  his  city.  This  seems  to 
be  as  clear  a  demonstration  as  subjects  of  this  sort  are  capable  of  re- 
ceiving ;  nor  are  we  aware  of  any  objection  that  can  be  made, 
unless  it  be  that  Peter,  who  had  confessed  him  to  be  the  Son  of  God 
(Malt.  xvi.  16.),  yet  when  he  came  to  be  apprehended  thought  it 
necessary  to  interpose  with  human  force  to  attempt  his  rescue. 
(Matt.  xxvi.  51.  compared  with  John  xviii.  10.)  To  which  it  is  easy  to 
answer,  that  whatever  opinion  Peter,  or  indeed  any  of  the  apostles, 
had  of  Christ  before  this  time,  they  seem  now  to  have  changed  it, 
and  by  the  prospects  of  his  danger  and  death  to  have  grown  cool  in 
their  opinion  of  his  Almighty  power,  else  they  would  never  all  have 
forsaken  him  at  his  crucifixion,  as  they  did.  But  nothing  of  this  can 
be  supposed  in  the  case  of  Abgarus,  who  cannot  be  imagined  to  have 
altered  his  sentiments  in  the  interval  of  writing  so  short  an  epistle. 

Again,  several  parts  of  the  above-cited  letters,  vihich  profess  to  be  ad- 
dressed to  Seneca,  suppose  Paul  to  have  been,  at  the  time  of  writing,  at 
Rome  :  whereas  others  imply  the  contrary.  That  he  was  then  at  Rome 
is  implied  in  the  first  words  of  the  first  letter,  in  which  Seneca  tells 
Paul,  that  he  supposed  he  had  been  told  the  discourse  that  passed  the 
day  before  between  !:im  and  Lucilius  by  some  Christians  who  were 
present:  as  also  in  the  first  words  of  Paul's  Epistle,  and  that  part  of 
Seneca's  second,  where  he  tells  rvm,  He  would  endeavour  to  intro- 
duce him  to  Caesar,  and  that  he  would  confer  with  him,  and  rend 
over  together  some  parts  of  his  writings  ;  and  in  that  part  of  Paul's 
second,  where  he  hopes  for  Seneca's  company,  and  in  several  other 
places.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  several  parts  of  the  letters  suppose 
Paul  not  at  Rome,  as  where  Seneca  (Kpist.  iii.)  complains  of  his  stay- 
ing so  long  away,  and  both  Paul  and  Seneca  are  made  to  date  their 
letters,  when  such  and  such  persons  were  consuls  :  see  Paul's  fifth  and 
sixth,  and  Seneca's  sixth,  seventh,  and  eighth  epistles.  Now,  had 
they  both  been  in  the  same  citv,  nothing  can  be  more  unreasonable 
than  to  suppose  that  they  would  have  dated  thus :  what  need  could 
there  be  to  inform,  each  other  who  were  consuls?  Paul,  therefore, 
Is  supposed  to  be  and  not  to  be  at  Rome  at  the  same  time,  which  is  a 
manifest  contradiction.  Besides  this  contradiction,  the  very  dating  of 
their  letters  by  consulships  seems  to  be  no  small  evidence  of  their 
spuriousness,  because  it  was  a  thing  utterly  unknown  that  any  person 
ever  did  so  ;  nor  does  one  such  instance  occur  in  the  epistles  of  Sene- 
ca, Cicero,  or  any  other  writer.  To  which  we  may  a,ld,  that,  in  these 
letters,  there  are  several  mistakes  in  the  names  of  the  consuls  who 
are  mentioned  ;  which  clearly  prove  that  these  epistles  could  not 
aave  been  written  by  Paul  and  Seneca.  Another  circumstance 
which  proves  the  epistles  ascribed  to  the  Apostle  to  be  a  gross  forge- 
ry, is  that  the  latter  is  introduced  as  intreating  Seneca  not  to  venture 
to  say  any  thing  more  concerning  him  or  the  Christian  religion  to 
Nero,  lest  he  should  offend  him.9  Now  it  is  utterly  improbable  that 
Paul  would  obstruct  Seneca  in  his  intentions  of  recommending  Chris- 
tianity to  the  emperor  Nero;  and  it  is  directly  contrary  to  his  known 
and  constant  zeal  and  endeavours  for  its  propagation.  Would  lie  not 
rather  have  rejoiced  in  so  probable  an  opportunity  of  spreading  the 
Knowledge  of  Christ,  and  by  the  means  of  one  so  near  to,  and  so 
much  in  favour  with,  the  emperor,  have  procured  the  liberty  for 
himself  and  the  other  Christian  converts  of  exercising  their  religion 
fieely?  To  imagine  the  contrary  is  to  suppose  the  Apostle  at  once 
Infective  in  his  regards  to  himself  and  the  whole  body  of  Christians, 

•  Nicodemus  i.  1.    Apoc.  New  Test.  p.  45.  »  Ibid.  ii.  12.  p.  47. 

» Ibid.  xii.  24.  xxi.  pp.  61.  69.  *  Jones  on  the  Canon,  vol.  ii.  p.  352. 

»  Apoc.  New  Test.  pp.  74— 78.         •  Ibid.  p.  75.  '  Ibid.  p.  77. 

Ibid  p  44.  •  Bpist.  viii.  Apoc.  New  Test.  p.  76. 


and  acting  in  direct  contradiction  to  the  whole  of  his  conduct,  and 
zealous  endeavours  to  advance  the  interests  of  Christianity.  But,  be 
sides,  it  has  happened  here,  as  commonly  in  such  cases:  want  ot 
memory  betrays  the  forgery.  Although  the  author,  so  unlike  Paul, 
in  this  place  wishes  not  to  discover  the  Christian  religion  to  the  em- 
peror, yet  in  another  epistle,  viz.  the  sixth  of  Paul,  he  is  made  to 
advise  Seneca  to  take  convenient  opportunities  of  insinuating  the 
Christian  religion  and  things  in  favour  of  it,  to  Nero  and  his  family  - 
than  which  nothing  can  be  a  more  manifest  contradiction. 

Similar  gross  and  glaring  contradictions  occur  in  the  Gospel  oi 
Nicodemus.  To  instance  only  one  or  two,  which  are  very  notorious. 
In  chap.  ii.  14, 10  the  twelve  men,  Eliezer,  Asterius,  Antonius,  &c.  de- 
clare themselves  to  be  no  proselytes,  but  born  Jews ;  when  Pilate 
tendered  them  an  oath,  and  would  have  had  them  swear  by  the  life 
of  Caesar,  they  refused,  because,  they  say,  we  have  a  law  that  forbids 
our  swearing,  and  makes  it  sinful  to  swear;  yet,  in  ch.  iv.  7.  the 
elders,  scribes,  priests,  and  Levites  are  brought  in  swearing  by  the 
life  of  Caesar  without  any  scruple ;"  and  in  ch.  ii.  23. 12  they  make  others, 
who  were  Jews,  swear  by  the  God  of  Israel ;  and  Pilate  gives  an 
oalh  to  a  whole  assembly  of  the  scribes,  chief  priests,  &c.  ch.  xxii.  3.13 
This  seems  a  manifest  contradiction.  Another  is,  that  in  ch.  xi.  15.'* 
Pilate  is  introduced  as  making  a  speech  to  the  Jews,  in  which  he 
gives  a  true  and  just  abstract  of  the  Old  Testament  history  relating 
to  the  Israelites,  viz.  what  God  had  done  for  them,  and  how  lhey  had 
behaved  themselves  to  him.  Whereas  the  same  Pilate,  ch.  xxiii.  2.15, 
is  made  to  be  perfectly  ignorant  of  the  Bible,  and  only  to  have  heaid 
by  report  that  there  was  such  a  book  ;  nor  can  it  be  said,  that  Pilate 
here  only  refers  to  the  Bible  kept  in  the  temple  ;  for  the  mariner  ol 
speech  shows  he  was  ignorant  of  the  contents  of  the  book  :  I  have 
heard  you  have  a  certain  book,  &c.  and  this  is  in  itself  very  probable. 

Further,  this  book  contains  many  things  contrary  to  known  truths. 
Such  indeed  is  the  whole  of  it,  besides  what  is  taken  out  of  our  pre- 
sent genuine  Gospels.  Who,  for  instance,  will  credit  the  long  story, 
ch.  xv. — xviii.16  of  Christ's  going  down  to  hell,  and  all  the  romantic 
fabulous  relations  of  what  happened  in  consequence  of  it?  Who  will 
believe  that  Christ  there  signed  Adam  ond  the  Patriarchs  with  the 
sign  of  the  cross,  and  that  all  the  holy  Patriarchs  were  in  hell  till 
that  time  ?  &c.  Besides,  in  other  places  there  are  notorious  falsehoods ; 
as  that  is,  to  make  the  Jews  understand  our  Saviour  as  saying,  that 
he  would  destroy  Solomon's  templ-e,  ch.  iv.  4.17,  which  they  could  not 
but  know  had  been  destroyed  several  hundred  years  before.  To 
make  the  name  Centurio  to  be  the  proper  name  of  a  man  who  came 
to  Christ,  when  it  is  certain  it  was  the  name  of  his  post  or  office,  &c. 
To  make  the  words  of  Paul,  1  Cor.  xv.  55.,  O  death,  where  is  thy 
sting  ?  O  grave,  where  is  thy  victory  ?  to  be  the  words  of  Isaiah,  ch. 
xxi. ;  and  to  make  Simeon  (ch.  xvi.  and  xvii.)  to  be  a  high  priest, 
which  it  is  certain  he  was  not. 

7.  The  striking  contrast  bettveen  truth  and  falsehood  is 
naturally  heightened,  -when  those  passages  come  tinder  con- 
sideration ivhich  are  borrowed  from  the  genuine  Scriptures, 
and,  with  more  or  less  deviation  from  the  original,  adapted  to 
the  purposes  of  the  apocryphal  -writers. I8 

Thus,  the  simple  fact  contained  in  Matt.  i.  19.  is  expanded  through 
a  chapter  and  a  half  of  the  prot-evangelion.'9  Ag:iin,  ihe  plain  narra- 
tive of  Luke  ii.  16.  is  not  thought  sufficient  for  the  great  event,  which 
was  just  before  related,  and  accordingly  it  is  thus  improved  in  the 
Gospel  of  the  Infancy  : — "  After  this,  when  the  shepherds  came,  and 
had  made  a  fire,  and  they  were  exceedingly  rejoicing,  the  heavenly 
host  appeared  to  them,  praising  and  adoring  the  supreme  God ;  and 
as  the  shepherds  were  engaged  in  the  same  employment,  the  cave  at 
that  time  seemed  like  a  glorious  temple,  because  both  the  tongues  of 
angels  and  men  united  to  adore  and  magnify  God,  on  account  of  the 
birth  of  the  Lord  Christ.  But  when  the  old  Hebrew  woman  saw  el 
these  evident  miracles,  she  gave  praises  to  God,  and  said,  1  thuitk  thee 
O  Gcd,  thou  God  of  Israel,  for  that  mine  eyes  have  seen  the  birth  of  the 
Saviour  of  the  world.'"10  The  short  and  interesting  account  which  is 
given  by  the  genuine  evangelist  at  the  end  of  the  same  chapter,  is 
considered,  by  ihe  author  of  a  spurious  Gospel,  as  by  no  means  ade- 
quate to  the  great  dignity  of  our  Saviour's  character,  nor  calculated  to 
satisfy  the  jist  curiosity  of  pious  Christians.  We  are  therefore  in- 
formed, that  Jesus  in  his  conference  with  the  doctors  in  the  temple, 
after  explaining  the  books  of  the  law,  and  unfe'ding  the  mysteries 
contained  in  the  prophetical  writings,  exhibited  a  knowledge  no  lees 
profound  of  astronomy,  medicine,  and  natural  history.21    Hence,  too, 

»«  Apoc.  New  Test.  p.  48.  "  Ibid.  p.  49.  »  Ibid.  p.  61. 

•»  Ibid.  p.  70.         »«  Ibid.  p.  53.        •  »  Ibid,  pp.69,  70.      >s  Ibid.  pp.  63— 86. 

"  Ibid.  p.  49.  »»  Bp.  Maltby's  Illustration,  pp.  48,  49. 

««Ch.  xiii.  xiv.  of  the  edition  of  Fabricius,  but  x.  xi.  of  the  Apoc.  N.  T. 
pp.  14,  15. 

*> Infancy,  i.  19 — 21.  (iv.  of  Fabricius' s  edition).     Apoc.  New  Tes.  p.  22. 

oi  Gospel  of  the  Infancy  (li.  Iii.  of  Fabricius),  xx.  xxi.  of  Apoc.  New  Tes- 
tament, pp.  39—41.  The  latter  part  is.so  curious,  and  forms  such  a  contrast 
to  the  sober  narrative  of  the  sacred  historians,  and  indeed  of  all  serious 
history,  that  we  cannot  resist  the  temptation  of  transcribing  it.  "  When  a 
certaiii  astronomer  who  was  present  asked  the  Lord  Jesus,  'Whethei 
he  had  studied  astronomy  V  The  Lord  Je^us  replied,  and  told  him  the 
number  of  the  spheres  and' heavenly  bodies,  and  also  their  triangular, 
square,  and  sextile  aspect ;  their  progressive  and  retrograde  motion ;  their 
size,  and  several  prognostications;  and  other  things,  which  the  reason  ot 
man  had  never  discovered.  There  was  also  among  them  a  philosophe*. 
well  skilled  in  physic  and  natural  philosophy,  who  asked  the  Lord  Jesus 
'Whether  he  had  studied  physic 7'  He  replied,  and  explained  to  him 
physirs  and  metaphysics,  also  those  things  which  were  above  and  below 
Ihe  power  of  nature;  the  powers  also  of  the  body,  its  humours,  and  their 
effects ;  also  the  number  of  its  members,  and  bones,  veins,  arteries,  and 
nerves  :  the  several  constitutions  of  body,  hot  and  dry,  cold  and  moist,  and 


4PP   No.  I.] 


OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 


441 


in  the  Gospel  attributed  to  Nicodemus.  the  particulars  of  our  Saviour's 
trial  are  enumerated  most  fully,  the  testimony  of  the  witnesses  l«>tli 
for  and  against  him  is  given  at  large,  and  the  expostulations  of  Pilate 
with  the  Jews  are  recorded  with  a  minuteness  equal  to  their  imagined 
importance.  And  as,  in  the  genuine  history  of  these  transactions)  the 
Roman  governor  is  reported  to  have  put  a  question  of  considerable 
moment,  to  which  our  Saviour  vouchsafed  no  anawer,  or  llio  evan- 
gelists have  failed  to  record  it,  those  falsifiers  have  thought  proper  to 
supply  so  essential  a  defect.  "  IMate  snub  onto  him,  What  it  truth  t 
Jesus  said,  Truth  is  from  heaven.  Pilate  said,  Therefore  truth  is  nut 
en  earth!  Jettll  sailh  unto  Pilate,  Believe  that  truth  in  on  earth, 
among  those  who,  when  they  have,  the  power  of  judgment,  are  governed 
by  truth,  and  form  right  judgment."1 

In  the  prot-evangelion,  there  are  not  fewer  than  twelve  circum- 
stances stolen  from  the  canonical  books,  and  in  the  Gospel  of  tho 
birth  of  Mary  fir  rirriimitfinn— f  and  by  fiir  the  greater  part  of  the 
pretended  Gospel  of  Nicodemus  is  transcribed  and  Stolen  from  other 
books.  Nothing  can  bo  more  evident  to  anyone  who  is  acquainted  with 
the  sacred  books,  and  has  read  this  Gospel,  than  that  a  great  part  of  it  is 
borrowed  and  stolen  from  them.  Every  such  person  must  perceive, 
that  the  greatest  part  of  the  history  of  our  Saviour's  trial  is  taken  out 
of  our  present  Gospels,  not  only  because  it  is  a  relation  of  the  same 
facts  and  circumstances,  but  also  in  the  very  same  words  and  order 
for  the  most  part;  and  though  this  may  be  supposed  to  have  happened 
accidentally,  yet  it  is  next  to  impossible  to  suppose  a  constant  likeness 
jf  expression,  not  only  to  one,  but  sometimes  to  one,  and  sometimes  to 
another  of  our  evangelists.  In  short,  the  author  seems  to  have  de- 
signed a  sort  of  abstract  or  compendium  of  all  which  he  found  most 
considerable  to  Ins  purpose  in  our  four  Gospels;  though  he  has  but 
awkwardly  enough  put  it  together.3 

But  the  most  flagrant  instance,  pcihaps,  of  fraudulent  copying 
from  the  canonical  books,  is  to  be  found  in  the  pretended  epistle 
of  Paul  to  the  Laodiccans,  almost  every  verse  of  which  is  taken 
from  the  great  apostle's  genuine  writings,  as  will  appear  from  the 
following  collation,  which  is  taken  from  Mr.  Jones's  work  on  the 
Canon,'  whose  translation  is  reprinted  without  acknowledg- 
ment in  the  Apocryphal  New  Testament.5 

The  Epistle  of  St.  Paul  to  the  Ija-     The  places  in  St.  Paul's  genuine 

odiceans.  F.nistles,   especially  that  to  the 

Philippians,  out  of  which    this 

to  the  Laodiccans  was  compiled. 

1.  Paul  an  apostle,  not  of  men,  1.  Galat.  i.  1.  Paul  an  apostle, 
neither  by  man,  but  by  Jesus  not  of  men,  neither  by  man,  but 
Christ,  to  the  brethren  which  are    by  Jesus  Christ,  &c. 

at  Laodicea. 

2.  Grace  be  to  you,  and  peace  2.  Galat.  i.  3.  Grace  be  tovou, 
from  God  the  Father,  and  our  and  peace  from  God  the  Father, 
Lord  Jesus  Christ.  and  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.     See 

the  same  also,  Rom.  i.  7.  1  Cor.  i. 
3.  2  Cor.  i.  2.  Eph.  i.  2.  Phil.  i.  2. 
Col.i.  2.  IThess.  i.2.  2Thess.i.  2. 

3.  I  thank  Christ  in  every  pray-        3.  Phil.  i.  3.     I   thank  mv  God 
er  of  mine,  that  ye  continue  and    upon  every  remembrance  rif  you, 
persevere  in  good  works,  looking    for  your  fellowship  in  the  Gospel, 
for  that  which  is  promised  in  the    from  the  first  day  until  now,  & c. 
day  of  judgment 

4.  Let  not  the  vain  speeches  of       4.  Galat.  i.  7.    There  be  some 
any  trouble  yon.  who  pervert  the    that  trouble  you,  and  would  per- 
truth,   that   they   may  draw  you    vert  the  Gospel  of  Christ,  &c. 
aside  from  the  truth  of  the  Gospel 

whieh  I  have  preached. 

5.  And  now  may  God  grant, 
Jiat  my  converts  mav  attain  to  a 
perfect  knowledge  of  the  truth  of 
the  Gospel,  be  beneficent,  and  do- 
ing good  works  which  accompany 
salvation. 

6.  And  now  my  bonds,  which  I  6.  Phil.  i.  13.  My  bonds  in 
suffer   in   Christ  are  manifest,  in    Christ  are  manifest. 

which  I  rejoice,  and  am  zlad 

7.  For  1  know  that  this  shall  7.  Phil.  i.  19.  For  I  know  that 
.urn  to  mv  salvation  for  ever,  this  shall  turn  to  my  salvation 
*hich  shall  be  through  your  prav-  through  vour  prayer,  and  the  sup- 
er, and   the  supply  of  the  Holy  ply  of  the  Spirit. 

(Spirit. 

8  Whether  I  live  or  die;  (for)  8.  Phil.  i.  20.  21.  Whether  it 
to  me  to  live  shall  he  a  life  to  be  bv  life  or  death,  for  me  to  live 
Christ,  to  die  will  be  jov.  is  Christ,  lo  die  is  train. 

9  And  our  Lord  will  grant  us  9.  Phil.  ii.  2.     That  he  be  like- 
his  merer,  that  ye  may  have  the  minded,  having  the  same  love, 
same  love,  and  bo  like  minded. 

10.  Wherefore,  my  beloved,  n?  10.  Phil.  ii.  12.  Wherefore,  my 
ye  have  heard  of  the  coming  of    beloved,  as  ye  have  always  obey- 

*Ae  tendencies  of  them:  liow  the  soul  operated  upon  the  bmly  ;  what  its 
rarious  sensations  and  faculties  were  :  tho  fnculiv  of  speaking,'  anger,  de- 
sire; and,  lastly,  the  manner  of  its  composition  and  dissolution;  and  other 
things  which  the  understanding  of  no  rreamre  had  ever  reached.  Then 
that  philosopher  arose,  and  worshipped  the  Lord  Jesus,  and  said,  '  O  Lord 
Jesus,  from  henceforth  I  will  be  thy  disciple  and  servant.' '' 
»  Gospel  of  Nicodemus  iii.  11— 11.    Apoc.  New  Test.  p.  4S. 

*  They  are  enumerated  by  Mr.  Jones,  on  the  Canon,  vol.  ii.  pp.  153—156. 

*  See  Jones  on  tho  Canon,  vol.  ii.  pp.  310,  350,  whore  the  above  remark  is 
•onfirmed  bv  many  examp'es. 

«  ▼ol.  u.  pp.  33—35.  »  Apoe.  New  Test.  pp.  73,  74. 


the  Lord,  so  think  and  act  in  fear,    ed,  &c.  work  out  your  salvation 
and  it  shall  be  to  you  life  eternal ;    with  fear  ; 

11.  For  it  is  God,  who  workelh  11.  Phil.  ii.  13.  For  it  is  God 
in  you  ;  who  worketh  in  you. 

12.  And  do  all  things  without  12.  Phil.  ii.  14.  Do  all  things 
sin.  without  murmuring,  &c.  ver.  15. 

that  ye  may  be  blameless. 

13.  And  what  is  best,  my  be-        13.    Phil.   iii.    1.     Finally,    my 
loved,   rejoice   in  ihc   Lord  Jesus    brethren,  rejoice  in  the  Lord. 
Christ,  and  avoid  all  filthy  lucre. 

14.  Let  all  your  requests  be  14.  Phil.  iv.  6.  Let  your  ro- 
made  kaown  to  God,  and  be  quests  be  made  known  unto  God. 
steady  in  the  doctrine  of  Christ. 

15.  And  whatsoever  things  are  15.  Phil.  iv.  8.  Whalsoevei 
sound,  and  true,  and  of  good  re-  things  are  honest,  whalsoevei 
port,  and  chaste,  arid  just,  and  things  are  just,  whatsoever  things 
lovely,  these  things  do.  are  pure,  whatsoever  things  are 

lovely,  whatsoever  things  are  of 

good  report.  &c. 

10.  Those  things  which  ye  have        16.    Phil.  iv.  9.     Those   things 

neard,    and    received,    think    on    winch  ye  have  both  learned  and 

these  things,  and   peace  shall  be    received,  and  heard  and  seen, — 

with  you.  do,  and  the  God  of  peace  shall  be 

with  you. 

17.  All  the  saints  salute  you.  17.  Phil.  iv.  22.     All  the  saints 

salute  you 

18.  The  trace  of  our  Lord  Je-  18.  Galat.  vi.  18.  The  grace  of 
siis  Christ  be  with  your  spirit,  our  Lord  Jesus  be  with  your  spirit 
Amen.  Amen. 

19.  Cause  this  epistle  to  he  read  19.  Col.  iv.  16,  And  when  this 
to  the  Coloesians,  and  the  Episile  Epistle  is  road  amongst  you,  cause 
of  the  Colossians  to  be  read  among  that  it  be  read  also  in  the  church 
you.  of  the   Laodiceans,  arid    that   ys 

likewise    read    the    Epistle    from 
Laodicea. 

8.  Lastly,  as  the  credibility  of  the  genuine  bookt  of  tht 
JYew  Testament  is  established  by  the  accounts  of  countries, 
governors,  princes,  people,  &c.  therein  contained,  being  con- 
firmed by  the  relations  of  contemporary  -writers,  both  friends 
and  enemies  to  Christians  and  Christianity  (and  especially 
by  the  relations  of  hostile  -writers J;  so  the  spuriousness  of  the 
pseudo-evangelical  -writings  is  demonstrated  by  their  contain- 
ing onoss  FAi-SKHoons,  and  statements  -which  are  contrudicteo 
by  the  7iarrutives  of  those  writers  -who  -were  contemporary  -with 
the  supposed  authors  of  them. 

Thus,  in  the  fourth  of  Seneca's  epistles  to  Paul,B  we  read  that  tht 
emperor  (Nero)  was  delighted  and  surprised  at  the  thought*  and  senti- 
ments in  Paul's  epistle,  to  the  Churches;  and  in  the  fourth  of  Paul's 
epistle  to  the  philosopher,7  that  the  en-peror  is  both  an  admirer  and 
favourer  of  Christianity.  These  assertions  are  notoriously  false,  and 
contrary  to  the  unanimous  relations  of  heathen  and  Chrisiian  writer* 
concerring  Nero  and  his  regard  to  ihe  Christians.  The  Gospel  of 
Mary  c,  'tains  at  least  two  gross  falsehoods  and  contradictions  to  his- 
torical fact;  and  not  fewer  than  seven  equally  glaring  instances  exist 
in  the  pseudo-gospel  or  prot-evangelion  of  James;8  six  others  occur  in 
the  two  gospels  of  Christ's  infancy,9  which  relate  things  notoriously 
contrary  to  the  benevolent  design  of  Christ's  miracles,  and  to  his  pure 
and  holy  doctrine,  which  prohibited  revenge,  and  promoted  uriiver 
sal  charity  and  love.  Lastly,  for  it  would  exceed  the  limi's  of  this 
article  (already  perhaps  too  much  extended)  to  specify  all  the  absurd 
falsehoods  contained  in  the  spurious  writings  which  we  have  beer, 
considering; — the  Acts  of  Paul  and  Thecla  directly  falsify  the  doc 
trines  and  practice  of  the  Apostle,  concerning  the  unlawfulness  of 
marriage,  (which  he  is  here  said  to  have  taught,  though  the  reverse 
is  evident  to  the  most  cursory  reader  of  his  epistle);  and  con- 
cerning the  preaching  if  women  ■ — Thecla  being  said  to  be  commis- 
sioned by  him  to  preach  the  gospel,  though  it  was  not  only  contrary 
to  the  practice  of  both  Jews  and  Gentiles,  hut  also  to  St.  Paul's  posi- 
tive commands  in  his  genuine  epistles  10  But  what  proves  the  uttet 
spuriousness  of  these  Acts  of  Paul  and  Thecla,— if  any  further  proof 
were  wanting, — is  the  fact  that  Paul,  whose  life  and  writings  bespeak 
him  to  have  been  a  man  of  unimpeachable  veracity,  is  introduced  in 
them  as  uttering  a  wilful  and  deliberate  lie,  That  he  is  so  introduced 
is  evident;  for  after  an  intimate  acquaintance  between  Paul  and 
Thecla,"  and  their  having  taken  a  journey  together  to  Antioch,12  he 
is  presently  made  to  deny  her,  and  to  tell  Alexander,  I  know  not  the 
woman  of  whom  you  speak,  nor  does  she  belong  to  me.  But  how- 
contrary  this  is  to  the  known  and  true  character  of  St.  Paul  ever)- one 
must  see.  He,  who  so  boldly  stood  up  for  the  defence  of  the  Gospel 
against  all  sorts  of  opposition,  who  hazarded  and  suffered  all  things 
for  the  sake  of  God  arid  a  good  conscience,  which  he  endeavoured  to 
keep  void  of  offence  towards  God  and  man,  most  uiiqucstionahl- 
never  would  so  easily  have  been  betraved  to  so  gross  a  crime,  as  to 
make  a  sacrifice  of  the  credit  of  his  profession,  and  the  peace  of  his 
conscience,  at  once  upon  so  slight  a  temptation  and  provocation.  Nor 
will  it  be  of  any  fore  e  to  object  here,  that  in  the  received  Scriptures 

•  Epist.  viii.  in  Apoc.  New  Test.  p.  76. 
'  Apoc.  New  Test.  p.  76.  epist.  ix. 

•  See  them  specified,  and  the  falsehoods  detected,  in  Joneson  the  Canoa, 
vol.  ii.  pp.  147- 161.  "  ,bid  To1-  "  PP-  ^9-25! 

«•  Jones  on  the  Canon,  vol.  ii.  pp  400—402. 

"  Ch.  xiv.  xvii  — ii.  vi.  of  Apoc.  New  Test.  pp.  90.  84 

'»  Ch.  xix.— vii.  3.  of  Apoc.  New  Test.  p.  84. 


ON  THE  APOCRYPHAL  BOOKS  OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 


142 

Abraham  is  said  twice  to  have  denied  his  wife,  viz.  Gen.  xii.  19.  and 
ix.  2  &c;  as  also  Isaac  is  said  to  have  denied  his,  Gen.  xxvi.  7,  &c.; 
and  in  the  New  Testament  that  Peter  denied  his  Master,  and  declared 
he  did  not  know  hirn,  Matt.  xxvi.  72. ;  for  the  circumstances  are  in 
many  cases  different,  and  especially  in  this,  that  Paul  appeared  now 
in  no  danger  if  he  had  confessed  her ;  or  if  he  had  been  in  danger 
might  have  easily  delivered  himself  from  it;  to  which  we  must  add, 
that  he  had  undergone  a  thousand  more  difficult  trials  for  the  sake  of 
God  and  a  good  conscience,  and  never  was  by  fear  betrayed  into  such 
a  crime.1 

"  Such  are  the  compositions  which  attempted  to  gain  credit,  as  the 
real  productions  of  the  apostles  and  evangelists;  and  so  striking  is 
the  contrast  between  them  and  the  genuine  writings,  whose  style 
they  have  so  successfully  endeavoured  to  imitate.  It  deserves  the 
most  serious  consideration  of  every  one,  who  is  unhappily  prejudiced 
against  Christianity,  or  (what  is  almost  as  fatal)  who  has  hitherto  not 
thought  the  subject  worthy  his  attention,  whether,  if  the  canonical 
books  of  the  New  Testament  had  been  the  productions  of  artifice  or 
delusion,  they  would  not  have  resembled  those  which  are  avowedly 
so,  in  some  of  their  defects.  Supposing  it,  for  a  moment,  to  be  a  mat- 
ter of  doubt,  by  whom  the  canonical  books  were  written;  or  allowing 
•hem  the  credit,  which  is  granted  to  all  other  writings  having  the 
same  external  authority,  that  of  being  written  by  the  authors  whose 
names  they  have  always  borne  ;  upon  either  of  these  suppositions,  the 
writers  of  the  New  Testament  could  not,  either  in  situation  or  attain- 
ment, have  had  any  advantages,  humanly  speaking,  which  the  authors 
of  the  apocryphal  books  were  not  as  likely  to  have  possessed  as  them- 
selves :  consequently,  if  the  first  books  had  been  founded  upon  the 
basis  of  fiction,  it  is  surely  most  probable;  that  subsequent  attempts 
would  have  equalled,  if  not  improved  upon,  the  first  efforts  of  impos- 
ture If,  however,  it  appears,  upon  a  candid  and  close  investigation, 
that  one  set  of  compositions  betrays  no  proofs  of  a  design  to  impose 
apon  others,  and  no  marks  that  the  authors  were  themselves  deceived ; 
while,  on  the  contrary,  the  others  evince  in  every  page  the  plainest 
symptoms  of  mistake  and  fraud  ;  is  it  fair,  is  it  reasonable,  to  ascribe 
to  a  common  origin,  productions  so  palpably  and  essentially  different? 
or,  rather,  is  it  not  more  just,  and  even  philosophical,  to  respect  truth 
in  those  performances,  which  bear  the  fair  stamp  of  her  features  ;  and 
lo  abandon  those,  and  those  only,  to  contempt,  which  have  indubita- 
ble traces  of  imposture  ?"2 

IV.  From  the  preceding  view  of  the  evidence  concerning  the 
apocryphal  productions,  which  have  lately  been  reprinted,  the 
candid  reader  will  readily  be  enabled  to  perceive  how  little  cause 
there  is,  lest  the  credibility  and  inspiration  of  the  genuine  books 
of  the  New  Testament  should  be  affected  by  them.  "  How  much 
soever  we  may  lament  the  prejudice,  the  weakness,  the  wicked- 
ness, or  the  undefinable  hostility  of  those  who  enter  into  warfare 
against  the  interests  of  Christ ;  whatever  horror  we  may  feel  at 
the  boldness  or  the  scurrility  of  some  anti-christian  champions; 
we  feel  no  alarm  at  the  onsets  of  infidelity  in  its  attempts  against 
the  Gospel.  We  knovV  hat  the  cause  of  Revelation  has  sus- 
tained already  every  species  of  assault  which  cunning  could  con- 
trive, of  power  direct.  It  has  had  its  enemies  among  the  igno- 
rant and  among  the  learned,  among  the  base  and  among  the 
noble.  Polite  irony  and  vulgar  ribaldry  have  been  the  weapons 
of  its  assailants.  It  has  had  its  Celsus,  and  its  Porphyry,  and  its 
Julian.  And  what  were  the  effects  of  their  opposition  1  The 
same  as  when  the  '  rulers  and  elders  and  scribes'  united  against 
it — its  purification  and  increase.  It  has  had  its  Bolingbrokes 
and  its  Woolstons,  its  Humes  and  its  Gibbons :  and  what  dis- 
advantages has  it  sustained,  what  injuries  has  it  received  1  Has 
it  lost  any  of  its  pretensions,  or  been  deprived  of  any  portion  of 
its  majesty  and  grace,  by  their  hatred  and  their  hostility  1  Had 
'(hey  a  system  more  credible,  more  pure,  better  comporting  with 
the  wants  of  man,  and  with  the  anticipations  of  everlasting  ex- 
istence, to  enlighten  and  sanctify  man,  and  to  effect  the  regene- 
ration of  the  world,  for  which  they  were  able  to  prevail  on  man- 
kind to  exchange  the  system  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth  1  We  gain 
but  little  from  om  reading,  but  little  from  our  observation,  if  we 
shake  with  the  trepidations  of  fear  when  truth  and  error  are 
combatants.  All  facts  connected  with  the  history  of  the 
Christian  religion  are  confirmations  of  a  Christian's  faith,  that 
the  doctrine  which  he  believes,  will  resist  every  attack,  and  be 
victorious  through  all  opposition.  No  new  weapons  can  be 
forged  by  its  enemies ;  and  the  temper  and  potency  of  those 
which  they  have  so  often  tried,  they  will  try  in  vain.  They  may 
march  to  battle;  but  they  will  never  raise  their  trophies  in  the 
field."3 

» .lories  on  the  Canon,  vol.  ii.  p.  401.  Additional  proofs  of  the  spurious- 
ness  of  the  apocryphal  writings,  ascribed  to  the  apostles,  are  "iven  bv  Bn 
Maltby,  Illust  pp.  57—65.  e  J     v 

»  MaUbv's  Illustrations,  p.  65.         •  Eclectic  Review,  N.  S.  vol.  xv.  p.  163. 


IApp.  No.  I. 


The  apocryphal  pieces  which  have  thus  been  considered,  have 
been  in  circulation  for  ages,  as  were  many  others  of  a  similar 
kind,  which  have  perished,  leaving  only  their  titles  behind  them, 
as  a  memorial  that  they  once  existed.     Many  of  them,  indeed, 
soon  became  extinct,  the  interest  which  was  felt  in  them  not  af- 
fording the  means  of  their  preservation.     But  we  think  that  it  ia 
of  special  importance,  that  some  of   the  spurious   productions 
which  either   the  mistaken  zeal  of  Christians,  or  the  fraud  ot 
persons  who  were  in  hostility  to  the  Gospel,  sent  abroad  iu  the 
primitive  or  in  later  times,  should  have  been  saved  from  destruc- 
tion.    Such  books  as  the   "  Gospel  of  Mary,"   the  "  Prot-evan- 
gelion,"  the  "  Gospel  of  the  Infancy,"  the  "  Gospel  of  Nicodemus," 
"  Paul  and  Thecla,"  &c.  &c.  are  not  only  available  as  means  of 
establishing  the  superior  excellence  of  the  books  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament, in  the  composition  of  which  there  is  the  most  admirable 
combination  of  majesty  with  simplicity,  strikingly  in   contrast 
with   the  puerilities  and  irrationalities  of  the  others  : — but  they 
are  of  great  service  in  augmenting  the  evidences  and  confirming 
the  proof  of  Christianity.4     So  far,  indeed,  are  these  books  from 
militating  in  any  degree  against  the  evangelical  history,  that  on 
the  contrary,  they  most  decidedly  corrobate  it:  for  they  are  writ- 
ten in  the  names  of  those,  whom  our  authentic  Scriptures  state  to 
have   been    apostles   and  companions  of  apostles ;  and  they  all 
suppose  the  dignity  of  our  Lord's  person,  and  that  a  power  of 
working  miracles,  together  with  a  high  degree  of  authority,  was 
conveyed  by  him  to  his  apostles.     It  ought  also  to  be  recollected 
that  few,  if  any,  of  these  books,  were  composed  before  the  begin- 
ning of  the  second  century.     As  they  were  not  composed  before 
that  time,  they  might  well  refer  (as  most  of  them  certainly  do) 
to  the  commonly  received  books  of  the  New  Testament;  and, 
therefore,  instead  of  invalidating  the  credit  of  those  sacred  books, 
they  really  bear  testimony  to  them.     All   these  books  are  not 
properly  spurious  ;  that  is,  ascribed  to  authors  who  did  not  com- 
pose them :  but,  as  they  were  not  composed  by  apostles,  nor  at 
first  ascribed  to  them,  they  may  with  great  propriety  be  termed 
apocryphal:    for  they  have  in  their  titles   the  names  of  apos- 
tles,  and  they  make  a  specious  pretence  of  delivering  a  true 
history   of   their   doctrines,   discourses,   miracles,  and    travels, 
though  thac  history  is  not  true  and  authentic,  and  was  not  writ- 
ten by  any  apostle  or  apostolic  man.      Further,  we  may  account 
for  the  publication  of  these  apocryphal  or  pseudopigraphal  books 
as    they  were  unquestionably  owing  to  the  fame  of   Christ  and 
his  apostles,  and  the  great  success  of  their  ministry.     And  in  this 
respect  the  case  of  the  apostles  of  Jesus  Christ  is  not  singular: 
many  men  of  distinguished  characters  have  had  discourses  made 
for  them,  of  which  they  knew  nothing,  and  actions  imputed  to 
them  which  they  never  performed ;    and   eminent  writers  have 
had  works  ascribed  to  them  of  which  they  were  not  the  authors. 
Thus,  various  orations  were  falsely  ascribed  to  Demosthenes  and 
Lysias;  many  things  were  published  in  the  names  of  Plautus, 
Virgil,  and  Horace,  which  never  were  composed  by  them.     The 
Greek  and  Roman  critics  distinguished  between  the  genuine  and 
spurious  works  of  those  illustrious  writers.     The  same  laudable 
caution  and  circumspection  were  exercised  by  the  first  Christians, 
who  did  not  immediately  receive  every  thing  that  was  proposed 
to  them,  but  admitted  nothing  as  canonical  that  did  not  bear  the 
test   of  being  the  genuine  production  of  the  sacred  writer  with 
whose    name  it  was  inscribed,  or  by  whom  it  professed  to  have 
been  written.       On  this  account  it  was  that  the  genuineness  of 
the  Epistle  to  the   Hebrews,  of  some  of  the  Catholic  Epistles, 
and  of  the  Apocalypse,  was   for  a  short  time  doubted  by  some, 
when  the  other  books  of  the  New  Testament  were  universally 
acknowledged.     Upon  the  whole,  the  books  which  now  are,  and 
for  a  long  time   past  have  been,  termed  apocryphal,  whether  ex- 
tant entire,  or  only  in  fragments, — together  with  the  titles  of  such 
as  are  lost, — are  monuments  of  the  care,  skill,  and  judgment  of 
the  first  Christians,  of  their  presiding  ministers,  and  their  other 
learned  guides  and  conductors.     The  books  in  question  afford  no 
valid  argument  against  cither  the  genuineness  or  the  authority  of 
the  books  of  the  New  Testament,  which  were  generally  received  as 
written  by  the  apostles  and  evangelists  ;   but,  on  the  contrary,  they 
confirm  the  general  accounts  given  us  in  the  Canonical  Scriptures, 
and  thus  indirectly  establish  the  truth  and  divine  authority  of  the 
Everlasting-   Gospel  .'5 

«  Ibid.  p.  164. 

» Gardner's  Works,  vol.  v.  pp.  412—410.  8vo.  ;  or  vol.  iii.  pD.12l— !34.  4to 


.»    itir.  'lVSt'.nn  t  i«n\   i  »r    ihc  9«Ji«ii *T 'JR£S 


443 


No.  II. 

ON   THE  INSPIRATION  OF  THE  HOLY  SCRIPTURES. 


I.  Nature   of  Inspiration.- 


[Referred  to  m  p.  93,  of  this   Volume.] 

-II.    Observations  on  the  Inspiration  of  the  Old  Testament. — III.  And  of  the  JVeie   Testament. — 
IV.    Conclusions  derived  from  these  considerations. 


The  necessity  of  the  divine  inspiration  of  the  sacred  Scrip- 
tures having  been  stated,  and  the  proofs  of  that  inspiration  having 
been  exhibited  at  considerable  length  in  the  preceding  pages,  it 
is  proposed  in  this  place  to  offer  to  the  biblical  student  a  few  ad- 
ditional observations  on  the  nature  and  extent  of  such  inspira- 
tion, the  introduction  of  which  would  have  interrupted  the  chain 
of  argument  in  the  former  part  of  this  volume. 

I.  Inspiration,  in  the  highest  sense,  is  tho  immediate  commu- 
nication of  knowledge  to  the  human  mind  by  the  Spirit  of  God  ; 
but,  as  we  have  already  observed,  it  is  commonly  used  by  divines, 
in  a  less  strict  and  proper  sense,  to  denote  such  a  degree  of  divine 
influence,  assistance,  or  guidance,  as  enabled  the  authors  of  the 
Scriptures  to  communicate  religious  knowledge  to  others,  without 
error  or  mistake,  whether  the  subjects  of  such  communication 
were  things  then  immediately  revealed  to  those  who  declared 
them,  or  things  with  which  they  were  before  acquainted. 

"  Wken  it  is  said,  that  Scripture  is  divinely  inspired,  we  are 
not  to  understand  that  the  Almighty  suggested  every  word,  or 
dictated  every  expression.  From  the  different  styles  in  which 
the  books  arc  written,  and  from  the  different  manner  in  which 
the  same  events  are  related  and  predicted  by  different  authors,  it 
appears  that  the  sacred  penmen  were  permitted  to  write  as  their 
several  tempers,  understandings,  and  habits  of  life,  directed; 
and  that  the  knowledge  communicated  to  them  by  inspira- 
tion on  the  subject  of  their  writings,  was  applied  in  the  same 
manner  as  any  knowledge  acquired  by  ordinary  means.  Nor  is 
it  to  be  supposed  that  they  were  even  thus  inspired  in  every 
fact  which  they  related,  or  in  every  precept  which  they  delivered. 
They  were  left  to  the  common  use  of  their  faculties,  and  did  not, 
upon  every  occasion,  stand  in  need  of  supernatural  communica- 
tion ;  but  whenever,  and  as  far  as  divine  assistance  was  necessary, 
it  was  always  afforded.  In  different  parts  of  Scripture  we  per- 
ceive, that  there  were  different  sorts  and  degrees  of  inspiration. 
God  enabled  Moses  to  give  an  account  of  the  creation  of  the 
world  ;  Joshua  to  record  with  exactness  the  settlement  of  the 
Israelites  in  the  land  of  Canaan;  David  to  mingle  prophetic  in- 
formation with  the  varied  effusions  of  gratitude,  contrition,  and 
piety  ;  Solomon  to  deliver  wise  instructions  for  the  regulation  of 
human  life  ;  Isaiah  to  deliver  predictions  concerning  the  future 
Saviour  of  mankind  ;  Ezra  to  collect  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  into 
one  authentic  volume  :  but  all  these  toorketh  that  one  and  the 
self-same  spirit,  dividing  to  every  man  severally  as  he  will. 
(1  Cor.  xii.  1 1.)  In  like  manner  the  apostles  were  enabled  to  re- 
cord, in  their  own  several  styles  and  ways,  the  life  and  transac- 
tions of  Jesus  Christ.  The  measure  of  assistance  thai  afforded 
to  the  several  writers  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  has  been 
termed  fargpiBATlOU  of  Direction.  In  some  cases,  inspira- 
tion only  produced  correctness  and  accuracy  in  relating  past  oc- 
currences, or  in  reciting  the  words  of  others ;  and  preserved  the 
writers  generally  from  relating  any  thing  derogatory  to  the 
revelation  with  which  it  was  connected.  This  has  been  termed 
Twspiiiation  of  ScPK.KiNTExnENcr.  Whero,  indeed,  it  not  only 
communicated  ideas,  new  and  unknown  before,  but  also  imparted 
greater  strength  and  vigour  to  the  efforts  of  the  mind  than  the 
writers  could  otherwise  have  attained,  this  divine  assistance  has 
been  called  Instiiiation  of  Elevation.  Further,  when  the 
prophets  and  apostles  received  such  communications  of  the  Holy 
Spirit,  as  suggested  and  dictated  minutely  every  part  of  the  truths 
delivered,  this,  which  is  the  highest  degree  of  divine  assistance, 
has  been  termed  Inspibatiox  of  Si*r;cESTio\.  All  these  kinds 
of  inspiration  are  possible  to  the  almighty  power  of  God ;  since 
there  is  nothing  in  any  of  them  contradictory  to  itself,  or  which 
appears  contradictory  to  any  of  the  divine  perfections.  But 
whatever  distinctions  are  made  with  respect  to  the  sorts,  degrees, 
or  modes  of  inspiration,  we  may  rest  assured  that  one  property 
belongs  to  every  inspired  writing,  namely,  that  it  is  free  from 
•rror,  that  is,  any  material  error.  This  property  must  be  con- 
sidered as  extending  to  the  whole  of  each  of  those  writings,  of 


which  a  part  only  is  inspired  ;  for  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that 
God  would  suffer  any  such  errors  as  might  tend  to  mislead  our 
faith,  or  pervert  our  practice,  to  be  mixed  with  those  truths  which 
he  himself  has  mercifully  revealed  to  his  rational  creatures  as  the 
means  of  their  eternal  salvation.  In  this  restricted  sense  it  may 
be  asserted,  that  the  sacred  writers  always  wrote  under  the  in- 
fluence, or  guidance,  or  care,  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  which  sufficiently 
establishes  the  truth  and  divine  authority  of  all  Scripture." 

II.  That  the  authors  of  the  historical  books  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment were  occasionally  inspired  is  certain,  since  they  frequently 
display  an  acquaintance  with  the  counsels  and  designs  of  God, 
and  often  reveal  his  future  dispensations  in  the  clearest  predic- 
tions. But  though  it  is  evident  that  the  sacred  historians  some- 
times wrote  under  the  immediate  operation  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  it 
does  not  follow  that  they  derived  from  revelation  the  knowledge  of 
those  things  which  might  be  collected  from  the  common  sources 
of  human  intelligence.  It  is  sufficient  to  believe,  that,  by  the 
general  superintendence  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  they  were  directed  in 
the  choice  of  their  materials,  enlightened  to  judge  of  the  truth 
and  importance  of  those  accounts  from  which  they  borrowed 
their  information,  and  prevented  from  recording  any  material 
error.  Indeed,  the  historical  books  (as  we  have  already  shown 
at  considerable  length)1  were,  and  could  not  but  be,  written  by 
persons  who  were  for  the  most  part  contemporary  with  the 
periods  to  which  they  relate,  and  had  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the 
events  recorded  by  them ;  and  who,  in  their  descriptions  of 
characters  and  events  (of  many  of  which  they  were  witnesses) 
uniformly  exhibit  a  strict  sincerity  of  intention,  and  an  unex 
ampled  impartiality.  Some  of  these  books,  however,  were  com- 
piled ID  subsequent  times  from  the  sacred  annals  mentioned  in 
Scripture  as  written  by  prophets  or  seers,  and  from  those  public 
records,  and  other  authentic  documents,  which,  though  written  by 
uninspired  men,  were  held  in  high  estimation,  and  preserved  with 
great  care  by  persons  specially  appointed  as  keepers  of  the  genealo- 
gies and  public  archives  of  the  Jewish  nation.  It  is  not  necessary 
to  be  able  to  distinguish  the  inspired  from  the  uninspired  parts  of 
the  historical  books  of  the  Old  Testament.  It  is  enough  for  us  to 
know,  that  every  writer  of  the  Old  Testament  was  inspired,  and 
that  the  whole  of  the  history  it  contains,  without  any  exception 
or  reserve,  is  true.  These  points  being  ascertained  and  allowed, 
it  is  of  very  little  consequence,  whether  the  knowledge  of  a  par- 
ticular fact  was  obtained  by  any  of  the  ordinary  modes  of  infor- 
i  ition,  or  whether  it  was  communicated  by  immediate  revelation 
l'i  m  God ;  whether  any  particular  passage  was  written  by  the 
n&  iral  powers  of  the  historian,  or  by  the  positive  suggestion  of 
tho  Holy  Spirit.  Whatever  uncertainty  may  exist  concerning 
the  direct  inspiration  of  any  historical  narrative,  or  of  any  moral 
precept,  contained  in  the  Old  Testament,  we  must  be  fully  con- 
vinced that  all  its  prophetical  parts  proceeded  from  God.  This  is 
continually  affirmed  by  the  prophets  th  miselves,  and  is  demon- 
strated by  the  indubitable  testimony  which  history  bears  to  the 
accurate  fulfilment  of  many  of  these  predictions ;  others  are 
gradually  receiving  their  accomplishment  in  the  times  in  which 
we  live,  and  afford  the  surest  pledge  and  most  positive  security  for 
the  completion  of  those  which  remain  to  be  fulfilled. 

III.  If  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  which  relate  to  the 
partial  and  temporary  religion  of  the  Jews,  were  written  under 
the  direction  and  superintendence  of  God  himself,  surely  we  can- 
not but  con'  ude  the  same  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testa  m  >yr, 
which  cont  ,i  i  the  religion  of  all  mankind.  The  apostles  were 
constant  at"  ndants  upon  our  Saviour  during  his  ministry;  and 
they  were  n  >t  only  present  at  his  public  preaching,  but  after  ad- 
dressing himself  to  the  multitudes  in  parables  and  similitudes, 
•when  they  vere  aUne  he  expounded  all  things  to  his  disciples 
(Mark  iv.  34).  He  also  showed  himself  alive  to  the  apostles, 
after  his  passion,  by  many  infallible  proofs,  b  ing  seen  by  then 
forty  days,  a.  d  speaking  of  the  things  pertaining  to  the  king 

i  See  pp.  59, 60—62.  supra. 


.44 


ON  THE  INSPIRATION  OF  THE  SCRIPTURE 


[A pp.  !\o.  a 


dom  of  God.  (Acts  i.  3.)  Yet  our  Saviour  foresaw  that  these 
instructions,  delivered  to  the  apostles  as  men,  and  impressed  on 
the  mind  in  the  ordinary  manner,  would  not  qualify  them  for  the 
great  work  of  propagating  his  religion.  It  was,  therefore,  pro- 
mised, that  the  Holy  Ghost  should  not  only  bring  all  things  to 
their  remembrance,  which  the  apostles  had  heard  from  their 
divine  Master;  but  he  was  also  to  guide  them  into  all  truth, 
to  teach  them  all  things,  and  to  abide  ivith  them  for  ever. 
(John  xiv.  16,  17.  26.    xvi.  13,  14.) 

The  truth  into  which  the  Holy  Spirit  was  to  lead  them,  means, 
undoubtedly,  all  that  truth  which,  as  the  apostles  of  Jesus  Christ, 
they  were  to  declare  unto  the  world.  It  does  not  mean  natural, 
mathematical,  or  philosophical  truth,  aifd  it  would  be  absurd  to 
refer  the  language  of  our  Lord  to  either  of  these.  But  it  means 
Christian  Truth, — the  truth  which  they  were  to  teach  mankind, 
to  make  them  wise  and  holy,  and  direct  them  in  the  way  to 
heaven  through  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  The  apostles  knew 
something  of  this  truth  already,  but  they  did  not  know  it  per- 
fectly. They  were  ignorant  of  some  things,  and  mistaken  as  to 
others.  But  the  Spirit  was  to  guide  them  into  all  truth.  No 
branch  of  it  was  to  be  kept  from  them.  They  were  to  be  led  in- 
to an  acquaintance  with  religious  truth  in  general ;  with  the 
•whole  of  that  religious  truth  which  it  was  necessary  for  them  to 
teach,  or  for  men  to  know.  Must  they  not  then  have  been  pre- 
served from  error  in  what  they  taught  and  declared  1  The  Spirit 
was  to  teach  them  all  things  : — not  the  things  of  the  natural  or 
civil  world,  but  those  things  of  the  Gospel  which  they  were  as 
yet  unacquainted  with.  And  if  the  Holy  Spirit  taught  them  all 
things  respecting  Christianity,  which  they  did  not  already  know, 
then  there  was  nothing  in  what  they  declared  of  the  Christian 
system,  but  what  they  had  received,  either  from  his  teachings,  or 
from  the  instructions  of  Christ,  which  were  of  equal  validity,  or 
from  the  evidence  of  their  senses,  which  could  not  deceive  them; 
60  that  they  must  be  preserved  from  error  or  mistake  concern- 
ing it. 

The  Spirit  was  also  to  bring  all  things  to  their  remembrance, 
that  Christ  had  said  unto  them.  Their  memories  were  naturally 
like  those  of  other  men,  imperfect  and  fallible ;  and  amidst  the 
numerous  things,  which  their  Lord  had  said  and  done  amongst 
them,  some  would  be  forgotten.  But  the  Spirit  was  to  assist 
their  memories  in  such  a  manner,  that  they  should  have  a  per- 
fect recollection  of  whatsoever  Christ  had  said  to  them.  This 
assistance  of  the  Spirit  implied,  not  merely  recalling  to  the  view 
of  their  minds  the  things  which  Christ  had  spoken,  but  also  the 
enabling  them  to  understand  those  things  rightly,  without  that 
confusion  and  misapprehension,  which  Jewish  prejudices  had 
occasioned  in  their  ideas  when  they  first  heard  them.  Unless 
they  were  led  into  such  a  perfect  understanding  of  the  things 
they  were  enabled  to  remember,  the  bare  recollection  of  them 
would  be  of  little  use,  nor  would  the  Spirit  act  according  to  his 
office  of  leading  them  into  all  truth,  unless  they  were  enabled, 
by  his  influences,  properly  to  understand  the  truths  which  Christ 
himself  had  taught  them. 

The  Holy  Spirit,  under  whose  teaching  they  were  to  be  thus 
instructed,  was  to  abide  with  them  for  ever,  as  the  Spirit  of 
truth,  guiding  them  into  all  truth,  teaching  them  all  things  re- 
specting the  doctrine  of  Christ,  which  they  were  to  communicate 
to  the  world.  These  important  promises  of  the  effusion,  assist- 
ance, direction,  and  perpetual  guidance  of  the  Spirit  with  the 
apostles,  were  most  certainly  fulfilled,  in  all  their  extent  and 
meaning.  They  were  promises  given  by  Christ  himself,  the  great 
and  chief  prophet  of  the  church ;  and  to  entertain  a  doubt  of  their 
most  complete  accomplishment,  would  be  to  impeach  the  veracity 
and  mission  of  the  Son  of  God,  and  to  admit  a  supposition  that 
would  strike  at  the  truth  of  Christianity  in  general.  From  this 
examination,  therefore,  of  the  nature,  extent,  and  fulfilment  of 
our  Lord's  promises,  concerning  the  gift  of  the  Spirit  to  the 
apostles,  does  it  not  necessarily  follow,  that,  in  addition  to  what 
they  previously  knew  of  Christianity,  they  we/e  led  under  the 
teachings  of  the  Spirit  into  a  perfect  acquaintance  with  it;  and 
that  through  his  constant  inhabitation  and  guidance,  they  were 
infallibly  preserved  in  the  truth,  and  kept  from  error  in  declaring 
it  to  mankind  T  The  Spirit  of  truth  guided  them  into  all  truth, 
and  abode  with  them  for  ever. 

It  is  material  to  remark  that  these  promises  of  supernatural 
instruction  and  assistance  plainly  show  the  insufficiency  of  com- 
mon instruction,  and  the  necessity  of  inspiration  in  the  first 
teachers  of  the  Gospel;  and  we  are  positively  assured  that  these 
promises  were  accurately  fulfilled.  Of  the  eight  writers  of  the 
New  Testament,  Matthew,  John,  James,  Peter,  and  Jude,  were 
among  these  inspired  preachers  of  the  word  of  God ;  and,  there- 


fore, if  we  admit  the  genuineness  and  authenticity  of  the  books 
ascribed  to  them,  no  reasonable  doubt  can  be  entertained  of  their 
inspiration.  Indeed,  if  we  believe  that  God  sent  Christ  into  the 
world  to  found  an  universal  religion,  and  that  by  the  miraculous 
gifts  of  the  Holy  Ghost  he  empowered  the  apostles  to  propagate 
the  Gospel,  as  stated  in  these  books,  we  cannot  but  believe  that 
he  would,  by  his  immediate  interposition,  enable  those  whom  he 
appointed  to  record  the  Gospel,  for  the  use  of  future  ages,  to 
write  without  the  omission  of  any  important  truth,  or  the  inser- 
tion of  any  material  error.  The  assurance  that  the  Spirit  should 
abide  with  the  apostles  for  ever,  must  necessarily  imply  a  con- 
stant inspiration,  without  change  or  intermission,  whenever 
they  exercised  the  office  of  a  teacher  of  the  Gospel,  whether 
by  writing  or  by  speaking.  Though  Mark  and  Luke  were  not 
of  the  twelve  apostles,  nor  were  they  miraculously  called,  like 
Paul,  to  the  office  of  an  apostle,  yet  we  have  the  strongest 
reason  to  believe  that  they  were  partakers  of  the  extraordinary 
effusion  of  the  Holy  Spirit  granted  to  the  disciples  of  Christ ; 
and  such  was  the  unanimous  opinion  of  the  primitive  Chris- 
tians. Besides,  a  perfect  harmony  exists  between  the  doctrines 
delivered  by  Mark  and  Luke,  and  by  the  other  writers  of  the 
New  Testament.  Indeed,  we  can  scarcely  conceive  it  possible, 
that  God  would  suffer  four  Gospels  to  be  transmitted,  as  a  rule 
of  faith  and  practice  to  all  succeeding  generations,  two  of 
which  were  written  under  the  immediate  direction  of  his  Holy 
Spirit,  and  the  other  two  by  the  unassisted  powers  of  the 
human  intellect.  It  seems  impossible  that  John,  who  wrote  his 
Gospel  more  than  sixty  years  after  the  death  of  Christ,  should 
have  been  able,  by  the  natural  power  of  his  memory,  to  recollect 
those  numerous  discourses  of  our  Saviour  which  he  has  related. 
Indeed,  all  the  evangelists  must  have  stood  in  need  of  the  pro- 
mised assistance  of  the  Holy  Ghost  to  bring  to  remembrance  the 
things  which  Christ  had  said  during  his  ministry.  We  are 
to  consider  Luke  in  writing  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  the 
apostles  themselves  in  writing  the  Epistles,  as  under  a  similar 
guidance  and  direction.  Paul,  in  several  passages  of  his  Epistles, 
asserts  his  own  inspiration  in  the  most  positive  and  unequivocal 
terms.  The  agreement  which  subsists  between  his  Epistles  and 
the  other  writings  of  the  New  Testament  is  also  a  decisive  proof 
that  they  all  proceeded  from  one  and  the  self-same  Spirit.  It 
appears,  however,  that  the  apostles  had  some  certain  method, 
though  utterly  unknown  to  us,  of  distinguishing  that  knowledge 
which  was  the  effect  of  inspiration,  from  the  ordinary  sugges- 
tions and  conclusions  of  their  own  reason.1 

IV.  From  the  preceding  account  of  the  inspiration  of  the 
apostles,  the  two  following  conclusions  are  justly  drawn  by  a  late 
learned  and  sensible  writer: — 

1.  First,  that  the  apostles  had  a  complete  knowledge  of  Chris- 
tianity, or  of  the  Gospel  which  they  published  to  mankind. 
When  it  is  said  that  they  had  a  complete  knowledge  of  the  Gos- 
pel, we  mean,  that  they  knew,  and  well  understood,  the  truths 
which  they  were  commissioned  to  preach,  and  the  duties  they 
were  to  inculcate.  Having  been  instructed  by  Christ  himself, 
having  been  witnesses  of  his  works,  and  of  his  death  and  resur- 
rection, and  having  received  the  Spirit  to  guide  them  iiito  all 
truth,  they  had  a  competent  knowledge  of  the  various  subjects, 
which  they  were  to  preach  and  publish  to  the  world,  to  instruct 
men  in  the  knowledge  of  God,  the  way  of  salvation,  and  the 
duties  of  holiness.  They  were  neither  insufficient  nor  defective 
preachers  of  the  word  of  truth.  They  were  at  no  loss  to  know 
what  was  true  or  what  was  false,  what  was  agreeable  to  the  will 
of  God  or  what  was  not.  They  had  a  complete  and  consistent 
view  of  the  whole  system  of  Christian  truth  and  duty  ;  and  there 
was  no  diversity  of  religious  opinions  amongst  them.  Theii 
knowledge  of  Christianity  was  perfect,  for  they  were  acquainted 
with  all  things  which  it  was  the  will  of  God  should  be  revealed 
unto  men,  to  teach  them  the  way  of  salvation. 

"  Whether,  as  is  most  probable,  the  apostles  had  this  complete 
knowledge  of  the  Gospel  at  once,  on  the  day  of  Pentecost;  or 
whether  there  might  be  some  truths  and  duties  of  religion  which 
were  not  revealed  to  them  until  after  that  time,  is  of  no  impor- 
tance for  us  to  determine.  For  it  is  certain,  that  their  know- 
ledge of  Christianity  was  complete  long  before  the  records  of  it 
in  the  New  Testament  were  written  for  our  instruction.  It  is 
evident,  also,  that  the  apostles,  in  the  course  of  their  ministry, 
were  never  at  a  loss  what  doctrines  they  were  to  preach,  but  had 
at  all  times  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  things  which  it  was  the 
will  of  God  they  should,  at  those  respective  times,  declare.  Less 
than  this  cannot  be  inferred  from  their  own  declaration,  that  they 

»  Bp.  Tomline's  Elements  of  Christian  Theology,  vol.  i.  pp.  20-29 
280—289. 


itt.  No.  II.] 


ON  THE  INSPIRATION  OF  THE  SCRIPTURES. 


445 


«pakc  tLe  things  of  the  Gospel,  not  m  the  -words  -which  man's 
wisdom  teacheth,  but  -whicli  the  0*/jf  Ohott  teucheth. 

"As  the  apostles,  l>y  means  of  our  Lord's  instructions  and  the 
teaching  of  his  Spirit,  had  this  complete  knowledge  of  Chris- 
tianity, it  follows,  that  the  most  entire  credit  is  to  l>e  given  to 
their  writings ;  and  that  they  were  not  mistaken  in  what  they 
have  written  concerning  it,  whether  we  rappoM  them  to  l»-  im- 
mediately guided  by  t lie  Spirit  at  the  time  they  were  writing  or 

not.     For,  allowing  only  that  tin  ly  wire   h tat   mm  who  coin- 

|>!  Jtely  understood  Christianity,  it  is  evident  that  they  must  gtfe 
a  true  and  faithful  account  of  it.  Soneot  mm  would  not  de- 
ceive, and  men  who  had  a  complete  knowledge  of  the  subject! 
they  were  treating  of  could  not  he  mistaken.  If  any  errors 
in  doctrine  or  sentiment  were  admitted    into  their  writings,  it 

must  be  either  by  design,  or  through  accident.  To  imagine  that 
they  could  be  inserted  designedly,  would  impeach  the  integrity 
>f  the  apostles,  ami  consequently  their  credibility  in  general. 
And  to  imagine  that  they  crept  in  accidentally, would  impeach  the 
competency  of  their  knowledge,  and  supposes  tlvit  the  apostles 
if  Jesus  Christ  did  not  understand  Christianity:  a  supposition 
that  can  never  be  reconciled  with  the  very  lowest  construction 
which  can  be  fidriy  put  upon  our  Lord's  promise,  that  the  Spirit 
should  guide  them  into  all  truth.  Allowing  them  therefore  to  be 
nut  honest  men,  it  follows,  considering  the  sources  of  information 
they  enjoyed,  that  all  they  have  recorded  concerning  Christianity 
Is  truth,  and  that  they  were  not  mistaken  in  any  of  the  positions 
which  they  laid  down  respecting  it  in  their  writings. 

*-'.  "  A  second  and  principal  deduction,  however,  to  be  drawn 
from  the  account  before  given,  and  which  is  of  most  importance 
to  the  subject,  is,  that  the  apostles  of  Jesus  Christ  were  under 
the  infallible  guidance  of  the  Spirit  of  Truth,  as  to  every  religious 
sentiment  which  they  taught  mankind.  Here,  it  may  be  neces- 
sary- to  explain  the  sense  in  which  this  expression  is  used.  By 
every  religious  sentiment  is  intended,  every  sentiment  that  con- 
stitutes a  part  of  Christian  doctrine,  or  Christian  duty.  In  every 
doctrine  they  taught,  in  every  testimony  they  bore  to  facts  re- 
specting our  Lord,  in  every  opinion  which  they  gave  concerning 
the  import  of  those  facts,  in  every  precept,  exhortation,  and  pro- 
mise they  addressed  to  men,  it  appears  to  me,  that  they  were 
under  the  infallible  guidance  of  the  Spirit  of  Truth.  By  being 
under  his  guidance  is  meant,  that  through  his  influence  on  their 
minds,  they  were  infallibly  preserved  from  error  in  declaring  the 
Gospel,  so  that  every  religious  sentiment  they  taught  is  true,  and 
agreeable  to  the  will  of  God. 

"  As  to  the  nature  of  this  influence  and  guidance,  some  things 
may  be  farther  remarked.  It  was  before  observed,  that  inspira- 
tion, in  the  highest  sense,  is  the  immediate  communication  of 
knowledge  to  the  human  mind,  by  the  Spirit  of  God.  In  this 
way  the  apostle  Paul  was  taught  the  whole  of  Christianity ;  and 
this  kind  of  inspiration  the  other  apostles  had,  as  to  those 
things  which  they  were  not  acquainted  with,  before  they  received 
the  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  This  is  what  some  have  called  the 
inspiration  of  suggestion.  But  as  to  what  they  had  heard,  or 
partly  known  before,  the  influence  of  the  Spirit  enabled  them 
properly  to  understand  it,  and  preserved  them  from  error  in  com- 
municating it.  This  has  been  called  the  inspiration  of  superin- 
tendency.  Under  this  superintendency,  or  guidance  of  the  Spirit, 
the  apostles  appear  to  have  bo?n  at  all  times  throughout  their 
ministry,  after  Christ's  ascension.  For  less  than  this  cannot  be 
concluded,  from  our  Lord's  declaration,  that  the  Spirit  should 
abide  with  them  for  ever,  and  lead  them  into  all  truth. 

"When  they  acted  as  writers,  recording  Christianity  for  the 
instruction  of  the  church  in  all  succeeding  times,  I  apprehend  that 
hey  were  under  the  guidance  of  the  Spirit,  as  to  the  subjects  of 
which  they  treated;  that  they  wrote  under  his  influence  and 
direction  ;  that  they  were  preserved  from  all  error  and  mistake, 
in  the  religious  sentiments  they  expressed;  and  that,  if  any  thing 
were  inserted  in  their  writings,  not  contained  in  that  complete 
knowledge  of  Christianity  of  which  they  were  previously  pos- 
sessed (as  prophecies  for  instance),  this  was  immediately  com- 
municated to  them  by  revelation  from  the  Spirit.  But  with 
respect  to  the  choice  of  words  in  which  they  wrote,  I  know  not 
out  they  might  be  left  to  the  free  and  rational  exercise  of  their 
own  minds,  to  express  themselves  in  the  manner  that  was  natu- 
ral and  familii  r  to  them,  while  at  the  same  time  they  were  pre- 
served from  error  in  the  ideas  they  conveyed.  If  this  were  the 
case,  it  would  sufficiently  account  for  the  very  observable  diver- 
sity of  style  and  manner  among  the  inspired  writers.  The  Spirit 
guided  them  to  write  nothing  but  truth  concerning  religion,  yet 
hey  might  be  left  to  express  that  truth  in  their  own  language. 

"  It  may  readilv  and  justly  be  :oncluded,  that  men  who  were 


under  the  perpetual  guidance  of  the  Spirit  of  Truth  when  thev 

preached  the  Gospel,  were  thus  under  his  infallible  direction  anil 

influence,  as  to  all   religious  sentiments,  when  they   committed 

the  things  of  the  Gospel  to  writing,  for  the  future  instruction  of 

the  church.    This  is  the  view  of  the  inspiration  of  the  writers  o 

the  New  Testament,  which  seems  naturally  to  arise,  from  theii 

!  own  account  of  the  way  in  which  they  received  their  knowledge 

:  of  Christianity,  and  from  what  is  declared  in  their  writings,  con 

I  cerr.ing  the  constant  agency  and  guidance  of  the  Spirit,  with 

which  they  were  favoured."     The  following  advantages  atteni' 

this  view  of  the  subject : — 

"Maintaining  that  the  apostles  were  under  the  infallible  direc 
tion  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  as  to  every  religious  sentiment  containci 
in  their  writings,  secures  the  same  advantages  as  would  resui 
from  Supposing  that  every  word   and    letter  was  dictated  to  them 

by  his  influences  without  being  liable  to  those  objections  which 

might  be  made  against  that  view  of  the  subject.  As  the  Spirit 
preserved  them  from  all  error  in  what  they  have  taught  and  re- 
corded, their  writings  are  of  the  same  authority,  importance,  and 
use  to  us,  as  if  he  had  dictated  every  syllable  contained  in  them. 
If  the  Spirit  had  guided  their  pens  in  such  a  manner,  that  they 
had  been  only  mere  machines  under  his  direction,  we  could  have 
had  no  more  in  their  writings  than  a  perfect  rule,  as  to  all  reli- 
gious opinions  and  duties,  all  matters  of  faith  and  practice.  But 
such  a  perfect  rule  we  have  in  the  New  Testament,  if  we  con- 
sider them  as  under  the  Spirit's  infallible  guidance  in  all  the 
religious  sentiments  they  express,  whether  he  suggested  the  very 
words  in  which  they  are  written  or  not.  Upon  this  view  of  the 
subject,  the  inspired  writings  contain  a  perfect  and  infallible  ac- 
count of  the  whole  will  of  God  for  our  salvation,  of  all  t: 
necessary  for  us  to  know,  believe,  and  practise  in  religion  ;  and 
what  can  they  contain  more  than  this,  upon  any  other  view  of  it ! 

"Another  advantage  attending  the  above  view  of  the  apos- 
tolic inspiration  is,  that  it  will  enable  us  to  understand  some 
things  in  their  writings,  which  it  might  be  difficult  to  reconcile 
with  another  view  of  the  subject.  If  the  inspiration  and  guidance 
of  the  Spirit,  respecting  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament,  ex- 
tended only  to  what  appears  to  be  its  proper  province,  matters 
of  a  religious  and  moral  nature,  then  there  is  no  necessity  to  ask, 
whether  every  thing  contained  in  their  writings  were  suggested 
immediately  by  the  Spirit  or  not:  whether  Luke  were  inspired  to 
say,  that  the  ship  in  which  he  sailed  with  Paul  was  wrecked  on 
the  island  of  Melita  (Acts  xxviii.  1.)  :  or  whether  Paul  were 
under  the  guidance  of  the  Spirit,  in  directing  Timothy  to  bring 
with  him  the  cloke  which  he  left  at  Troas,  and  the  books,  but 
especially  the  parchments  (2  Tim.  iv.  13.) ;  for  the  answer  is 
obvious,  these  were  not  things  of  a  religious  nature,  and  no  in- 
spiration was  necessary  concerning  them.  The  inspired  writers 
sometimes  mention  common  occurrences  or  things  in  an  inciden- 
tal manner,  as  any  other  plain  and  faithful  men  might  do.  Al- 
though, therefore,  such  things  might  be  found  in  parts  of  the 
evangelic  history,  or  in  epistles  addressed  to  churches  or  indi- 
viduals, and  may  stand  connected  with  important  declarations 
concerning  Christian  doctrine  or  duty,  yet  it  is  not  necessary  to 
suppose,  that  they  were  under  any  supernatural  influence  in 
mentioning  such  common  or  civil  affairs,  though  they  were,  as  to 
all  the  sentiments  they  inculcated  respecting  religion. 

"This  view  of  the  subject  will  also  readily  enable  a  plain 
Christian,  in  reading  his  New  Testament,  to  distinguish  what  he  is 
to  consider  as  inspired  truth.  Every  thing  which  the  apostles  have 
written  or  taught  concerning  Christianity ;  every  thing  which 
teaches  him  a  religious  sentiment  or  a  branch  of  duty,  he  must 
consider  as  divinely  true,  as  the  mind  and  will  of  God,  recorded 
under  the  direction  and  guidance  of  his  Spirit.  It  is  not  neces- 
sary that  he  should  inquire,  whether  what  the  apostles  taught  be 
true.  All  that  he  has  to  search  after  is,  their  meaning ;  and 
when  he  understands  what  they  meant,  he  may  rest  assured 
that  meaning  is  consistent  with  the  will  of  God,  is  divine  infalli- 
ble truth.  The  testimony  of  men  who  spoke  and  wrote  by  the 
Spirit  of  God  is  the  testimony  of  God  himself ;  and  the  testimony 
of  the  God  of  Truth  is  the  strongest  and  most  indubitable  of  all 
demonstration. 

"  The  above  view  of  the  apostolic  inspiration  will  likewise  ena- 
ble us  to  understand  the  apostle  Paul,  in  the  seventh  chapter  of 
his  first  epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  where  in  some  verses  he  seems 
to  speak  as  if  he  were  not  inspired,  and  in  others  as  if  he  were. 
Concerning  some  things  he  saith.  But  I  speak  this  by  permission, 
and  not  of  commandment  (ver.  6.)  :  and  again,  /  have  no  com- 
mandment of  the  Lord ;  yet  I  give  my  judgment,  as  one  that 
hath  obtained  mercy  of  the  Lord  to  be  faithful  (ver.  25.).  The 
subject  on  which  the    apostle  here  delivers  his  opinion  was  * 


448 


ON  THE  ASCENSION  OF  JESUS  CHRIST 


App.No   IH.J 


matter  of  Christian  pruaence,  in  which  the  Corinthians  had 
desired  his  advice.  But  it  was  not  a  part  of  religious  sentiment 
or  practice  ;  it  was  not  a  branch  of  Christian  doctrine  or  duty,  but 
merely  a  casuistical  question  of  prudence,  with  relation  to  the 
distress  which  persecution  then  occasioned.  Paul,  therefore, 
agreeably  to  their  request,  gives  them  his  opinion  as  a  faithful 
man  ;  but  he  guards  them  against  supposing  that  he  was  under 
divine  inspiration  in  that  opinion,  lest  their  consciences  should 
be  shackled,  and  he  leaves  them  at  liberty  to  follow  his  advice  or 
not  as  they  might  find  convenient.  Yet  he  intimates  that  he 
had  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  as  a  Christian  teacher ;  that  he  had 
not  said  any  thing  contrary  to  his  will ;  and  that  the  opinion 
which  he  gave  was,  on  the  whole,  advisable  hi  the  present  dis- 
*ess.    But  the  Apostle's  declaration,  that,  as  to  this  particular 


matter,  ne  spoke  by  permission.  And  not  of  comman dment,  strong 
ly  implies,  that  in  other  things,  in  things  really  of  a  religious 
nature,  he  did  speak  by  commandment  from  the  Lord.  According- 
ly, in  the  same  chapter,  when  he  had  occasion  to  speak  of  what 
was  matter  of  moral  duty,  he  immediately  claimed  to  be  under 
divine  direction  in  what  he  wrote.  Jlnd  unto  the  married  I  com- 
mand, yet  not  J,  but  the  Lord,  Let  not  the  -wife  depart  from  her 
husband.  (1  Cor.  vii.  10.)  This  would  be  a  breach  of  one  of  tho 
chief  obligations  of  morality,  and  therefore- Paul  interdicts  it  under 
the  divine  authority.  Respecting  indifferent  things  he  gave  his 
judgment  as  a  wise  and  faithful  friend  ;  but  respecting  the  things 
of  religion  he  spake  and  wrote  as  an  apostle  of  Jesus  Christ,  undei 
the  direction  and  guidance  of  his  Spirit."1 


No.  III. 


ON  THE  ASCENSION  OF  JESUS  CHRIST. 


[Referred  to  in  p.  Hi  of  this  Volume.] 


Thi  Ascension  of  Jesus  Christ  into  heaven,  however  astonish- 
ing it  may  appear,  is  a  miraculous  fact,  which,  like  every  other 
matter  of  fact,  is  capable  of  proof  from  testimony.  It  is  not  ne- 
cessary, in  this  place,  again  to  prove  the  confidence  which  is  due 
to  the  apostolic  testimony,  because  we  have  already  stated  its  force 
when  treating  on  the  resurrection  of  Christ,  (pp.  249 — 258. 
tupra.)  It  only  remains  to  show  that  the  circumstances  of  the 
fact  contributed  to  its  certainty,  by  removing  every  idea  of  deceit 
or  fraud  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  error  on  the  other. 

1.  Observe  the  place  of  his  Ascent. 

It  was  a  mountain,  the  mount  of  Olives,  a  spot  which  was  well 
known  to  the  apostles,  for  it  had  been  the  scene  of  many  of 
Christ's  conversations  with  them.  On  an  eminence  or  hill,  there 
was  less  probability  of  the  spectators  being  deceived,  than  there 
would  have  been  in  many  other  places,  where  the  view  was  con- 
fined and  the  sight  obstructed ;  and  where,  if  any  delusion  had 
been  intended,  he  might  have  more  easily  conveyed  himself  out 
of  their  sight,  and  by  a  sudden  disappearance  given  room  for  the 
imagination  or  invention  of  some  extraordinary  removal  from 
them.  But,  from  this  eminence,  the  view  around  them  must 
have  been  more  extensive,  any  collusive  concealment  of  himself 
from  them  must  have  been  more  easily  discovered,  a  real  ascent 
into  heaven  more  clearly  seen,  and  the  ascent  itself  for  a  longer 
space  and  with  greater  distinctness  pursued,  and  attended  to,  by 
the  beholders.  So  that,  if  Christ's  ascension  was  to  be  real,  an 
eminence  or  hill  was  the  most  proper  place  that  could  be  chosen 
from  which  he  could  rise,  because  he  could  be  more  distinctly, 
and  for  the  most  considerable  space,  beheld.  But,  assuredly,  it 
was  the  most  unsuitable  of  all  others,  if  any  fraud  were  intended, 
•o  favour  deceit,  and  render  imposition  effectual.  No  impostor 
would  have  selected  such  a  spot,  in  order  to  feign  an  ascension. 

2.  The  time  must  also  be  considered,  when  this  fact  took 
place. 

It  was  during  broad  day-light,  while  an  impostor  would  have 
ivailed  himself  of  darkness  in  order  to  effect  his  escape.  Under 
such  circumstances,  the  apostles  might  have  credited  an  illusion  ; 
out  illusion  is  impossible,  when  every  object  is  Illuminated  by  a 
strong  light. 

3.  Observe  further  the  manner  of  Christ's  Ascension  towards 
heaven. 

(1.)  It  was  not  instantaneous  and  sudden,  nor  violent  and 
tempestuous,  but  gradual,  easy,  and  slow.  Romulus  was  said  to 
have  been  lost  in  a  furious  storm  of  thunder  and  lightning,  and 
being  suddenly  missed  by  the  Roman  people,  they  were  the  more 
easily  persuaded  of  his  translation  into  heaven  :  which  tale  the 
patricians  first  invented,  in  order  to  cover  the  suspicion  that, 
during  the  storm,  they  had  seized  the  opportunity  of  assassina- 
ting him ;  though  there  is  not  the  shadow  of  a  pretence  that  any- 


one saw  his  translation.  On  the  contrary,  Christ's  ascension  wai 
public,  gentle,  and  by  degrees;  so  that  the  eyes  of  the  beholder* 
steadily  followed  him,  rose  with  him  as  he  advanced  higher,  and 
pursued  him  until  lost  in  the  immensity  of  the  height  of  heaven. 
The  spectators  "  looked  steadfastly  towards  heaven  as  he  went 
up,"  till  the  cloud  had  carried  him  out  of  their  sight. 

(2.)  Moreover,  it  is  a  remarkable  circumstance  in  this  account, 
that  he  was  taken  from  them,  while  they  were  actually  near  him ; 
while  he  was  in  the  midst  of  them,  conversing  with  them,  in- 
structing and  blessing  them  :  and,  in  the  midst  of  these  transac- 
tions, "  whilst  they  beheld  him,"  and  their  eyes  were  attentively 
fixed  on  him,  he  arose  out  of  their  sight  into  the  celestial  glory. 
The  apostles,  therefore,  could  not  be  imposed  on  by  any  sudden 
and  fallacious  conveyance  of  himself  away  from  them. 

4.  The  sense  of  hearing  also  came  in  aid  of  sight;  for,  if 
any  error  could  be  supposed  in  the  latter,  it  is  impossible  to  ad- 
mit any  mistake  in  the  former.  The  apostles  could  not  possibly 
imagine  that  they  heard  the  consolatory  discourse  by  which  two 
angels  announced  to  them  that  Jesus,  who  had  thus  ascended  into 
heaven,  would  at  the  last  day  "  so  come  in  like  manner  as  they 
had  seen  him  go  into  heaven." 

5.  The  number,  too,  of  these  -witnesses  is  a  string  confirma- 
tion  of  their  testimony. 

It  was  in  the  view  of  all  the  apostles.  He  was  taken  up, 
after  he  had  given  commandment  to  them,  while  they  were  all 
assembled  together,  and  while  they  themselves  were  actually  be- 
holding him. 

To  all  these  circumstances  it  may  be  added,  that  the  evident 
proofs  which  (it  is  shown  in  the  ensuing  article  of  this  Appendix) 
demonstrate  the  effusion  of  the  Holy  Spirit  on  the  apostles,  also 
lemonstrate  the  reality  of  their  Master's  ascension. 

Since,  therefore,  we  have  the  unanimous  testimony  of  persons, 
who  by  the  evidence  of  their  own  sight,  confirmed  by  the  voice 
of  angels,  were  assured  of  Christ's  ascension ;  since  they  were 
persons  incapable  of  forming  or  conducting  any  artful  design ; 
since  it  was  a  doctrine,  which,  if  false,  could  be  productive  of  no 
advantage  to  the  propagators  of  it ;  and  since  they  persevered  in 
asserting  it  in  despite  of  all  the  tortures  that  cruelty  could  devise 
or  power  could  inflict;  we  have  the  fullest  evidence  of  the  reality 
of  Christ's  ascension,  which  the  nature  of  the  fact  can  admit,  o» 
we  in  reason  can  require.2 

1  Parry's  Inquiry  into  the  Nature  and  Extent  of  the  Inspiration  of  th< 
Apostles  and  other  Writers  of  the  New  Testament,  (8vo  London,  1797.)  pp 
20.  30.  See  also  Dr.  Dick's  Essay  on  the  Inspiration  of  the  Holy  Scripture! 
of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  8vo.  London,  1813  Bp.  Wilson's  (of  Oa) 
culla)  Lectures  on  the  Evidences  of  Christianity,  vol.  i.  Lectures  12.  and  13. 
and  Dr.  Doddridge's  Lectures  ou  the  Principal  Subjects  in  Pneumatology 
Divinity,  &c.  Lectures  137 — 140. 

«  Anspach,  Cours  d'Etudes  de  ia  Religion  Chretienne,  Part  II.  Tome  ■ 
pp.  401—406.    Chandler's  Sermons,  vol.  i.  Serm.  U. 


Kir   No.  IV.] 


ON  THE  DESCENT  OF  THE  HOLY  SPIRIT  ON  THE  APOSTLES. 


447 


No.  IV. 

ON  THE  DESCENT  OF  THE  HOLY  SPIRIT  ON  THE  APOSTLES. 


[Referred  to  in  p.  114.  of  this  Volume.] 


If  the  Gospel  be  the  invention  of  man, — if  Jesus  Christ  has  not 
risen  from  the  dead  and  ascended  into  heaven, — the  DBMUTTOf 
the  Holy  Spirit  on  the  apostles,  together  with  the  effect!  produced 
by  it.  is  another  ftut  tor  which  no  adequate  cause  can  lie  assigned. 
The  miracle  itself  is  related  in  the  second  chapter  of  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles.  Taking  it  for  granted  that  the  reader  has  perused 
the  graphic  narrative  of  the  evangelist  Luke,  we  shall  proceed  to 
offer  a  few  remarki  upon  this  fact. 

1.  This  amazing  and  astonishing  gift,  the  gift  of  tongues,  was 
a  miracle,  new  and  unheard  of  in  former  ages,  and  greater  or 
more  decisive  than  any  which  had  been  wrought  by  Jesus  Christ 
himself,  during  his  ministry.  Demoniacal  possessions,  or  dis- 
eases, might  be  counterfeited  ;  even  death  might  be  only  apparent ; 
the  reality,  therefore,  of  such  cures  and  restorations  to  life,  might 
be  questioned  by  gainsayers  and  denied  by  infidels.  But,  to  in- 
spire twelve  unlettered  Galilrcans,  (who  knew  only  their  mofher- 
tongue,  and  whose  dialect  was  proverbial  for  its  vulgarity,)  sud- 
denly, and  instantaneously,  with  the  knowledge  and  expression 
of  sixteen  or  eighteen  different  languages  or  dialects;  when,  in 
the  ordinary  course  of  things,  it  is  a  work  requiring  no  small 
labour  fully  to  understand  a  single  new  language,  and  still  more 
to  speak  it  with  fluency  and  correctness ;  this  was  indeed  a 
miracle  of  the  most  stupendous  nature,  carrying  with  it  the  most 
overpowering  and  irresistible  conviction,  the  simplest  and  plainest 
in  itself,  and  utterly  impossible  to  be  counterfeited.  For,  if  the 
apostles  had  expressed  themselves  improperly,  or  with  a  bad  ac- 
cent, as  most  people  do  when  they  speak  a  living  language 
which  is  not  natural  to  them,  the  hearers,  who  at  that  time  were 
not  converted  to  Christianity,  would  have  suspected  some  fraud, 
would  have  taken  notice  of  such  faults,  and  would  have  censured 
them  ;  but,  since  no  such  objections  were  made,  we  are  justified 
in  concluding  that  they  had  no  ground  for  censure. 

It  is  no  wonder,  then,  that  the  effect  was  so  prodigious  as  the 
conversion  of  three  thousand  prejudiced  Jews,  in  one  day,  to  the 
faith  of  a  crucified  Saviour  at  Jerusalem, — the  very  scene  of  his 
ignominious  crucifixion,  and  only  fifty  days  afterwards,  on  the 
day  of  Pentecost. 

In'  reviewing  the  whole  of  the  transaction,  this  alternative 
necessarily  presents  itself.  Either  the  apostles  themselves  were 
deceived,  in  the  first  place,  or  they  wished  to  impose  on  others, 
respecting  the  descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  the  miracles  which 
accompanied  it 

If  the  mind  revolts  at  the  first  of  these  suppositions,  on  account 
of  its  absurdity,  the  second  can  scarcely  appear  more  reasonable. 
Men,  who  undertake  to  establish  a  religion,  and  to  whom  credit 
is  necessary,  will  not  invent  a  fable  which  can  be  confuted  upon 
the  spot  by  all  those  persons  to  whose  testimony  they  appeal. 
They  will  net  place  the  scene  of  their  pretended  miracle  under 
the  eyes  of  an  innumerable  multitude,  in  the  very  midst  of  their 
enemies.  They  will  not  blend  with  their  recital  incidents  noto- 
riously false,  utterly  useless  for  their  purpose,  and  peculiarly  well 
adapted  to  convict  them  of  fraud  and  deceit. 

I  can  easily  conceive  persons  remaining  in  a  state  of  doubt  or 
unbelief,  who  take  only  a  general  view  of  this  history,  after  the 
lapse  of  eighteen  centuries,  without  giving  themselves  the  trouble 
to  weigh  all  its  circumstances.  But  will  not  conviction  succeed 
to  unbelief  and  doubt,  if  they  transport  themselves  to  the  very 
time  and  spot,  when  and  where  the  event  took  place;  if  they  re- 
flect that  they  arc  reading  the  work  of  a  contemporary  author, 
and  that  the  facts  related  in  his  book  were  published  throughout 
Judea,  in  Greece,  and  in  Asia  Minor,  before  he  composed  his 
nistory  1 

In  the  history  of  remote  ages,  the  facts  recorded  not  unfre- 
luently  borrow  their  authority  from  the  character  of  the  writer ; 
out,  in  a  recent  and  contemporary  history,  the  writer  is  indebted 
for  all  his  authority  to  the  truth  of  the  facts  which  he  narrates. 
The  book  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  would  never  have  been 
-oceived  as  a  canonical  book,  if  the  first  Christians  had  not  found 
Vol.  I.  3  N 


in  it  those  facts  which  they  all  believed,  and  of  which  many  ol 
them  had  actually  been  eye-witnesses.  And  such,  especially, 
were  the  miracles  which  distinguished  the  day  of  Pentecost. 

2.  Besides  this  proof,  which  arises  out  of  the  nature  of  the 
fact  and  the  circumstances  that  attended  it,  there  is  another,  not 
less  striking,  which  is  founded  on  the  connection  of  this  miracle 
with  the  events  that  preceded  and  followed  it. 

Wo  have  already  had  occasion  to  observe  the  striking  differ- 
ence in  the  conduct  of  the  apostles  before  and  after  their  Master'* 
death  (sec  pp.  113,  114.);  and  this  change  is  the  more  re 
markable,  because  it  was  contrary  to  what  might  naturally  have 
been  expected.  But  the  descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit  explains  to 
us  why  the  apostles,  who  were  so  ignorant  arid  timid  when  they 
were  instructed  and  supported  by  their  Master,  were  filled  with 
so  much  wisdom  and  intrepidity,  when  they  seemed  to  be  aban- 
doned to  themselves ; — why  these  men,  who  had  fled  at  the  sight 
of  the  danger  that  threatened  Jesus,  boldly  published  his  divinity 
in  the  presence  of  the  very  men  who  had  crucified  him ; — and 
why  Peter,  who  had  basely  denied  him  at  the  word  of  a  female 
servant,  so  boldly  confessed  him  in  the  midst  of  the  synagogue. 

Separate  from  this  history  the  miraculous  descent  of  the  Holy 
Spirit,  and  you  can  no  longer  perceive  either  motive,  connection, 
or  probability  in  this  series  of  facts  otherwise  incontestable. 
Every  one  of  those  facts  is  contrary  to  the  common  principles 
of  moral  order. — The  apostles,  the  converted  Jews,  as  well  as 
those  who  continued  to  reject  the  Gospel,  do  nothing  which  they 
ought  to  do,  and  every  thing  which  they  ought  not  to  do.  The 
city  of  Jerusalem  for  a  long  series  of  years  was  only  a  scene 
of  illusion  and  delirium.  We  should  not  endure  even  the 
reading  of  a  romance,  in  which  all  the  personages  should  be  repre- 
sented as  acting  like  those  who  are  exhibited  in  the  establishment 
of  Christianity. 

But,  would  you  give  order  and  connection  to  the  facts  1  Would 
you  ascribe  to  all  the  actors  motives,  conduct,  and  a  character 
consistent  with  nature  1  Would  you  render  credible  a  history, 
the  basis  of  which,  after  all,  it  is  impossible  for  you  to  deny, 
and  the  consequences  of  which  it  is  impossible  to  mistake  T — 
Put  in  its  proper  place  the  visible  descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit ; 
and  this  miracle  alone  will  render  an  infinite  number  of  others 
unnecessary.  You  will  find  in  it  an  explanation  of  those  diffi- 
culties which  perplex  your  mind,  and  which  cannot  be  satisfac- 
torily explained  upon  any  other  hypothesis. 

3.  Observe,  further,  the  intrinsic  probability  of  the  miracle, 
which  was  wrought  on  the  day  of  Pentecost — a  probability, 
founded  on  the  agreement  of  the  fact  with  the  known  designs 
and  predictions  of  the  author  of  Christianity. 

During  his  life,  Jesus  Christ  had  confined  his  ministry  within 
the  limits  of  Judea :  he  was  not  sent,  as  he  himself  declared, 
"but  to  the  lost  sheep  of  the  house  of  Israel"  (Matt.  xv.  24.)  : 
his  doctrine  was  not  to  be  preached  to  the  Gentiles,  until  after 
his  death.  That  mission  was  reserved  for  the  apostles,  and  he 
solemnly  charged  them  to  fulfil  it,  just  before  his  ascension  into 
heaven.  But,  before  they  could  enter  upon  their  apostolic  func- 
tions, it  was  necessary  that  these  timid  and  ignorant  men  should 
receive  the  Holy  Spirit  agreeably  to  Christ's  promise, — even  that 
Spirit  by  whom  they  were  to  be  endued  with  power  from  on  high 
and  guided  into  all  truth.  The  miracle  of  the  day  of  Pentecost 
was  then  announced  and  foretold.  But,  what  grandeur,  what 
wisdom,  what  an  admirable  selection  of  circumstances  do  we 
see  in  the  fulfilment  of  this  prediction !  The  apostles  were 
appointed  the  teachers  of  all  nations ;  and  it  was  in  the  sight  of 
persons  of  every  nation,  assembled  at  Jerusalem  on  occasion  of  one 
of  the  great  solemnities  of  the  Mosaic  Law,  that  they  received 
from  heaven  the  authentic  credentials  of  the  divine  mission. 
Sent  to  all  nations,  it  was  necessary  that  all  nations  should  be 
able  to  understand  them.  By  an  astonishing  miracle  these  men 
were  enabled,  -without  ttudy,  to  speak  all  the  languages  or  dialects 
of  the  East.    But  the  gift  of  tongues  was  not  conferred  on  them 


448 


EXAMINATION  OF  THE  DIFFICULTIES. 


[Apr.  No.  V 


merely  to  accelerate  the  progress  of  their  doctrine  :  it  serves  also 
to  characterise,  from  its  very  birth,  that  universal  religion  which 
embraces  both  Jew  and  Gentile,  Greek  and  Barbarian. 

How  closely  connected  is  every  part  of  the  evangelical  history  ! 
How  admirably  do  the  means  answer  to  the  end !  How  do  the 
most  feignal  miracles  acquire  probability  by  their  mutual  rela- 


tion and  by  the  place  which  they  hold  in  the  dispensation  of  reli 
gion  !> 

1.  Duvoisin,  Demonstration  Evangelique,  pp.  161 — 168.  See  a  full  exami- 
nation of  the  miraculous  gift  of  tongues  in  Dr.  Samuel  Chandler's  Ser- 
mons, vol.  i.  Serm.  13,  14. ;  and  also  some  brief,  but  forcible  remarks  in 
Mr.  Faber's  Difficulties  of  Infidelity,  pp.  242—245. 


No.  V. 


EXAMINATION  OF  THE  DIFFICULTIES  ATTENDANT  ON  THE 
PROPAGATION  OF  CHRISTIANITY. 


{Referred  to  in  p.  114,  of  this   Volume  ] 


"  The  rapid  and  astonishing  progress,  which  Christianity 
made  in  the  world  in  a  very  few  years  after  its  publication,  is 
not  only  an  irrefragable  argument  of  its  divine  origin  and  truth, 
Dut  also  a  striking  instance  of  the  credulity  of  those,  who  assert 
that  the  Gospel  is  the  contrivance  of  man.  For,  according  to 
the  common  course  of  things,  how  utterly  incredible  was  it, 
that  the  religion  taught  by  an  obscure  person,  in  an  obscure 
station  of  life,  in  an  obscure  country,  should  in  so  short  a  space 
of  time  penetrate  to  the  utmost  boundaries  of  the  Roman  em- 
pire. According  to  all  present  appearances,  how  romantic  and 
visionary  would  the  assertion  of  a  private  Jew  seem  to  a  philoso- 
pher, to  whom  he  should  declare  that  the  principles  of  the  sect, 
which  he  had  founded,  should  be  preached  to  every  creature  under 
heaven  !  That  a  miserable  company  of  fishermen,  from  a  coun- 
try that  was  despicable  to  a  proverb,  without  learning  and  with- 
out interest,  should  penetrate  into  the  heart  of  so  many  various 
nations,  should  establish  their  tenets  in  the  bosom  of  the  largest 
cities,  and  gain  converts  to  their  principles  in  the  courts  of  sove- 
reigns and  princes,  is  a  truth  not  to  be  accounted  for  on  any 
principal  but  that  of  a  signal  and  divine  interposition  in  their 
favour."'  The  force  of  this  argument  will  more  fully  appear 
if  we  take  a  short  retrospect  of  the  progress  of  Christianity. 

Two  months  had  not  elapsed  after  the  death  of  Jesus  Christ, 
when  his  apostles  suddenly  presented  themselves,  and  publicly 
taught  in  the  midst  of  Jerusalem ;  whence  their  doctrine  spread 
throughout  Judaea  and  the  neighbouring  provinces.  Shortly  after, 
it  was  carried  into  Greece,  Italy,  and  even  into  Spain.  They 
founded  societies  of  Christians  in  the  cities  of  Csesarea,  Rome, 
Athens,  Corinth,  Thessalonica,  Phillippi,  Antioch,  Ephesus,  and 
in  many  other  regions,  towns,  and  cities ;  so  that,  (as  heathen 
adversaries,  together  with  Christian  writers,  acknowledge),  be- 
fore three  centuries  were  completed,  the  Gospel  had  penetrated 
into  every  region  of  the  then  known  world,  and  far  beyond  the 
boundaries  of  the  Roman  empire.  Wherever  the  preachers  of 
Christianity  travelled,  they  declared  that  the  person,  whose  re- 
ligion they  taught,  had  been  despised  by  his  own  countrymen 
and  crucified  by  the  Romans.  And,  what  is  more,  they  preached 
a  religion  which  was  contrary  to  the  pleasures  and  passions  of 
mankind;  which  prohibited  all  sensual  indulgences ;  which  in- 
dispensably required  from  its  professors  temperance,  self-denial, 
and  inviolable  purity  and  sanctity  of  manners,  and  was  diametri- 
cally repugnant  to  the  prevailing  principles  and  maxims  of  those 
times.  "  It  is  wonderful  beyond  all  example,  that  a  few  illiterate 
Galilaeans  issuing  from  an  obscure  corner  of  a  distant  Roman 
province,  unlearned  and  unsupported,  should,  in  no  long  time, 
overturn  the  two  greatest  establishments  that  ever  were  erected 
in  the  world,  and  triumph  over  all  the  power  of  every  con- 
federated nation,  that  universally  associated  to  oppose  them. 
Such  an  astonishing  and  sudden  revolution  in  the  religious  and 
moral  state  of  the  world,  produced  by  such  agents,  could  be  ef- 
fected by  nothing  less  than  a  most  signal  interposition  of  God, 
endowing  these  his  messengers  with  supernatural  powers,  and 
visibly  supporting  them  in  the  cause  in  which  they  were  en- 
gaged."2   Indeed,  if  we  contrast  the  various  obstacles,  which 

«  Dr.  Harwood'a  Introduction  to  the  New  Testament,  vol.  i.  p.  so.» 
»  Ibid.  p.  85. 


actually  opposed  the  progress  of  the  Gospel,  with  the  human  means 
which  its  preachers  enjoyed,  we  must  feel  the  justice  of  the  remark 
that  was  made  by  an  apostle : — "  God  hath  chosen  the  foolish 
things  of  the  world  to  confound  the  wise ;  and  God  hath  chosen 
the  weak  things  of  the  world  to  confound  the  things  which  are 
mighty."  (1  Cor.  i.  27.)  For,  no  sooner  was  the  Christian 
church  formed  into  a  body,  than  it  was  assailed  by  three  des- 
criptions of  enemies,  either  all  at  once  or  in  succession,  viz.  1. 
The  prejudices  of  authority  and  of  human  wisdom; — 2.  The 
violence  of  persecution ; — and,  3.  The  artifices  of  policy. 
I.  The  progress  of  Christianity  was  assailed  and  impeded  by 

the  PREJUDICES  OF  AUTH0BITT.  AND  OF  HUMAN  WISDOM.      From 

its  very  origin,  the  Gospel  was  "  a  stumbling-block  to  the  Jews, 
and  to  the  Greeks  foolishness." 

1.  With  regard  to  the  Jews: — On  the  one  hand,  we  behold 
that  people  exclusively  attached  to  the  law  of  Moses,  and  intoxi- 
cated with  pride,  on  account  of  theii  being  descended  from 
Abraham  ;  their  hypocritical  teachers  who  affected  to  be  models 
of  wisdom,  piety,  and  holiness,  usurping  the  highest  influence 
over  the  minds  of  the  people,  who  were  blindly  devoted  to  the 
prejudices  which  they  cherished,  respecting  the  duration  of  the 
levitical  worship,  the  nature  of  the  Messiah's  kingdom,  and  the 
importance  of  their  traditions.  And,  on  the  other  hand,  we  see 
twelve  men, — from  the  lowest  class  of  their  nation,  formerly  im 
bued  with  the  same  prejudices,  who  accused  them  of  making 
void  the  Commandments  of  God  by  their  traditions : — who  deeply 
offended  their  national  pride  by  telling  them  that  the  Almighty 
was  not  the  God  of  the  Jews  only,  but  also  of  the  Gentiles,  and 
that  the  heathen  would  rise  up  as  witnesses  against  them,  and 
would  be  admitted  into  covenant  with  God,  while  they  them- 
selves would  be  excluded  from  it : — who  announced  to  them  that 
the  levitical  worship  was  about  to  terminate,  and  that  the  Su- 
preme Being  was  no  longer  to  be  adored  exclusively  at  Jerusalem, 
but  that  men  might  offer  to  him  acceptable  worship  at  all  times 
and  in  all  places : — who  substituted  to  the  splendid  ceremonial 
enjoined  by  the  Mosaic  law  ( which  was  a  constant  source  oi 
credit  and  of  emolument  to  a  host  of  ministers  who  attended  at 
the  alters  )  a  simple  and  spiritual  worship,  which  rendered  their 
functions  useless,  and  in  which  every  Christian  was  to  be  the 
priest,  the  altar,  and  the  victim: — who  undeceived  them  res- 
pecting the  nature  of  the  Messiah's  Kingdom,  by  apprising  them, 
that  it  is  not  of  this  world,  and  that  they  must  renounce  all  their 
ardent  hopes  concerning  it : — who  censured  with  equal  force  and 
boldness  their  pharisaic  devotion,  long  prayers,  ostentatious  fasts, 
and  all  those  exterior  observances,  in  which  they  made  the 
essence  of  piety  to  consist ; — and,  finally,  who  excited  their 
self-love,  by  preaching  to  them  the  stumbling-block  of  the  cross. 
Can  any  one  believe  that  these  were  likely  means  to  procure  the 
preachers  of  the  Gospel  a  hearing, — much  less  to  ensure  them 
success  ? 

2.  With  regard  to  the  Heathen  Nations,  the  prejudices 
opposed  by  paganism  were  not  less  powerful  than  those  enter- 
tained by  the  Jews.  Pagan  idolatry  traced  its  origin  to  the  re- 
motest antiquity.  The  most  imposing  pomp  and  magnificence 
entered  into  its  worship  and  ceremonies.  Temples  of  the  most 
splendid   architecture, — statues   of   exquisite   sculpture, — priests 


Are.  No.  V.] 


ATTENDANT  ON  THE  PROPAGATION  OF  CHRI8TIAMT\  . 


449 


And  victims  superbly  adorned, — attendant  youths  of  both  sexes, 
blooming  vvitli  beauty,  performing  all  the  sacred  rites  frith  grace- 
fulness  heightened  by  every  ornament, —  nwgMtnitl  arrayed  in 
the  insignia  of  their  office, — religious  basts,  dances,  and  illumi- 
nations,— concerta  of  the  sweetest  vetoes  and  instruments, —  per- 
fumes of  the  must  delightful  fragrance, — every  pari  oi  tha  heathen 

religion,  in  short,  was  contrived  to  allure  and  to  captivate  the 
senses  and  the  heart.      Amid  all  these   attractive  object;,  M 

on  the  one  hand,  a  multitude  of  priests  enjoying  the  moat  exten* 
live  influence,  supported  i>v  omens,  auguries,  and  every  kind  of 

divination  to  which  ignoranca  and  anxiety  b>r  the  future  attri- 
bute BO  much  power,  while  their  persons  were  rendered  I  end 
under  that  profound  idolatry  and  superstition  which  bad  over- 
id  the  earth.  And,  on  the  ether,  we  sec  twelve  Jewiah 
Behennen,  declaring  thai  thoaa  deities  which  had  so  long  been 

■  I  were   only  dumb   idol;,  and    that   they  must    turn    to   the 

one  living  and  true  God,  the  maker  of  heaven  and  earth;  and 

who  had  conceived  no  less  a  design  than  that  of  expelln 
many  deities,  throwing  down  so  many  all ars,  putting  an  end  to 
:  ny  sacrifices,  and,  consequently,  of  annihilating  the  dignity 
of  such  a  multitude  of  priests,  and  of  drying  up  the  sources  of 
their  riches  and  credit.  And  can  any  one  believe  that  these  were 
likely  means  of  success  !      Further, — 

On  the  onr  hand,  we  see  paganism  intimately  united  with 
political  governments,  and  sovereigns  making  use  of  its  decisions 
in  order  to  justify  the  enterprises  even  of  tyrannical  power.  More 
particularly  at  Rome,  under  the  republic,  religion  was  a  political 
im  admirably  adapted  to  the  genius  of  the  people,  and  was 
not  only  protected  but  in  many  instances  administered  by  the 
civil  magistrate  :  it  grew  with  the  growth  of  the  republic,  and 
seemed  to  promise  itself  a  duration  equal  to  that  of  the  eternal 
city.  During  the  imperial  government,  we  see  the  emperors 
causing  altars  to  be  erected  to  themselves,  in  their  life-time,  or 
expecting  them  after  their  death. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  behold  a  religion,  according  to  which 
<n  apotheosis  is  an  act  of  daring  impiety  ;  which,  inculcating 
mly  one  God,  allowed  no  rival  deity  to  those  who  embraced  it; 
nd  which  thenceforth  necessarily  caused  its  followers  to  be  ac- 
OUnted  both  impious  and  rebels.  Can  any  rational  person 
•elieve  that  these  were  proper  or  likely  means  to  cause  such  a 
eligion  to  be  received  > 

Lastly,  on  the  one  hand,  we  see  corruption,  the  fruit  of  igno- 
rance, and  ■'  error  combined  with  the  passions,  spread  over  the 
earth,  the  most  shameful  practices  sanctioned  by  the  precepts  and 
amples  of  the  philosophers,  vices  ranked  as  virtues,  in  short, 
of  Universal  depravity,  both  moral  and  religious,  which  the 
apostle  Paul  has  by  no  means  exaggerated  in  the  sketch  of  it 
which  he  has  drawn  ;  since  it  is  fully  justified  by  contemporary 
authors,  both  Jews  and  Heathens.  On  the  other  band,  again, 
behold  the  Gospel,  inculcating  a  sublime  morality  which  at  that 
time  was  more  difficult  to  be  observed  than  ever ;  referring  every 
thing  to  the  glory  of  God,  and  enjoining  the  renunciation  of  pas- 
sions equally  cherished  and  corrupted,  together  with  a  total  change 
of  heart  and  mind,  continual  efforts  after  holiness,  the  duty  of 
imitating  even  God  himself,  and  the  absolute  necessity  of  taking 
up  the  cross  of  Christ,  and  submitting  to  the  loss  of  all  earthly 
good,  as  well  as  b)  the  endurance  of  every  evil.  Think,  how 
sinful  propensities  would  rise  at  hearing  this  novel  doctrine, 
how  the  corrupt  heart  of  man  would  be  offended  at  it,  and  how- 
horrible  that  salutary  hand  must  appear,  which  came  to  apply 
tiic  probe,  the  knife,  and  the  fire  to  so  many  gangrened  parts; 
and  then  say,  whether  these  were  likely  or  probable  means  to 
obtain  a  reception  for  that  doctrine  ?  Does  not  the  success,  which 
attended  the  labours  of  the  first  preachers  of  the  Gospel, —  a  suc- 
cess not  only  without  a  cause,  but  also  contrary  to  all  human 
-, — does  not  this  success  demonstrate  the  mighty  protection 
of  God,  and  the  victorious  force  of  truth  1 

II.  The   Violence  or  PsnsictmoH  was  another  most  for- 
midable obstacle  to  the  propagation  of  the  Christian  religion. 

In  fact,  from  its  first  origin  to  the  tim 
i  unity,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  short  intervals,  was  subjected 
to  the  most  violent  persecutions.  At  Jerusalem  the  apostles  were 
imprisoned,  scourged,  or  put  to  death  in  various  ways.  Wherever 
they  directed  their  steps,  they  were  pursued  by  the  Jews,  who 
either  accused  them  before  Jewish  and  Heathen  tribunals,  or 
stirred  up  the  populace  against  them.  Rut  these  persecutions 
were,  comparatively,  only  slight  forerunners  of  those  which  suc- 
ceeding ages  witnessed  ;  and  ecclesiastical  history  (which  is 
corroborated  by  heathen  writers  as  well  as  by  heathen  edicts  and 
inscriptions  that  are  still  extant)  records  ten  grievous  general 


persecutions  of  the  Christiana  under  the  pagan  emperors,  within 
the  space  of  tWO  hundred  and  fifty  years. 

1.  The  first  who  lad   the  way  in  these  attacks  upon  the  pro- 

of the  Chriatian  faith,  was  the  ferocious  Nero;  who,  in 

order  that   he   might  wreak  upon    them  th limn  which  he  had 

incurred  for  setting  the  citj  of  Rome  on  fire,  inflicted  upon 
them  the  most  exquisite  tortures,  attended  with  every  circurn 
stance  of  the  moat  refined  cruelty.     Some  were  crucified  ;  others, 

impal.  '  re  tied  up  in  the  skineo/wild  beasts  that  they 

might  be  torn  to  piece,  by  dogs;  and  cithers  were  wrapped  in 
garments  dipped  in  pitch  and  other  combustrmee,  and  burnt  as 

torches  in  the  gardens  of  \ero,  and  in  other  porta  of  the  city,  by 

night.     Thia  persecution,  though  il  si  Rome  during 

the  year  84,  appear    to  hive  continued,  with  little  abatement, 
nearly  three  yean  (\.  d.  fit — 67), and  to  have  extended  to  every 
part  of  the  empire. 
The  abort  reigns  of  Galba,  Otho,  and   Vitelline,  and  the  mild 

and    equitable    administration    of   the    emperor.^    V.-p:-.  ;.m    and 

Titus,  gave  some  rest  to  the  Christians,  until, 

2.  Domitian,  succeeding  to  the  empire,  began  a  new  persecu- 
tion, which  aJao  continued  al  years,  •..  d.  93 — 96 
"  For  this  persecution  no  mot  tied,  but  the  prodigious 
increase  of  converts  to  Christianity,  and  their  refusal  to  pay 
divine  honours  to  the  emperor.  The  exti  nt  and  severity  of  this 
persecution  may  be  conceived  from  Domitiau's  including  among 
its  victims  even  his  chief  ministers  :.nd  his  nearest  kindred  and 
relations."  The  death  of  this  second  .Nero  delivered  the  Chris- 
tians from  this  calamity;  and  .  permitted 
them  to  enjoy  a  season  of  tranquility,  and  rescinded  the  san- 
guinary edicts  of  his  prerlecee 

3.  The  second  century  of  the  Christian  era  opened  with  the 
persecution,  which  was  commenced  in  the  reign  of  Trajan,  when 
so  great  a  multitude  of  believers  Buffered  martyrdom,  that  the 
emperor,  astonished  at  the  accounts  which  he  received,  prohibited 
them  to  he  sought  for ;  though,  if  they  were  accused,  he  permit- 
ted them  to  be  punished.  This  persecution  continued  under  the 
reign  of  Hadrian,  the  adopted  son  and  successor  of  Trajan. 

4.  5.  The  fourth  and  fifth  persecutions  prevailed  under  Antc- 
nius  and  Marcus  Aurelius.  The  apology,  addressed  by  Justin 
Martyr  to  the  former  emperor,  induced  him  to  stop  all  proceed- 
ings against  the  Christians  in  Europe;  but  a  very  strong  edict 
from  Antonius  could  only  quash  the  persecution  in  Asia.  And 
under  Marcus  Aurelius,  who  credulously  listened  to  the  calum- 
nious charges  of  their  enemies,  the  torture  and  the  cross  were 
in  full  force  against  the  professors  ofthe  Christian  faith. 

6 — 10.  In  the  third  century,  several  persecutions  are  recorded 
to  have  taken  place.  Severus,  Maximin,  Deciua,  and  Valerian, 
successively  attacked  the  Christiana,  and  let  loose  all  their  im- 
perial vengeance  against  them.  ■•  Rut  the  climax  of  persecution 
wot  carried  t«  it*  utmost  height  in  the  reign  of  Dioclesian," 
which  indeed  extended  into  the  fourth  century.  In  this  persecu- 
tion, "the  fiuy  of  the  pagan  world,  instigated  by  Galerius  and 
other  inveterate  enemies  of  Christianity,  was  poured  forth  with 
unparalleled  violence,  and  with  a  determinate  resolution  (it 
should  seem  i  to  extirpate,  if  possible,  the  v.  bob-  race  of  believers. 
The  Utmost  pains  were  taken  to  compel  Christians  to  deliver  Up 
to  the  !  all  the  copi>  riptores,  that  they 

might  be  publicly  burnt,  and  ever]  their  religion  de- 

stroyed. But  although  this  part  of  the  imperial  edict,  together 
with  that  which  respected  the  demolition  of  the  Christian 
churches,  was  executed  with  extreme  rigour;  yet  such  were  the 
firmness  and  fidelity  of  the  Christians,  and  such  their  profound 
reverence  for  the  sure.!  writings,  that  many  of  them  suffered  the 
severest  tortures  rather  than  comply  with  this  decree.''  The 
human  u,  indeed,  was  almost  exhausted  in  inventing 

a  variet  s.     Some  were  impaled  alive;  others  had  their 

limbs  broken,  and  in  that  condition  were  left  to  expire.  -Some 
were  roasted  by  slow  fires,  and  some  suspended  by  the  feet  with 
their  heads  dow  nward  ;  and,  a  fire  being  made  under  them,  were 
suffocated  by  .     Some  had  melted  lead  poured  down  ^ 

their  flu  the  flesh  of  some  was  torn  of!"  with  shells;  and 

others  had  the  splinters  of  reds  thrust  beneath  the  nails  of  their 
fingers  and  toes.  The  few,  who  were  not  capitally  punished, 
had  their  limbs  and  their  features  mutilated.  No  war,  that  had 
ever  taken  place,  had  caused  the  death  of  so  great  a  multitude 
of  persons  as  this  tenth  general  persecution  devoured.  Almost 
the  whole  of  the  -hen  known  world  was  deluged  with  the  blood 
of  the  martyrs.  If  the  Gospel  be  only  the  contrivance  of  man, 
th<5  conduct  of  these  its  defenders  is  utterly  inexplicable. 

III.  But  not  onlv  was  the  progress  of  Christianity  impeded  by 


450 


EXAMINATION  OF  THE  DIFFICULTIES,  &c. 


[App.  No.  V. 


he  prejudices  of  authority  and  human  wisdom,  as  well  as  by  the 
violence  of  persecution ;  it  also  encountered  a  formidable  obstacle 
in  the  artifices  of  policy. 

As  soon  as  those  who  had  embraced  the  religion  of  Jesus 
Christ  began  to  be  known  by  the  appellation  of  Christians,  they 
were  pourtrayed  by  their  enemies  in  the  blackest  colours.  Jews 
and  heathens  alike  united  all  their  efforts  to  ruin  a  religion  which 
tended  to  annihilate  every  thing  that  appeared  venerable  to  them, 
regardless  of  the  evidences  which  demonstrated  that  religion  to 
be  from  God :  anjl  they  represented  the  professors  of  the  Gospel 
as  dangerous  innovators,  the  declared  enemies  of  all  that  was 
sacred,  disturbers  of  the  public  peace,  profligate  and  immoral ;  in 
short,  as  persons  utterly  destitute  of  religion,  and  impious  athe- 
ists. These,  unquestionably,  are  most  powerful  means  of  preju- 
dicing nations  against  a  doctrine  ;  and  for  a  long  time  the  church 
had  to  conflict  with  these  calumnies. 

When  the  Christians  began  to  indulge  the  hope  of  enjoying 
some  tranquillity,  after  Constantine  was  invested  with  the  impe- 
rial purple,  and  had  declared  themselves  their  protector,  a  new 
enemy  arose,  who  employed  the  most  insidious  artifices  against 
the  Christian  faith.  The  emperor  Julian,  who  had  apostatised 
from  the  Gospel,  in  his  zeal  for  the  restoration  of  paganism,  left 
no  means  unattempted  to  undermine  the  very  foundations  of  the 
church.  Though  he  refrained  from  open  persecution,  yet  he 
connived  at  that  of  his  officers,  who  persecuted  the  Christians  in 
places  remote  from  the  court.  He  endeavoured  to  reform  pagan- 
ism, and  to  bring  it  as  near  as  might  be  to  the  admirable  methods, 
by  which  he  perceived  Christianity  had  prevailed  in  the  world. 
He  diligently  seized  every  opportunity  of  exposing  Christians 
and  their  religion  to  ridicule ;  and  exhausted  all  his  powers  of 
wit  and  sophistical  ingenuity  to  exhibit  them  in  a  contemptible 
point  of  view.  Sometimes,  he  endeavoured  to  surprise  unwary 
Christians  into  a  compliance  with  pagan  superstitions,  that  he 
might  raise  horror  in  their  minds,  or  injure  their  reputation.  At 
others,  he  sought  by  all  means  to  weaken  the  power  and  influ- 
ence of  the  Christians,  by  depriving  them  of  all  places  of  honour 
and  authority,  unless  they  would  sacrifice  to  idols,  and  by  inca- 
pacitating them  from  holding  any  civil  offices,  from  executing 
testaments,  or  transferring  any  inheritance.  Among  other  ex- 
pedients to  which  Julian's  hatred  of  Christianity  induced  him  to 
have  recourse,  was  the  endeavour  to  suppress  and  extinguish  all 
human  learning  among  the  Christians,  well  knowing  how  natu- 
rally ignorance  opens  a  door  to  contempt,  barbarism,  and  impiety. 
With  this  design,  he  prohibited  them  from  teaching  philosophy, 
and  the  liberal  arts,  and  annulled  all  the  privileges  which  they 
had  hitherto  enjoyed.  And,  lastly,  still  further  to  gratify  his 
rancour  against  the  Christians,  he  protected  and  favoured  the 
Jews,  and  resolved  to  rebuild  their  temple  at  Jerusalem :  but  this 
attempt  served  only  to  afford  a  further  testimony  to  the  truths  of 
the  Gospel  predictions :  for  it  is  related  both  by  pagan  as  well 
as  Christian  historians,  that  balls  of  fire  repeatedly  issued  from 
the  foundations  and  destroyed  many  of  the  artificers,  and  scorched 
the  rest,  who,  after  many  attempts,  were  compelled  to  desist  from 
their  purpose.  These  various  acts,  however,  proved  fruitless.  The 
Christians,  though  oppressed,  continued  faithful  to  their  religion, 
and  the  death  of  Julian,  after  a  short  reign,  left  the  church  in 
safety. 

From  the  preceding  view  of  the  progressive  establishment  of 
Christianity,  it  is  evident  that  it  was  not  indebted  for  its  success 


to  the  nature  of  its  doctrine,  or  to  the  personal  qualities  of  those 
who  taught  it,  or  to  the  dispositions  and  prejudices  of  those  who 
embraced  it,  or,  lastly,  to  the  influence  of  the  government.  On 
the  contrary,  the  striking  contrasts  between  the  nature  of  Chris- 
tianity and  the  state  of  the  world  were  such  powerful  obstacles  to 
it,  that  they  excited  against  it  both  Jews  and  Gentiles.  Princes, 
priests,  and  philosophers,  vied  with  one  another,  in  making  the 
greatest  efforts  to  extinguish  this  religion.  Means  the  most  in- 
sidious as  well  as  the  most  cruel  appeared  to  be  the  most  certain 
for  the  accomplishment  of  their  designs.  Persecutions,  oppro- 
brium, unheard-of  torments,  the  most  exquisite  punishments,  as 
well  as  politic  artifices,  were  employed  for  three  successive  cen- 
turies, in  order  to  prevent  it  from  establishing  itself,  and  yet  it 
did  establish  itself  throughout  every  part  of  the  then  known 
world.  Unquestionably,  this  great  revolution  is  not  to  be  ac- 
counted for  by  means  so  contrary  to  the  end.  Where  then  are 
we  to  seek  for  other  human  means  ? 

Do  we  find  them  in  the  eloquence  of  its  preachers  ?  But  they 
did  not  possess  that  human  eloquence  which  surprises  and  sub- 
jugates the  mind ;  and  if  they  had  that  eloquence,  which  carries 
persuasion  with  it,  because  it  proceeds  from  a  heart  deeply  pene- 
trated and  convinced,  it  is  the  seal  of  truth,  and  not  of  imposture. 

Shall  we  seek  for  them  in  credit  and  authority  ?  It  would  be 
utterly  ridiculous  and  absurd  to  attribute  any  wordly  credit  or' 
authority  to  the  apostles. 

Do  we  find  them  in  their  riches  ?  They  had  none  to  offer : 
besides,  they  who  were  desirous  of  embracing  the  Gospel  were 
required  to  be  ready  to  abandon  their  possessions.  Could  earthly 
pleasures  promote  their  success?  The  persecutions  to  which 
Christians  were  exposed  cut  them  off  from  every  hope  of  enjoy- 
ing them. 

Did  the  apostles  possess  the  means  of  constraining  persons  to 
embrace  their  doctrines'?  The  first  preachers  of  the  Gospel  were 
totally  destitute  of  coercive  means,  and  the  nature  of  their  doc- 
trine prohibited  them  from  having  any  recourse  to  them.  Yet  all 
these  means  were  employed  against  them  in  their  utmost  force. 

If,  notwithstanding  all  these  obstacles,  and  this  weakness  of  its 
resources,  there  is  nothing  inexplicable  in  the  establishment  of 
Christianity,  how  comes  it  to  pass,  since  it  did  spread  into  every 
part  of  the  known  world,  that  all  the  philosophers  of  antiquity 
had  only  a  small  number  of  disciples?  Those  philosophers, 
with  all  their  united  knowledge,  eloquence,  and  celebrity,  never 
were  able  to  effect  any  change  in  religion,  or  to  produce  any 
general  moral  reformation  in  the  world ;  and  yet  the  antagonists 
of  Christianity  think  it  an  easy  matter  that  twelve  fishermen 
should  have  enlightened  the  world,  and  persuaded  it  to  abandon 
its  false  gods,  to  renounce  its  vices,  and  to  follow  a  man  who 
expired  upon  the  cross,  and  to  die  for  him ! 

The  establishment  of  Christianity  is  a  fact  so  striking,  so 
singular,  so  contrary  to  every  thing  which  has  ever  yet  been 
seen,  so  disproportionate  to  its  apparent  causes,  that  it  was  not 
without  reason  remarked  by  a  father  of  the  church,  that  if 
Christianity  established  itself  without  a  miracle,  it  is  itself  the 
greatest  of  all  miracles.1 

'  Hey's  Norrisian  Lectures,  vol.  i.  book  i.  chap.  18.  Duvoisin,  Demon- 
stration Evangelique,  pp.  177—202.  Bp.  Van  Mildert's  View  of  the  Rise 
and  Progress  of  Infidelity,  vol.  i.  Sermons  3.  and  4.  Anspach,  Coura 
d'Etudes  de  la  Religion  Chretieune,  Part  II.  Tome  ii.  pp.  261—273.  Vernet, 
Traite  de  la  Verite  de  la  Religion  Chretienne,  Tomes  viii. — x.  Bishop 
War  burton's  Julian. 


Krr.  No.  VI.] 


PROPHECIES  RELATIVE  TO  THE  MESSIAH. 


45) 


No.  VI. 

A  TABLE  OF  THE  CHIEF  PROPHECIES  RELATIVE  TO  THE  MESSIAH. 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE    PRINCIPAL    PROPHECIES    RELATIVE    TO    THE    MESSIAH,  WITH    THEIR    ACCOMPLISHMENT,  IN  THE  VERV  WORDB 

OF    THE    NEW    TESTAMENT. 

[Re/erred  to  in  pages  127.  and  148.  of  this  voiume.} 

SECTION  I. 


PROPHECIES    RELATIVE  TO  THE  ADVENT,  PERSON,  SUFFERINGS,   RESURRECTION,   AND   ASCENSION   OF  THE    MESSIAH. 


§  1.    'That  a  Messiah  should  come. 

PnoPHEcv. — Gen.  iii.  IS.  He  (the  seed  of  the  woman) 
shall  bruise  thy  head  and  thou  shall  bruise  his  heel.  Compare 
Gen.  xxii.  18.  xii.  3.  xxvi.  4.  xxviii.  4.  and  Psalm.  Ixxii.  17. — 
Isa.  xl.  5.  The  glory  of  the  Lord  shall  be  revealed,  and  all 
flesh  shall  see  it  together. — Hag.  ii.  7.  The  desire  of  all  nations 
shall  come. 

Fulfilment. — Gal.  iv.  4.  When  the  fulness  of  time  was 
come,  God  sent  forth  his  Son,  made  of  a  -woman  (4000  years  after 
the  first  prophecy  was  delivered.) — Rom.  xvi.  20.  The  God  of 
peace  shall  bruise  Satan  under  your  feet  shortly. — 1  John  iii.  8. 
The  Son  of  God  was  manifested,  that  he  might  destroy  the  works 
of  the  Devil  (that  old  serpent,  Rev.  xi.  9.)  See  also  Heb.  ii. 
14. — Luke  ii.  10.  I  bring  you  tidings  of  great  joy,  which  shall 
be  to  all  people. 

§  2.    When  he  should  come. 

PnoPHEcr. — Gen.  xlix.  10.  The  sceptre  shall  not  depart  from 
Judah,  nor  a  lawgiver  from  between  his  feet,  until  Shiloh  come. 
The  Messiah  was  to  come  at  a  time  of  universal  peace,  and 
when  there  was  a  general  expectation  of  him  ;  and  while  the 
second  temple  was  standing,  seventy  weeks  (of  years,  i.  e.  490 
years)  after  the  rebuilding  of  Jerusalem.  See  Hag.  ii.  6 — 9. ; 
Dan.  ix.  24,  25.;  Mai.  iii.  1. 

Fulfilment. — When  the  Messiah  came,  the  sceptre  had 
departed  from  Judah ;  for  the  Jews,  thorjgb  governed  by  their 
own  rulers  and  magistrates,  yet  were  subject  to  the  paramount 
authority  of  the  Roman  emperors  ;  as  was  evinced  by  their  being 
subject  to  the  enrolment  of  Augustus,  paying  tribute  to  Caesar, 
and  not  having  the  power  of  life  and  death.  Compare  Luke  ii. 
1.3 — 5.;  Matt.  xxii.  20,  21.;  and  the  parallel  passages;  and 
John  xviii.  31. — When  Jesus  Christ  came  into  the  world,  the 
Roman  wars  were  terminated,  the  temple  of  Janus  was  shut,  and 
peace  reigned  throughout  the  Roman  empire;  and  all  nations, 
both  Jews  and  Gentiles,  were  expecting  the  coming  of  some 
extraordinary  person.  See  Matthew  ii.  1 — 10.;  Mark  xv.  43.; 
Luke  ii.  25.  38.;  and  John  i.  19 — 45.  for  the  expectation  of  the 
Jews.  The  two  Roman  historians,  Suetonius  and  Tacitus,  con- 
firm the  fulfilment  of  the  prediction,  as  to  the  expectation  of  the 
Gentiles. 

§  3.    That  the  Messiah  should  be  God  and  man  together. 

Propukcy. — Psal.  ii.  7.  Thou  art  my  Son,  this  day  have  I 
begotten  thee. — Psal.  ex.  1.  The  Lord  said  unto  my  Lord. — 
Isa.  ix.  6.  The  mighty  God,  the  everlasting  Father. — Mic.  v.  2. 
Whose  goings  forth  have  been  from  of  old,  from  everlasting. 

Fulfilment. — Heb.  i.  8.  Unto  the  Son  he  saith,  "Thy 
throne,  O  God,  is  for  ever  and  ever."  Compare  Matt.  xxii.  42 — 
45.;  1  Cor.  xv.  25.;  Heb.  i.  13.— Matt.  i.  23.  They  shall  call 
his  name  Emmanuel,  that  is,  God  with  us. — John  i.  1.  14.  The 
Word  was  with  God,  and  the  Word  was  God.  The  Word  was 
made  flesh,  and  dwelt  among  us. — Rom.  ix.  5.  Of  whom  (the 
fathers)  as  concerning  the  flesh  Christ  came,  who  is  God  over 
all,  blessed  for  ever.     See  also  Col.  ii.  9. ;   1  John  v.  20. 

§  4.  From  whom  he  was  to  be  descended. 

Prophecy. — From  the  first  woman.  Gen.  iii.  15. 

From  .Ibraham  and  his  descendants  (Gen.  xii.  3.    xviii.  18.) ; 


viz.  Isaac  (Gen.  xxvi.  4.)  ;  Jacob  (Gen.  xxviii.  14.)  ;  Judah 
(Gen.  xlix.  10.);  Jesse  (Isa.  xi.  1.)  ;  David  (Psal.  exxxii.  11. 
lxxxix.  4.  27.;  Isa.  ix.  7.;  Jer.  xxiii.  5.  xxxiii.  15.) 

Fulfilment. — Gal.  iv.  4.  When  the  fulness  of  time  wat 
come,  God  sent  forth  his  Son,  made  of  a  woman. 

Acts  iii.  25.  The  covenant,  which  God  made  with  our  fathers, 
saying  unto  Abraham,  "And  in  thy  seed  shall  all  the  nations 
of  the  earth  be  blessed."  (Sec  M'att.  i.  1.) — Heb.  vii.  14.  It 
is  evident  that  our  Lord  sprang  out  of  Judah. — Rom.  xv.  12. 
Isaiah  saith  there  shall  be  a  root  of  Jesse. — John  vii.  42.  Hath 
not  the  Scripture  said,  that  Christ  cometh  of  the  seed  of  David? 
See  also  Acts  ii.  30.  xiii.  23. ;  Luke  i.  32. 

§  5.   That  the  Messiali  should  be  born  of  a  virgin . 

Prophecy. — Isa.  vii.  14.  Behold  a  Virgin  shall  conceive  and 
tiring  forth  a  Son. — Jer.  xxxi.  22.  The  Lord  hath  created  a  new 
thing  on  the  earth;  a  woman  shall  compass  a  man.  (N. B.  The 
antient  Jews  applied  this  prophecy  to  the  Messiah,  whence  it 
follows,  that  the  later  interpretations  to  the  contrary  are  only 
to  avoid  the  truth  -which  we  profess,  viz.  That  Jesus  "mat  born 
of  a  Virgin,  and  therefore  is  The  Christ  or  Messiah. — Bp 
Pearson  on  the  Creed,  Art.  III.  p.  171.  edit.  1715.  folio.) 

Fulfilment. — Matt.  i.  24,  25.  Joseph  took  his  wife  and 
knew  her  not,  till  she  had  brought  forth  her  first-born  son. 
Compare  Luke  i.  26 — 35.— Matt.  i.  22,  23.  All  this  was  done, 
that  it  might  be  fulfilled,  which  was  spoken  of  the  Lord  by  the 
prophet,  saying,  "  Behold  a  virgin  shall  be  with  child,  and  shall 
bring  forth  a  son." 

§  6    Where  Hie  Messiah  teas  to  be  born. 

Prophect. — Mic.  v.  2.  Thou  Bethlehem  Ephratah,  though 
thou  be  little  among  the  thousands  of  Judah;  yet  out  of  the« 
shall  he  come  forth  unto  me  that  is  to  be  the  ruler  in  Israel. 

Fulfilment. — Luke  ii.  4 — 6.  All  went  to  be  taxed  (or  en- 
rolled), every  one  into  his  own  city.  And  Joseph  also  went  up 
from  Gallilee,  with  Mary  his  espoused  wife,  unto  Bethlehem ; 
and  while  they  were  there  she  brought  forth  her  first-born  son. 
Compare  also  Luke  ii.  10,  11.  16.  and  Matt.  ii.  1.  4.-6.  8.  11.; 
John  vii.  42. 

§  7.    That  a  prophet,  in  the  spirit  and  power  of  Elias,  or 

Elijah,  should  tie  the  Messiah's  forerunner  and  prepare  hit 

way. 

Prophect. — Malachi  iii.  1.  and  iv.  5. ;  Isa.  xl.  3. ;  Luke  i.  17 
Behold  I  will  send  my  messenger,  and  he  shall  prepare  my  waj 
before  me. 

Fulfilment. — Matt.  iii.  1.  In  those  days  came  John  the  Bap- 
tist preaching  in  the  wilderness  of  Judaea,  saying.  Repent  ye,  tne 
kingdom  of  heaven  is  at  hand. — Matt.  xi.  14.;  Luke  vii.  27,  2S 
This  is  Elias  which  was  for  to  come. 

§  8.    That  the  Messiah  was  to  be  a  Prophet. 

Prophect.— Deut.  xvii.  1 5.  IS.  I  will  raise  them  up  a  Prophet 
from  among  their  brethren,  like  unto  thee. 

Fulfilment.— John  iv.  19.  The  woman  saith  unto  him,  Sir, 
I  perceive  that  thou  art  a  Prophet.— John  ix.  17.  He  is  a  Pro- 
ber.—Matt.  Xxi.  46.  They  took  him  for  a  Prophet.— Mark  vi. 
15.  It  is  a  Prophet,  or  as  one  of  the  Prophets.— Luke  vii.  16. 
A  great  Prophet  is  risen  up  among  us.— John  vi.  14.   This  is 


452 


PROPHECIES  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 


[App.  No.  Yl 


of  a  truth  that  Prophet,  which  should  come  into  the  world. — 
John  vii.  40.  Of  a  truth  this  is  the  Prophet. — Luke  xxiv.  19. 
Jesus  of  Nazareth,  which  was  a  Prophet,  mighty  in  deed  and 
word  before  God  and  all  the  people. — Matt.  xxi.  11.  This  is 
Jesus  the  Prophet,  of  Nazareth  of  Galilee. 

§  9.   Tliat  the  Messiah  should  begin  to  publish  the  Gospel  in 
Galilee 

Prophecy. — Isa.  ix.  1,  2.  In  Galilee  of  the  nations,  the  peo- 
ple that  walked  in  darkness  have  seen  a  great  light. 

Fulfilment.. — Matt.  iv.  12.  17.  Now  when  Jesus  heard 
that  John  was  cast  into  prison,  he  departed  into  Galilee.  From 
that  time  Jesus  began  to  preach  and  to  say,  Repent,  for  the 
kingdom  of  heaven  is  at  hand. 

§  10.   Thai  the  Messiah  shall  confirm  his  doctrine   by  great 
miracles. 

Prophecy. — Isa.  xxxv.  5  6.  Then  the  eyes  of  the  blind 
shall  be  opened,  and  the  ears  of  the  deaf  shall  be  unstopped: 
then  shall  the  lame  man  leap  as  an  hart,  and  the  tongue  of  the 
dumb  sing. — Isa.  xliii.  7.  To  open  the  blind  eyes. — Isa.  xxxii.  3. 
The  eyes  of  them  that  see  shaW  not  be  dim  ;  and  the  ears  of  them 
that  hear,  shall  hearken. — Isa.  xxix.  18.  The  deaf  shall  hear 
the  words  of  the  book ;  and  the  eyes  of  the  blind  shall  see  out 
of  obscurity  and  darkness. 

Fulfiimest. —  Matt.  xi.  4,  5.  Jesus...  said,  "Go,  and  show 
John  those  things  which  ye  do  hear  and  see:  the  blind  receive 
their  sight,  and  the  lame  walk:  the  lepers  are  cleansed,  and 
the  deaf  hear,  the  dead  are  raised  up. — Luke  viii.  21.  In  the 
same  hour,  he  cured  many  of  their  infirmities  and  plagues,  and 
of  evil  spirits;  and  unto  many  that  were  blind,  he  gave  sight. — 
Matt.  iv.  23,  24.  Jesus  went  about  all  Galilee . . .  healing  all  manner 
of  sickness,  and  all  manner  of  disease  among  the  people.... 
They  brought  unto  him  all  sick  people  that  were  taken  with 
divers  diseases  and  torments,  and  those  which  were  possessed 
with  devils,  and  those  which  were  lunatic,  and  those  which  had 
the  palsy,  and  he  healed  them. — Matt.  xv.  30,  31.  And  great 
multitudes  came  unto  him,  having  with  them  those  that  were 
lame,  blind,  dumb,  maimed,  and  many  others ;  and  cast  them 
down  at  Jesus's  feet,  and  he  healed  them.  Insomuch  that  the 
multitude  wondered,  when  they  saw  the  dumb  to  speak,  the 
maimed  to  be  -whole  and  the  lame  to  ivalk,  and  the  blind  to 
see. — Acts  ii.  22.  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  a  man  approved  of  God 
among  you  by  miracles  and  wonders  and  signs ;  which  God  did 
by  him  in  the  midst  of  you,  as  ye  know. 

As  it  would  swell  this  article  of  the  Appendix  to  an  undue 
length,  were  we  to  state  at  length  all  the  miracles  of  Jesus  Christ 
related  by  the  evangelists,  we  annex  (in  further  proof  of  the 
fulfilment  of  the  prophecies  concerning  them)  the  following 
catalogue  of  them,  from  the  Rev.  Mr.  Archdeacon  Nares's  Ve- 
-acity  of  the  Evangelists  Demonstrated,  pp.  283 — 286.: — 


Water  turned  into  Wine 

Nobleman's  Son  of  Capernaum  healed 
Passing  unseen  through  the  Multitude 
Miraculous  Draught  of  Fishes 

Demoniac   cured 


Peter's  Wife's  Mother  cured 

Midliludes  healed 

Also  throughout  Galilee 
A   Leper   healed 


The  Paralytic  let  down  in  bed 
The  impotent  Man,  at  Bethesda 
The  withered  Hand,  on  the  Sabbath 


Many  healed 

Many,  and  some  by  mere  touch . . 

Centurion's  Servant 

The  Widow's  Son  raised,  at  Nain 
Various  Miracles  appealed  to . . 
Many  healed , 


19.  A  Demoniac 

20.  The  Tempest  stilled 

21.  The  Legion  of  Devils  cast  out  ' 

22.  The  Woman  who  touched  his  Garment 


23.  The  Daughter  of  Jairus  raised 


24.  Two  blind  Men . . . 
25    A  dumb  Demoniac. 


26.  Power  given  to  the  Apostles  to  heal. 

27.  Many  Sick  healed , 

28.  Five  thousand  fed 


29.  He  walks  on  the  Sea. 


30.  Ship  immediately  at  its  Destination . 

31.  As  many  as  touched  healed 


32.  Daughter  of  Sy  rophoenieian  Woman . 

33.  Deaf  and  dumb  Man 

34.  Multitudes  healed 

35.  Four  Thousand  fed 

36.  A  blind  Man  cured 


37.  The  great  Miracle  of  the  Transfiguration 


38.  A  deaf  and  dumb  Demoniac. 


39.  A  fish  brings  the  tribute  Money 

40.  The  Man  blind  from  his  Birth 

41.  The  infirm  Woman  restored 

42.  The  Dropsy  healed  on  the  Sabbath . 

43.  Ten  Lepers  cleansed 

44.  Lazarus  raised  from  the  Dead 


45.  Blind  Bartimeus  cured  2. 


46.  Many  blind  and  lame 

47.  The  barren  Fig-tree  destroyed  , 


48.  The  Ear  of  Malchus  restored . 


49.  Miraculous  Draught  of  Fishes,  after  his  Resur 
rection 


Matt  ix. 
Mark  iii. 
Luke  xi. 
Matt.  viii. 
Mark  iv. 
Luke  viii 
Matt,  viii 
Mark  v 
Luke  viii 
Matt,  ix 
Mark  v 
Luke  viii 
Matt.  ix. 

•^  Mark  v. 

(  Luke  viii. 
Matt.  ix. 
Matt.  ix. 

(  Matt.  x. 

<  Mark  vi- 
(  Luke  ix. 

(  Matt.  liv 
)  Luke  ix. 
fMatt.  xiv 
I  Mark  vi. 
]  Luke  ix. 
l^John  vi. 
(  Matt,  xiv 

<  Mark  vi. 
(  John  vi. 

John  vi. 
(  Matt,  xiv 
}  Mark  vi. 

<  Matt.  xv. 
(  Mark  vii. 

Mark  vii. 
.     Matt  xv. 
(  Matt.  xv. 
(  Mark  viii. 

Mark  viii. 
C  Matt.  xvii. 

<  Mark  ix. 
(  Luke  ix. 
(Matt.  xvii. 

<  Mark  ix. 
(  Luke  ix. 

Matt.  xvii. 
John  ix 
Luke  xiii. 
Luke  xiv. 
Luke  xvii. 
John  xi. 
C  Matt.  xx. 

<  Mark  x. 

(J  Luke  xviii 
Matt.  xxi. 
(  Matt.  xxi. 
(  Markxi. 
fMatt.  xxvi. 
J  Mark  xiv 
',  Luke  xxii. 
(_  John  xviii 

John  xxi. 


§  11.  In  what  manner  the  Messiah  ivas  to  make  his  public 
entry  into  Jerusalem . 

Prophecy. — Zech.  ix.  9.  Rejoice  greatly,  O  daughter  of  Jeru- 
salem, behold,  thy  King  cometh  unto  thee ;  he  is  just,  and 
having  salvation  ;  lowly,  and  riding  upon  an  ass,  even  upon  a 
colt  the  foal  of  an  ass. 

Fulfilment. — Matt.  xxi.  7 — 10.  The  disciples — brought  the 
ass  and  the  colt,  and  put  on  them  their  clothes,  and  set  him  (Je- 
sus) thereon  (that  is,  upon  the  clothes).  And  great  multitudes 
spread  their  garments,  &c.  &c. — Matt.  xxi.  4,  5.  Jill  this  was 
done,  that  it  might  be  fulfilled  which  was  spoken  by  the  prophet, 
saying,  Tell  ye  the  daughter  of  Sion,  "  Behold,  thy  king  com- 
eth," &c.  &c. 

§  12.   That  the  Messiah  should  be  poor  and  despised,  and  be 
betrayed  by  one  of  his  own  disciples  for  thirty  pieces  of  silver 
(at  that  time  the  ordinary  price  of  the  vilest  slave)  ;  ivith 
which  the  potters  field  should  be  purchased. 
Prophecy. — Isa.  liii.  3.   There  is  no  beauty  that  w«  should 
desire  him.     He  is  despised  and  rejected  of  men,  a  man  of  sor- 
rows, and  acquainted  with  grief;  and  we  hid  as  it  were  our  faces 
from   liim :    he  was  despised,    and    we    esteemed    him    not. — 
Ps.  xli.  9.  and  Ps.  Iv.  12 — 14.  Yea,  mine  own  familiar  friend  in 

»  St.  Matthew  says  two  demoniacs,  the  others  mention  only  one.  Pro- 
bably one  was  more  remarkable  than  the  other. 

1  St.  Matthew  says  two  blind  men.  Of  whom,  doubtless,  Bartimeus  wa 
the  most  remarkable. 


On.  I.  Sect.  II. 


PREDICTIONS  RELATIVE  TO  THE  OFFICES  OF  THE  MESSIAH. 


45; 


whom  I  trusted,  who  did  cat  of  my  bread,  hath  lift  up  his  heel 
against  me. — Zech.  xi.  12.  So  1 1 1  *  y  weighed  for  my  price  thirty 
pieces  of  silver. — Zech.  xi.  13.  And  the  Lord  said  unto  me, 
Cast  it  unto  the  potter:  a  goodh  price  that  I  waa  prized  at 
of  them!  And  1  took  the  thirty  piecea  of  silver,  and  cut  them 
to  the  potter  in  the  house  of  tin-  Lord. 
Fulfilment. —  Lukeix.  58,  The  Son  of  man  hath  not  when 

to  lay  his  head. — 2  ( 'or.  viii.  'J.  For  your  sakes  hi'  baCAUM  poor. — 
John  xi.  35.  Jus  is  Wept. —  l.ul.e  xxii.  3,  1.  Then  Situ, 
entered  into  Judas,  being  one  of  the  twelve,  and  ha  went  his 
way  ami  communed  with  the  chief  priests  how  he  might  betray 

hirn  unto  them. — Matt.  xx\i.  11.  And  Judas  went  unto  the 
chief  priests,  and  said  unto  them,  What  will  ye  give  me,  and  I 
will  deliver  him  unto  you  '.  and  they  covenanted  with  him  for 
thirty  piece  t  of  silver. — Matt.  xwii.  3 — 8.  Then  Judas,  who 
had  betrayed  him,  brought  again  the  thirty  pieces  ol  ailvi 
ing,  I  have  sinned  in  that  I  have  betrayed  innocent  blood;  and 
he  cast  down  the  pieces  of  silver  in  the  temple,  and  departed, 
and  went  and  hanged  himself.  And  the  chief  priests  took  the 
silver,  and  they  said,  It  is  not  lawful  to  put  it  into  the  treasury, 
because  it  is  the  price  of  bloed,  and  they  took  counsel,  and 
bought   with  them  the  potter's  field,  to  bury  strangers  in. 

§   13.    That  t!i<-  Messiah  should  suffer  pain  and  death  fur  the. 
tins  if  the  World. 

Prophxot. — Paal.  xxii.  16,  17.  For  dogs  (that  is  the  Heath- 
ens, whom  the  Jews  called  dogs,)  have  compassed  me;  the  as- 
sembly of  the  wicked  have  inclosed  me;  they  pierced  my  hands  and 
my  feet.  I  may  tell  all  my  bones;  they  look  and  stare  upon  me. — 
Isa.  1.  6.  I  gave  my  bach  to  the  smiters,  and  my  checks  to 
them  that  plucked  off  the  hair.  I  hid  not  my  face  from  shame 
and  spitting. — Isa.  liii.  5.  8.  He  was  wounded  for  our  trans- 
gressions :  he  was  bruised  for  our  iniquities ;  by  his  stripes  we 
are  healed.  He  was  cut  off  out  of  the  land  of  the  living,  for  the 
transgression  of  my  people  was  he  stricken. — Isa.  liii.  12.  And 
he  bare  the  sin  of  warty. 

Fulfilmkn't — John  xix.  1,  2.  Then  Pilate  took  Jesus,  and 
scourged  him.  And  the  soldiers  platted  a  crown  of  thorns, — 
and  they  smote  him  with  the  palms  of  their  hands. — Matt,  xxvii. 
30.;  Mark  xv.  19.  And  they  did  spit  upon  him, — and  smote 
him  on  the  head. — Mark  xv.  25.  And  they  crucified  him. — 
L  Pet.  ii.  23,  24.  Who,  when  he  was  reviled,  reviled  not  again ; 
when  he  suffered,  he  threatened  not.  Who  bare  our  sins  in  his 
own  body  on  the  tree  (the  cross). 

§11.  That  the  Messiah  should  be  cruelly  mocked  and  derided. 

Prophecy  . — Psal.  xxii.  12,  13.  7,  8.  Many  bulls  have  com- 
passed me ;  strong  bulls  of  Bashan — (that  is,  the  wicked  and 
furious  Jews,  who  like  the  beasts  fattened  on  the  fertile  plains 
of  Bashan  "  waxed  fat  and  kicked ; — became  proud  and  rebel- 
lious)— have  beset  me  round.  They  gaped  upon  me  with  their 
mouths  as  a  ravening  and  roaring  lion.  All  they  that  see  me, 
laugh  me  to  scorn  ;  they  shoot  out  the  lip,  saying,  He  trusted  in 
God  that  he  would  deliver  him  ;  let  him  deliver  him,  seeing  he 
delighted  in  him. 

Fulfilment.— Matt,  xxvii.  39.  41,  42.;  Mark  xv.  31,  32.  ; 
Luke  xxiii.  35,  36.  And  they  that  passed  by,  reviled  him,  wag- 
ging their  heads.  Likewise  also  the  chief  priests,  and  the  rulers 
also  with  them,  derided,  and  mocking,  said  among  themselves, 
with  the  scribes  and  elders,  "  He  saved  others,  himself  he  cannot 
save  ;  if  he  be  the  Christ,  the  chosen  of  Cod.  let  him  now  come 
down  from  the  cross,  and  save  himself,  that  we  may  see,  and  we 
will  believe  him.  lie  trusted  in  Qod,  let  him  deliver  him  now 
if  he  will  have  him."  And  the  soldiers  also  mocked  him, — 
saying,  "  If  thou  be  the  king  of  the  Jews,  save  thyself." 

§  15.  That  vinegar  and  gall  should  be  offered  to  the  Messiah 
upon  the  cross  :  and  that  his  garments  should  be  divided,  and 
lots  cast  for  his  vesture. 

Pnopnr.cr. — Psal.  lxiv.  21.  They  gave  me  also  gall  for  my 
meat,  and  in  my  thirst  they  gave  me  vinegar  to  drink. — Psal. 
xxii.  18.  They  part  my  garments  among  them,  and  cast  lots 
upon  my  vesture. 

Fulfilment. — John  xix.  29.;  Matt,  xxvii.  48.;  Mark  xv.  36. 
And  they  filled  a  sponge  with  vinegar,  and  put  it  upon  hyssop, 
and  put  it  to  his  mouth. — John  xix.  23,  24.  And  the  soldiers 
when  they  had  crucified  Jesus,  took  his  garments  and  made  four 
parts,  to  every  soldier  a  part ;  and  also  his  coat ;  now  the  coat 
was  witnout  seam.  They  said  therefore,  "  Let  us  not  rend  it, 
but  cast  lots  whose  it  shall  be." 


§  16.   That  not  a  bom  of  the  Messiah  should  be  '/roken,  fm 
that  his  side  should  be  pierced. 

I'lioi'iiM  r. — Psal.  xxxiv.  20.  He  keepeth  all  his  hones;  no 
MM  Of  them  !■  broken. — Zech.  xii.  10.  And  they  shall  lool 
Upon  DU  whom  they  have  pierml. 

I'i  1.1  11. mk nt. — John   xix.  89 — 34.     Then  came  the  soldiers 

and  brake  the  legs  of  the  first  and  of  the  other  which  was  cruci- 
fied with  him  :  but  when  they  came  to  Jesus,  and  saw  that  he 
»:i'    dead    already,  they  brake    NOT    his    legs.      But   One    of  tht 

soldiers,  with  a  sjiear,  pierced  his  side,  and  forthwith  there  cam. 
out  blood  and  water. 

§  17.    That  the   Missiah  should  die  with   mulrfirtors,   but  b* 

buried  honourably. 

Pitoi'im  v. — Isa.  liii.  9.  And  he  made  his  grave  with  the 
wicked,  and  with  the  rich  in  his  death. 

I'i  1  hi.mk.nt.— Matt,  xxvii.  38.  57 — CO.  Then  were  there 
two  thieves  crucified  with  him.  There  came  a  rich  man  of 
Arimathea,  named  Joseph,  and  begged  the  body  of  Jesus;  and 
he  wrapped  it  in  a  (lean  linen  cloth  and  laid  it  in  his  own  new 
tomb. 

§  18.    Tliat  the  Messiah  should  rise  from  tht  dead,  and  ascend 
into  h r oven. 

Prophecy. — Psal.  xvi.  9,  10.  My  flesh  also  shall  rest  in  hope, 
for  thou  wilt  not  leave  my  soul  in  hell  (the  separate  state  of 
departed  spirits),  neither  wilt  thou  suffer  thy  holy  one  to  see  cor- 
ruption.—Isa.  liii.  10.  When  thou  shall  make  liis  soul  an  offer- 
ing for  sin, — he  shall  prolong  his  days. — Psal.  lxviii.  18.  Thou 
hast  ascended  up  on  high;  thou  hast  led  captivity  captive  ;  thou 
hast  received  gifts  for  men,  that  the  Lord  God  might  dwell 
among  them. 

Fulfilment. — Acts  ii.  31.  (David)  spake  before  the  resur- 
rection of  Christ,  that  his  soul  was  not  left  in  hell  (Hades,  or  th*> 
separate  state);  neither  did  his  flesh  see  corruption.  See  als.. 
Acts  xiii.  35. — Matt,  xxviii.  5,  6.  The  angels  said  unto  the 
women,  "  He  is  not  here,  for  he  is  risen,  as  he  said."  Sec  Luke 
xxiv.  5,  6. — 1  Cor.  xv.  4.  He  rose  again  the  third  day,  accord- 
ing to  the  Scriptures. — Acts  i.  3.  He  showed  himself  alive, 
after  his  passion,  by  many  infallible  proofs. — Mark  rvi.  19.; 
Luke  xxiv.  51.;  Acts  i.  9.  So,  then,  after  the  Lord  had  spoken 
to  them,  while  he  was  blessing  them,  and  while  they  beheld,  he 
was  parted  from  them,  and  carried  up  into  heaven,  and  sat  at 
the  right  hand  of  God.  Compare  also  1  Pet.  iii.  99. ;  1  Tim.  iii. 
16.;  Heb.  vi.  20. 

§  19.    That  the  Messiah  should  send  the  Holy  Spirit,  th> 
Comforter. 

Prophect. — Joel.  ii.  28.  I  will  pour  out  my  Spirit  upon  all 
flesh;  and  your  sons  and  your  daughters  shall  prophecy. 

Fulfilment. — See  all  these  promises  and  predictions  fulfilled 
in  Acts  ii.  1 — 4. ;  iv.  3 1 . ;  viii.  17.;  x.  44. ;  xi.  13 


SECTION   II. 


PREDICTIONS    RELATIVE    TO    THE    OFFICES    OF   THE    MESSIAH. 

§  1.  That  the  Messiah  was  to  be  a  Prophet  and  Legislator 
like  into  Moses,  but  superior  to  him,  who  should  change 
the  lata  of  Muses  into  a  new  and  more  perfect  law,  common 
both  to  Jews  and  Gentiles,  and  which  should  last  for  ever. 

Propiiect. — Deut.  xviii.  18,  19.  I  will  rise  them  up  a 
Prophet  from  among  their  brethren  like  unto  thee,  and  will  put 

my  words  into  his  mouth And  it  shall  come  to  pass,  that 

whosoever  will  not  hearken  unto  my  words  which  he  shall  speak 
in  mv  name,  I  will  require  it  of  him.  See  also  Deut.  xviii.  15. : 
Acts  iii.  22.  and  vii.  37. 

Fulfilment. — That  the  Messiah  was  to  be  a  Prophet,  gene- 
rally, see  §  8.  p.  451.  supra  ;  and  how  closely  Jesus  Christ  re- 
sembled Moses,  to  whom  he  was  also  infinitely  superior  in  many 
respects,  will  appear  from  the  following  particulars : — 

(i.)  Astothedisnityofhis  person— Heb.  iii.  5,  6.  Moses  verily 
was  faithful  in  all  his  "house,  as  a  mat  for  a  testimony  of  those 
things  which  were  to  be  spoken  afifr;  but  Christ  as  a  Son  over  his 
own  house,  whose  house  are  we.  Other  prophets  had  revelations  in 
dreams  and  visions,  hut  Moses  talked  with  God  face  to  face.  Christ 
spake  that  which  he  had  seen  with  the  Futher. 

(ii.)  As  to  his  legislative  rffiee.—hhovs  was  a  Legislator,  and  the 
Mediator  of  a  covenant  between  God  and  Man.     Christ  was  the 


154 


PREDICTIONS  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


[App.  No.  VI. 


Mediator  of  a  better  covenant  than  that  which  was  established  by 
the  sacrifice  of  bulls  and  goats.  The  one  was  mortal ;  the  other 
Jivine.  Other  prophets  were  only  interpreters  and  enforcers  of  the 
law,  and,  in  this  respect,  were  greatly  inferior  to  Moses.  This  is,  of 
itself,  a  sufficient  proof,  that  a  succession  of  prophets  could  not  be 
solely  alluded  to.  The  person  who  was  to  be  raised  up,  could  not  be 
like  Moses,  in  a  strict  sense,  unless  he  were  a  legislator — he  must 
give  a  law  to  mankind,  and,  consequently,  a  more  excellent  law  ; 
for  if  the  first  had  been  perfect,  as  the  author  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews  argues,  there  could  have  been  no  room  for  a  second.  Christ 
was  this  legislator,  who  gave  a  law  more  perfect  in  its  nature,  more 
extensive  in  its  application,  and  more  glorious  in  its  promises  and 
rewards. — Heb.  vii.  18, 19.  There  is  a  disannulling  of  the  command- 
ment going  before,  for  the  weakness  and  unprofitableness  thereof;  for 
the  law  made  nothing  perfect,  but  the  bringing  in  of  a  better  hope  (i.  e. 
of  a  new  law)  did,  by  the  which  we  draw  nigh  to  God 

Tho  Law  of  Moses  belonged  to  one  nation  only  ;  but  the  Gospel, 
which  is  the  Imw  of  Christ,  is  designed/or  all  nations.  The  Messiah 
was  to  enact  a  new  Law ;  Isa.  ii.  3.  Out  of  Zion  shall  go  forth  the 
law,  and  the  word  of  the  Lord  from  Jerusalem.  This  new  law  or 
covenant  was  to  be  common  to  all  nations  ;  see  Isa.  ii.  2,  3.  and  li.  4,  5.  ; 
and  was  to  endure  for  ever;  see  Isa.  lix.  21. ;  Jer.  xxxi.  34.;  Ezek. 
xxxvi.  27.  xxxvii.  26.;  Isa.  lv.  3.  lxi.  8.;  Jer.  xxxii.  40.;  Ezek.  xxxiv. 
25. ;  Dan.  vii.  13,  14. ;  Isa.  xlii.  6.  lxii.  2. ;  compared  with  Matt,  xxviii. 
19,  20.  Moses  instituted  the  passover,  when  a  lamb  was  sacrificed, 
none  of  whose  bones  were  to  be  broken,  and  whose  blood  protected 
the  people  from  destruction — Christ  was  himself  that  paschal  lamb. 
Moses  had  a  very  wicked  and  perverse  generation  committed  to  his 
care;  and  to  enable  him  to  rule  them,  miraculous  powers  were  given 
to  him,  and  he  used  his  utmost  endeavours  to  make  the  people  obe- 
dient to  God,  and  to  save  them  from  ruin  ;  but  in  vain  :  in  the  space 
of  forty  years  they  all  fell  in  the  wilderness  except  two. — Christ  also 
was  given  to  a  generation  not  less  wicked  and  perverse  ;  his  instruc- 
tions and  his  miracles  were  lost  upon  them ;  and  in  about  the  same 
space  of  time,  after  they  had  rejected  him,  they  were  destroyed. 

(iii.)  As  to  his  prophetic  office  and  character. — Moses  foretold  the 
calamities  that  would  befal  his  nation  for  their  disobedience. — Christ 
predicted  the  same  events,  fixed  the  precise  time,  and  enlarged  upon 
the  previous  and  subsequent  circumstances. 

Moses  chose  and  appointed  seventy  elders  to  preside  over  the  peo- 
ple— Christ  chose  the  same  number  of  disciples.  Moses  sent  twelve 
men  to  spy  out  the  land  which  was  to  be  conquered — Christ  sent  his 
twelve  apostles  into  the  world,  to  subdue  it  by  a  more  glorious  and 
miraculous  conquest. 

(iv.)  As  to  the  benefits  conferred. — Moses  delivered  the  Israelites 
from  their  cruel  bondage  in  Egypt ;  he  contended  with  the  magicians, 
and  had  the  advantage  over  them  so  manifestly,  that  they  could  no 
longer  withstand  him,  but  were  constrained  to  acknowledge  the  divine 
power  by  which  he  was  assisted.  Moses  conducted  the  Israelites 
through  the  desert,  assuring  them  that,  if  they  would  be  obedient, 
they  should  enter  into  the  happy  land  of  promise,  which  the  wiser 
Jews  usually  understood  to  be  a  type  of  the  eternal  and  celestial 
kingdom,  to  which  the  Messiah  was  to  open  an  entrance.  And  Moses 
interceded  with  the  Almighty  for  that  rebellious  people,  and  stopped 
the  wrath  of  God,  by  lifting  up  the  brazen  serpent  in  the  wilderness. 
The  people  could  not  enter  into  the  land  of  promise  till  Moses  was 
dead — by  the  death  of  Christ  "  the  kingdom  of  heaven  was  opened 
to  believers." — But  Jesus  has  delivered  us  from  the  far  worse  tyranny 
of  Satan  and  sin,  and  He  saves  all  who  truly  believe  in  him  and  un- 
feignedly  repent,  from  the  guilt,  the  power,  and  the  punishment  of 
their  sins.  (Matt.  i.  21.) — Jesus  Christ  cast  out  evil  spirits,  and  received 
their  acknowledgments  both  of  the  dignity  of  his  nature  and  the 
importance  of  his  mission.  He  was  lifted  up  on  the  cross,  and  was 
the  atonement  for  the  whole  world.  He  has  also  brought  life  and 
immortality  to  light ;  and  opened  the  kingdom  of  heaven  to  all  be- 
lievers. As  our  forerunner,  he  hath  entered  into  heaven,  that  where 
he  is,  there  his  followers  may  be  also  (Heb.  vi.  20.  ix.  24. ;  John  xiv. 
2,  3.) :  and  as  an  Advocate  he  ever  liveth  to  make  intercession  for  all 
that  come  unto  God  by  him.  (1  John  ii.  1. ;  Heb.  vii.  25.) 

Moses  wrought  a  great  variety  of  miracles,  and  in  this  particular 
the  parallel  is  remarkable  ;  since  beside  Christ  there  arose  not  a  pro- 
phet in  Israel  like  unto  Moses,  whom  the  Lord  knew  face  to  face,  in  all 
the  signs  and  the  wonders  which  the  Lord  sent  him  to  do.  (Deut.  xxxiv.) 
Moses  was  not  only  a  lawgiver,  a  prophet,  and  a  worker  of  miracles, 
but  a  king  and  a  priest.  He  is  called  king  (Deut.  xxxiii.  5.),  and  he 
had,  indeed,  though  not  the  pomp,  and  the  crown,  and  the  sceptre,  yet 
the  authority  of  a  king,  and  was  the  supreme  magistrate ;  and  the 
office  of  priest  he  often  exercised.  In  all  these  offices  the  resemblance 
oetween  Moses  and  Christ  was  striking  and  exact. 

Moses  fed  the  people  miraculously  in  the  wilderness— Christ  with 
bread  and  with  doctrine  ;  and  the  manna  which  descended  from 
heaven,  and  the  loaves  which  Christ  multiplied,  were  proper  images 
of  the  spiritual  food  which  the  Saviour  of  the  world  bestowed  upon 
his  disciples. 

Moses  expressly  declares,  "That  it  shall  come  to  pass,  that  whoso- 
ever will  not  hearken  unto  my  words  which  the  prophet  shall  speak 
»n  my  name,  I  will  require  it  of  him."  The  Jews  rejected  Christ,  and 
God  rejected  them.  In  the  whole  course  of  the  history  of  the  Jews 
there  is  no  instance  recorded,  where,  in  the  case  of  disobedience  to 
the  warnings  or  advice  of  any  prophet,  such  terrible  calamities  en 
Biied,  as  those  which  followed  the  rejection  of  the  Messiah.  The 
overthrow  of  the  Jewish  empire,  the  destruction  of  so  many  Jews  at 
the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  the  dispersion  of  the  surviving  people,  and 
the  history  of  the  Jews  down  to  the  present  day — calamities  beyond 
measure  and  beyond  example — fulfilled  the  prophecy  of  Moses. 


(v.)  As  to  the  circumstances  of  his  death. — Moses  died  in  one  sense 
for  the  iniquities  of  his  people  :  it  was  their  rebellion,  which  was  the 
occasion  of  it,  which  drew  down  the  displeasure  of  God  upon  them 
and  upon  him:  "The  Lord,"  said  Moses  to  them,  "was  angry  with 
me  for  your  sakes,  saying,  Thou  shalt  not  go  in  thither,  but  thou  shalt 
die."  (Deut.  i.  37.)  Moses,  therefore,  went  up,  in  the  sight  of  the  peo- 
ple, to  the  top  of  Mount  Nebo,  and  there  he  died,  when  he  was  in 
perfect  vigour,  "  when  his  eye  was  not  dim,  nor  his  natural  force 
abated." — Christ  suffered  for  the  sins  of  men,  and  was  led  up,  in  the 
presence  of  the  people,  to  Calvary,  where  he  died  in  the  flower  of  his 
age,  and  when  he  was  in  his  full  natural  strength.  Neither  Moses 
nor  Christ,  as  far  as  we  may  collect  from  sacred  history,  were  ever 
sick,  or  felt  any  bodily  decay  or  infirmity  which  would  have  rendered 
them  unfit  for  the  toils  they  underwent.  Their  sufferings  were  of 
another  kind. 

As  Moses,  a  little  before  his  death,  promised  the  people  that  God 
would  raise  them  up  a  Prophet  like  unto  him — so  Christ,  taking  leave 
of  his  afflicted  disciples,  told  them,  J  will  not  leave  you  comfortless :  I 
will  pray  the  Father,  and  he  shall  give  you  another  Comforter.  (John 
xiv.  18.  16.) 

"  Is  this  similitude  and  correspondence,  in  so  many  particu- 
lars, the  effect  of  mere  chance?"  says  Dr.  Jortin,  to  whom  w< 
are  principally  indebted  for  the  preceding  circumstances  of  re- 
semblance between  Jesus  Christ  and  the  Great  Prophet  and 
Legislator  of  the  Jews : — "  Let  us  search  all  the  records  of  uni 
versal  history,  and  see  if  we  can  find  a  man  who  was  so  like  to 
Moses  as  Christ  was.  If  we  cannot  find  such  a  one,  then  we 
have  found  him  of  whom  Moses  in  the  law  and  the  prophets  did 
write,  to  be  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  the  Son  of  God."1 

§  2.   The  Messiah  was  to  be  a  Teacher,  who  was  to  instruct  and 
enlighten  men. 

(i.)  Messiah  was  to  be  a  Teacher. 

Pbophect. — Isa.  lxi.  1.  The  Lord  hath  anointed  me  to  preach 
good  tidings  unto  the  meek. — Isa.  liv.  13.  All  thy  people  shall 
be  taught  of  the  Lord. — Psal.  lxxviii.  2.  I  will  open  my  mouth 
in  a  parable. 

Fulfilment. — Mark  i.  14.  Jesus  came  ....  preaching-  the 
kingdom  of  God. — Luke  viii.  1.  He  went  throughout  every  city 
and  village,  preaching,  and  showing  the  glad  tidings  of  the 
kingdom  of  God. — Mark  vi.  6.  He  went  round  about  all  the 
villages  teaching. — Luke  iv.  15.  44.  He  taught  in  their  syna- 
gogues ;  and  he  preached  in  the  synagogues  of  Galilee.  See 
also  Matt.  iv.  23.  ix.  35. ;  Mark  i.  38,  39.— Matt.  xi.  The  poor 
have  the  Gospel  preached  unto  them. — Matt.  xiii.  34.  All  these 
things  spake  Jesus  unto  the  multitude  in  parables,  and  without 
a  parable  spake  he  not  unto  them,  that  it  might  be  fulfilled  which 
was  spoken  by  the  prophet,  saying,  I  will  open  my  mouth  in 
parables. — Mark.  iv.  33.  With  many  such  parables  spake  he 
the  word  unto  them.  The  following  list  of  parables  may  serve 
to  illustrate  the  prophetic  character  of  the  Messiah  as  a  teacher : 
it  is  borrowed  from  Mr.  Archdeacon  Nare's  Veracity  of  the 
Evangelists  demonstrated,  pp.  287 — 289. : — 

1.  Of  the  Blind  leading  the  Blind Luke  vi. 

2.  Of  the  House  built  on  a  Rock |  Luke  vi' 

3.  Of  the  two  Debtors 

4.  Of  the  relapsing  Demoniac 

5.  Of  the  rich  Man  and  his  vain  Hopes Luke  xii 

6.  Of  the  Lord  returning  from  a  Wedding Luke  xii. 

7.  Of  the  barren  Fig-tree Luke  xiii 

C  Matt.  xiii. 

8.  Of  the  Sower <Mark  iv. 

(_  Luke  viii 

Matt.  xiii. 

Markiv. 

(  Matt,  xiii 

$  Markiv. 

Matt,  xiii 

Ibid. 


Luke  vii. 
(  Matt.  xii. 
(  Luke  xi. 


9.  Of  the  Tares  ..•••■ 

10.  Of  the  Seed  sown 

11.  Of  the  Mustard  Seed 

12.  Of  the  Leaven 

13.  Of  the  hid  Treasure 

14.  Of  the  Merchant  seeking  Pearls Ibid. 

15.  Of  the  Net  cast  into  the  Sea Ibid. 

16.  Of  the  good  Householder Matt,  xiii 

C  Matt.  ix. 

17.  Of  the  new  Cloth  and  old  Garment <  Mark  h 

(  Luke  v. 
C  Matt.  ix. 

18.  Of  the  new  Wine  and  old  Bottles <  Mark  ii. 

(  Lose  v. 

19.  Of  the  Plant  not  planted  by  God Matt,  xy 

20.  Of  the  lost  Sheep IKxv." 

21.  Of  the  unmerciful  Servant Matt,  xviii 

»  .Tortin's  Remarks  on  Ecclesiastical  History,  vol.  i.  pp.  135—150.  second 
edition.    See  also  Bp.  Newton's  Dissertations  on  the  Prophecies,  vol  i.  pp 
I  90—101.  London,  1793,  ninth  edition. 


OS  I.  Sect  II. 


RELATIVE  TO  THE  OFFICES  OF  THE  MESSIAH. 


45ft 


22.  Of  the  Shepherd  and  the  Sheep John  x. 

23.  Of  the  good  Samaritan Luke  i. 

24.  Of  the  Guest  choosing  the  highent  Seat Luke  xiv. 

25.  Of  the  great  Supper , Ibid, 

26.  Of  the  building  of  a  TWer I  hid 

27.  Of  the  King  preparing  for  War I  bid 

28.  Of  theSnlt Hud. 

29.  Of  the  Piece  of  Silver  lost Luke  xv. 

30.  Of  the  Prodigal  Son IW4 

31.  Of  ihe  unjust  Steward Luke  xvi. 

32.  Of  ihe  rich  Man  and  Lazarus Ibid. 

33.  Of  ihe  Master  commanding  his  Servant Luke  xvii. 

31.  Of  Ihe  unjust  Judge  anil  Widow Luke  win. 

SB  Of  the  Pharisee  and  Puhhcan [bid. 

36.  Of  the  labourers  hired  at  different  Hours Matt.  xx. 

37.  Of  the  Ten  Prandl  and  Ten  Servants Luke  xix. 

38.  Of  ihe  professing  and  repenting  Sun Matt.  xxi. 

C  Matt,  xxl 

39.  Of  the  tricked  Husbandman < 


40.  Of  the  Gursis  hidden  and  the  Wedding  Garment. 


Murk  xii. 
Luke  xx. 
Matt  xxii. 
Matt.  xxiv. 

41.  Of  the  Fiir-trce  putting  forth  Leaves ^  Mark  xiii. 

(  Luke  xxi. 

42.  Of  the  Thief  in  the  Night Matt.  xxiy. 

43.  Of  the  Man  taking  a  long  Journey Mark  xiii. 

44.  Of  the  faithful  and  unfaithful  Servant Mall,  xxiv 

45.  Of  the  Ten  Virgins Matt.  xxv. 

Of  the  Talents Ibid. 


16 


I'irhnps  also  the  following  may  be  added- — 


47.  Children  in  the  Market  Place. 


(  Matt.  xi. 

(  Luke  vii. 

C  Matt.  xii. 

48.  The  strong  Man  keeping  his  House <  Mark  iii. 

(  Luke  xi. 

(ii.)  Messiah  was  to  instruct  and  enlighten  mm. 

PnoFiiKCY. — Isaiah  ix.  2.  The  people  that  walked  in  dark- 
ness had  seen  a  great  light ;  they  that  dwell  in  the  land  of  the 
shadow  of  death,  upon  them  hath  the  light  shined. 

Fi  i.hii.MKNT. — John  xii.  46.  I  am  come  a  light  into  the 
world,  that  whosoever  believeth  on  me  should  not  abide  in 
darkness.  (See  also  John  viii.  12.  ix.  5.) — Luke  ii.  32.  A 
light  to  lighten  the  Gentiles. — Acts  xxvi.  18.  To  open  their 
eyes,  and  to  turn  them  from  darkness  to  li^ht,  and  from  the 
power  of  Satan  unto  God. — Eph.  v.  8.  Ye  were  sometimes 
darkness,  but  now  ye  are  light  in  the  Lord ;  walk  as  children  of 
light. — Acts  iii.  26.  God  having  raised  up  his  son  Jesus,  sent 
him  to  bless  you,  in  turning  away  every  one  of  you  from  his 
iniquities. 

§  3.   He  was  to  he  the  Messiah,  Christ,  ar  Anointed  of  God. 

Prior  iif.ct. — Isaiah  Ixi.  1.  The  Spirit  of  the  Lord  God  is 
upon  mc,  because  the  Lord  hath  anointed  me  to  preach  good 
tidings  unto  the  meek. — Dan.  xi.  24,  25.  To  anoint  the  most 
holy, — the  Messiah  the  Prince. — Psal.  exxxii.  17.  I  have  or- 
dained a  lamp  for  mine  Anointed.  See  also  Psal.  lxxxix.  20. 
51. — Psal.  ii.  2.  The  rulers  take  counsel  together  against  the 
Lord  and  against  his  Anointed  or  Messiah. 

Fri.Fi  i. mk.nt. — John  iv.  25.  42.  I  know  that  the  Messiah 
Cometh,  which  is  called  the  Christ.  This  is  indeed  the  Christ. — 
vi.  69.  We  believe  and  are  sure  that  thou  art  the  Christ,  the 
Son  of  the  living  God.  See  also  John  xi.  87.;  Matt.  xvi.  16. — 
Matt.  xxvi.  63,  64.  The  high  priest  said.  ••  I  adjure  thee  by  the 
living  God,  that  thou  tell  us  whether  fbou  be  the  Christ  the 
Son  of  God;"  Jesus  saith  unto  him,  "Thou  hast  said."  See 
also  Mark  xiv.  61. — Acts  xviii.  38.  He  mightily  convinced  the 
Jews,  and  that  publicly,  showing  by  the  Scriptures  that  Jesus 
was  the  Christ.  See  also  Acts  i\.  S3,  and  xvii.  3. — Acts  ii.  86. 
Let  nil  the  house  of  Israel  know  assuredly,  that  God  hath  made 
that  same  Jesus  whom  ye  have  crucified  both  Lord  and  Christ — 
Phil.  ii.  II.  That  every  tongue  should  confess  that  Jesus  Christ 
:s  Lord. 

§  4.    The  Messiah  was  to  be  a  Priest. 

Puophf.ct. — Psal.  ex.  4.  Thou  art  a  priest  for  ever,  after  the 
order  of  Melchizedck  (cited  in  Heb.  v.  (*>.  vii.  21.). — Zech.  vi.  13. 
He  shall  be  a  priest  upon  his  throne. 

Fulfilment. — Heb.  iv.  14.  We  have  a  great  high  priest 
that  is  passed  into  the  heavens,  Jesus  the  Son  of  God.  (See 
also  viii.  1.) — Heb.  iii.  1.  x.  21.  Consider  the  apostle  and  high 
t>riest  of  our  profession,  Christ  Jesus. — Heb.  ii.  17.  That  he 
might  be  a  merciful  and  faithful  high  priest  in  things  pertaining 
to  God,  to  make   reconciliation  fcr  the  sins  of  the  people. — 

Vox.  I.  3  0 


Heb.   vii.  24.  This  man  because  he  continueth  forevej  hath  an 
unchangeable  priesthood. 

§  5.   The  Messiah  was,  by  the  offering  of  himself  as  a  sacrifice. 

fir  sin,  to  make  an  end  of  sin,  to  make  reconciliation  fot 

iniquity,  to  make  men  holy,  and  to  destroy  the  power  of  the 

devil. 

Pbophkct. — Isa.  liii.  6.  10,  II,  12.  The  Lord  hath  laid  on  him 
the  iniquity  of  us  all.  Thou  shalt  make  his  soul  an  offering  for 
sin.  He  shall  bear  their  iniquities.  He  bare  the  sin  of  many.— 
Dan.  ix.  24.  To  finish  the  transgression,  to  make  an  end  of  sins, 
and  to  make  reconciliation  for  iniquity,  and  to  bring  in  ar. 
everlasting  righteousness. — Gen.  iii.  16.  It  (the  seed  of  woman, 

the  promised   Messiah)   shall  bruise  thy   (Satan's;   head. 

FriniMKVT. —  F.ph.  ▼.  %.  Christ  hath  gfoflB  himself  for  us, 
an  offering,  and  a  sacrifice  to  God.  (Sec  also  2  Cor.  v.  21. 
Rom.  viii.  3.) — 1  John  ii.  2.  He  is  the  propitiation  for  our  sin*. 
—  Heb.  ix.  11.  Christ,  who  through  the  eternal  Spirit  offered 
himself  without  spot,  to  God. — 1  Pet.  i.  19.  Redeemed — with 
the  precious  blood  of  Christ,  as  of  a  lamb  without  blemish. — 
I  Pet  iii.  18.  Chriat  hath  once  sull'ered  for  sins,  the  jaef  for  the 
unjust. — Heb.  x.  12.  This  man,  after  he  had  offered  one  sa- 
crifice for  sins,  for  ever  sat  down  on  the  right  hand  of  God. — 
Heb.  ix.  12.  Neither  by  the  blood  of  goats  ami  calves,  but  by 
his  own  blood  he  entered  in  once  into  the  holy  place. —  Heb.  vii.  27 
Who  needeth  not  daily,  as  those  high  priests,  to  offer  up  sacrifice 
first  for  his  own  sins,  and  then  for  the  people's;  (at  this  he  did 
once  when  he  offered  up  himself.  Heb.  ix.  86,  36.  .Nor  yet  that 
he  should  oiler  himself  often,  as  the  high  priest  entereth  into 
the  holy  place  every  year  with  the  blood  of  others.  Hut  now, 
once  in  the  end  of  the  world  hath  he  appeared  to  pot  away  sin 
by  the  sacrifice  of  himself. — John  i.  29.  The  lamb  ol  God, 
which  taketh  aivay  the  sin  of  the  world. — Acts  v.  31,  To  give 
repentance  to  Israel  and  forgiveness  of  sins. —  1  Cor.  xv.  3. 
Christ  died  for  our  sins  according  to  the  Sriptures. — 1  John  i.  7. 
The  blood  of  Jesus  Christ  his  Son  cleanseth  us  from  all  sin. — 
Rom.  v.  10.  We  were  reconciled  to  God  by  the  death  of  his 
Son. — 2  Cor.  v.  18.  Who  hath  reconciled  us  to  himself  by  Jesus 
Christ. — Col.  i.  20.  By  him  (Christ)  to  reconcile  all  things  unto 
himself. — Heb.  v.  8,  9.  He  became  the  author  of  salvation  unto 
all  them  that  obey  him. — 2  Cor.  v.  15.  He  died  for  all,  that  they 
which  live  should  not  henceforth  live  unto  themselves,  but  unto 
him  which  died  for  them.  (See  also  Rom.  vi.  10 — 12.  1  Thess. 
v.  10.) — I  Pet.  ii.  24.  Who  his  own  self  bare  our  sins  in  his  own 
body  on  the  tree,  that  ive,  being  dead  to  sin,  should  lire  unto 
righteousness. — Tit.  ii.  14.  Who  gave  himself  for  us,  that  he 
might  redeem  U3  from  all  iniquity,  and  purify  unto  himself  a 
peculiar  people  zealous  of  good  -works. — I  Cor.  vi.  20.  Ye  are 
bought  with  a  price ;  therefore  glorify  God  in  your  body  and  in 
your  spirit  ichich  are  God's. — 1  Pet  iv.  1,2.  As  Christ  has 
suffered  for  us  in  the  flesh,  arm  yourselves  likewise  with  the  same 
mind;  for  he  that  hath  sull'ered  in  the  flesh  hath  ceased  from  sin, 
that  he  no  longer  should  live  the  rest  of  his  time  in  the  flesh,  to 
the  lusts  of  men,  but  to  the  -will  of  God. 

§  C>.   The  Messiah  was  to  be  a  Saviour. 

Prophkct. — Isa.  lix.  20.  The  Redeemer  shall  come  to  Zion, 
and  to  them  that  turn  from  transgression  in  Jacob. — lxii.  11.  Say 
ye  to  the  daughter  of  Zion   "  Behold  thy  salvation  cometh." 

Fii.nt  mkn  r. —  1  John  iv.  14.  The  Father  sent  the  Son  to  be 
the  Saviour  of  the  world. — Luke  ii.  11.  Unto  you  is  born  a 
Saviour,  which  is  Christ  the  Lord.  (See  also  Matt.  i.  21. 
Acts  xiii.  23.) — John  iv.  42.  We  have  heard  him  ourselves,  and 
know  that  this  is  indeed  the  Christ,  the  Saviour  of  the  world. — 
Acts  v.  31.  Him  hath  God  exalted  with  his  right  hand  to  be  a 
prince  and  a  Saviour,  for  to  give  repentance  to  Israel  and  for- 
giveness of  sins. — 2  Pet.  ii.  20.  Have  escaped  the  pollutions 
of  the  world  through  the  knowledge  of  the  Lord  and  Saztour 
Jesus  Christ.  (See  also  2  Pet  iii.  18.)— Tit.  iii.  6.  The  Holy 
Ghost,  which  he  shed  on  us  abundantly,  through  Jesus  Christ 
our  Saviour. — 2  Pet.  i.  I.  Through  the  righteousness  of  our  God 
and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ. — Phil.  iii.  20.  From  whence  (hea- 
ven) we  also  look  for  the   Saviour,  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ. — 

Tit.  ii.   13.  Looking  for the  appearing  of  our  great  God 

and  Saviour,  Jesus  Christ. 

§  7.   The  Messiah  was  to  be  a  Mediator. 

Prophecy. Psal.  ex.  1.  The  Lord  said  unto  my  Lord,  Sit 

thou  at  my  ri^ht  hand.— Dan.  ix.    17.    19.     O  our  God,  cause 
thy  face  to  shine   upon  thy  sanctuary  that  is  desolate  for  the 
Lord's   sake.     Defer  not  for  thine  own   sake,    O   my  God. 
Isa.  viii.  14.  He  ihall  be  for  a  sanctuary. 


456 


PREDICTIONS  BY  JESUS  CHRIST. 


TApp.  No.  Vt 


Fulfilment.  —John  xiv.  6.  Jesus  saith  unto  him,  "I  am  the 
way,  and  TOe  truth,  and  the  life ;  no  man  cometh  unto  the 
Father  but  by  me." — 1  Tim.  ii.  5.  There  is  one  God,  and  one 
mediator  between  God  and  men,  the  man  Christ  Jesus. — Heb.  xii. 
24.  Jesus  the  mediator  of  the  new  covenant.  (See  also  Heb. 
vii.  22.  viii.  6.  ix.  15.) — John  x v.  16.  xvi.  23,  24.  Whatsoever 
ye  shail  ask  the  Father  in  my  name,  he  will  give  it  you; 
hitherto  ve  have  asked  nothing  in  my  name. — John  xiv.  14. 
If  ye  shall  ask  any  thing  in  my  name  I  will  do  it. 

§  8.   The  Messiah  was  to  be  an  Intercessor. 

Prophect. — Isa.  liii.  12.  He  made  intercession  for  the  trans- 
gressors. 

Fulfilment. — Luke  xxiii.  34.  Jesus  said,  Father,  forgive 
them;  for  they  knoiv  not  -uhat  they  do.  Heb.  ix.  24.  Christ  is 
entered  into  heaven  itself,  now  to  appear  in  the  presence  of  God 
for  xig, — l  John  ii.  1.  If  any  man  sin,  we  have  an  advocate  with 
the  Father,  Jesus  Christ  the  righteous. — Rom.  viii.  34.  Christ, 
who  is  even  at  the  right  hand  of  God,  who  also  maketh 
intercession  for  us. — Heb.  vii.  25.  He  is  able  to  save  them  to 
the  uttermost  that  come  unto  God  by  him,  seeing  he  ever  liveth 
to  make  intercession  for  them. 

§  9.  Messiah  was  to  be  a  Shepherd. 

Prophect. — Isa.  xl.  11.  He  shall  feed  his  flock  like  a  shep- 
herd, he  shall  gather  the  lambs  with  his  arm,  and  carry  them  in 
his  bosom,  and  shall  gently  lead  those  that  are  with  young. — 
Ezek.  xxxiv.  23.  I  will  set  up  one  shepherd  over  them,  even  my 
servant  David.  (See  also  Ezek.  xxxvii.  24.) 

Fulfilment. — John  x.  11.  14.  I  am  the  good  shepherd,  and 
know  my  sheep,  and  am  known  of  mine.  Other  sheep  (that  is, 
the  Gentiles)  I  have,  which  are  not  of  this  fold.  ...and  they 
shall  hear  my  voice ;  and  there  shall  be  one  fold,  and  one  shep- 
herd.— Heb.  xiii.  20.  Our  Lord  Jesus,  that  great  shepherd 
of  the  sheep. — 1  Pet.  ii.  25.  Ye  are  now  returned  unto  the 
shepherd  and  bishop  of  your  souls. — 1  Pet.  v.  1,  2.  4.  The  elders, 
I  exhort,  feed  the  flock  of  God;  and  when  the  chief  shepherd 
shall  appear  ye  shall  receive  a  crown. 

§   10.  Messiah  was  to  be  a  king,  superior  to  all  others,  the  head 

and  ruler  of  the  church,  and  more  particularly  exalted  as  a 

king,  after  his  sufferings  and  resurrection. 

(i.)  Messiah  was  to  be  a  King. 

Prophecy — Psal.  ii.  6.  Yet  have  I  set  my  king  upon  my  holy 
hill  of  Zion. — Psal.  cxxxii.  11.  The  Lord  hath  sworn  to  David, 
"  Of  the  fruit  of  thy  body  will  I  set  upon  thy  throne."  (See  also 
Isa.  ix.  6.  lv.  4.  Zech.  vi.  13.) — Jer.  xxiii.  5,  6.  A  king  shall  reign, 
and  prosper ;  this  is  the  name  whereby  he  shall  be  called,  "  The 
Lord  our  righteousness."  (See  also  Isa.  xxxii.  1.) — Ezek.  xxxvii. 
24,  25.  David  my  servant  shall  be  king  over  them.  (See  also  xxxiv. 
23,  24.  Jer.  xxx.  9.  Hos.  iii.  5.)— Zech.  ix.  9.  Shout,  O  daugh- 
ter of  Jerusalem,  behold  thy  king  cometh  unto  thee.  (Cited  as 
fulfilled  in  Matt.  xxi.  5.    John  xii.  15.  Luke  xix.  38.) 

Fulfilment. — Matt.  ii.  5,  6.  Thus  it  is  written  by  the 
prophet,  "  Out  of  thee  shall  come  a  governor,  that  shall  rule  my 
people  Israel."  (Mich.  v.  2.)— Luke  i.  32,  33.  The  Lord  God  shall 
give  unto  him  the  throne  of  his  father  David,  and  he  shail  reign 
over  the  house  of  Jacob  for  ever. — John  i.  49.  Nathaniel  an- 
swered, "  Thou  art  the  Son  of  God,  thou  art  the  king  of  Israel." — 
John  xviii.  33.  36,  37.  Pilate  said,  "Art  thou  the  king  of  the 


Jews?"  Jesus  answered,  "  My  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world :  now 
is  my  kingdom  not  from  hence."  Pilate  said,  "  Art  thou  a  king 
then?"  Jesus  answered  "Thou  sayest  that  I  am  a  king."  (Sec 
also  Matt,  xxvii.  11.) — Acts  v.  31.  Him  hath  God  exalted  with 
his  right  hand  to  be  a  prince  and  a  Saviour. 

(ii.)  Messiah  was  to  be  a  king,  superior  to  all  others,  the  head 
and  ruler  of  the  church. 

Phophect. — Psal.  lxxxix.  27.  36.  I  will  make  him,  my  first- 
born, higher  than  the  kings  of  the  earth.  His  throne  as  the  sun 
before  me. — Dan.  vii.  13,  14.  One  like  the  Son  of  Man; — 
There  was  given  him  dominion,  and  glory,  and  a  kingdom  ;  that 
all  people,  nations,  and  languages  should  serve  him :  his  dominion 
is  an  everlasting  dominion.  (See  also  Dan.  vii.  27.  ii.  44.) 

Fulfilment. — Rev.  i.  3.  The  Prince  of  the  kings  of  the 
earth. — 1  Tim.  vi.  15.  Who  is  the  blessed  and  only  potentate, 
the  King  of  kings,  and  Lord  of  lords.  (See  also  Rev.  xvii  14. 
xix.  16.) — Eph.  i.  21.  Far  above  all  principality,  and  power,  and 
might,  and  dominion,  and  every  name  that  is  named,  not  only  in 
this  world,  but  also  in  that  which  is  to  come. — Phil.  ii.  9.  God 
hath  highly  exalted  him,  and  given  him  a  name,  which  is  above 
every  name. — Eph.  i.  22,  23.  God  hath  put  all  things  under 
his  feet,  and  gave  him  to  be  Head  over  all  things  to  the  Church, 
which  is  his  body. — Col.  i.  18.  Christ  is  the  Head  of  the  Church, 
which  is  his  body.  (See  also  Eph.  v.  23.) — Eph.  iv.  15,  16 
Who  is  the  Head,  even  Christ ;  from  whom  the  whole  body  fitly 

joined  together  and  compacted maketh  increase 1  Cor. 

xii.  27.     Ye  are  the  body  of  Christ,  and  members  in  particular. 

Ciii.)  Messiah  the  king  was  to  be  exalted,  more  particularly 
after  his  sufferings  and  resurrection. 

Prophecy. — Psal.  ii.  6,  7.  (cited  and  applied  to  Christ  in 
Acts  xiii.  33.  and  Heb.  v.  5.)  I  have  set  my  King  upon  my  holy 
hill  of  Zion.  Thou  art  my  Son  ;  this  day  have  I  begotten  thee. — 
Psal.  viii.  5.  Thou  hast  made  him  a  little  lower  than  the  angels, 
and  hast  crowned  him  with  glory  and  honour. — Isa.  liii.  10.  12. 
When  thou  shalt  make  his  soul  an  offering  for  sin,  he  shall  see 
his  seed ;  and  the  pleasure  of  the  Lord  shall  prosper  in  his  hand. — 
Therefore  will  I  divide  him  a  portion  with  the  great,  and  he  shall 
divide  the  spoil  with  the  strong,  because  he  hath  poured  out  his 
soul  unto  death. 

Fulfilment. — 1  Pet.  i.  11.  The  prophets. ..  .testified  be- 
forehand the  sufferings  of  Christ  and  the  glory  that  should  fol- 
low.— Luke  xxiv.  26.  Ought  not  Christ  to  have  suffered  these 
things,  and  to  have  entered  into  glory  1 — John  xvii.  1.  The 
hour  is  come,  glorify  thy  Son. — Rom.  i.  4.  Declared  to  be  the 
Son  of  God  with  power. . .  .by  the  resurrection  from  the  dead.— 
1  Pet.  i.  21.  God  . .  .  raised  him  up  from  the  dead,  and  gave 
him  glory. — 1  Pet.  iii.  22.  Who  is  gone  into  heaven,  and  is  on 
the  right  hand  of  God ;  angels,  and  authorities,  and  powers  being 
made  subject  unto  him. — Acts  ii.  32,  33.  Jesus  hath  God  raised 
up. . .  .therefore  being  by  the  right  hand  of  God  exalted. — Phil, 
ii.  8,  9.  Being  found  in  fashion  as  man,  he  humbled  himself, 
and  became  obedient  unto  death,  even  the  death  of  the  cross ; 
wherefore  God  also  hath  highly  exalted  him. — Heb.  ii.  9.  We 
see  Jesus,  who  was  made  a  little  lower  than  the  angels,  for  the 
suffering  of  death,  crowned  with  glory  and  honour. — Heb.  xii.  2. 
Who,  for  the  joy  that  was  set  before  him,  endured  the  cross, 
despising  the  shame,  and  is  set  down  at  the  right  hand  of  the 
throne  of  God. 


CHAPTER  II. 


THE  PRINCIPAL  PREDICTIONS  BY  JESUS  CHRIST  RELATIVE  TO  HIS  SUFFERINGS,  DEATH,  RESURRECTION,  THE  Sl'REAO 
OF  THE   GOSPEL,  AND  THE  DESTRUCTION  OF  JERUSALEM. 


[Referred  to  in  page  129  of  this  volume. ,] 


SECTION  I. 


PREDICTIONS  (FOR  THE  CONFIRMATION  OF  HIS  DISCIPLES'  FAITH) 
THAT  THEY  WOULD  FIND  THINGS  ACCORDING  TO  HIS  WORD. 

Prophecy. — Matt.  xxi.  1,  2,  3.  Mark  xi.  2.  Luke  xix.  30, 
31.  Jesus  sent  two  disciples,  saying  unto  them,  "Go  into  the 
village  over  against  you,  and  straightway  ye  shall  find  an  ass  tied 
and  a  colt  with  her ;  loose  them,  and  bring  them  unto  me ;  and 


if  anj"  rain  shall  say  aught  unto  you,  ye  shall  say,  '  The  Lord 
hath  n^d  of  them,'  and  straightway  he  will  send  them." — Mark 
xiv.  13,  14,  15.  Go  ye  into  the  city,  and  there  shall  meet  you  a 
man  bearing  a  pitcher  of  water,  follow  him ;  and  wheresoever  he 
shall  go  in,  say  ye  to  the  good  man  of  the  house,  "  The  master 
saith,  Where  is  the  guest-chamber,  where  I  shall  eat  the  passover 
with  my  disciples  1"  And  he  shall  show  you  a  large  upper  room. 
(See  also  Matt.  xxvi.  18.) 


Ch.  H.  Sect.  II. 


PREDICTIONS  BY  JESUS  CHRIST. 


457 


Fulfilment. — Mark  ix.  4,  6,  6.  Luke  xix.  S3.  They  found 
the  colt  tied  by  the  door  without,  in  a  place  where  two  ways 
met,  and  they  loose  him ;  and  certain  of  them  that  Ktood  there 
said  to  them,  "  What  do  ye,  looting  the  colt?"  and  they  said  to 
them  even  as  Jesus  had  commanded,  and  they  let  then  go. — 
Luke  xxii.  13.  Mark  xiv.  Hi.  They  went  and  found  as  be  h id 
said  unto  them. 


.SUCTION    il. 

predictions  or  nana  i  bust  rklatiti  to  his  lurmi 

HI    Mil,   RESURRECTION,  AND  ASCENSION. 

§  1.   That  he  was  to  be  betrayed  by  one  if  hie  duciplei,  and  l>u 
Judas  Ttcartot, 

Prophecy. — John  vi.  70,71.  Have  not  I  chosen  you  twelve, 
and  one  of  you  is  a  devil  ?  He  spake  of  Judas  Iscariot,  the  son 
of  Simon,  for  be  it  was  that  should  betray  him. — Matt,  nc  18. 
Behold  we  go  up  to  Jerusalem,  and  the  Bon  of  Man  shall  be 

betrayed  unto  the  chief  priests  and  unto  the  scribes.  (Sec  also 
Matt.  xvii.  22.  Mark.  x.  S3.  Luke  ix.  44.)— Matt.  xxvi.  2.  Ye 
know,  that  after  two  days  is  the  feast  of  the  passover,  and  the 
Son  of  Man  is  betrayed  to  be  crucified. — John  xiii.  10,  11.  Ye 
arc  clean,  but  not  all ;  for  he  knew  who  should  betray  him ; 
therefore,  said  be,  ye  are  not  all  clean.  (18.  xvii.  12.) — Mark, 
xiv.  18.  Jesus  said,  Verily  I  say  unto  you,  One  of  you  which 
eateth  with  me  shall  betray  me.  (Matt.  xwi.  21.  John  xiii.  21.) 
Luke  wii.  31.) — John  xiii.  26.  He  it  is  to  whom  I  shall  give 
a  sop: — he  gave  it  to  Judas  Iscariot.  (Mark  xiv.  20.) — Mark 
xiv.  42.      lie  that  hctrayeth  me  is  at  hand.    (Matt.  xxiv.  46.) 

Ft  i.i -il. mi. nt. —  Matt.  xxvi.  14,  16,  16.  One  of  the  twelve, 
called  Judas  Iscariot,  went  unto  the  chief  priests  and  said  unto 
them,  What  will  ye  give  me,  and  I  will  deliver  him  unto  you  ? 
and  they  covenanted  with  him  for  thirty  pieces  of  silver  ;  and 
from  that  time  he  Bought  opportunity  to  betray  him.  (Mark  xiv. 
10.  Luke  xxiii.  3.  John  xiii.  2.) — Matt.  xxvi.  47 — 11).  Judas, 
one  of  the  twelve  came,  and  with  him  a  great  multitude  with 
swords  and  slaves,  from  the  chief  priests  and  elders  of  the  people. 
Now  he  that  betrayed  him  gave  them  a  sign,  saying,  Whomsoever 
I  shall  kiss,  that  same  is  he,  hold  him  fast ;  and  forthwith  he 
came  to  Jesus,  and  said,  Hail,  Master,  and  kissed  him. 

§  2.    That  his  other  disciples  would  forsake  him. 

Prophecy. — Mark.  xiv.  27.  Matt.  xxvi.  31.  Jesus  saith  unto 
them,  All  ye  shall  be  offended  because  of  me  this  night;  for  it 
is  written,  "I  will  smite  the  shepherd,  and  the  sheep  shall  be 
scattered." — John  xvi.  32.  The  hour  cometh,  yea  is  now  come, 
that  ye  shall  be  scattered  every  man  to  his  own,  and  shall  leave 
me  a'one. — John  xviii.  8,  9.  Jesus  answered,  If  ye  seek  me,  let 
these  go  their  way  ;  that  the  saying  might  be  fulfilled  which  he 
spake,  Of  them  which  thou  gavest  me  have  I  lost  none. 

Fulfilment. — Matt.  xxvi.  56.  Then  all  the  disciples  Fon- 
soorc  him  and  fed. — Mark.  xiv.  53.  *ind  they  all  korsook  him 
and  fed. 

§  3.    That  Peter  icon  Id  deny  him. 

Ppopiikcy. — Luke  xxii.  31,  32.  Simon,  Simon,  behold  Satan 
hath  desired  to  have  you,  that  he  may  sift  you  as  wheat;  but  I 
have  prayed  for  thee,  that  thy  faith  fail  not ;  and  when  thou  art 
converted,  strengthen  thy  brethren. — John  xiii.  38.  Wilt  thou 
lay  down  thy  life  for  my  sake  1  Verily,  verily,  I  say  unto  thee, 
The  cock  shall  not  crow  till  thou  hast  denied  me  thrice.  (See 
also  Matt.  \x\i.  34.  Luke  xxii.  34.) — Mark  xiv.  30.  Verily  I 
say  unto  thee,  That  this  day,  even  in  this  night,  before  the  cock 
crow  twice,  thou  shall  deny  me  thrice. 

Fulfilment. — Luke  xxii.  60,  61,  62.  Peter  said,  Man,  I 
know  not  what  thou  sayest ;  and  immediately,  while  he  yet 
spake,  the  cock  crew.  And  the  Lord  turned,  and  looked  upon 
Peter;  and  Peter  remembered  the  word  of  the  Lord,  how  he  had 
said  unto  him.  Before  the  cock  crow,  thou  shalt  deny  me  thrice  ; 
and  Peter  went  out  and  wept  bitterly.  (See  also  Matt,  xxvi.  75. 
John  xviii.  27.) — Mark  xiv.  72.  The  second  time  the  cock 
crew,  and  Peter  called  to  mind  the  word  that  Jesus  said  unto 
him,  Before  the  cock  crow  twice,  thou  shalt  deny  me  thrice. 

§4.   The  circumstance*,  place,  and  manner  of  hu  sufferings. 

(i.)   That  he  should  suffer. 

Prophecy. — Matt.  xvi.  21.  Mark  viii.  31.  Luke  ix.  22.  Je- 
sus began  to  teach  and  to  show  unto  his  disciples,  how  that  he, 
the  Son  of  Man,  must  go  unto  Jerusalem,  and  suffer  many  things, 


and  be  rejected  of  the  elders  and  chief  priests  and  scril  eft,  and  br 

killed,  and  alter  three  days,  be  laised  again  the  third  day. — 
Mark  ix.  81.  Matt.  xvii.  22,  23.  The  Son  of  man  slull  be 
delivered  into  the  hands  of  men,  and  they  shall  kill  him  :  and 
after  that  he  is  killed,  he  shall  n.-e  the  third  day. — Mark  x.  33,  34. 
Matt.  xx.  18,  19.  Luke  xviii.  31 — 33.  Behold  wo  go  up  to  Je- 
ru-ileiii,  and  all  things  that  are  written  in  the  prophets  concern- 
ing the  Son  of  Man  shall  be  accomplished  :  and  the  Son  of  man 
shall  be  betrayed,  and  delivered  unto  the  chief  priests,  and  unt 
the  ICTJbeej  and  they  shall  condemn  bim  unto  death,  and  shah. 
deliver  him  unto  the  Gentiles.  And  they  shall  murk  and  spite- 
fully entreat  him,  and  shall  scourge  him,  and  shall  spit  upon  him, 
and  shall  kill  him,  and  crucify  him;  and  the  third  day  he  shall 
tin. 
I'i  i.iti.men  r.— J.,hn   xi.  .r>:i.     They  took  CO  >r  to 

put  him  to  death. — Matt.  xxvi.  4.  Mark  xiv.  1.  Luke  xxii.  2. 
And  eon  idled  how  they  might  take  Jesus  by  sulitilty  and  put 
him  to  death. — Matt.  \wi.  66.  Mark  xiv.  84.  Luke  xxii.  71. 
They  answered  and  said.  •■  He  i ■  guilty  of  death  "'. .  .  and  they 
all  condemned  him  to  he  guilty  of  death. — Matt.  KXvii.26.  Luke 
xxiii.  21.     John  xix.  16.      When  he  had  scour 

livered  him  to  be  crucified. — John  xix.  is.     Matt  xxxvii.  35 

Luke  xxiii.  3:t Golgotha;  where    they  crucified   him,  and 

two  others  with  him.  Luke  xxiv.  6,  7.  2b.  46.  Remember  how 
he  spake  unto  you,  when  he  was  yet  in  Galilee,  saying,  '"The 
Son  of  Man  must  be  delivered  into  the  hands  of  sinful  men,  and 

be  crucified,  and  the  third  day  rise  again." "  Ought  not 

Christ  to  have  suffered  these  things]". . .  .Thus  it  behoved  ( ihriat 
to  Buffer,  and  to  rise  from  the  dead  the  third  day. — Acts  ii.  23. 
Him. ...ye  have  taken,  and  by  wicked  hands  crucified  and 
slain. — Acts  xiii.  27.  They  have  fulfilled  {the  prophecies)  in 
condemning  him. — Acts  xvii.  3.  (Paul  opened  and  alleged  out 
of  the  Scriptures')  That  Christ  must  needs  have  suffered  and 
risen  again  from  the  dead. — Gal.  iii.  1 Christ  hath  evi- 
dently been  set  forth  crucified  among  you. 

(ii.)  The  place  where  he  should  suffer,  viz.  at  Jerusalem. 

Pbofhsct. — Matt  xvi.  21.  Luke  ix.  31.  He  must  go  unto 
Jerusalem  and  suffer. — Luke  xiii.  31.  33.  Herod  will  kill  thee. 
It  cannot  be  that  a  prophet  perish  out  of  Jerusalem. — Luke  xviii. 
31.  Matt.  xx.  18.  We  go  up  to  Jerusalem,  and  all  things  that 
are  written  by  the  prophets  concerning  the  Son  of  Man  shall  be 
accomplished. 

Fulfilment. — Luke  xxiv.  18.  Art  thou  only  a  stranger  in 
Jerusalem,  and  hast  not  known  the  things  which  are  come  to 
pass  there  in  these  days?  (Sec  also  Matt,  xxvii.  Mark  xv. 
Luke  xxiii.  John  xix.) — Acts  xiii.  27.  They  that  dwell  at  Je- 
rusalem, and  their  rulers,  because  they  knew  him  not,  nor  yet 
the  voices  of  the  prophets,  which  are  read  every  Sabbath-day, 
they  have  fulfilled  them  in  condemning  him. — Heb.  xiii.  12. 
Jesus. . .  .suffered  without  the  gate. 

(iii.)    The  persons,  by  whom  he  was  to  suffer,  viz.  parlicularlij 

by  the  Chief  Priests  and  Gentile*. 

(«.)  By  the  Chief  Priests. 

Phoimikct. — Matt.  xvi.  SI.  Mark  viii.  31.  Luke  ix.  22.  Hs 
must  suffer  many  things  of  the  elders  and  chief  priests  and 
scribes. — Matt.  xvii.  12.  Likewise  shall  also  the  Son  of  Man 
suffer  of  them. — Mark  x.  33.  The  Son  of  man  shall  be  delivered 
to  the  chief  priests  and  to  the  scribes,  and  they  shall  condemn 
him  to  death. 

Fulfilment. — Matt  xxvi.  3,  4.  John  xi.  53.  Then  assem- 
bled together  the  chief  priests  and  the  scribes  and  the  elderi 
of  the  people  unto  the  palace  of  the  high  priest  who  was  called 
Caiaphas ;  and  consulted  that  they  might  take  Jesus  by  subtilty 
and  kill  him. — John  xviii.  13.  24.  Matt.  xxvi.  57.  They  led 
him  away  to  Annas  first  Now  Annas  had  sent  him  bound 
unto  Caiaphas  the  high  priest.— Matt.  xxvi.  65,  66.  Mark  xiv. 
64.  The  high  priest  rent  his  clothes,  saying,  "He  hath  spoken 
blasphemy, — what  think  ye  !"  They  answered  and  said,  "  He  is 
guilty  of  death."  Matt,  xxvii.  20.  Luke  xxiii.  18.  The  chief 
priests  and  elders  persuaded  the  multitude  that  they  should  ask 
Barabbas,  and  destroy  Jesus. — Luke  xxiv.  20.  Acts  xiii.  28. 
The  chief  priests  and  rulers  delivered  him  to  be  condemned  to 
death. 

(b.)  By  the  Gentiles. 

PnopiiECT.— Luke  xviii.  31,  32.  Mark  x.  33.  Matt,  xx,  ;». 
The  Son  of  Man  shall  be  delivered  to  the  Gentiles.  (Note,  that 
when  Jesus  foretold  that  he  should  be  crucified,  it  also  implied 
that  he  should  be  delivered  to  the  Gentiles;  for  crucifixion  west 
Roman  not  a  Jewish  punishment) 


458 


PROPHECIES  BY  JESUS  CHRIST 


[App.  No.  VI 


Fulfilment Acts  xiii.  28.     Though  they  found  no  cause 

Df  death  in  him,  yet  desired  they  Pilate  that  he  should  be  slain. — 
Matt  xxvii.  2.  Mark.  xv.  1.  They  delivered  him  unto  Pontius 
Pilate  the  governor. — John  xviii.  31,  32.  Pilate  said  unto  them, 
"Take  ye  him,  and  judge  him  according  to  your  law."  The 
Jews,  therefore,  said  unto  him,  "It  is  not  lawful  for  us  to  put  any 
man  to  death  ;"  that  the  saying  of  Jesus  might  be  fulfilled. — Mark 
xv.  15.  Luke  xxiii.  24.  Pilate  delivered  Jesus,  when  he  had 
scourged  him,  to  be  crucified. — Acts  iv.  27.  Against  thy  holy 
child  Jesus,  whom  thou  hast  anointed,  both  Herod  and  Pontius 
Pilate,  with  the  Gentiles  and  the  people  of  Israel,  were  gathered 
together. 

'iv.)   The  manner   of  his   sufferings,  viz.    by  mocking   and 
crucifixion. 

(aj)  Jesus  foretold  that  he  should  be  mocked. 

Prophecy. — Mark.  ix.  12.  The  Son  of  Man  must  suffer 
many  things,  and  be  set  at  nought. — Luke  xviii.  32.  Mark  x. 
34.  The  Son  of  Man  shall  be  delivered  to  the  Gentiles,  and 
6hall  be  mocked,  and  spitefully  intreated,  and  spitted  on. 

Fulfilment. — At  the  high  priest's. — Matt.  xxvi.  67,  68. 
Mark  xiv.  65.  Then  did  they  spit  in  his  face,  and  buffeted  him, 
and  others  smote  him  with  the  palms  of  their  hands,  saying, 
Prophecy  unto  us,' thou  Christ,  who  is  he  that  smote  thee." — 
Before  Herod. — Luke  xxiii.  11.  Herod,  with  his  men  of  war, 
set  him  at  nought,  and  mocked  him,  and  arrayed  him  in  a  gor- 
geous robe. — At  Pilate's  judgment  hall. — Mark  xv.  17,  18,  19. 
Matt,  xxvii.  28.  John  xix.  2.  They  clothed  him  with  purple, 
and  platted  a  crown  of  thorns  and  put  it  about  his  head,  and 
began  to  salute  him,  "  Hail,  king  of  the  Jews !"  and  they  smote 
him  on  the  head  with  a  reed,  and  did  spit  upon  him,  and  bowing 
their  knees  worshipped  him. — At  the  Cross. — Mark  xv.  29 — 32. 
They  that  passed  by  railed  on  him,  wagging  their  heads  and 
saying,  "  Ah,  thou  that  destroyest  the  temple,  and  buildest  it  in 
three  days,  save  thyself,  and  come  down  from  the  cross."  Like- 
wise, also,  the  chief  priests,  mocking,  said,  among  themselves, 
with  the  scribes,  "  He  saved  others,  himself  he  cannot  save  ;  let 
Christ  the  king  of  Israel  descend  now  from  the  cross,  that  we 
may  see  and  believe."  And  they  that  were  crucified  with  him 
reviled  him. 

(6)  Jesus  foretold  that  he  should  be  crucified. 

Prophecy. — John  iii.  14.  As  Moses  lifted  up  the  serpent  in 
the  wilderness,  even  so  must  the  Son  of  Man  be  lifted  up. — 
John  xii.  32.  And  I,  if  I  be  {more  correctly,  when  I  am)  lifted 
up  from  the  earth,  will  draw  all  men  unto  me. — John  viii.  28. 
When  ye  have  lifted  up  the  Son  of  Man,  then  shall  ye  know 

that  I  am  he. — Matt.  xx.  19 To  mock  and  to  scourge  and 

to  crucify  him. 

Fulfilment. — Matt,  xxvii.  31.  John  xix.  16.  They  led  him 
away  to  crucify  him. — Luke  xxiii.  33.  Mark.  xv.  20.  25.  When 
they  were  come  to  the  place  which  is  called  Calvary,  there  they 
crucified  him. — Luke  xxiv.  6,  7.  Remember  how  he  spake  to 
you ....  The  Son  of  Man  must  be  ....  be  crucified.  Com- 
pare also  Luke  xxiv.  20.  Acts  ii.  23.  and  iv.  10.  1  Cor.  i.  23. 
Gal   iii.  1. 

§  5.  Jesus  Christ  predicted  his  resurrection. 

Prophecy. — John  ii.  19.  21.  Jesus  said,  "Destroy  this  tem- 
ple, and  in  three  days  I  will  raise  it  up."  He  spake  of  the  temple 
of  his  body. — John  x.  17.  I  lay  down  my  life  that  I  might  take 
it  again.— Mark  x.  34.  (See  also  Mark  viii.  31.  Luke  ix.  22.) 
They  shall  kill  him,  and  the  third  day  he  shall  rise  again.— Matt, 
xxvii.  62,  63.  The  chief  priests  and  Pharisees  came  together  to 
Pilate,  saying,  Sir,  we  remember  that  that  deceiver  said,  while 
he  was  yet  alive,  "  After  three  days  I  will  rise  again." 

Fulfilment. — Luke  xxiv.  5,  6.  Why  seek  ye  the  living 
among  the  dead  ?  he  is  not  here,  but  is  risen  ;  remember  how  he 
spake  to  you  when  he  was  yet  in  Galilee.  Sec  also  Matt,  xxviii. 
6.  and  xxviii.  9.  1 1.  Luke  xxiv.  15.  34.  36.  John  xx.  14.  19.  and 
xxi.  4. — John  xx.  27.  Then  saith  he  to  Thomas,  "  Reach  hither 
thy  finger,  and  behold  my  hands,  and  reach  hither  thy  hand  and 

thrust  it  into  my  side ;  and  be  not  faithless,  but  believing." 

Acts  i.  3.  To  whom  also  he  showed  himself  alive  after  his  pas- 
sion by  many  infallible  proofs,  being  seen  of  them  forty  days. 

Acts  x.  4>D,  41.  Him  God  raised  up  the  third  day,  and  showed 
him  openly,  not  to  all  the  people,  but  to  witnesses  chosen  before 
of  God,  even  to  us,  who  did  eat  and  drink  with  him  after  he  rose 
from  the  dead.  See  also  Acts  ii.  32.  and  iv.  33.  1  Cor.  xv.  20. 
Acts  xvii.  3.  xxvi.  23.    Rom.  i.  4. 


§  6.  Jesus  Christ  foretold  that  he  would  appear  again  to 
his  disciples. 

Prophecy. — John  xvi.  16.  22.  A  little  while  and  ye  shall  Viol 
see  me,  and  again  a  little  while  and  ye  shall  see  me,  because  I 
go  to  the  Father.  I  will  see  you  again.— Matt.  xxvi.  32.  Mark 
xiv.  28.  After  I  am  risen  again  I  will  go  before  you  into  Gali- 
lee.— Matt,  xxviii.  10.  Mark  xvi.  7.  Go  tell  my  brethren  that 
they  go  into  Galilee,  and  there  shall  they  see  me. 

Fulfilment. — Mark  xvi.  14.  John  xx.  19.  Luke  xxiv.  36. 
He  appeared  to  the  eleven  as  they  sat.  at  meat,  and  upbraided 
them  with  their  unbelief. — Matt,  xxviii.  Hi,  17.  The  eleven  dis- 
ciples went  away  into  Galilee,  into  a  mountain  where  Jesus  had 
appointed  them.  And  when  they  saw  him  (hey  worshipped  him. 
but  some  doubted. — John  xxi.  1 .  Jesus  showed  himself  again 
to  the  disciples  at  the  sea  of  Tiberias. — 1  Cor.  xv.  5,  6.  He  wasi 
seen  of  Cephas,  then  of  the  twelve,  after  that  he  was  seen  ol 
above  five  hundred  brethren  at  once. 

§  7.  Jesus  Christ  foretold  his  ascension  into  heaven. 

Prophecy. — John  vi.  62.  What  if  ye  shall  see  the  Son  of  Man 
ascend  up  where  he  was  before. — xvi.  28.  I  came  forth  from 
the  Father,  and  am  come  into  the  world ;  again  I  leave  the 
world  and  go  to  the  Father. — xx.  17.  I  am  not  yet  ascended  to 
my  Father ;  but  go  to  my  brethren  and  say  unto  them  "  I  ascend 
unto  my  Father  and  your  Father,  and  to  my  God  and  your  God." 
(See  also  John  vii.  33.  xiii.  33.  xiv.  19.  and  xvii.  13.) 

Fulfilment. — Mark  xvi.  19.  After  the  Lord  had  spoken 
unto  them,  he  was  received  up  into  heaven,  and  sat  on  the  right 
hand  of  God.  (See  also  Luke  xxiv.  51.) — Acts  i.  9,  10..  While 
they  beheld  he  was  taken  up,  and  a  cloud  received  him  out  of 
their  sight.  They  looked  steadfastly  towards  heaven  as  he  went 
up — Eph.  iv.  10.  He  that  descended  is  the  same  also  that 
ascended  up  far  above  all  heavens.  See  also  1  Pet.  iii.  22.  Heb 
ix.  24.  iv.  14.  vi.  20.     1  Tim.  iii.  16. 


SECTION  III. 

PROPHECIES  BY  JESUS  CHRIST    RELATIVE    TO  THE    DESTRUCTIOI 
OF  JERUSALEM. 

§  1.   The  signs,  which  were  to  precede  the  destruction  of 

Jerusalem. 

(i.)    The  first  sign  is,  the  appearance  of  false  Christs  or 

Messiahs. 

Prophecy. — Matt.  xxiv.  4,  5.  Mark  xiii.  5,  6.  Luke  xxi.  &. 
Take  heed  that  no  man  deceive  you ;  for  many  shall  come  in 
my  name,  saying,  "  /  am  Christ,"  and  shall  deceive  many  ,• 
and  the  time  draweth  near. 

Fulfilment. — These  false  Christs  began  to  appear  soon  after  our 
Lord's  death,  but  they  multiplied  as  the  national  calamities  increased. 
Josephus  informs  us,  that  there  were  many  who,  pretending  to  divine 
inspiration,  deceived  the  people,  leading  out  numbers  of  them  into  the 
desert.  He  does  not  indeed  expressly  say  that  they  called  themselves 
the  Messiah  or  Christ;  yet  he  says  that  which  is  equivalent,  viz.  that 
they  pretended  that  God  would  there  show  them  the  signs  of  liberty, 
meaning  redemption  from  the  Roman  yoke,  which  thing  the  Jews 
expected  the  Messiah  would  do  for  them  (compare  Luke  xxiv.  21.) 
Josephus  further  adds,  that  an  Egyptian  false  prophet  led  fliirty 
thousand  men  into  the  desert,  who  were  almost  entirely  cut  off  by 
Felix,  the  Roman  Procurator.1  The  same  historian  relates,  that,  in 
the  reign  of  Claudius,  "  the  land  was  overrun  with  magicians,  se- 
ducers, and  impostors,  who  drew  the  people  after  them  in  multitudes 
into  solitudes  and  deserts,  to  see  the  signs  and  miracles  which  they 
promised  to  show  by  the  power  of  God."2  Felix,  and  afterwards 
Festus,  governors  of  Judaea,  judging  these  proceedings  to  be  the  com- 
mencement of  rebellion  against  the  Romans,  continually  sent  out 
detachments  of  soldiers,  and  destroyed  great  numbers  of  the  deluded 
populace.  Among  these  impostors  were  Dositheus,  the  Samaritan, 
who  affirmed  that  he  was  the  Christ  foretold  by  Moses;  Simor 
Magus,  who  said  that  he  appeared  among  the  Jews  as  the  Son  ol 
God;  and  Theudas,  who,  pretending  to  be  a  prophet,  persuaded  many 
of  the  people  to  take  their  goods  and  follow  him  to  the  river  Jordan, 
declaring  that  he  was  divinely  commissioned,  and  that  at  his  com- 
mand the  waters  would  be  divided,  and  give  them  a  safe  passage  to 
the  opposite  side."3  Many  other  examples  of  pretended  Messiahs 
might  be  adduced;  but  the  preceding  are  sufficient  to  establish  the 
truth  oi  our  Lord's  prediction.4 

«  Josephus,  de  Bell.  Jud.  lib.  2.  c.  13.  §  4,  5. 

•  Josephus,  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  20.  c.  68.  §  6 

»  Josephus,  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  20.  c.  4.  (al.  5.)  §  1. 

«  In  the  Rev.  David  Simpson's  Key  to  the  Prophecies  there  is  an  in- 
structive History  of  twenty-four  false  Messiahs,  who  deluded  the  Jews 
between  the  time  of  the  emperor  Adrian  and  the  year  of  Christ  1632.  See 
dp.  133-148. 


Oh.  II.  Sect.  m. 


RELATIVE  TO  THE  DESTRUCTION  OF  JERUSALEM. 


45S 


(ii.  j   The  second  sign  is,  Wars  and  Commotions. 

Prophecy. — Matt.  xxiv.  6.  Mark  xiii.  7.  Luke  xxi.  9.  When 
ye  shall  hear  of  wars  and  rumours  of  van,  and  commotions, 
tee  that  ye  be  not  troublnl,  and  terrified  i  for  all  these  things 
must  come  to  puss,  but  the  end  is  not  yet. 

Fulfilment. — These  wars  and  commotions  were  an  the  distant 
thunder,  that  torehodM  approaching  Htormn.  Previously  to  the  de- 
struction of  Jerusalem,  the  greatest  agitation  prevailed  in  tho  Roma 
empire,  and  the  struggle  for  tho  succession  to  the  imperial  throne  was 
attended  by  severe  and  bloody  conflict*,  Pool  empaion,  Nero,  Ualba, 
Otho,  and  Vitellius,  suffered  violent  deatht  within  the  short  Hi>ace  of 
eighteen  months.  The  emperor  Caligula  commanded  the  Jews  to 
place  his  statue  in  their  temple  ;  and  m  ConaeqBencc  "lu  positive  re- 
fusal to  comply  witli  so  imploui  a  reqnett,  he  threatened  them  with 
on  invasion,  winch  was  prevented  by  hia  death.1  Jesus  Christ  added, 
see  that  ye  (my  disciples)  l>e  not  troubled,  as  the  Jews  will  be,  expecting 
the  approaching  destruction  of  their  nation  ;  but  the  end  is  not  yet: 
these  events,  alarming  as  they  seemed,  were  only  the  preludes  to  the 
dreadful  and  tonmltUOUl  scenes  that  followed. 

Prophecy. — Matt.  xxiv.  7.  Mark  xiii.  8.  Luke  xxi.  10. 
Nation  shall  rise  against  nation,  and  kingdom  against  kingdom. 

Fulfilment. — In  this  prediction,  Chriat  declares  that  greater  dis- 
turbances than  those  which  happened  under  Caligula  would  take 
place  in  the  latter  part  of  Claudius's  reign,  and  during  that  of  Nero. 
The  rising  of  nation  against  nation  portended  the  dissensions,  insur- 
rections, and  mutual  slaughter  of  the  Jews,  and  those  of  other  nations, 
who  dwelt  in  the  same  cities  together;  as  particularly  at  Ca^area,2 
where  tho  Jews  and  Syrians  contended  about  tho  right  of  the  city, 
which  contention  at  length  proceeded  so  far,  that  above  twenty 
thousand  Jews  were  slain,  and  the  city  was  cleared  of  the  Jewish  in- 
habitants. At  this  blow  tho  whole3  nation  of  the  Jews  were  exaspe- 
rated, and,  dividing  themselves  into  parties,  they  burnt  and  plundered 
the  neighbouring  cities  and  villages  of  the  Syrians,  and  made  an  im- 
mense slaughter  of  tho  people.  The  Syrians,  in  revenge,  destroyed 
not  a  less  number  of  the  Jews,  and  every  city,  as  Josephus4  expresses 
it,  was  divided  into  two  armies.  At  Scythopolis5  the  inhabitant:  com- 
pelled the  Jews  who  resided  among  them  to  fight  against  their  own 
countrymen  ;  and,  after  the  victory,  basely  setting  upon  them  by 
night,  they  murdered  above  thirteen  thousand  of  them,  and  spoiled 
their  goods.  At  Ascalon6  they  killed  two  thousand  five  hundred,  at 
Ptolemais  two  thousand,  and  made  not  a  few  prisoners.  The  Tyrians 
put  many  to  death  and  imprisoned  more.  The  people  of  Gadara  did 
ikewise,  and  all  the  other  cities  of  Syria  in  proportion  as  they  hated 
ir  feared  the  Jews.  At  Alexandria7  the  old  enmity  was  revrved  be- 
tween the  Jews  and  Heathens,  and  many  fell  on  both  sides,  but  of 
the  Jews  to  the  number  of  fifty  thousand.  The  people  of  Damascus,8 
too,  conspired  against  the  Jews  of  the  same  city,  and  assaulting  them 
unarmed,  killed  ten  thousand  of  them.  The  rising  of  kingdom  against 
kingdom  portended  the  open  wars  of  different  tetrarchies  and  pro- 
vinces against  one  another;  as  that9  of  the  Jews  who  dwelt  in  Perea 
against  the  people  of  Philadelphia  concerning  their  bounds,  while 
Cuspius  Fadii8  was  procurator;  and  that10  of  the  Jews  and  Galilacans 
against  the  Samaritans,  for  the  murder  of  some  Galileans  going  up  to 
the  feast  of  Jerusalem,  while  Cumanus  was  procurator;  and  that" 
of  the  whole  nation  of  the  Jews  against  the  Romans  and  Agrippa  and 
other  allies  of  the  Roman  empire,  which  began  while  Gessius  Florus 
was  procurator.  But,  as  Josephus  says,1-  there  was  not  only  sedition 
and  civil  war  throughout  Judrea,  but  likewise  in  Italy — fJtho  and 
Vitellius  contending  for  the  empire. 

(iii.)    The  third  sign  is,  Famines  and  Pestilences. 
PnopitECf. — Matt.   xxiv.  7.     Mark  xiii.   8.     Luke  xxi.   10. 
And  there  shall  be  famines  and  pestilences. 

Fulfilment. — There  was  a  famine  predicted  by  Agabus  (Acts  xi. 
28.)  which  is  mentioned  by  Suetonius,  Tacitus,  and  F.usebius,15  and 
which  came  to  pass  in  the.  days  of  Claudius  C<rsar,  and  was  so  severe 
at  Jerusalem,  that  (Josephus  informs  us)  many  people  perished  for 
want  of  food."  Pestilences  are  the  usual  attendants  of  famines,  as 
scarcity  and  badness  of  provisions  almost  always  terminate  in  some 
epidemical  distemper.  That  Jadaw  was  afflicted  with  pestilence  we 
learn  from  Josephus  ;  who  pays  that  when  one  Niger  was  put  to  death 
by  the  Jewish  zealots,  besides  other  calamities,  he  imprecated  famine 
and  pestilence  upon  them,  "all  which  imprecations  God  confirmed 
against  these  impious  men."15 

(iv.)    The  fourth  sign  u  Earthquake!, 

Prophecy. — Matt.  xxiv.  7.  Mark  xiii.  8.  Luke  xxi.  11. 
There  shall  be  earthqm 

. Fulfilment. — Earthqx^tes,  in  prophetic  language,  mean  commo- 
hons  and  popular  insurrections :  if  these  be  intended,  they  have 
•lready  been  noticed  under  the  second  sign  ;  but  if  we  understand 

t  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  IS  c.  8  (al.  9.)  Dc  Bell.  Jud.  lib.  2  c.  10. 
»  Ibid,  lib  20.  c.  7.  §  7,  <kc.    De  Bell .  Jud.  lib.  2.  c.  13  $  7.  c.  18.  J  1.   edit 
Hudson. 
■  Ibid.  c.  18.  §  1.  •  Ibid.  §  2.  »  Ibid.  5  3.    Vita  Joseph.  S6. 

•  De  Bell.  Jud.  lib.  2.  c.  18.  5  5.        '  Ibid  $  7.  et  8.     •  Ibid.  chap.  20.  5  2. 

•  Jos.  Ant.  lib.  20.  c  1.  §  1.     '»  Ibid.  c.  5  De  Bell  Jud.  lib.  2.  c.  12.  §  3,  Sec. 
••  Ibid.  c.  17.  •«  Ibid.  lib.  4.  c.  9.  $  9. 

•»  8uitonious,  in  Claudio,  c.  18.    Taclti  Annaies,  lib.  12  c.  43.   Eusebius, 
Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  2.  c.  8. 
'*  Antlq.  lib.  20.  c.2.  5  5.  (al.6.)  <•  De  Bell.  Jud.  lib.  4.  e.  6.  S  I. 


this  prophecy  literally,  of  tremors  or  convulsions  of  the  earth,  many 
such  occurred  at  the  time*  to  winch  our  Lord  referred;  particularly 
one  at  Crete,  in  the  reign  of  Claudius,  and  others  at  Smyrna,  Miletue, 
Chios,  Samos,  and  other  places,  in  all  of  which  Jews  wen-  M'ttlcd.1* 
Tacitus  mention!  one  at  Rome  in  the  same  reign,  and  says,  that  in 
tho  reign  of  Nero,  the  cities  of  Laod  una,  llierapolis,  and  Colohse  were 
Overthrown  |  and  that  the  celebrated  city  of  Pompeii  in  Campania 
arthrown,  |7and  almost  demolished,  by  an  earthquake.11  And 
another earthnnake  at  Rome  is  menti  atamaa  a*  huvmg 

happened  in  tho  reign  of  Galba.|,J 

(v.)    The  fifth  SiON  is,  Feaarful  Sights  and  Signs  from 
Heaven. 

Prophecy.— Luke  xxi.  11.  There  shall  be  ftarful  sights 
and  signs  from  heaven. 

I  i  i  hi  \n  vr— Many  prodigies  are  related  by  Josephus;  porticu 
larly  that  in  Judica, at  the  commencement  of  the  war.  and  I w  lore  the 
siege  of  Jerusalem  by  Titus,"  there  broke  out  a  prod  in  the 

night  with  the  utmost  violence  ami  very  strong  winds,  with  the  largea 
showers  of  rain,  with  coiiiinucil  lightening,  terrible  thundering*,  and 
amatingaonoMaairen  and  balloaringaoftbe  earth  that  was  in  an  • 
quake.  These  things  w ere  a  manilest  indication,  th  ruction 

was  coming  upon  men,  when  the  system  of  this  world  was  thrown  into 
such  a  disorder;  and  any  one  would  guess  that  these  wonders  portend 
ad  some  grand  ralamitiea  that  were  impending.'  -   Tha  aame  biet 
in  the  preface21  to  Ins  history  of  the  Jewish  war.  undertakes  to  record 

the  signs  and  prodigies  that  preceded  it  ;  and  accordingly  in  his  -nth 
book'/J  he  enumerates  them  thus : — 1.  A  star  hung  over  the  city  like  a 
sword,  and  the  comet  continued  for  a  whole  year.— 2.  The  people 
being  assembled  to  celebrate  the  beat  of  nnleavened  bread,  at  the 
ninth  hour  of  the  night  there  shone  eo  greet  a  Ugh  I  about  the  altai 
and  the  temple  that  it  seemed  to  be  bright  day,  and  this  continued 
for  half  an  hour — 3.  At  the  same  feast  a  cow,  led  by  the  priest 
to  sacrifice,  brought  forth  a  lamb  in  the  middle  of  the  temple. — 
4.  The  eastern  gate  of  the  temple,  which  was  of  solid  brass,  and 
very  heavy,  and  was  scarcely  shut  in  an  evening  by  twenty  men, 
and  was  fastened  by  strong  bars  and  bolts,  was  seen  at  the  sixth 
hour  of  the  nig^ht  opened  of  its  own  accord,  ami  could  hardly  l>c  shut 
again. — 5.  Before  the  setting  of  the  sun  there  was  seen  all  over  the 
country,  chariots  and  armies  fighting  in  the  clouds,  and  besieging 
cities.— 6.  At  the  feast  of  Pentecost,  as  the  priests  were  going  into  the 
inner  temple  by  night  as  usual  to  attend  their  service,  they  heard  first  a 
motion  and  noise,  and  then  a  voice  as  of  a  multitude,  saying,  Let  us  de- 
part hence. — 1.  What  Josephus  reckons  as  the  most  terrible  of  all,  one 
Jesus,  an  ordinay  country  fellow,  four  years  before  the  war  began,  and 
when  the  city  was  in  peace  and  plenty,  came  to  the  feast  of  taber- 
nacles, and  ran  crying  up  and  down  the  streets  day  and  night,  "A 
voice  from  the  east,  a  voice  from  the  west,  a  voice  from  the  four  winds, 
a  voice  against  Jerusalem  and  the  temple,  a  notes  against  the  bride- 
grooms and  the  brides,  a  voice  against  all  people."  The  magistrates 
endeavoured  by  stripes  and  torture  to  restrain  him;  but  he  still  cried 
with  a  mournful  voice,  "  Woe,  woe,  to  Jerusalem  .'"  This  he  continued 
to  do  for  seven  years  and  five  months  together,  and  especially  at  the 
great  festivals ;  and  he  neither  grew  hoarse,  nor  was  tired  ;  but  went 
about  the  walls  and  cried  with  a  loud  voice.  "  Woe,  woe,  to  the  city, 
and  to  the  people,  and  to  the  temple,  "  and  as  he  added  at  last,  Woe, 
woe,  also  to  myself,"  it  happened  that  a  stone  from  some  sling  or  engine 
immediately  struck  him  dead.  These  were  indeed  fearful  signs  and 
great  sights  from  heaven;  and  there  is  not  a  more  credible  historian 
than  the  author  who  Mates  them,  and  who  appeals  to  the  testimony 
ofthose  who  saw  and  heard  them.23  But  it  mnv  add  some  weight 
to  his  relation,  that  Tacitus,  ihe  Roman  historian,  also  gives  us  a 
summary  account  of  the  same  occurrences.  lie  says*4,  that  there 
happened  several  prodigies,  armies  were  seen  engaging  in  the  hea- 
vens, arms  were  seen  glittering,  and  the  temple  shone  wilh  the 
sudden  fire  of  the  clouds,  the  doors  of  the  temple  opened  suddenly 
and  a  voice  greater  than  human  was  heard,  that  the  gods  were 
departing,  and  likewise  a  great  motion  of  their  departing.  Dr.  Jortin's 
remark  is  very  pertinent: — If  Christ  had  not  expressly  foretold 
this,  many  who  give  little  heed  to  portents,  and  who  know  that 
historians  have  been  too  credulous  in  that  point,  would  have  suspected 
that  Josephus  exaggerated,  and  that  Tacitus  was  misinformed  ;  but  as 
the  testimonies  of  Josephus  and  Tacitus  confirm  the  predictions 
of  Christ,  so  the  predictions  of  Christ  confirm  the  wonders  recorded 
by  these  historians.25 

(vi.)  The  sixth  sign  is,  The  persecution  of  the  Christians. 

Prophecy. — Mark  xiii.  9.  Matt.  xxix.  9.  Luke  xxi.  12. 
But  before  all  these  things,  they  shall  lay  hands  on  you,  and 
persecute  you,  and    shall  deliver   you   up  to  councils,  to  the 

>•  Philostratus,  in  Vita  Apollonii,  lib.  4.  c  34. 

•'  Taciti  Annaies,  lib.  14.  c.  27. 

'»  Ibid.  lib.  15.  c.  22.  This  earthquake  is  mentioned  by  Seneca  NeL 
Qu«st.  lib.  6.  c.  1. 

'•  Suetonius,  in  Galba,  c.  IS. 

«  De  Bell.  Jud.  lib  4.  c.  4.  4  5.  "  De  Bell.  Jud.  S  II. 

•»  Ibid  lib.  5.  c.  5.  $  3. 

"  Mr.  Millman  has  admirably  wrought  up  tliese  portentous  signs,  In  Me 
Poem  on  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  pp.  1<*> — 114. 

*•  Evenerant  prod  is  ia— Visa?  per  ccelum  concurrere  acies,  rutilantit 
arma,  set  subito  nobium  igne  collucere  templum.  Expasfte  repente 
delubri  fores,  et  audita  major  humanavox.  Etcedert  Deos.  Simtil  mgena 
motos  excedentium.    Tacit  Hist.  lib  5.  c.  13.  p.  21.  edit.  Lipsii. 

«  Jortin's  Remarks  on  Ecclesiastical  History,  toI.  i.  p.  41 


460 


PREDICTIONS  BY  JESUS  CHRIST 


tynagogues,  and  to  prisons,  to  be  beaten ;  and  shall  kill 
you.  Jlnd  ye  shall  be  hated  of  all  nations,  and  shall  be  brought 
before  rulers  and  kings  for  my  name's  sake,  for  a  testimony 
against  them. 

Fulfilment. — The  precision  with  which  the  time  is  specified,  is 
very  remarkable.  Previously  to  the  other  prognostics  of  the  des- 
truction of  Jerusalem,  the  disciples  of  Jesus  Christ  were  taught  to 
expect  the  hardships  of  persecution ;  and  how  exactly  this  prediction 
was  act  omplished  we  may  read  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  There 
we  find  that  some  were  delivered  to  councils,  as  Peter  and  John.  (iv. 
5.,  &c.)  Some  were  brought  before  rulers  and  kings,  as  Paul  before 
Gallic  (xviii.  12.),  (Felix  xxiv.),  Festus  and  Agrippa  (xxv.).  Some  had 
a  mouth  and  wisdom  which  all  their  adversaries  were  not  able  to  gainsay 
nor  resist,  as  it  is  said  of  Stephen  (vi.  10.),  that  they  were  not  able  to 
resist,  the  wisdom  and  the  spirit  of  which  he  spake,  and  Paul  made  even 
Felix  to  tremble  (xxiv.  25.),  and  the  Gospel  still  prevailed  against  all 
opposition  and  persecution  whatever.  Some  were  imprisoned,  as 
Peter  and  John  (iv.  3.).  Some  were  beaten,  as  Paul  and  Silas  (xvi.  23.). 
Some  were  put  to  death,  as  Stephen  (vii.  59.),  and  James  the  brother 
of  John  (xii.  2.).  But  if  we  would  look  farther,  we  have  a  more 
melancholy  proof  of  the  truth  of  this  prediction,  in  the  persecutions 
under  Nero,  in  which  (besides  numberless  other  Christians)  fell  those1 
two  great  Champions  of  our  faith,  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul.  And  it 
was  nomini  preelium,  as  Tertullian2  terms  it;  it  was  a  war  against 
the  very  name.  Though  a  man  was  possessed  of  every  human  virtue, 
yet  it  was  crime  enough  if  he  was  a  Christian:  so  true  were  our 
Saviour's  words,  that  they  should  be  hated  of  all  nations  for  his 
name's  sake.  Hence  arose  that  common  saying  among  the  heathens — 
Vir  bonus  Caius  Sejus ;  tanquam  modo  quod  Chrislianus :  Caius  Sejus 
is  a  good  man,  only  he  is  a  Christian. 

(vii.)  The  seventh  sign  was,   The  Preaching  of  the  Gospel 
throughout  the  known  world. 

Prophecy. — Mark  xiii.  10.  The  Gospel  must  be  published 
among  all  nations.     The 

Fulfilment  of  this  prediction  is  recorded,  from  Christian  and  from 
Heal  hen  testimony,  supra,  pp  130,  131. 

§   2.   The  Circumstances  of  the.  Destruction  of  Jerusalem. 

(i.)  The  Siege  of  Jerusalem  by  the  Roman  Jlrmies. 
Prophect. — Luke  xxi.  20.  Matt.  xxiv.  15.  Mark  xiii.  14. 
When  ye  shall  see  Jerusalem  compassed  -with  armies,  [and] 
the  abomination  of  desolation,  spoken  of  by  Daniel  the  pro- 
bhet,  standing  -where  it  ought  not,  in  the  holy  place, — then 
Know  that  the  desolation  thereof  is  nigh. — Luke  xix.  43.  The 
days  shall  come  upon  thee,  that  thine  enemies  shall  cast  a  trench 
round  about  thee,  and  compass  thee  round,  and  keep  thee  in 
on  every  side. 

Fulfilment. — The  devoted  place,  which  was  the  immediate  object 
of  these  formidable  denunciation's,  is  here  most  clearly  pointed  out. 
The  abomination  of  desolation  is  the  Roman  Army  ;  and  the  abomina- 
tion of  desolation  standing  in  the  holy  place  is  the  Roman  army 
encamped  around  Jerusalem ;  for  not  only  the  temple  and  the  moun- 
tain on  which  it  stood,  but  also  the  whole  city  of  Jerusalem  and  several 
furlongs  of  land  round  it,  were  accounted  holy.  This  Jesus  Christ 
declared  to  be  the  abomination  of  desolation  spoken  of  by  Daniel  the 
nrophet  in  his  ninth  and  eleventh  chapters ;  and  so  let  every  one  who 
reads  these  prophecies  understand  them,  and  in  reference  to  this  very 
event  they  are  understood  by  the  rabbins.  The  Roman  army  is  fur- 
ther called  the  abomination,  on  account  of  its  ensigns,  for  the  images 
of  the  emperor  and  the  eagles,  which  were  carried  in  front  of  the 
legions,  were  regarded  with  religious  abhorrence  by  the  Jews,  as  they 
were  ranked  among  the  pagan  deities,  and  reverenced  with  divine 
honours.  Josephus  relates,  that  after  the  city  was  taken,  the  Romans 
brought  their  ensigns  into  the  temple,  placed  them  over  the  eastern 
gate,  and  sacrificed  to  them  there.3 

A  trench  was  literally  rast  about  Jerusalem,  when  that  city  was  be- 
sieged by  Titus.  The  Roman  armies  compassed  it  round  about  com- 
pletely ;  and  although  it  was  at  first  considered  an  impracticable 
project  to  surround  the  whole  city  with  a  wall,  yet  Titus  animated 
his  army  to  make  the  attempt.  Josephus  has  given  a  very  particular 
account  of  the  building  of  this  wall ;  which,  he  says,  was  effected  in 
three  days,  though  it  was  not  less  than  thirty-nine  furlongs  (nearly 
nine  English  miles)  in  length,  and  had  thirteen  towers  erected  at  pro- 
per distances,  in  which  the  Roman  soldiers  were  placed,  as  in  gar- 
risons. When  the  wall  was  thus  completed,  the  Jews  were  so  inclosed 
•n  every  side,  that  no  person  could  escape  out  of  the  city,  and  no  pro- 
ision  could  be  brought  in  :  so  that  the  besieged  Jews  were  involved 
in  the  most  terrible  distress  by  the  famine  that  ensued.4 

(ii.)  Christ's  prophetic  advice  to  the  Christians  who  might  then 
be  in  Jerusalem  to  make  their  escape. 
Prophecy. — Matt.  xxiv.  16 — 18.  Mark  xiii.  14 — 16.  Luke 
rxi.  21.  Then  let  them  which  are  in  Judsea  flee  to  the  moun- 
■dins,  and  let  them  which  are  in  the  midst  of  it  depart  out,  and 
si  them  that  are  in  the  [adjacent]   countries  enter  thereinto. 

>  Euseb.  Ecdes.  Hist.  lib.  2.  c.  25.      ■ 
»  Tcrtul.  Apol.  c.  2  p.  4.  edit.  Rigaltii.  Paris,  1675. 
»  De  Bell.  Jud.  lib.  6.  c.  6.  §  1. 
•>id.  lib.  5.  c.  12.  §  1,  2,  3 


[AfP.  No.  VI. 

And  let  not  him  that  it  on  the  house-top  go  down  into  the  house, 
neither  enter  therein  to  take  any  thing  out  of  his  house.  And 
let  him  that  is  in  the  field  not  turn  back  again  to  take  up  hi* 
garment  (which  he  had  thrown  aside  as  an  incumbrance). 

Fulfilment. — This  counsel  was  wisely  remembered  and  wisely 
followed  by  the  Christians  afterwards.  By  Judaa,  in  this  part  of  our 
Lord's  prophecy,  we  are  to  understand  all  the  southern  parts  of 
Palestine,  both  the  plain  and  the  hill  countries,  which  at  this  time  had 
received  the  appellation  of  Judoea.  By  the  mountains  we  are  to 
understand  the  countries  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river  Jordan, 
especially  those  which  during  the  Jewish  war  were  under  the 
government  of  the  younger  Agrippa,  to  whom  the  emperor  Claudius 
gave  Batanae  and  Trachonitis  (the  tetrarchy  of  Philip),  and  Abilene 
(the  tetrarchy  of  Lysanius).  Nero  afterwards  added  that  quarter  of 
Galilee  where  Tiberias  and  Tarichea  stood,  and  in  Persea,  Julias 
with  its  fourteen  villages.  As  all  these  mountainous  countries 
remained  in  obedience  to  the  Romans,  those  who  fled  into  them  were 
safe.  In  the  twelfth  year  of  Nero,  Josephus  informs  us  that  Cestius 
Gallus,  the  president  of  Syria,  came  with  a  powerful  army  against 
Jerusalem;  which  he  might  have  assaulted  and  taken;  but  without 
any  just  reason,  and  contrary  to  the  expectation  of  all,  he  raised  the 
siege  and  departed.  Immediately  after  his  retreat,  "many  of  the 
principal  Jewish  people  forsook  the  city,  as  men  do  a  sinking  ship." 
And  a  few  years  afterwards  when  Vespasian  was  drawing  his  forces 
towards  Jerusalem,  a  great  multitude  fled  from  Jericho  into  the  moun- 
tainous country  for  their  security.6  Among  these  it  is  probable  that 
there  were  some  Christians ;  but  we  learn  more  certainly  from  eccle- 
siastical historians,7  that,  at  this  juncture,  all  who  believed  in  Jesus 
Christ,  warned  by  this  oracle  or  prophecy,  quitted  Jerusalem,  and 
removed  to  Pella,  and  other  places  beyond  the  river  Jordan :  and 
thus  marvellously  escaped  the  general  shipwreck  of  their  country ;  foi 
we  do  not  read  any  where  that  so  much  as  one  Christian  perished  in 
the  siege  of  Jerusalem. 

(iii.)  The  appearance  of  false  Christs  and  false  prophets 
during  the  siege. 
Prophect. — Mark  xiii.  22.  Matt.  xxiv.  24.  False  Christt 
and  false  prophets  shall  rise,  and  shall  show  great  signs  and 
wonders  ;  insomuch  that  if  it  were  possible,  they  should  de- 
ceive the  very  elect  (that  is),  the  disciples  of  Jesus  Christ. 

Fulfilment. — Our  Saviour  had  before  cautioned  his  disciplca 
against  false  Christs.  (See  p.  458.  supra.)  This  prediction  is  not  a 
repetition  of  the  former  prophecy,  but  relates  to  those  imposters  who 
appeared  during  the  time  of  the  siege,  and  concerning  whom 
Josephus8  thus  speaks: — "The  tyrannical  zealots,  who  ruled  the  city, 
suborned  many  false  prophets  to  declare,  that  aid  would  be  given  to 
the  people  from  heaven.  This  was  done  to  prevent  them  from 
attempting  to  desert,  and  to  inspire  them  with  confidence.  In  this 
manner  imposters,  abusing  the  sacred  name  of  God,  deluded  the 
unhappy  multitude  ;  who,  like  infatuated  men  that  have  neither  eyes 
to  see,  nor  reason  to  judge,  regarded  neither  the  infallible  denun- 
ciations pronounced  by  the  ancient  prophets,  nor  the  clear  prodigies 
that  indicated  the  approaching  desolation." 

(iv.)  The  Miseries  of  the  Jews  during,  and  subsequently  to, 
the  siege. 

Prophect. — Luke  xxi.  22.  For  these  to  be  the  days  of  ven- 
geance, that  all  things  which  are  written  may  be  fulfilled. — 
Mark  xiii.  17.  19.  Matt.  xxiv.  19.  21.  Luke  xxi.  23,  24.  But 
woe  to  them  that  are  with  child,  a?id  that  give  suck  in  those 
days,  for  in  those  days  there  shall  be  great  tribulation,  dis- 
tress in  the  land,  and  wrath  upon  this  people  ;  such  as  was  not 
from  the  begimnng  of  the  creation  which  God  created,  unto 
this  time;  no,  nor  ever  shall  be.  And  they  shall  fall  by  the 
edge  of  the  sword,  and  shall  be  led  away  captive  into  all 
nations. 

Fulfilment. — It  is  a  very  material  circumstance  in  this  prophecy 
that  the  calamity  of  the  Jews  should  be  so  sirange  and  unparalleled, 
as  never  was  in  the  world  before  ;  for  though  it  might  easily  have 
been  foretold  from  the  temper  of  the  people,  which  was  prone  to 
sedition,  that  they  were  very  likely  to  provoke  the  Romans  against 
them;  yet  there  was  no  probability  that  all  things  should  have  come 
to  such  an  extremity ;  for.it  was  not  the  design  of  the  Roman  govern- 
ment to  destroy  any  of  those  provinces  which  were  under  them,  but 
only  to  keep  them  in  subjection,  and  reduce  them  by  reasonable 
severity  in  case  of  revolt.  But  lhat  such  a  calamity  should  have 
happened  to  them  under  Titus,  who  was  the  mildest,  and  farthest 
from  severity  of  all  mankind,  nolhing  was  more  unlikely  ;  and  that 
any  people  should  conspire  together  to  their  own  ruin,  and  so  blindly 
and  obstinately  run  themselves  into  such  calamities,  as  made  them 
the  pity  of  their  enemies,  was  the  most  incredible  thing ;  so  that 
nothing  less  than  a  prophetical  spirit  could  have  foretold  so  contingent 
and  improbable  a  thing  as  this  was.  To  the  extreme  sufferings  of  the 
Jews,  Josephus  bears  most  ample  testimony.  Tn  the  preface  to  his 
history  of  the  Jewish  War,  speaking  generally  of  the  calamities 
that  befell  the  Jews,  he  says,  almost  in  cur  Saviour's  words,  thai 


•  Ibid  lib.  2.  c.  19.  §  6.  c.  20.  §  1. 
'  Eusebieus,  Hist.  Eccl.  lib.  3. 

lib.  1.  §  7. 

•  Josephus,  de  Bell.  Jud.  lib.  6.  e.  6. 


«  Ibid.  lib.  4.  c.  8.  «  2. 
6.    Epiphanius  adversus  Nazara 


Ch.  II  Sect.  Ill 


RELATIVE  TO  THE  DESTRUCTION  OF  JERUSALEM. 


461 


'  all  the  calamities,  vihich  had  he/alien  any  nation  prom  the  dkginmv; 
OF  THE  would,  were  but  small  in  comparison  to  those  of  the  Jews."1  A 
brief  enumeration  of  particulars,  will,  however,  show  the  extremities 
to  which  tins  uA.'iappy  nation  was  redui  i  d. 

Within  the  city,  tlie  fury  of  the  opposite  factions  was  no  great  thai 
they  filled  all  places,  even  the  temple  itself,  with  continual  slam.' 
Nay,  to  such  a  height  did  their  riimlncKa  rise,  that  they  destroyed  the 
very  granaries  of  corn,  whieh  should  havo  sustained  ihem  ;  and  hiirut 
the  magazines  of  arms  which  should  have  defended  them.2  By  this 
means,  when  the  siege  had  lasted  only  two  months,  the  (amine  began 
to  rage,  and  at  length  reduced  them  to  such  straits,  that  the  barbari- 
ties winch  they  practised  are  not  to  he  imagined.    All  the  reverence 

due  to  age,  and  the  sacred  lies  of  parent  and  child  were  annihilated. 
Children  snatched  the  hall  linked  morsels  which  their  fathers  WON 
eating,  out  of  their  mouths;  and  mothers  even  snatched  the  food  out  of 
their  own  children's  mouths.1  As  the  siege  advanced,  i lie  ravages  of 
the  famine  increased,  and  devoured  the  people  hy  whole  houses  and 
families;  the  upper  rooms  were  filled  with  women  anil  children  who 

were  dying  by  famine,  and  the  lanei  of  the  city  were  full  of  the  dead 
bodies  of  the  aged.1  The  children,  also,  and  the  young  men,  wan- 
dered BDOUl  the  market  places  like  shadows,  arid  fell  down  dead 
wheresoever  their  misery  sailed  them.  At  length  the  famine  became 
so  extreme,  that  they  gladly  devoured  what  tho  most  sordid  animals 
relused  to  touch  ;  and  a  woman  of  distinguished  rank  (who  had  been 
■tripped  and  plundered  of  all  her  goods  and  provisions  by  the  soldiers), 
in  hunger,  rage,  and  despair,  killed  and  roasted  her  babe  at  the  breast, 
and  had  eaten  one  half  of  htm  before  the  horrid  deed  was  discovered.5 

During  the  siege,  many  hundreds,  who  were  taken  by  the  Romans, 
were  first  whipped,  then  tormented  with  various  kinds  of  tortures, 
and  finally  crucified ;  the  Roman  soldiers  nailing  them  (out  of  the 
wrath  and  hatred  they  bore  to  the  Jews),  one  after  one  way,  and 
another  after  another,  to  crosses  by  way  of  jest:  until  at  length  the 
multitude  became  so  great  that  room  was  wanting  for  the  crosses,  and 
crosses  ti>r  the  bodies."  Thus  terribly  was  theulmprecation  fulfilled: — 
His  blood  be  on  us,  and  on  our  children  !  (Malt,  xxvii.  25.) 

Not  to  enter  into  details  of  the  multitudes  that  were  massacred  by 
the  contending  factions  at  Jerusalem,  the  full  accomplishment  of 
Christ's  prediction,  that  the  Jews  should  fall  by  the  edge  of  the  sword, 
is  recorded  by  Josephus?  when  describing  the  sacking  of  that  city. 

"And  now  rushing  into  every  lane,  they  slew  whomsoever  they 
found,  without  distinction,  and  burnt  the  houses  and  all  the  people 
who  had  fled  into  them.  And  when  they  entered  for  the  sake  of 
plunder,  they  (bund  whole  families  of  dead  persons,  and  houses  full 
of  carcasses  destroyed  by  famine;  then  they  came  out  with  their 
hands  empty.  And  though  they  thus  pitied  the  dead,  they  did  not 
"ec!  the  same  emotion  for  the  living,  but  killed  all  they  met,  whereby 
.4iey  filled  the  lanes  with  dend  bodies.  The  whole  city  ran  with 
3lood,  insomuch,  that  many  things  which  were  burning,  were  ex- 
tinguished by  the  blood."  Thus  were  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem 
slain  by  the  sword  ;  thus  was  she  laid  even  with  the  ground,  and  her 
children  with  her.  "The  soldiers  being  now  wearied  with  killing 
the  Jew*  and  yet  a  great  number  remaining  alive,  Ca?sar  commanded 
that  only  the  armed,  and  they  who  resisted,  should  be  slain.  But  the 
soldiers  killed  also  the  old  and  the  infirm ;  and  taking  the  young  and 
strong  prisoners,  carried  them  into  the  women's  court  in  the  temple. 
Caesar  appointed  one  Fronto,  his  freedman  and  friend,  to  guard  them, 
and  to  determine  the  fate  of  each.  All  the  robbers  and  the  seditious 
he  slew,  one  of  them  betraying  another.  But  picking  out  such 
youths  as  were  remarkable  for  stature  and  beauty,  he  reserved  them 
for  the  triumph.  All  the  rest  that  were  above  seventeen  years  old 
he  sent  bound  into  Egypt,  to  be  employed  in  labour  there.  Titus 
also  sent  many  of  them  into  the  provinces,  to  be  slain  in  the  theatres, 
by  beasLs  ant!  the  sword.  And  those  who  were  under  seventeen 
years  of  age  were  slain.  And  during  the  time  Fronto  judged  them, 
a  thousand  died  of  hunger." 

But  the  falling  by  the  edge  of  the  sword  mentioned  in  our  Lord's 
prophecy  is  not  to  be  confined  to  what  happened  at  the  siege,  in 
in  which  not  fewer  than  eleven  hundred  thousand  p<  irj  hi  d.  It  also 
comprehended  all  the  slaughters  made  of  the  Jews,  in  different  bat- 
tles, sieges,  and  massacres,  both  in  their  own  country  nnd  at  other 
places,  during  the  whole  course  of  the  war.  Thus,  by  the  command 
of  Floras,  who  was  the  first  author  of  the  war,  there  were  slain  at 
Jerusalem?  three  thousand  and  sir  hundrtd  : — By  the  inhabitants  of 
Casarea,10  above  twenty  thousand: — At  Scythopolit,1* above  thirteen 
thousand: — At  Asrahm,12  two  thousand  fire  hundred,  and  at  I'tolemnis, 
two  thousand  .—At  Alexandria,  under  Tiberius  Alexander  the  presi- 
dent,'3 fifty  thousand: — At  Juppa.  when  it  was  taken  by  Ccstuis  Cal- 
lus," exg hi  thousand  four  hundred >— In  a  mountain  called  Asmen, 
near  Sepphorisfi  above  two  thousand  —  At  Damascus  J"  ti  n  thousand .- — 


>  .Joseph, is.  de  Hell.  .lu. I.  lib.  l.  Pi  »  Ibid.  lib.  .">.  c.  1.5  4. 

•  Ibid.  lib.  5.  c  10.  §2,  3.  «  Ibid.  lib.  ">.  c  12.  5  3. 

'  Ibid.  lib.  6.0.3.  §  3,-1.     The  historian   deplores  the  rnn-1   deed   BS  a 
violation  of  nature,  which  bad  never  been   perpetrated  by 
Greek  or  barbarian  ;  and  Buch  as  lie  would  not  have  related,  if  thei 

en  Innumerable  witnesses  to  it  In  Ins  own  a:;c.     It  may  be  proper  to 
remark,  that  this  horrid  Circumstance  was  a  further  accouipushment  of  the 
■v  of  Moses  in  Deut  xxviii.  53.  66,  67, ;  and  which  had  twice  before 
been  fulfilled,— first  in  Samaria,  the   capital  of  the  idolatrous  ten  tribes, 
when  besieged  b?  Benhadad,  kim:  of  Syria  3  Km.-s  vi  29  v  and  spin  in 
in,  when  besieged  by  Nebuchadi  S  '    mentations  of 

Jeremiah,  it.  20.  iv.  10. 

•  Ibid.  lib.  5.  c.  11.  §  1.  '  Ibid.  lib. 6. c a  5  &  c.  9.  5  2,3. 

•  Ibid.  lib.  6.  c.  9.  §  3.  ■  Ibid.  lib.  2.  c.  14.  5  9. 

■•  Ibid.  lib.  2.  c.  18.  5  1.  "  Ibid.  §  3.  »«  Ibid.  5  6. 

>»  Ibid.  §  8.  l4  Ibid.  5  10. 

••  Ibid.  5  11.  "  Ibid.  c.  20.  5  2. 


In  a  battle  with  the  Romans  at  Ascaloh,1  ten  thousand: — In  an  »— 
liu-cade  near  the  same  place/  eight  thousand: — At  Japha?  fifteen 
thoutandi — By  the  Samaritans  upon  Mount  Gafitin,*  eleven  thousand 
and    tn    hundrtd  .*— At   Jotapa,'   forty   thou f anil : — At    Joppa,    when 

taken   by  Vespasian,* /bar  thousand  two  hundrtd: — At   Tarickea? 

u sand  five  hundrtd  and  after  the  city  was  token,  'im/i.  hun- 
drul . —  At  tiumala,1*  four  thousand  slain,  Derides  Jive  thousand  who 
threw  themselves  down  a  precipice  :— Of  those  who  fled  with  John 
Iroiii  Oitehalaf  six  thousand: — Of  the  Gadarenes,10  fifteen  thousand 
slam,  besides  an  infinite  number  drowned  —In  the  villages  of  /(/i*. 
m</a,n  above  ten  thousand  slam: — At  Uerasa,vi  a  tkoutand  — At 
Mm luirus,13  seventeen  hundrtd: — In  the  wood  of  Jardes,1  three 
thoutandi — In  the  castle  of  Masada,'''  nine  hundred  and  sixty: — In 
f'l/niic.  by  Catullus  the  governor,"'  fkret  thousand: — Besides  these, 
many  of  c  wry  age,  set,  and  condition,  were  slain  in  this  war,  who 
are  not  reckoned ;  butoi  those  who  arerei  koned,  the  number  amounts 

to  above  tmt  vallum  three  hundrtd  fifty- seven  thousand  tu  humlrtdand 
tixtjfi  which  WOtlld  ap|>car  almost  iiicrcdilile.il  then- own  historian 
had  not  so  particularly  enumerated  them. 

But  besides  the  Jews  who  fell  by  the  edge  of  the  sword,  others  were 
also  to  /<  fed  into  all  nations;  and,  considering  lb*  num. 

bcrs  of  the  slain,  the  number  of  the  captives  too  was  very  great. 
There  were  taken  particularly  at  Japha,11  two  thousand  one  hundred 
and  thirty: — At  Jotajm,^  one  thousand  two  hundred, — At  Tarickea,^ 
six  thousand  chosen  young  men  sent  to  Nero,  the  rest  sold,  to  the 
number  of  thirty  thousand  and  four  hundred,  besides  those  w  ho  w  ere 
given  to  Agrippa  : — Of  the  Gadarenes,'10  two  thousand  in  o  hundred  — 
In  Idumaa,il  above  a  thousand.  Many  besides  tbeae  were  taken  at 
Jerusalem,  ao  that,  as  Joseph  us  himself  informs  us,22  the  number  of 
the  captives  taken  in  the  whole  war  amounted  to  mntiy-seven 
thousand;  the  tall  and  handsome  young  men  Titus  r<-<r\ici  for  his 
triumph;  of  the  rest,  those  above  seventeen  years  of  agi 
to  the  works  in  Egypt;  but  most  were  distributed  through  tin  Roma 
provinces,  to  be  destroyed  in  their  theatres  by  the  sword  or  b|  the  wild 
beasts;  those  under  seventeen  were  sold  for  slaves.  Of  these  cap- 
tives many  underwent  a  hard  fate.  Eleven  thousand  of  them*3 
I  erished  for  want.  Titus  exhibited  all  sorts  of  shows  and  spectacles 
at  Ca^sarca,  and24  many  of  the  captives  were  there  destroyed,  some 
being  exposed  to  the  wild  beasts,  and  others  compelled  to  fight  in 
troops  against  one  another.  At  Cetsarea,  too,  in  honour  of  his  brother's 
birth-day,25  two  thousand  five  hundred  Jews  were  slain  ;  and  a  great 
number  likewise  at  Iierytus  in  honour  of  his  father's.  The  like2"  was 
done  in  other  cities  of  Syria.  Those  whom  he  reserved  lor  his 
triumph27  were  Simon  and  John,  the  generals  of  (he  captives,  and  seven 
hundred  others  of  remarkable  stature  and  beauty.  Thus  were  the 
Jews  miserably  tormented, and  distributed  over  the  Roman  provinces ; 
and  are  they  not  still  distressed  and  dispersed  over  all  the  nations  of 
the  earth  ? 

Was  not  this  a  time  of  great  tribulation  1  Were  DOf  tbeae  days  tg* 
vengeance  indeed  ?  Was  there  ever  a  more  exact  accomplishment  of 
any  prediction  than  these  words  of  our  Saviour  had  ? 

(v.)  The  talal  destruction  of  the  temple  and  cih/  of  Jerusalem, 
PnopiiKcr. — Matt,  xxiii.  37,  38.  Luke  xiii.  34,  35.  0  Jeru- 
salem !  Jerusalem! — Behold  your  house  is  left  unto  you  deso- 
late.— Matt.  xxiv.  2.  Mark  xiii.  2.  Luke  xxi.  6.  The  days  -will 
come,  in  the  which  there  shall  not  be  left  here  one  stone  upon 
another,  that  shall  not  be  thrown  c/own. — Luke  xix.  44.  They 
shall  lay  thee  even  with  the  ground,  and  shall  not  leave  in  thee 
one  stone  upon  another. — Luke  xxi.  24.  Jerusalem  shall  be 
trodden  (/own  of  the  Gentiles,  until  the  timet  of  the  Gentiles 
be  fulfilled. 

hlment. — It  seemed  exceedingly  improbable  that  the  events 
here  jorctold  by  Jesus  Christ  should  happen  in  that  age,  when  the 
J.ws  wire  at  perfect  peace  With  the  Romans;  and  the  strength  of 
their  citadel  was  such,  as  constrained  Titus  to  at  knowledge  that  it 
was  the  singular  hand  of  God,  that  compelled  them  to  relinquish 
fortifications  which  no  human  power  could  have  conquered.38  Our 
Saviour's  words,  also,  were  almost  literally  fulfilled,  and  scarcely  one 
stone  was  lift  upon  another.  The  temple  was  a  building  of  such 
strength  and  grandeur,  of  such  splendour  and  beauty,  that  it  was 
likelv  (as  it  was  worthy)  to  be  preserved,  for  a  monument  of  the  vic- 
tory and  glory  of  the  Roman  empire.  Titus  was  accordingly  very 
desirous  of  preserving  it,  and  protested29  to  the  Jews,  who  had  forti- 
fied themselves  Within  it,  thai  he  would  preserve  it,  even  against 
their  will.  He  had30  expressed  the  like  desire  of  preser\ing  the  city 
too,  and  repeatedly  sent  Josephus  and  other  Jews  to  their  country- 
men, to  persuade  tnem  to  a  surrender.  But  an  over-ruling  Providence 
directed  things  otherwise.  The  Jews  themselves31  first  set  fire  to  the 
portii ncs  of  the  temple,  and  then  the  Romans.  One  of  the  soldiers," 
neither  waiting  for  any  command,  nor  trembling  for  such  an  attempt 

.bid.  lib.  3.  c.  2.  S2.  '  Ibi(!-  ''  3- 

•  Ibld.c.7. 13L  »  Lib. 3.  c.  7.  $32.  «  Ibid.  5  36 

5  3.  i  Ibid.  c.9.  5  9,  10.  •  Ijb  4.  c    15  10. 

:   c.3.  5  5.  io  Ibid.  c.  7.  5  5.  "  J  "d.  c  P.  51. 

•  »  Ibid.  c.9.   51.  "  lib.  7.  c.  6.  5  4.  «•  Ibid.  §6. 

is  Ibid.  C  9.  f  I.  ie  Ibid.  c.  11.   5  2.  ■'  Lib.  3.  c.  7.  5  3/ 

.•  Ibid    5  36.  '»  Ibid.  c.  9.  5  10.  *>  Lib-  4.  c.  7.  5  6 

»•  Ibid,  c  3.  5  1.  «  Ibid.  lib.  6.  c.  19.  5  2.  and  3. 
>>  Ibid.  lib.  G.  c.  9.  5  Z  "  "Md.  lib.  7.  c.  2.  f  I 

«  Ibid.  lib.  7.  c.3.  51.  M  ,bid:?.°c51„   «  .         '    Ib,dsl 

»  Ibid.  lib.  6.  c.  9.  5  1.  *»  ,b,d-hb.  6.  c.  2.  S* 

«  Ibid.  lib.  5.  c.  8.  51.  c.9.  5  2,4c.  c.  11.  I2'^,^.1    .   ., 
»>  Ibid.  lib.  6.  c  2.  5  9.  "  Ib,d- ub-  6-  c  4. 1 5. 


462 


SALVATION  ONLY  THROUGH  JESUS  CHRIST. 


[Apr.  No.  VI 


but  urged  by  a  certain  divine  impulse,  threw  a  burning  brand  in  at 
the  golden  window,  and  thereby  set  fire  to  the  buildings  of  the  temple 
itself.  Titus'  ran  immediately  to  the  temple,  and  commanded  his 
soldiers  to  extinguish  the  flame.  But  neither  exhortations  nor  threat- 
enings  could  restrain  their  violence.  They  either  could  not  hear,  or 
would  not  hear ;  and  those  behind  encouraged  those  before  to  set  fire 
to  the  temple.  He  was  still  for  preserving  the  holy  place.  He  com- 
manded his  soldiers  even  to  be  beaten  for  disobeying  him  :  but  their 
anger,  and  their  hatred  of  the  Jews,  and  a  certain  warlike  vehement 
fury  overcame  their  reverence  for  their  general,  and  their  dread  for 
his  commands.  A  soldier  in  the  dark  set  fire  to  the  doors;  and  thus, 
as  Josephus  says,  the  temple  was  burned  against  the  will  of  Caesar. 

When  the  soldiers  had  rested  from  their  horrid  work  of  blood  and 
plunder,  Titus  gave  orders  to  demolish  the  foundations  of  the  city 
and  the  temple. — But,  that  posterity  might  judge  of  the  glory  and 
value  of  his  conquests,  he  left  three  towers  standing  as  monuments 
of  the  prodigious  strength  and  greatness  of  the  city ;  and  also  a  part 
of  the  western  wall,  which  he  designed  as  a  rampart  for  a  garrison  to 
keep  the  surrounding  country  in  subjection.  All  the  other  buildings 
were  completely  levelled  with  the  ground.  It  is  recorded  by  Maimo- 
nides,  and  likewise  in  the  Jewish  Talmud,  that  Terentius  Ruths,  an 
»fficer  in  the  army  of  Titus,  with  a  ploughshare  tore  up  the  founda- 
tions of  the  temple,  and  thus  remarkably  fulfilled  the  words  of  the 
prophet  Micah  :  Therefore  shall  Zion,  for  your  sake,  be  ploughed  as  a 
field,  and  Jerusalem  shall  become  heaps,  and  the  mountain  of  the  house 
as  the  high  places  of  the  forest.  (Micah  iii.  12.)  The  city  also  shared 
the  same  fate,  and  was  burnt  and  destroyed  together  with  the  temple.2 
With  the  exception  of  the  three  towers,  above  mentioned  as  being 
eft  standing,3  all  the  rest  of  the  city  was  so  demolished  and  levelled 
with  the  ground,  that  those  who  came  to  see  it  could  not  believe  that 
it  had  ever  been  inhabited.  And  when  Titus  came  again  to  Jeru- 
salem in  his  way  from  Syria  to  Egypt,  and  beheld  the  sad  devasta- 
tion, he  bitterly  lamented  the  cruel  necessity,  which  had  compelled 
him  to  destroy  so  magnificent  a  city.  After  the  city  was  thus  taken 
and  destroyed,  a  great  quantity  of  riches  were  found  by  the  Romans, 
who  dug  up  the  ruins  in  search  of  the  treasures  which  had  been  con- 
cealed in  the  earth.4  So  literally  were  the  words  of  Jesus  Christ 
accomplished  in  the  ruin  both  of  the  city  and  of  the  temple!  Well 
might  Eleazer  say  to  the  Jews  who  were  besieged  in  the  fortress  of 
Masada — "  What  is  become  of  our  city,  which  was  believed  to  be 
inhabited  by  God? — It  is  now  demolished  to  the  very  foundations; 
and  the  only  monument  of  it  that  is  left  is — the  camp  of  those  who 
destroyed  it,  which  is  still  pitched  upon  its  remains."  Well  might  he 
express  a  passionate  wish  that  they  had  all  died  before  they  beheld 
that  holy  city  demolished  by  the  hands  of  their  enemies,  and  the 
sacred  temple  so  profanely  dug  up  from  its  foundation.5 

As  the  Jews  were  to  be  led  away  captive  into  all  nations,  so  was 
Jerusalem  to  be  trodden  down  of  the  Gentiles,  until  the  times  of  the 
Gentiles  be  fulfilled.  So  completely  was  Judaea  subjugated,  that  the 
very  land  itself  was  sold  by  Vespasian,  the  Gentiles  possessing  it, 
while  the  Jews  were  nearly  all  slain  or  led  into  captivity  ;  and  Jerusa- 
lem has  never  since  been  in  the  possession  of  the  Jews.  When,  indeed, 
the  emperor  Hadrian  visited  the  eastern  parts  of  the  Roman  empire 
and  found  Jerusalem  a  heap  of  ruins,  forty-seven  years  after  its  de- 
struction, he  determined  to  rebuild  it;  but  not  exactly  on  the  same 
spot.  He  called  the  new  city  ^Elia,  placed  a  Roman  colony  in  it,  and 
dedicated  a  temple  to  Jupiter  Capitolinus,  in  the  room  of  the  temple 
of  Jehovah.  This  profanation  of  the  holy  place  was  the  great  cause  of 
the  rebellions  and  sufferings  of  the  Jews  during  the  reign  of  Hadrian. 
The  city  was  once  more  taken  by  them  and  burnt. — Hadrian  rebuilt 
it — re-established  the  colony — ordered  the  statue  of  a  hog  (which  the 
lews  held  in  religious  abhorrence)  to  be  set  up  over  the  gate  that 
opened  towards  Bethlehem ;  and  published  an  edict,  strictly  forbid- 
ding any  Jew,  on  pain  of  death,  to  enter  the  city,  or  even  to  look  at  it 
from  a  dmtance.  Tnus  the  city  remained,  till  the  time  of  Constan- 
tine,  the  first  Christian  emperor,  who  greatly  improved  it,  and  restored 
the  name  of  Jerusalem;  but  the  Jews  were  not  permitted  to  reside 
there.  Attempting  in  vain  to  get  possession  of  their  capital,  Constan- 
tine  caused  their  ears  to  be  cut  off,  their  bodies  to  be  marked  as  rebels, 
and  dispersed  them  over  all  the  provinces  of  the  empire,  as  fugitives 
and  slaves.  The  emperor  Julian,  from  enmity  to  the  Christians, 
favoured  the  Jews ;  and,  in  the  vain  hope  of  contradicting  the  pro- 
phecy concerning  it,  attempted  to  rebuild  the  temple;  but  he  was 
miraculously  prevented,  and  obliged  to  desist  from  his  impious  under- 
taking. Jovian  revived  the  severe  edict  of  Hadrian;  and  the  Greek 
emperors  continued  the  prohibition ;  so  that  the  wretched  Jews  used 
to  give  money  to  the  soldiers  for  permission  to  behold  and  weep  over 
the  ruins  of  their  temple  and  city,  particularly  on  the  return  of  that 
memorable  day  on  which  it  had  been  taken  bv  the  Romans.  In  the 
reign  of  Heraclius,  Chosroes,  king  of  Persia,  took  and  plundered  it; 
but  Heraclius  soon  recovered  the  possession  of  it.— In  637,  the  Chris- 
tians surrendered  Jerusalem  to  Omar,  the  Saracen  caliph,  who  built  a 
mosque  upon  the  site  of  Solomon's  temple.  It  remained  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Saracens  above  400  years,  and  then  was  taken  by  the 
Turks.  They  retained  it  till  the  year  1099,  when  the  Franks  took  it 
under  Godfrey  of  Boulogne,  General  of  the  Crusaders.  The  Franks 
kept  possession  88  years,  that  is,  till  1187,  when  the  Turks,  under 
Saladin,  retook  it  by  capitulation,  and  with  them  it  has  remained  ever 


'  Joseph,  de  Bell.  Jud.  lib.  6.  §  6  &  7. 

•  Ibid.  lib.  6.  c  .6.  §  3.  c.  7.  §  2.  c.  8.  §  5.  »  Ibid.  lib.  7.  c.  1.  5  1 

•  Ibid.  lib.  7.  c.  1.  §  2.  •  Ibid.  lib.  7.  c.  8.  §  7. 

•  Bp.  Newton's  Dissertations  on  the  Prophecies,  vol.  ii.  pp.  57—69.   The 
preceding  account  of  our  Saviour's  predictions  concerning  the  destruction 

f  JeiusaJem,  the  subversion  of  the  Jewish  polity,  and  the  calamities  which 


"Thus  literally  has  this  prophecy  been  hitherto  fulfilled  !— Jerusa 
lem  has  been  thus  constantly  trodden  down  of  the  Gentiles, — the 
Romans,  the  Saracens,  the  Franks,  and  the  Turks.— Its  ancient  inha 
bitants  have  been  expelled,  and  persecuted,  and  its  holy  places  have 
been  polluted.  The  eagles  of  idolatrous  Rome,  the  crescent  of  the 
impostor  Mahomet,  and  the  banner  of  popery,  carried  by  the  Cru- 
saders, have  been  successively  displayed  amidst  the  ruins  of  the 
sanctuary  of  Jehovah,  for  nearly  eighteen  hundred  years."1  And  the 
Jews  are  still  preserved  a  living  and  continued  monument  of  the 
truth  of  our  Lord's  prediction,  and  of  the  irrefragable  truth  of  the 
Christian  religion. 

The  conclusion  of  the  prediction,  however  (till  the  lime  of  the 
Gentiles  be  fulfilled),  indicates  that  Jerusalem, — the  city  once  beauU- 
ful  for  situation  and  the  joy  of  the  whole  earth, — shall  not  be  trodden 
down  for  ever.  "  The  times  of  the  Gentiles  will  be  fulfilled,  when 
the  times  of  the  four  great  kingdoms  of  the  Gentiles,  according  to 
Daniel's  prophecies,  shall  be  expired,  and  the  fifth  kingdom,  or  the 
kingdom  of  Christ,  shall  be  set  up  in  their  place,  and  the  Saints  of 
the  Most  High  shall  take  the  kingdom,  and  possess  the  kingdom  for 
ever,  even  for  ever  and  ever.  Jerusalem,  as  it  has  hitherto  remained, 
so  probably  will  remain  in  subjection  to  the  Gentiles,  until  these  timet 
of  the  Gentiles  be  fulfilled  ;  or,  as  St.  Paul  expresses  it,  (Rom.  xi.  25, 
26.)  until  the  fulness  of  the  Gentiles  be  come  in  ;  and  so  all  Israel  shall 
be  saved,  and  become  again  the  people  of  God.  The  fulness  of  the 
Jews  will  come  in  as  well  as  the  fulness  of  the  Gentiles.  For  (ver.  12. 
25,  26.)  if  the  fall  of  them  be  the  riches  of  the  world,  and  the  diminish- 
ing  of  them  the  riches  of  the  Gentiles ;  how  much  more  their  fulness  ? 
For  1  would  not,  brethren,  that  ye  should  be  ignorant  of  this  mystery, 
that  blindness  in  part  has  happened  to  Israel,  until  the  fulness  of  tht 
Gentiles  be  come  in.  And  so  all  Israel  shall  be  saved.7 


SECTION  IV. 

THAT  THERE  IS  SALVATION   ONLY  THROUGH    CHRIST AND    THE 

DANGER  OF  REJECTING  IT. 

§  1 .   That  there  is  salvation  only  through  Christ. 

Pbophect. — Zech.  xiii.  1.  In  that  day  there  shall  be  a  foun- 
tain opened  to  the  house  of  David,  and  to  the  inhabitants  of 
Jerusalem,  for  sin  and  for  uncleanness. — Mai.  iv.  2.  Unto  you  that 
fear  my  name  shall  the  Sun  of  Righteousness  arise,  with  healing 
in  his  wings. — Isa.  liii.  11.  By  his  knowledge  shall  my  righteous 
servant  justify  many. — Isa.  lix.  20.  The  Redeemer  shall  come 
to  Sion,  and  unto  them  that  turn  from  transgression  in  Jacob 
See  Rom.  ix.  26. — Ps.  cxviii.  22.  The  stone  which  the  builders 
refused,  the  same  is  become  the  head  stone  of  the  corner.  Ise. 
xxviii.  16.     Matt.  xxi.  42. 

Fulfilment. — John  iii.  16.  God  so  loved  the  world  that  he  gave 
his  only  begotten  Son,  that  whosoever  believeih  in  him,  should  not 
perish,  but  have  everlasting  life.  Compare  also  1  Thes.  v.  9. ;  John 
xvii.  3. — Luke  xxiv.  47.  That  repentance  and  remission  of  sins  should 
be  preached  in  his  name.  See  also  Acts  x.  43. — Acts  xiii.  38,  39. 
Through  this  man  is  preached  unto  you  the  forgiveness  of  sins  ;  and 
by  him  all  that  believe  are  justified. — Acts  iv.  11,  12.  This  is  the 
stone  which  was  set  at  nought  of  you  builders,  which  is  become  the 
head  of  the  corner.  Neither  is  their  salvation  in  any  other:  for  there 
is  none  other  name  under  heaven  given  among  men,  whereby  we 
must  be  saved. 

§  2.  Of  the  necessity  of  believing  in  Christ,  and  the  danger  of 
rejecting  him. 

Deut.  xviii.  15.  19.  The  Lord  will  raise  up  unto  thee  a  prophet 
Unto  him  shall  ye  hearken — Whosoever  will  not  hearken  unto  my 
words,  which  he  shall  speak  in  my  name,  I  will  require  it  of  him. 
[In  Acts  iii.  23.  this  prediction  is  cited  and  applied  to  Jesus  Christ.] — 
Numb.  xv.  30,  31.  The  soul  that  doth  aught  presumptuously — re- 
proacheth  the  Lord:  and  that  soul  shall  be  cutoff  from  among  his 
people,  because  he  hath  despised  the  word  of  the  Lord.  -Ps.  ii.  12. 
Kiss  the  Son,  lest  he  be  angry,  and  ye  perish  from  the  right  way. 

John  iii.  18.  He  that  helieveth  on  him  is  not  condemned ;  but  he 
that  believeth  not  is  condemned  already,  because  he  hath  not  be- 
lieved in  the  name  of  the  only  Son  of  God. — Heb.  ii.  3.  How  shall 
we  escape  if  we  neglect  so  great  salvation  ? — Heb.  x.  26.  29.  If  we 
sin  wilfully,  after  that  we  have  received  the  knowledge  of  the  truth, 
there  remaineth  no  more  sacrifice  for  sins,  but  a  certain  fearful  look- 
ing for  of  judgment  and  fiery  indignation,  which  shall  devour  th« 
adversaries.  He  that  despised  Moses's  law  died  without  mercy,  under 
two  or  three  witnesses:  of  how  much  sorer  punishment  snai.  ne  be 
thought  worthy,  who  hath  trodden  under  foot  the  Son  of  God,  and 
hath  counted  the  blood  of  the  covenant  wherewith  he  was  sanctified 
an  unholy  thing,  and  hath  done  despite  unto  the  Spirit  of  grace. — 
The  Lord  shall  be  revealed  from  Heaven  with  his  mighty  angels,  »" 

have  befallen  the  Jews,  are  chiefly  abridged  frnin  this  learned  pre.ate's 
eighteenth,  nineteenth,  twentieth,  and  twenty-first  dissertations,  with  occa'- 
sional  assistance  from  Mr.  Rett's  History,  the  Interpreter  of  Prophecy,  vel 
i.  pp.  288—333. 

»  Rett  on  Prophecy,  vol.  i.  p.  333. 

*  Bp.  Newton's  Dissertations,  vol.  ii.  p.  70. 


^p.  No.  VII. 


JOSEPHUS'S  TESTIMONY  CONCERNING  JE8U8  CHRIST. 


flaming  fire,  taking  vengeance  on  them  that  know  not  God,  and  that 
obey  not  the  Gospel  of  our  Lord  Christ.    2  Thes.  L  7, 8. 

"  The  testimony  of  Jesus  is  the  spirit  of  prophecy"  (Rev. 
lir.  10.); — and  of  that  tcstimony.it  were  easy  to  have  offered 
hundreds  of  instances  equally  striking  with  those  above  given. 
Copious  as  the  preceding  table  of  prophecies  is,  the  si-lection  has 
necessarily  been  restricted  to  Tin:  Miivuni,  in  order  that  this 
article  of  our  Appendix  might  not  be  extended  an  andae  length. 
The  reader,  who  is  desirous  of  seeing  all  (or  nearly  all)  the 
predictions  relative  to  the  Messiah,  is  referred  to  Sue) 
monstratio  Kvangelica,  Frop.  IX.  (vol.  ii.  pp.  598 — 105G. 
Amsterdam,  1680,)  and  to  Mr.  Barker's  "Jlfeteiahi  being  tin- 
Prophecies  concerning  him  methodized,  with  their  Aecomplith- 
ments ;  London,  1780."  8vo.  lioth  these  works  have  been  0Cs> 
suited  m  drawing  up  the  preceding  table  of  propheeiei  end  their 
accomplishments.  At  the  end  of  VoL  II.  Book  II.  (pp.  1874  — 
1380.)  of  Dr.  Halos's  Analysis  of  Sacred  Chronology,  that 
learned  writer  has  given  two  series  of  the  great  prophecies  ami 
allusions  to  Christ  in  tho  Old  Ti  stament ;  which  are  ex] 
cited  either  as  predictions  fulfilled  in  him,  or  applied  to  him  by 
way  of  accommodation,  in  the  New  Testament  The  Jirst  of 
these  series  describes  Josus  Christ  in  his  hum/in  nature,  as 
the  i-uoMisr.D  nn  or  Tin:  woman  in  the  grand  charter  of 
our  Redemption  (Gen.  iii.  15.);  and  his  pedigree,  sufferings, 
and  glory  in  his  successive  manifestations  of  himself,  until  the 


end  of  the  world.  The  second  series  describe*  his  character  anC 
offices,  human  and  divine.  Although  these  two  series  of  pro- 
phecies consist  only  of  references  to  the  Old  and  New  Testament, 
some  of  which   rn  I        mcide  with  the   predictions   abovi 

given  at  length ;  .yet  the  biblical  student  will  find  his  time  nc* 
ill  spent  in  comparing  them.  The  second  series  contains  many 
titles  and  officei  rist,  which  could  not,  for  want  of 

room,  be  insetted  in  die  present  work. 

To  conclude: — It   i  rthy  of  remark,  r.nd   which 

ought  never  to  be  forgotten,  that  most  of  the  prophecies,  deliver 
ed  in  the  Old  Testami  Dt  concerning  the  Messiah,  were  revealed 
nearly,  and  BOOM  of  then  more  than-three  thousand  years  ago, 

and  yet  scarcely  one  of  them  'an  be  applied  i"  any  man  that 

ever  lived  upon  earth  except  to  Him,  who  i-,  Immanuel,  God 
with  us  the  Lord  J<  ma  <'liM-t,  to  whom  "give  all  the  prophets 
■witness.  (Acts  \.  43.)  With  regard  to  the  predictions  an- 
nounced by  Jesna  the  Bf fish,  the  voice  of  history  in  every 
age — (and  especially  the  pre-,  nl  Stan  of  Jerosalem  and  of  th» 

■   lie  ir  DrDth,  and.  'ly.ths 

truth  of  th"  Gospel    The-  more,  therefore,  we  i  te  thes* 

astoni-1  - — the   more  deeply   we  inv.  won- 

derful   display    of   divine    power,   v  . — tha 

more  we  shall  l>c  disposed  to  exclaim,  with  the  timarfd  DSBtO> 
rion, — Tiiclt  this   was  tsi  SON   OP  OOU! 


No.  VII. 

PROOFS  OF  THE  GENUINENESS  OF  JOSEPHUS'S  TESTIMONl  CONCERNING 

JESUS  CHRIST. 


[Referred  to  in  p.  81.  of  this  Volume."] 


Jo6epiius,  though  a  strict  pharisee,  has  borne  such  a  noble 
testimony  to  the  spotless  character  of  Jesus  Christ,  that  Jerome 
considered  and  called  him  a  Christian  writer.  Mr.  Whiston, 
and  some  modern  writers  are  of  opinion  that  he  was  a  Naza- 
rene  or  Ebionite  Jewish  Christian  ;  while  others  have  affirmed, 
that  the  passage,  above  cited  from  his  Jewish  Antiquities,  is  an 
interpolation,  principally  (it  should  seem)  on  the  ground  that  it 
is  too  favourable  to  be  given  by  a  Jew  to  Christ:  and  that, 
if  Josephus  did  consider  Jesus  to  he  the  Christ  or  expected 
Messiah  of  the  Jews,  he  must  have  been  a  believer  in  him,  in 
which  case  he  would  not  have  despatched  the  miraculous  his- 
tory of  the  Saviour  of  the  World  in  one  short  paragraph. 
When,  however,  the  evidence  on  both  sides  is  fairly  weighed, 
we  apprehend  that  it  will  be  found  to  preponderate  most  de- 
cidedly in  favour  of  the  genuineness  of  this  testimony  of  Jo- 
sephus :  for, 

1.  It  is  found  in  all  the   copies  of  Joscphus's  works,  which 
are  now  extant,  whether  printed   or  manuscript ;  in  a  // 
translation  preserved  in  the  Vatican  Library1,  and  in  an  Arabic 
Version  preserved  by  the  Maronites  of  Mount  Libanus. 

2.  It  is  cited  by  Eusebius,  Jerome,  Relinus  the  antagonist 
of  Jerome,  Isidore  of  Pclusium,  Sozomen,  Caaaiodorns,  Nice- 
phorus,  and  by  many  other  authors.  Greeks,  Syrians,  and 
Egyptians,  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries  ;  all  of  whom  had 
indisputably  seen  various  manuscripts,  and  of  considerable 
antiquity.  How  then  can  men,  living  eleven  or  twelve  hun- 
dred years  after  these  writers — and,  who  arc  so  remote  both 
from  the  sources  consulted  by  them,  as  well  as  from  the 
related  by  them, — prove  that  all  these  ancient  authors  were 
utterly  destitute  of  discernment  and  that  all  sagacity  is  exclu- 
sively reserved  for  our  times  ! 

3.  Josephus  not  only  mentions  with  respect  John  the  Baptist,' 
but  also  James  the  tirst  bishop  of  Jerusalem. — uAnanu»  (he 
says)  "assembled  the  Jewish  Sanhedrin,  and  brought  before  it 
JaMES  the  Brother  of  Jesus  -who  is  called  Christ,  with  some 
others,  -whom  he  delivered  over  to  be  stoned  as  infractors  of  the 
mw.,'i     This  passage,  the  authenticity  of  which  has  never  been 

«  Barionius  (Annates  Ecclesiastic!,  ad  annum  12!,)  relates  that  the  pas- 
•  sage  in  this  Hebrew  Translation  of  Josephus  wa?  marked  with  an  obelus, 
which  could  only  have  been  done  by  a  Jew. 
»  Ant.  Jud.  lib.  18.  c.5.52.  »  Ibid  lib.  30.  c.  8.  (al.)  9.  i  I. 

Vol.  L  3  P 


disputed  or  suspected,  contains  an  evident  reference  to  wha< 
had  already  been  related  concerning  Christ ;  for  why  else  should 
he  describe  James — a  man  of  himself  but  little  known — as  the 
brother  of  Jesus,  if  he  had  made  no  mention  of  J<  - 

4.  It  is  highly  improbable  that  Josephus.  who  had  disc  . 
with  such  minuteness  the  history  of  this   period, — mentioned 
Judas  of  Gallilee,  Theudas,  and  the  other  obscure  pn 

the  character  of  the  Messiah,  as  well   as  John  the  Baptist 
James  the  brother  of  Christ, — should  have  preserved  the  pro- 
foundest  silence  concerning  Christ,  whose  Dame  was  at  that  tim* 
so  celebrated  among  the  Jews,  and  :.!so  among  I  .  tw« 

of  whose   historians   (Suetonius    and    Ta«  istin  'l\    * 

taken  notice  of  him.  lint  in  all  the  writings  of  Josephus,  not  s 
hint  occurs  on  the  subject  except  the  testis  ;ion. 

5.  It  is  morally  impossible  that  this  p  -.•...,    ..r 
could  be  forged  by  Eusebius  who  first  cited  it.  or  by  any  other 
earlier  writer.     Had  such  s  forgery    been  attempted,   it  would 
unquestionably  have  been  detected  by  some  of  the  acute  and 
inveterate  enemies  of  Christianity;   for  both  Josephus  and  hit 
works  were  so  well  received  among  the  Romans,  that  be 
enrolled   a   citizen   of  Rome,  and    had    a    statue    erected  to   hi# 
memory.     His    writings   were  also    admitted    into   the    In  : 
Library  :  the  Romans  may  further  be  considered  as  thi- 
ol" the  integrity  of  his  te\t  ;    and    the  Jews  we  mav  be   assured 
would  use  all  diligence,  to  prevent  any  interpolation  in  favotn 
of  the  Christian   cause.     Vet  it  cannot  be  discovered  that  any 
objection  was                                       -  ige.  by  any  of  the  opp 

of  the  Christian  faith  in  the  early  ages:    their  silence  then 
concerning  such  a  charge  is  s  decisive  proof  that  the  > 

not  a  forgery.     Indeed,  the  Christian  cause  is  so  far  from  I 
ing  any  fraud  to  support  it.  that  nothing  could  true- 

tive  to  its  interest,  than  a  fraud  so  palpable  and  obtrusive. 

To  this  strong  chain  of  evidence  for  the  genuinem 
phus's  testimony,  various  objections  have  been  made,  of   which 
the  following  are  the  principal  : — 

Oi.j'.i  tio\. —  1  This  passage  was  not  cited  by  any  early 
Christian  before  Eusebius,  such  as  Justin  Martyr,  Clement 
of  Alexandria.  Tertuilian  or  Origen ;  nor  is  it  cited  by 
Chrvsostom  or  Photius,  who  lived  after  his  time. 

Answer.— There  is  no  strength  in  this  creative  argument  against 
Eusebius.  drawn  from  the  silence  of  the  ancient  fathers.  The  fatheia 


464 


OSEPHI  S'S  TESTIMONY-  C9NCERNING  JESUS  CHRIST. 


did  not  cite  the  testimony  of  Josephus,  I.  either  because  {key- .had 
no  copies  of  his  works;  or,  2.  because  his  tejstimpny  was'ibreign«b  the 
design  which  they  had  in  writing;  which  was,  tu  convince*  the  Jpws 
that  Jesus  was  the  Messiah,  out  of  tKe  014  Testament,  and,  conse- 
quently, they  had  no  negd  of  other  evidence;  or,  3.  because, 'on 
account  of  this  very  testimony,  the  evidence  of  *Jo*f)hus  was  disre- 
garded by  the  Jews  themselves.1  *  '  V 

Objection.  2. — The  passage  in  question  interrupts  the  order 
of  the  narration,  and  is  unlike  tlje  style«of.  Josephns. 

Answer. — It  is  intrjj^iuced  naturally  in  the  course  of  the  historian's 
larrative,  the  order  ofwhich.it  does" not  disturb.  It  is  introduced 
under  the  article  of  Pilate,  and  connected  with  two  circumstances, 
which  occasioned  disturbances  f  and  was  not  the  putting  of  Jesus'To 
:leath,  and  the  continuance  of  the  apostles  and  disciples  after  him, 
ieelaring  his  resurrection,  another  very  considerable  circumstance, 
which  created  very  great  disturbances  ?  And  though  Josephus  does 
not  say  this  in  express  terms,  yet  he  intimates  it,  by  connecting  it  with 
the  two  causes  of  commotion,  by  giving  so  honourable  a  testimony  to 
iesus,  a*id  telling  us  that  he  was  crucified  at  the  instigation  orthe 
chief  persons  of  the  Jewish  nation.  It  \ipuld  scarcely  have  been 
.lecent  in  him  to  have  said  more  on  this  head.  The  following  vie w 
of  the  connection  of  the  passage  now  under  consideration  will  confirm 
and  lll-usrfate  the  preceding  remarks: — 

In  his  Jewish  Antiquities,' (book  xviii.  c.  i.)  he  ralates,  in  the  firsti 
section,  that  Pilate  introduced  Caesanl  images  into  Jerusalem,  and 
lhat,  in  consequence  of  this  measure  producing  a  tumult,  he  com- 
manded them  to  be  carried  thence  to  Coesarea?  In  the  second  section, 
he  gives  an  account  of  Pilate's  attempt  to  bring  a  current  of  water  to 
Jerusalem,  the  expense  of  which  he  defrayed  out  of  the  sacred  money: 
this  also  caused  a  tumult,  in  which  a  great  number  of  Jews  were 
slain.  In  the  third  section  he.  relat-es  that  about  the  same  time  Pilate 
crucified  Jesus,  yvho  was  called  Christ,  a  wise  and  holy  man ;  and 
(§  4.)  about  the  same  lime  also,he  adds,  another  sad  calamity  put  the 
Jews  into  disorder,  which  ho  promises  to  narrate  after  lie  had  given 
an  account  of  a  most  flagitious  crime  which  was  perpetrated  at  Rome 
in  the  temple  of  Isis:  and,  after  detailing  all  its  circumstances,  he 
proceeds  (§  5.),  agreeably  to  his  promise,  to  describe  the  expulsion  of 
the  Jews  from  Rome,  by  the  emperor  Tiberius,  in  consequence  of  the 
villanous  conduct  of  four  of  their  countrymen.  Such  is  the  connec- 
tion of  the  whole  chapter;  and  when  it  is  fairly  considered,  we  may 
safely  challenge  any  one  to  say,  whether  the  passage  under  considera- 
tion interrupts  the  order  of  the  narration  :  on  the  contrary,  if  it  be 
laken  out,  that  connection  is  irrecoverably  broken.  It  is  manifest,  that 
losephus  relates  events  in  the  order  in  which  they  happened,  and  that 
they  are  connected  together  only  "by  the  time  when  they  took  place. 

With  regard  to  the  objection  ihat  the  passage  in  question  is  unlike 
the  style  of  Josephus,  it  is  sufficient  to  reply  in  the  quaint  but  ex- 
pressive language  of  Huet,  that  one  egg  is  not  more  like  another,  than 
is  the  style  of  this  passage  to  the  general  style  of  his  writings.  Objec- 
tions from  style  are  often  "fanciful ;  and  Daubuz  has  proved,  by  actual 
collation,  the  perfect  coincidence  between  its  style  and  that  of  Jose- 
phus in  other  parts  of  his  works.2  This  objection,  therefore,  falls  to 
the  ground. 

Objection  3. — The  Testimony  of  Josephns  concerning 
Testis,  could  not  possibly  have  been  recorded  by  him  ;  for  he 
ivas  not  only  a  Jew,  but  also  rigidly  attached  to  the  Jewish 
religion.  The  expressions  are  not  those  of  a  Jew,  but  of  a 
Christian.  * 

Answer... — Josephus  was  not  so  addicted  to  his  own  religion,  as  to 
approve  the  conduct  and  opinion  of  the  Jews  concerning  Christ  and 

'  The  above  refuted  objection  is  examined  in  detail  by  professor  Vernet, 
in  his  trait6  de  laV6rite  de  la  Religion  Chrt'Jienne,  tome  ix.  pp.  165—221. 

»  See  Daubuz  Pro  Teslimonio  Josephi  de  Jesu  Christo,  contra  Tan. 
Fabruin  ct  alios  (8vo.  Lond.  1706,)  pp.  128—205.  T*he  whole  of  this  Dis- 
sertation is  printed  at  the  end  of  the  second  volume  of  Havercamp's 
edition  of  Josephus's  works.  Mr.  Whiston  .has  abridged  the  collation  of 
Daubuz  in  Dissertation  I.  pp.  v. — vii.  prefixed  to  his  translation  of  the 
Jewish  historian,  folio,  London,  1737.  Bosii  Exercitatio  Critica  ad  Flavii 
Josephi  Periocham  de  Jesu  Christo.  annexed  to  Ottii  S">cilggium  ex  Jose- 
pho  Lug  Bat.  1741.  8vo.  * 


his  doctrine.  From  the  moderation  which  pervades  his  whole  nar" 
rative  of  the  Jewish  war,  it  may  justly  be  inferred,  that  the  fanatic, 
funy,  which  the  chief  men  of  his  nation  exercised  against  Christ  could 
not  but  have  been  displeasing  to  him.  He  has  rendered  that  attesta- 
tion to'  the  innocence,  sanctity,  and  miracles  of  Christ,  which  the  fide- 

.  lity  of  history  required  :  nor  does  if  follow  that  ho  was  necessitated  to 
renounce  on  this  account  the  religion  of  his  fathers.  Either  the  com- 
mon prejudices  of  the  Jews,  that  their  Messiah  would  be  a  victorious 
and  temporal  .sovereign,  or  the  indifference  so  prevalent  in  many  to- 
wards controverted  questions,  might  have  been  sufficient  (o  prevent 
him  from  renouncing  the  religion' in  which  he  had  been  educated, 
an^cmbracing  a  new  one,  the  profession  of  which  was  attended  with 
danger:  or  else,  he  might  think  himself  at  liberty  to  be  either  a  Jew 

tor  a  Christian,  as  the  same  God  was  worshipped  in  both  systems  of 
religion.  On  either  of  these  suppositions,  Josephus  might  have  writ- 
ten every  thing  which  this  testimony  contains ;  as  will  be  evident 
from  the  following  critical  examination  of  the  passage. 

The  expression,  "  if  it  be  lawful  to  call  him  a  man,"  does  not  imply 
that  Josephus  believed  Christ  to  be  God,  but  only  an  extraordinary 
man,  one  whose  wisdom  and  works  had  raised  him  above  the  com- 
mon condition  of  humanity.  He  represents  him  as  having  "performed 
many  wonderful  works."  In  this  there  is  nothing  singular,  for  the  Jews 
fhemsfclvjes.'his. contemporaries,  acknowledge,  that  he  wrought  many 
mighty  works.  Compare  Matt.  xiii.  54.  xiv.  2.,  &c.  and  the"  parallel 
passages  in  the  other  Gospels.  Josephus  further  says,  that  "  he  was  a 
teacher  of "  such  men  as  gladly  received  the  truth  with  pleasure," — both 
because  the  moral  precepts  of  Christ  were  such  as  Josephus  approved, 
and  also  because  the  disciples  of  Christ  were  influenced  by  no  other 
motive  than  the  desire  of  discerning  it.  "  He  drew  over  to  him  many, 
both  Jews  and  Gentiles."  How  true  this  was,  at  the  time  when 
Josephus  wrote,  it  is  unnecessary  to  show.  The  phrase,  "  This  was 
the  Christ," — (°  Xf  <;tos  o«ro;  J»j  by  no  means'  intimates  that  Jesus  was 
the  Messiah,  but  only  that  he  was  the  person  called  Christ  both  by 
the  Christians  and  Romans;  just  as  if  we  should  say,  "  This  was  the 
same  man  as  he  named  Christ."  Jesus  was  a  common  name,  and 
would  not  have  sufficiently  pointed  out  the  person  intended  to  the 
Greeks  and  Romans.  The  name  by  which  he  was  known  to  them 
was  Chrestus  or  Ckrislus,  as  we  read  in  Suetonius  andTacitus  ;  and 
if  (as  there  is  every  reason  to  believe)  Tacitus  had  read  Josephus,  li6 
most  probably  took  this  very  name  from  the  Jewish  historian.  With 
regard  to  the  resurrection  of  Christ,  and  the  prophecies  referring  to 
him,  Josephus  rather  speaks  the  language  used  by  the  Christians  than 
his  own  private  opinion  :  or  else  he  thought  lhat  Christ  had  appeared 
after  his  arrival,  and  that  the  prophets  had  foretold  this  event, — a  point 
which,  if  admitted,  and  if  he  had  been  consistent,  ought  to  have  in- 
duced him  to  embrace  Christianity.  But  it  will  readily  be  imagined, 
that  there  might  be  many  circumstances  to  prevent  his  becoming  a 
proselyte;  nor  is  it  either  new  or  wonderful  lhat  men,  especially  in 
their  religious  concerns,  should  contradict  themselves,  and  withstand 
the  conviction  of  their  own  minds.  It  is  certain  that,  in  our  own 
times,  no  one  has  spoken  in  higher  terms  concerning  Christ  than  M 
Rousseau ;  who,  nevertheless,  not  only  in  his  other  writings,  but  also 
in  the  very  work  that  contains  the  very  eloquent  eulogium  alluded 
to,  inveighs  against  Christianity  with  acrimony  and  rancour.1 

The  whole  of  the  evidence  concerning  the  much  litigated  pas- 
sage of  Josephus  is  now  before  the  reader ;  who,  on  considering 
it  in  all  its  bearings,  will  doubtless  agree  with  the  writer  of  these 
pages,  that  it  is  genuine,  and  consequently  affords  a  noble 
testimony  to  the  credibility  of  the  facts  related  in  the  Pfew 
Testament. 

1  Appendix  to  the  Life  of  Dr.  Lardner,  Nos.  IX.  and  X.  4to.  vol.  v.  pp. 
xlv.^-cxlviii.  Works,  8vo.  vol.  i.  pp.  civ. — clxviii.  Vernet,  Trait6  de  U 
Verit6  de-la  Religion  Chrctienne,  tome  ix.  pp.  1—236.  Huet,  Demonstr. 
Evang.  vol.  i.  pp.  46 — 56.  CEuvres  de  Nonotte,  torn.  vi.  pp.  382 — 301.  Colo- 
nia  La  Religion  ChrtMienne  Autorisee  par  des  Auteurs  Pa'iens,  (Paris, 
1826,  2d  edit.)  pp.  360—379.  In  pp.  395—485.  his  editor,  the  Abbe  Laboude- 
rie,  has  reprinted  David  Martin's  elaborate  Dissertation  sur  le  Ttimoignage 
rendu  a  Jesus  Christ  par  Josephe,  dans  les  Antiques  Judaiques,  liv. 
18.  chap.  4.  Bretschneider's  Capita  Theologiae  Judffiorum  Dogmaticje,  e 
Flavii  Josephi  Scriptis  collecta,  (8vo.  Lipsise,  IS12,)  pp.  59—64.  See  also  Pin 
dicia  Flavian®,  or  a  Vindication  of  the  Testimony  given  by  Josephus  con 
cerning  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ.  Bv  Jacob  Bryant,  Esq.  8vo.  London.  1789 


END     OF     THE     FIRST     VOLUME. 


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